ANALYSIS ON THE JUSTIFIABILITY
OF THE EDUCATIONAL SERVICE
CONTRACTING (ESC) PROGRAM
OF THE PHILIPPINES
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Subject
ECN 3102
MW 1:30 PM - 3:30 PM
By:
Aviles, Rodhel John
Kurz, Lawrence
Sinangote, Madeleine Kate
December 08, 2023
BACKGROUND
Education has a vital role in the economic development of a country, especially in the
progress of developing nations. A study by Denison (1966) highlights the impact of education on
various aspects of the economy such as increased job market participation, enhanced household
income, and effective management of family size which emphasizes both direct and indirect
benefits that contribute to the economic growth of a country. However, the impact of Education
faces a big challenge in the Philippines. Assessments such as PISA or the Programme for
International Student Assessment, shows the consistent underperformance among Filipino
students in key subjects such as Mathematics and Science. When benchmarked against other
countries in Asia such as Indonesia, Thailand, and Vietnam, the Philippines lags behind in rates
of enrollment and academic achievements, especially in the secondary level. These disparities
underline the need to conduct a comprehensive analysis on the Philippine education system to
determine which areas need improvement and what programs can be implemented to further
improve this, which will be why this paper will discuss the implications of the Educational
Service Contracting (ESC) Program.
The major objectives of the ESC are the following:
● to relieve congestion,
● to improve quality in junior high school education, and
● to provide a lower-cost alternative to the government in the provision of
secondary education.
Congestion in the Philippines’ public high schools has always been a significant issue,
posing a challenge to the country’s overall quality of the educational system. A growing
population means that demand for education rises as well. This rising demand for education
increases congestion in schools which reduces the overall quality of education and restricts
qualified students from enrolling as the school is already full. A study conducted by Oni (2013)
highlights that crowded classrooms do not only have a straining effect on the students, but also
on the educators. A crowded classroom means that there are more students to cater to, and
teachers may not have enough time and resources to provide individualized attention to each
student. In relation to this, a study conducted by Madigan & Kim (2021) shows that a teacher
burnout has an impact towards the overall performance of a student. This strain on educators
affects their ability to provide quality education to their students, which leads to lower
performance among students. Recognizing this allows policymakers to address classroom
congestion to mitigate the negative effects of this to the students and the teachers.
Increased demand for education brought about an increase in population, increasing the
overall cost-per student to receive education. An increase in this overall expenditure, wages of
educators, and the purchase of technology and materials drive this financial burden higher.
Stressing on educator wages, there is a need to attract and retain talented educators with
attractive compensation that puts an additional burden to the budget, especially in the context of
large class sizes. A study by Garcia & Han (2022) suggests that there is a huge correlation
between the wages of educators and student performance, backed up by higher test scores in
Mathematics and English. Enhancing the overall quality of education in the Philippines is
associated with escalating costs which directly link to the rise in per-student cost. A consistent
upward trend in cost of education places a huge financial burden on students and their families
which most of the time, puts them in a position where they cannot afford education anymore, or
they may resort to more affordable, but more often lower-quality educational alternatives
The Education Service Contracting (ESC) program was first introduced in 1977 in the
Bicol Region by the Foundation for the Assistance to Private Education (FAPE) which later
expanded their operations nationwide in 1989. This program was designed as a “public school
system in a private school setting” which had a main focus of navigating these complexities and
striking a balance in the educational ecosystem. As of 2021, there are 1,031,193 ESC grantees
and 3,632 partnered schools that are accredited by ESC.
Through a public-private collaboration incorporating private schools, the ESC aims to
solve concerns such as public school overcrowding, improve education quality, and manage
expenditures. The purpose of this article is to examine the justifiability of the ESC program's
execution in terms of efficiency improvement. The scope of this program is also assessed to see
whether there are enough or too many scholarships available through ESC. This report also
assesses the program's performance in meeting its policy objectives and its cost-effectiveness.
The ESC addresses the broader context of educational challenges in the Philippines, and this
article assesses whether the ESC program has successfully addressed these concerns through its
implementation.
The Educational Service Contracting program, which has partnerships in both the public
and private school sectors, aims to solve the congestion problem in public schools, improve
educational quality, and manage the growing expenses connected with education. The goal of
this paper is to identify the justifiability in terms of efficiency improvement of the ESC
program’s implementation. The scale of the program is also assessed whether ESC is
overprovided or underprovided. Further, it also evaluates the ESC program's efficacy in attaining
its policy objectives and its cost-effectiveness. The study's backdrop emphasizes the larger
context of the Philippines' educational issues, the government's response through the ESC
program, and the need for a thorough evaluation to identify prospective policy and
implementation changes.
ANALYSIS
Governments spend a lot on education. In fact, the Philippines classifies the Department
of Education (DepEd) as a priority sector, allocating 852.8 billion of the 5.268 trillion 2023
budget with 11.05 billion going to the Education Service Contracting (ESC) program. DepEd’s
budget is the highest among departments. This follows the provision in the 1987 Constitution
stating “the State shall assign the highest budgetary priority to education.” The government
hopes to address a number of issues related to the education system by making these priorities,
such as developing better infrastructure, raising the standard of instruction, increasing access to
schools in underprivileged areas, and advancing educational equity and inclusivity nationwide.
Table 1 shows the substantial growth of DepEd’s budget from 2010 to 2023. Even so, the
country’s education system is still suffering from problems particularly congestion and subpar
quality of education despite high expenditures. This highlights the significance of an efficient
provision of value education.
Table 1
Department of Education’s budget, 2010-2023
Year
Budget (billions)
Year
Budget (billions)
2010
172.8
2017
543.2
2011
207.3
2018
672.4
2012
238.8
2019
665.1
2013
292.7
2020
692.6
2014
309.5
2021
751.7
2015
367.1
2022
788.5
2016
434.5
2023
852.8
Note. Compiled from Department of Budget & Management of the Philippines’s Budget at a
Glance.
To justify the ESC program of the Philippine government based on (a) efficiency
improvement and (b) scale of the project, this section of the paper discusses both key areas, first,
in the context of education as an impure public good, the positive externalities generated, and
equitable provision. These sub-key points point out the need for government intervention,
specifically the implementation of government programs like the ESC program that address
education efficiency improvement in general. After these general sub-key points, the three main
objectives of the ESC program – (i) decongestion, (ii) improvement in quality of education, and
(iii) cost-effectiveness – identified in this paper are examined. Lastly, the scale of the program
with respect to the aforementioned goals is reviewed whether ESC is underprovided or
overprovided.
Education as an Impure Public Good
The questions of whether conditions exist for government action are related to the
determination of education as a public or private good (Locatelli, 2018). From a limited
perspective, the economic theory of public goods could classify education as a private good.
While it may not entirely fit with the characteristics of pure public good, such as nonrivalry and
non-excludability, education exhibits elements of rivalry in consumption, especially as student
numbers increase, potentially resulting in diminished individualized attention and resource
stresses. Also, education is excludable in the sense that it is possible to exclude persons from
obtaining particular educational services. Indeed, it is possible to exclude students from a
classroom, and having more students in a class can have a rival effect on the quality of education
that is given and received (Menashy, 2009). Therefore, if education turned into a private good,
people acting through market mechanisms would be in control.
Regardless of these considerations, basic education has become a free, publicly
accessible, and mandated service provided by the state in the majority of countries,
demonstrating the nonrival and nonexcludable characteristics of a public good (Menashy, 2009).
The idea that education is a public good highlights how important it is for the government to
protect everyone's right to an education, as well as to uphold social justice and the general
interest in education. Governments are therefore required to actively provide or fund educational
opportunities, particularly during required schooling (Locatelli, 2018). This helps achieve the
Sustainable Development Goal number 4 (SDG 4), which calls for free public elementary and
high school education for twelve years, nine of which must be required.
Government intervention in the supervision of impure public goods is justifiable because
it corrects market failures by eliminating free riding and guaranteeing fair access (United Nations
Industrial Development Organization, 2008). McMahon (2010) stressed that individuals who
receive the positive externalities of an educated population, such as a more skilled workforce and
a higher overall level of societal well-being, without investing in or directly financing the
educational system through taxes, tuition fees, or other contributions, are considered free riders
in education. This issue can lead to underfunding and inefficiencies in the education system,
necessitating government involvement to guarantee an equitable distribution of educational
expenses and benefits. Implementing novel funding mechanisms, such as public-private
partnerships like the Educational Service Contracting Program, enables the government to
effectively mobilize resources without depending primarily on traditional taxes or levies.
Furthermore, government engagement allows for optimal resource allocation, long-term
planning, and externality management, boosting efficiency and serving the greater interests of
society.
Education and its Positive Externalities
A government intervention in education is justified by other economic factors, mainly the
positive externalities that education produces. Those who see education as an impure public good
see that it may be rival and excludable. One possible positive externality is that education is a
major socialization factor (Rosen & Gayer, 2014). Education is an important socialization aspect,
molding individuals into engaged and responsible members of society. Individuals gain not only
academic information but also important social skills, values, and conventions through formal
education. Schools provide a structured environment in which kids learn to connect with peers,
respect authority, and negotiate social dynamics, all of which contribute to the development of
well-adjusted and socially competent citizens.
Education has a number of positive externalities that reach beyond individual learners
and have a beneficial influence on society. To substantiate this, Berger and Fisher (2013) report
that an educated workforce is correlated with higher economic production. Individuals are better
prepared for higher-paying and more skilled professions as a result of their education, which
contributes to general economic growth and development. Greater levels of education are
associated with reduced unemployment rates, since well-educated people are better suited to
adjust to changes in the labor market (International Labor Organization, 2016). Education also
plays an important role in improving health outcomes, since educated people make better health
decisions and live healthier lifestyles. To add, education promotes civic engagement since
well-educated people are more likely to participate in community activities and positively
contribute to the democratic process through informed voting (Organization for Economic
Co-operation and Development, 2006).
Moreover, education helps to reduce crime rates by giving people alternatives to illegal
activity. It also promotes innovation and technical growth by encouraging creativity and critical
thinking, which leads to advancement in a variety of sectors. Education fosters social
cohesiveness by encouraging understanding and tolerance among people from different origins,
resulting in a more inclusive and peaceful society (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime,
2017). Finally, Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer (2006) prove in their empirical study that an
educated populace is critical to the running of democratic societies, since education equips
citizens with the information and skills to make informed political decisions, contributing to the
stability and efficacy of democratic government. These positive externalities underscore
education's complex and far-reaching advantages, expressing the need for government mediation
and efforts like the ESC program.
Education Equitability and Provision
Commodity egalitarianism aids in explaining the wide appeal for public education
wherein the belief that all people should have access to at least some degree of education (Rosen
& Gayer, 2014). The concept emphasizes a commitment to making education, as a societal
commodity, available to all, creating a more equitable and inclusive educational system. When
education is viewed as a normal good, the inevitable result in a free market economy is the
creation of varied educational levels among various classes of people. Families with greater
incomes may have access to a more extensive and higher-quality education, while those with
lower incomes may have limited or no educational possibilities (GGI Insights, 2023).
Commodity egalitarianism, on the other hand, rejects this market-driven conclusion by arguing
that education should be a universally available resource for all citizens, independent of the
accompanying economic reasons. This viewpoint is especially prevalent in elementary and
secondary education, where there is a widespread belief that basic educational opportunities
should be made available to all students, regardless of financial means, fostering a more
equitable and inclusive educational landscape (OECD, 2012).
The book by Rosen and Gayer (2014) also mentions that whatever the argument for
offering free public schools, economic theory has revealed that such a system does not inevitably
motivate everyone to consume more schooling than they would in a private market. Increased
accessibility to public education may sway individuals toward more affordable options,
potentially diminishing the demand for private educational services. The perceived cost
advantage of public schools can be a driving factor, especially for those facing financial
constraints. However, the impact varies based on factors such as the quality of public education,
societal preferences, and the distinctive offerings of private institutions (OECD, 2012). While
some may opt for public options, others may still choose private education for its specialized
services or unique approaches.
The case for privatizing the provision of an impure public good like education is
frequently based on the efficiency that competition in the private sector may create (Locatelli,
2018). Despite the potential benefits of private service, governments may still opt to invest in
education for the reason of guaranteeing universal access to education as a critical component of
social fairness and economic mobility. Governments may step in to mitigate educational
inequities that may develop from a strictly market-driven approach. Sadeh et al., (2020) argue
that even in systems where private provision predominates, governments may intervene to assure
fair access, control quality standards, and correct market failures to protect the public interest. In
summary, while private supply may provide some efficiencies, government expenditure on
education is frequently a strategic investment in developing a well-educated and productive
population for the benefit of society as a whole.
According to Rosen and Gayer (2014), depending on one's educational degree, education
has different external benefits. For instance, elementary and secondary education produce greater
external advantages than higher education if the socialization effects of education show
diminishing marginal returns. This suggests that government intervention in higher education
should be less than at earlier educational levels. In actuality, compared to higher education, basic
education receives more funding. Furthermore, with the impure public good characteristics of
education, government intervention is made reasonable. Its efficient provision also lies in how
the Philippine government can manage it. All these lead to why the government has to
continuously support public expenditures like the Educational Service Contracting program.
An assessment of the ESC program based on its objectives can further support its
justifiability as a government program. To recall, this education initiative is aimed at
decongesting public high school classrooms, improving the quality of education, and lowering
the costs to the government for public high school students. The succeeding paragraphs discuss
each objective with salient facts.
Decongestion. Congestion issues among classrooms were not addressed
efficiently by the ESC program. It heavily targets households with less extra
income to motivate them to invest in their children’s education as a form of
human capital. In return, private schools can attract more enrollees and divert the
congestion problem away from public schools. Unfortunately, as of 2020,
approximately 425 private elementary and high schools across the country have
shut down. The spokesperson for the DepEd noted that approximately half of
these students, around 10,000, subsequently enrolled in public schools (Chanco,
2023). Table 2 shows current enrollment stands at 27,232,095, reflecting a 3.83%
increase from the previous year, with public schools experiencing a 5.23% rise,
while private schools witnessed a slight decrease.
Table 2
Comparison of Enrollment for A.Y. 2020-2021 and A.Y. 2021-2022
Sectors
Public Only
Private
SUCs/LUCs
Philippine
Schools
Overseas
Total
S.Y. 2020-2021
S.Y.
2021-2022
% (this S.Y.
compared to
last S.Y.)
Increase/De
crease in
Enrollment
22,712,409
23,900,041
5.23%
1,187,632
3,375,748
3,212,728
-4.83%
(163,020)
118,755
103,551
-12.80%
(15,204)
20,110
15,775
-21.56%
(4,335)
26,227,022
27,232,095
3.83%
1,005,073
Note. Adapted from
https://www.deped.gov.ph/2021/11/18/deped-posts-4-increase-in-enrollment-f
or-basic-education-in-sy-2021-2022/
Improvement of Quality Education. The ESC program does not show a direct
impact on the overall quality of education in the Philippines. To track the overall
performance of students throughout the years with the implementation of ESC,
the paper will be looking at Trends in International Mathematics and Science
Study (TIMSS) and Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA)
which gives accurate and timely trend data about students' performance in Science
and Math relative to students worldwide. The TIMSS figure in Exhibit 1
illustrates consistent scores for both science and mathematics in 1999, followed
by a notable increase in 2003. However, a considerable decline of over 100 points
is evident in 2019. Unfortunately, these are the only years that the Philippines
participated in the assessment. Conversely, the PISA illustration in Exhibit 1
depicts minimal change in results, implying a lack of significant improvement in
the overall quality of our educational system. Further examination reveals that if
genuine improvements have indeed taken root in our education system, such
advancements should manifest in the scores, especially given that the participants
in these tests align with the criteria of the beneficiaries for the Education for
Sustainable Development (ESD) program, focusing on 8th-grade students and
15-year-olds. The results raise compelling questions about the effectiveness of
educational strategies, prompting an exploration of whether the current
methodologies and initiatives align with the specific needs and challenges faced
by students in this crucial phase of their academic journey.
Exhibit 1
PISA & TIMSS Results for Philippines
Note. Retrieved from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development.
Cost-effectiveness. The ESC program is cheaper than the government provision
of secondary education. Former Education Secretary Edilberto de Jesus (2022)
argues that the government spends P18,000 more per DepEd student overall than
parents pay for private school tuition (P8,000), with the exception of the National
Capital Region and Region IV-A. This is poor given that over 90% of K-12
enrollment is controlled by the Department of Education (DepEd) so it should
benefit from economies of scale. International evaluation assessments also
contradict what would be the strongest justification for DepEd's costs: that it
provides a higher quality education than private schools. In contrast, ESC has an
approximate cost of Php 10,702.55 per grantee given the ESC budget of Php
11.05 billion, which covers 1,031,193 grantees for AY 2023–2024. Tables 3 and 4
reinforce the notion that ESC is a lower cost alternative to direct provision of
public junior high school education of the government since more than a decade
ago.
Table 3
Cost to DepEd of a Public High School Student, AY 2009-2010
GAA 2009
in nominal Php*
Personnel Services
36,086,046,000
Direct MOOE
5,785,446,000
Capital Outlays
5,557,350,000
Total
Projected enrolment
for AY 2009 - 2010
Per student cost
in nominal Php
47,428,842,000
9,048
5,241,806
Note. Adapted from The Education Service Contracting (ESC) Program of the
Philippines report by Michael M. Alba
*Data from the General Appropriations Act of 2009
Table 4
Cost to DepEd of an ESC Grantee, AY 2009-2010
# of Grantees
Grant subsidies
Amount
in nominal Php
2,426,525,000
Administrative costs
51,000,000
FAPE Training grant
40,000,000
FAPE Research grant
30,000,000
Total
Cost/grantee
476,776
2,547,525,000
5,343.23
Note. Adapted from The Education Service Contracting (ESC) Program of the
Philippines report by Michael M. Alba. Based on DepED-FAPE ESC MOA for
SY 2008-2009
The classroom capacity of public high schools is a persistent problem in the country.
Nearly four million students are forced to attend overcrowded public schools. Certain classes in
metropolitan areas have more than a hundred pupils, far above the Department of Education's
suggested maximum of forty-five students per class (Jones, 2017). The Education Service
Contracting (ESC) is one of the educational programs implemented to solve the issue by
encouraging public school students to transfer to private schools in their secondary education.
However, the congestion of classrooms is still a relevant concern in the country. Macasero (2023)
reported that the Department of Education (DepEd) revealed a concerning shortage of 159,000
classrooms for the upcoming 2023-2024 school year, a significant increase from the previous
year's deficit of 91,000 classrooms. This underscores the ongoing challenges in achieving
adequate educational infrastructure to meet the needs of the growing student population.
Ensuring the proper distribution of resources in the education sector is a critical economic
consideration. In the Philippine context, there is a clear problem of insufficiently allocating
resources to public high schools, resulting in classrooms being excessively crowded. The
government's allocation of resources for education should ideally lead to equitable outcomes,
ensuring that all regions meet the specified classroom-student ratios. Based on Table 5 the ratios
change by a small margin and reveal the ratio to have decreased by 1:39. Despite improvements
in the student-classroom ratio, it is important to note that certain regions still face challenges in
addressing classroom congestion issues. According to Navarro’s (2022) discussion paper, despite
national progress in reducing school congestion, regional disparities in classroom-student ratios
persist. Table 6 demonstrates that certain regions, including the Bangsamoro Autonomous
Region in Muslim Mindanao, Region XI, Region IV-A, and the National Capital Region, surpass
the target ratio of 1:40.
Table 5
Classroom-student ratio in the Philippines, S.Y. 2010-2011 to S.Y. 2019-2020
School Year
High School
2010-2011
1:53
2011-2012
1:53
2012-2013
1:51
2013-2014
1:49
2014-2015
1:48
2015-2016
1:35
2016-2017
1:39
2017-2018
1:36
2018-2019
1:40
Table 5 continued
2019-2020
1:39
Note. Retrieved from “School Infrastructure in the Philippines: Where
Are We Now and Where Should We Be Heading?” by A.M. Navarro, 2022, PIDS
Discussion Paper Series no. 2022-10. Philippine Institute for Development Studies
Table 6
Classroom-student ratio by region and school level (public), A.Y. 2019-2020
Region
High School
National Capital Region
1:39
Cordillera Administrative Region
1:48
Region I (Ilocos Region)
1:29
Region II (Cagayan Valley)
1:31
Region III (Central Luzon)
1:28
Region IV-A ( Calabarzon)
1:36
MIMAROPA
1:48
Region V (Bicol Region)
1:36
Region VI (Western Visayas)
1:39
Region VII (Central Visayas)
1:35
Region VIII (Eastern Visayas)
1:39
Region IX (Zamboanga Peninsula)
1:34
Region X (Northern Mindanao)
1:40
Region XI (Davao Region)
1:37
Region XII (Soccsksargen)
1:41
Region XIII (Caraga)
1:40
Bangsamoro Autonomous
1:34
Region in Muslim Mindanao
1:54
Table 6 continued
Note. Retrieved from “School Infrastructure in the Philippines: Where
Are We Now and Where Should We Be Heading?” by A.M. Navarro, 2022, PIDS
Discussion Paper Series no. 2022-10. Philippine Institute for Development Studies
Some regions have formulated alternative approaches to accommodate the excessive
student population and scarcity of classrooms. In Quezon City and Caloocan City, schools have
resorted to dividing students into morning and afternoon classes and repurposing facilities as
makeshift classrooms (Flores, 2014). These alternative solutions are insufficient in resolving the
congestion issue. As shown in Table 7 double-shift classes are still unable to provide every
student with a classroom, even with a large maximum capacity. Region IV-A has a total of 1,098
classroom shortages from three of their divisions, followed by Region IV-A having 950
classroom shortages in total as of August, 2022.
Table 7
Double-shift classes due to congestion in classrooms with a maximum of 45 students,
August 2022
Region
Division
Municipality
Shortage
XI
Davao City
Davao City
594
IV-A
Antipolo City
City of Antipolo
525
IX
Zamboanga City
Zamboanga City
474
IV-A
Dasmarinas City
City of Dasmarinas
354
NCR
Paranaque City
City of Paranaque
349
NCR
Caloocan City
Caloocan City
307
NCR
Taguig
Taguig City
294
CARAGA
Butuan City
Butuan City (Capital)
259
XII
Kidapawan City
City of Kidapawan (Capital)
242
IV-A
Calamba City
City of Calamba
219
Note. Adapted from
https://www.teacherph.com/deped-projected-classroom-shortages-face-to-face-classes/
The goal of enhancing the Philippines’ quality of program using the program has proven
uncertain effectiveness in achieving. The results from TIMMS and PISA, showcase that the test
scores have either increased by a small margin or decreased. The congestion of classrooms could
be a factor due to the high classroom ratio. According to research by Blatchford et al. (2011),
student engagement decreased in larger classes. The educators discovered it most unexpected
that the students who were disengaged from school were also the ones who were having the
greatest difficulty. The inefficiency in government spending on secondary education becomes
evident, especially given the expected economies of scale associated with the Department of
Education (DepEd). The budget allocation for the ESC program in S.Y. 2023-2024 further
solidifies its position as a more cost-effective alternative to direct government provision of
education.
The ESC initiative in the Philippines strives to enhance the efficiency of education
delivery, emphasizing decongestion, quality, and cost-effectiveness. However, the program has
encountered challenges leading to under-provision for the three goals. Classroom ratios in the
country are still congested even with double-shift classes. Quality of education in the country did
not improve based on the test scores. Although the program exhibits commendable
cost-effectiveness and encourages government investment in human capital, there is potential for
further impact by expanding participation of schools, thereby facilitating increased transfer
opportunities for public school students to private institutions.
CONCLUSION
The Educational Service Contracting (ESC) program of the Philippine government is
justified based on its efficiency improvement as any program on education accounts for the need
for government intervention and initiatives. Education is an impure public good, it generates
substantial positive externalities, and there is a need to make it equitable. These give grounds for
extensive government expenditures and funding for programs like ESC. Furthermore, the
heightened per-student cost in public secondary education further complicates the situation,
limiting accessibility for some students. In response to these multifaceted challenges, the
government is allocating substantial budgets and introducing initiatives like the Education
Service Contracting program. The program is designed to alleviate classroom congestion,
improve education quality, and introduce a cost-effective measure to counter challenges in
achieving its objectives. However, with respect to these objectives, the ESC program is
underprovided especially in terms of the decongestion of classrooms and improvement in
education quality. Nonetheless, ESC still remains as a cost-effective alternative compared to the
direct costs associated with government spending on public high schools. This paper supports the
need for the expansion in coverage of the ESC program. The government should expand its
coverage through increasing the number of grantees and ESC accredited schools. Aside,
governmental efforts should extend beyond ESC to encompass the promotion of various factors
that significantly impact the congestion, comprehensive quality, and costs of education in the
nation. This includes but is not limited to expansionary infrastructure efforts, addressing the
salary of educators, and enhancing the standard of facilities provided within educational
institutions. A comprehensive review, targeted reforms, and a focus on regional disparities are
crucial for the ESC program to fulfill its potential as a transformative force in enhancing the
Philippine education landscape.
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