Segments. A Journal of Constructed Languages Diachronics Issue 11 October 2023 Preface Welcome to Segments, A Journal of Constructed Languages, and the official publication of the /r/conlangs subreddit team. Within this journal, you will find articles produced by members of our community. This time around, our authors submitted articles focused on diachronics, the linguistic history behind their conlangs that help to give them depth. We received articles ranging from overviews of language families, to the development of specific features, to the decision‐making process for different declensions. There is a wealth of inspiration present in this issue, and we know you will find something that piques your interest! We hope you enjoy this Issue, and we hope you will add your voice and perspective to future Issues in order to make Segments an even more wonderful and comprehensive resource! Please email segments.journal@gmail.com if you would like to contribute. Acknowledgements We would like to thank everyone for continuing to support Segments, now over three years old! We could never have made it this long without the encouragement and participation from so many amazing community members. We appreciate you! Peace, Love, & Conlanging The Segments Team Segments. Diachronics r/conlangs A Journal of Constructed Languages Showcases 01 | The origins of definite conjugation in Jeewa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 02 | Establishing Nominal Paradigms in Classical Cappadocian . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 03 | Passive Clitic e= in Esafuni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 04 | Undiachronics, or, Discovering Lauvìnko . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 05 | Plurals in Patches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 06 | Consonant Phonology of the Mmatɨʂ Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 07 | An Overview of the Evolutions of the Athmo-Xlaccic Languages . . . . . . . . . 55 Abbreviations 1 First person 2 Second person 3 Third person ABL Ablative ACC Accusative ACT Active AN Animate APSV Antipassive COM Comitative COND Conditional DAT Dative DEF Definite DEM Demonstrative DIS Distal/Distant DU Dual EMPH Emphatic ESS Essive F Feminine GEN Genitive IMP Imperative INAN Inanimate IND Indicative INDEF Indefinite INE Inessive IPFV Imperfective LAT Lative LOC Locative M Masculine MID Middle voice N Neuter NAME Personal Name NEG Negative NOM Nominative OBL Oblique PCP Participle PFV Perfective PL Plural PN Pronoun, Proper noun POL Polite PRF Perfect PROG Progressive PROX Proximal PRS Present PST Past PSV Passive Q Interrogative SG Singular REFL Reflexive VOC Vocative SBJV Subjunctive Showcases 01 Definitely done by juhhmi How determinatives fused into verbs in Jeewa Jeewa is an a priori language spoken on planet Akekata, part of a science fantasy worldbuilding project of the author. The language and its siblings are known for their two verbal paradigms, the indefinite and definite ones, which can carry information about the definiteness of the object or the scope of the action. Furthermore, the conjugations have various other uses due to their origin as determinative particles which combined deixis to verbal tense, aspect and mood. This article highlights how the definiteness marking grew into existence, beginning with the protolanguage Lyopva. Origins Jeewa is part of Lyopvan language family that originated from the continent Herooku and made its way to coastal Carranu along the Northern Island Chain over the course of some three thousand years (see Fig. 1). While ancient Lyopva had spread wide as a rather uniform language, a dramatic turn of events took place when the planet was struck by a cataclysm which lead to the divine exodus and erratic times. Surviving peoples wandered and formed new settlements, and consequently, the languages they spoke greatly changed. The definite conjugation of Jeewa has its roots in determiners, that is, adnominal and adverbal modifiers used in ancient Lyopva. Below, we will follow the evolution of the determiners, how they first became preverbs in Jeewa’s predecessor Yeeba and then fused into the conjugational suffixes. The usage of the resulting indefinite and definite paradigms in Jeewa is discussed along with the differential object marking scheme, before charting some modern innovations in Carranu variants. Page 1 Jeewa Figure 1: Expansion of northern Lyopvan language family with approximate periods of primary use and more stable development. Years of the common era are counted from the cataclysm epoch as defined by the Eʒafuŋaajuuǯa (Almanac Office) of Kecʼe. Determinative seeds in Lyopva The ancient language of Lyopva (ljopʋa1 ) was the primary spoken and written language of the Lyopvan empire which held the western coast of Herooku in its grip until the gods’ arrival. Thanks to the divine curiosity, a wealth of language records have survived to the modern times and the characteristics of the language are known to a good degree. Namely, Lyopva was notable for its prevalent use of determinatives, a part of speech in the language covering various demonstratives and adverbs. Interestingly, the determinatives merged deixis in both space and time, expanding the verbal tense, aspect and mood (TAM) system and tying it to nominal definiteness. Their long-lasting compound nature is evidenced by attestations in historical records as ligatures of two logographs. One could say that the determinatives of Lyopva are the seeds of the distinctive character of the language family. The dual function of determinatives as modifying both nouns and verbs set a specific tension to the ancient language which was later resolved in different ways in the two main subbranches. In the southern varieties, the seeds hardened into rich sets of demonstratives. In the north, the seeds met the verbal soil and grew into complex conjugations. To better follow the northern branch and admire the paradigms flowering in Jeewa, let us begin by outlining the basic constituents of Lyopvan determinatives. The determinatives were of compound nature, derived from four common demonstrative bases with various suffixes. The bases referred to the presence of the noun in some way. Two of them, ʈɑ and ɳʈɑx, divided the spatial deixis into proximal and distal, while the third base, kaŋ, was used for referring to unseen or unspecified nouns. The fourth determinative base was the interrogative ɲi. The derivational suffixes, on the other hand, included the attributive ending -ko and various adverbial endings, such as -(j)ɯ for the general locative, -ul for the current context, -ɰɯʔla for tomorrow or yesterday, and -ɑʔɑ for an unspecified time. Note that only back-harmonic variants are listed here. Lyopva was largely head-final with the main word order being subject-object-verb (SOV). Attributive demonstratives followed their head nouns but adverbial determinatives had freer 1 Anglicized language and concept names appear in the text, while other names and examples use different romanizations. For Lyopva, the character choices are more phonetically motivated, while for Yeeba and Jeewa, the romanization might be more familiar from the context of Uralic or Turkic languages. Page 2 positioning, though almost always2 appearing before the main verb. The basic use of definite demonstratives is shown in Ex. (1). Possessive clitics were appended onto the demonstrative, revealing how they were part of the noun phrase. (1) Marking definiteness and context with determinatives: a. cuŋcuŋ mʷɑʔə ske tyoongtyoong mooy eat “Tyoongtyoongs eat mooy fruits.” b. cuŋcuŋʋitem mʷɑʔə ʈɑultsom ske cuŋcuŋ=ʋitem mʷɑʔə tyoongtyoong =your.PL mooy ʈɑ- ul=tsom PROX-now =our ske eat “Your pet tyoongtyoong is eating our mooy fruits at the moment.” The verb itself could be conjugated for present and past tense or for irrealis mood in Lyopva. The determinatives interacted with these verb forms in various ways depending on the discourse context. Ex. (2) demonstrates possible uses of unspecified determinatives. In Ex. (2a), the local determinative can be seen taking an additional case ending specifying direction. Ex. (2b) shows the single noun, litəɳ ”person”, onto which the determinatives joined directly as a suffix, as evidenced by the front harmonic variants. (2) a. cilcəɱ kaŋjɯn pʔəɳʂənktumʷ krɑmʷɑsʔe cilcəɱ ants kaŋ- jɯ-n unseen-LOC-ABL pʔəɳʂə- ne- ktə=ʋum house-INE-LAT=my “Ants are getting into my house from somewhere.” b. pɰoktunisim litəɳkaŋəiʔlə taʂtsɯʋu pɰoktu=nisim litəɳ- kaŋ-ɰɯʔla garden=your.DU person-unseen-yesterday krɑmʷɑ-sʔe leak-PRS.3PL taʂtsɯ-ʋu see.PST-1SG “I saw someone yesterday in the garden of you two.” Preverbal buds in Yeeba Yeeba (jiebä), the predecessor of Jeewa, developed from the insular variant of Lyopva during the expansion of the Trade Empire a millennium after the erratic times. In Yeeba, the Lyopvan determinatives had become fixed into a preverbal position and were now an integral part of verbal TAM marking. However, the determinatives were still in some way always tied to nouns, typically marking the definiteness of the subject or the object. While some of the preverbs were highly adverbial in their nature, others functioned as demonstrative pronouns, also appearing independently as an anaphora for the object. Two series of pronominal preverbs are relevant for the development of Jeewan conjugational paradigms, the d-series and the k-series. The d-series, which developed from the proximal ʈɑ and distal ɳʈɑx bases of ancient Lyopva, consisted of preverbs which signaled 2 The relativizer kaŋko is a special case, appearing after verbs focalized as prenominal backgrounding attributes: honʔem ptseʔel kaŋko pɑəkʔuwu taʂtsɯʋu ”I saw the pukwoo that had run after it.” Page 3 Jeewa the definiteness of the subject of intransitive verbs and the object of transitive verbs. The k-series, on the other hand, had come to be used for marking uncertainty or indefiniteness. In addition to these two, question words formed their own series. The verbs retained the conjugation paradigms for present and past tense as well as the irrealis mood. The preverbs interacted with these three conjugations in complex ways, producing a rich array of forms for conveying specific TAM combinations. Examples of these are provided in Ex. 3. As the translation reveals, the preverbal determinative coud both modify a noun and double as an object marker—the Jeeban conjugations in their budding state. (3) Comparison of present and past tense use of the verb baxu ”to sew (fabric)” with preverbs of the definite d-series and the indefinite k-series. The past tense suffix is characterized by j. a. (toluottă) daakă baxuu b. dowu baxuu c. dowu baxuju d. kogu baxuu e. kogu baxuju “I am sewing that (/the shirt).” “I was sewing that.” “I sewed it.” “I have sewn something.” “I sewed it today.” Unfolding in Western Yeeba According to the Šemaaǧi school of Kecʼe, there were two keys to the final development of the definite conjugation in western Yeeba-deriving languages: The fixing of possessive clitics directly onto their head noun and the relaxation of the word order from strict verb-finality. Possessive clitics becoming suffixes seems to have been a quick process in early western Yeeba. The prominence of the suffixes was further strengthened by the formation of fusional accusative possessive suffixes, used when the object was possessed or focused. In a way, the direct suffixing loosened the connection between the demonstratives and their head nouns. While the possessive suffixing may have been affected by second-language learners of Yeeba, the change of the word order into a more SVO was clearly connected to substrate effects. Specifically, a major contribution came from Shahde language which was spoken on Tiiwda, the largest and westernmost island of the island chain. Crucially, the increase in object mobility and changes in focus structures allowed the preverbs to jump into a postverbal position. This reordering now let the Yeeban buds unfold into the fully flowering paradigms in Jeewa. Some connections can be made between modern Jeewan conjugational endings and Yeeban preverbs of the d-series and k-series. However, considering how fluid the usage of preverbs was and how erosion and analogy later probably leveled the paradigms, it is difficult Page 4 1SG 2SG 3SG PL INDEF PRS PST -u/-f -ku -n -ŋu -s -ča -sa -ša PRS -da -na -ka -ʒa DEF PST.IPFV -du -nu -ku -sus PST.PFV -dja -nja -kja -šas Table 1: The indefinite and definite verbal paradigms of Jeewa. Both of them contrast two tenses (present and past) but aspect is distinguished only by the definite past conjugation. There are different endings for all singular persons and a shared ending for all plural subjects. For simplicity, only back harmonic variants are shown in the table. to ascertain which preverb and TAM combinations eventually stabilized into which conjugational endings for different persons. Some of the established connections are presented in the following section along with the full paradigms. The binary blooming of Jeewan conjugations Jeewa (ǯiiwa or jiiwa) is the language with the most speakers on the Northern Island Chain. The language itself originates from Tiiwda island, where the highest-governing city of the island chain, Kecʼe, is also located. Therefore, the language has reached even the easternmost islands of the chain, as well as the coasts of Carranu to the west. In Carranu, the spoken variants deriving from Jeewa are known as Tyasow (tjäsau). The conjugational endings that unfolded in Jeewa became very fusional, combining tense, person and number along with definiteness into a single suffix as shown in Table 1. While all of these flowers share their roots, they come in two types thus picked into separate paradigms. Of these, the paradigm of indefinite conjugation is considered the less marked, standard form. The other paradigm of the definite conjugation has its main use with transitive verbs to mark the definiteness of the object or to replace third person anaphoras. Moreover, the definite conjugation can refer to entire clauses and introduce verb complements. One observation of the conjugation origins can easily be made: The definite suffixes for first person singular all begin with d3 . The general consensus holds that these directly derive from the d-series preverbs of Yeeba. The second and third person forms lack the d but are similar in shape. This suggests that either the paradigm has a common source (with the possible erosion of d) or that the forms became shaped by analogy. Specific suffix and preverb correspondances have also been suggested. The definite past imperfective endings are likely to derive from the Yeeba preverb dowu as exemplified by Ex. (3b). Supportingly, the back-harmonic u of the endings is a possible result of unstressed owu sequence. Another connection has been made in the indefinite past conjugation: The first and second person contain a velar element most likely deriving from indefinite k-series preverbs, exemplified in Ex. (3d). Šemaaǧi Mitʼin has additionally suggested that the third person -ča derives from third person dual *-ssâkogu, perhaps via a metathesized ending *kssu. However, there are no surviving written samples or dialectal forms supporting this, and the change /ksː/>/t͡s„t͡ʃ/ would be unique, even though somewhat comparable to /kː(ə̯)s/>/t͡sʼ/. The most debated element of the paradigms is the origin of the final s. It is regular in the 3 The first person singular definite endings have lenited versions beginning with j if required by the verb stem and phonotactics. Page 5 Jeewa plural definite past forms of Jeewa, but does not appear in any extant sibling languages. Not even the Šemaaǧi have reached a consensus of the origin among their ranks. In any case, two of the various suggested origins are seen plausible, namely, the copular ending -s or the collective -c /t͡s/. In Jeewa, the definiteness of an object is additionally emphasized by the differential object marking, a choice between the general accusative case -k and the lative case -tʼ. The general accusative is often used with objects which are definite or already in the discourse. The lative, on the other hand, marks the object as new to the discourse, drawing focus to it. Possessed nouns are always seen definite in Jeewa. However, no separate accusative marking is used with them, excluding a couple of stem-changing nouns4 . Instead, the context and the possessive suffix convey that the noun is an object, further clarified by the accompanying definite conjugation. The earlier accusative forms of possessive suffixes met in Yeeba had apparently fallen out of use in western variants before Jeewa fully stabilized. In most variaties of Jeewa, question words require the use of indefinite conjugation. It has been agreed that this follows from the fact that Yeeban interrogatives were their own preverbs which prevented the use of d-series determiners that gave rise to the definite conjugation5 . Furthermore, explicit pronominal objects and proper names of people appear with the indefinite conjugation in present tense. Nevertheless, such objects take the general accusative case which is usually governed by the definite conjugation. The usage of the two verbal paradigms is presented collectively in Ex. (4). (4) Examples of indefinite and definite verb usage in Jeewa: a. nitʼ neteman ni-tʼ what -LAT netem-an see-INDEF.PRS.2SG “What are you looking at?” Or: “What do you see?” b. netemi ašaatʼ / asak / Ʒimaak netem-Y ašaa-tʼ see-INDEF.PRS.1SG fisher -LAT / asa-k / 3PL-ACC “I am looking at fishers/them/Zheemah.” c. netemda (ašaak) netem-da see-DEF.PRS.1SG / / Ʒimaa-k PN-ACC (ašaa-k) (fisher -ACC) “I am looking at it/them (/the fishers).” d. netemda asa umusa netem-da see-DEF.PRS.1SG asa 3PL umu-sa boat -their/our “I am looking at their boat.” 4 Such as, taʒa ”hand”, as in taʒam vs. taaʒam ”my hand” for nominative and accusative uses, respectively. Such changing stems are the only remnants of the earlier accusative possessive suffixes. 5 On the contrary, the interrogative determinatives apparently co-occurred with the k-series determiners since all language variants neatly use the indefinite past conjugation with question words. Page 6 While pronominal objects and proper names in present tense always appear with the indefinite conjugation, in past tense, there is variation in which paradigm is used. When the original past forms of Yeeba (with no reference to definiteness) were lost, language variants chose differently between which of the two paradigms came to be used with pronominal objects. Nowadays, most language variants match the past with the present tense and use the indefinite paradigm for both. However, dialects with the strongest substrate influence (excluding Murë island) use the past definite conjugation, thus always distinguishing aspect with pronominal objects. One more usage of the definite conjugation is worth mentioning: With intransitive verbs the definite endings signal that the scope of the action is somehow restricted. Depending on the verb, this can be spatial or temporal, or related to the quantity. Compare, for example, tamuuf ”I will sleep.” and tamuuda ”I will take a nap.” or otoŋu ”You moved.” and otonja ”You moved all the way.” In the traditional analysis, verbal complements are seen as verbal restrictions which invoke the definite conjugation, as shown in Ex. (5). In the example, we particularly see šiiʒ, the suppletive form of wa ”to go”, which is the only verb to use a different stem for the definite paradigm. While wa goes all the way back to Lyopvan ʋɑən ”to go”, the suppletive stem šiiʒ derives from the verb čüünsă, an insular borrowing whose meaning was along the lines of ”to move into position, to settle”. Note also how the uninflected verb form of ka serves as the complement. (5) šiiʒdu ka šiiʒ-du ka go.DEF-DEF.PST.IPFV eat “I went to eat.” Or: “I was on my way to eat.” Continental twists The Tyasow language variants developing in Carranu have adjusted the conjugational paradigms in different ways. In Jeewa, only the past tense definite conjugation distinguishes imperfective and perfective aspect. In Peak Tyasow, the proclivity of non-native Jeewa-learners towards specifying verbal aspect has made the use of the past definite conjugation more common even when it is not grammatically called for. To mirror the past imperfective and past perfective, there is currently a notable tendency to aspectualize the present tense, using the definite forms for a present retrospective and the indefinite ones for an imperfective meaning. The Mossy Forest variety of Tyasow, on the other hand, has started to utilize the definiteness distinction as a distinction of transitivity. The indefinite conjugation is used solely for intransitive meaning, though in some cases alongside a derivative of the Jeewan medialreflexive marker -wun. Additionally, new verbal affixes have started to develop from pronominal clitics for marking both subject and object on the verb. It seems the northern Lyopvan family keeps embracing its definiteness-infused verbs—bearing ever more complicated fruit! Page 7 02 Establishing Nominal Paradigms in Classical Cappadocian by Cactuslover An Exercise in Analogy Cappadocian is a naturalistic a posteriori language descended directly from Proto-IndoEuropean. Cappadocian is set during antiquity in the Cappadocian region of Anatolia, with major influences from the Anatolian languages and later from Greek. It diverged from ProtoIndo-European at approximately the same time as Anatolian, while also being in prolonged contact with Anatolian until its eventual replacement by Greek. This article focuses on the evolution of nominal paradigms from Proto-Indo-European to Cappadocian, which has, beside the important goals of naturalism and phonoaesthetics, the side objective of preserving various Indo-European archaisms, such as ablaut and the dual number. Phonological changes Before the changes in the nominal morphology are introduced, it is necessary to give an overview of the sound changes from Proto-Indo-European to Cappadocian. Nasal Stop Fricative Liquid Glide Labial m p (b) bʰ Coronal n t d dʰ s rl Palatal Velar Labiovelar ḱ ǵ ǵʰ k g gʰ kʷ gʷ gʷʰ y Laryngeal h₁ h₂ h₃ w Table 1: Consonants in Proto-Indo-European The consonants in Proto-Indo-European underwent the following significant shifts. Firstly, the three phonations in PIE generally fall together as a single voiceless series. The voiced and aspirate series in PIE merged without any exceptions, with the two-way distinction Page 9 Cappadocian being maintained for much of Cappadocian prehistory and the two series undergoing some changes separately. The voiceless *p was spirantized to [f], then debuccalized to [h]. The labiovelars generally become labial stops, merging *bʰ with *kʷ gʷ gʷʰ. Meanwhile the palatovelar series undergo satem-like changes and become post-alveolar affricates and fricatives. Overall, this results in Cappadocian having very few words with inherited velar consonants. Of the laryngeals, *h₂ and *h₃ are retained (in slightly different conditions) as a dorsal fricative [χ], whereas *h₁ is deleted. A labialized laryngeal [χʷ] stems from *h₂w (which may or may not have been a cluster in PIE), and becomes a labial fricative [f] in Cappadocian. The glide *w is otherwise deleted. An alveolar affricate [ts] arises from a variety of sources, including the double dental rule, *t kʷ in palatalizing environments, and stop + s clusters in PIE. Out of PIE’s limited vowel inventory, *o unrounded, merging with unaccented *e, *h₂colored *e, and *h₃-colored *e (and PIE *a, if it existed). The diphthongs *ey and *ew monophthongized into [i] and [u], after original PIE *u fronted to [y]. PIE *ē merged with *oy as [aj], and *ow merged with *ō and *ū (from compensatory lengthening) as [u]. The syllabic nasals *m̥ n̥ vocalize to *a, the syllabic lateral *l ̥ vocalizes to *u (which fronts to [y]), the syllabic rhotic *r̥ receives an epenthetic *a, and all three laryngeals vocalize to *a, including in initial positions. After the loss of length distinctions and the unrounding of [y], Cappadocian is left with a four vowel system comprised of /a e i u/. Vowels are lost word-initially if they are immediately followed by an accented syllable. Otherwise, the accent is lost and replaced with a system of penultimate stress. Nasal Stop Fricative Affricate Approximant Rhotic Labial m p f Coronal n t s z l r Palatal š č y Velar Laryngeal k ḫ h Table 2: Consonants in Cappadocian Nominal categories The number of cases in Early PIE is contentious, but we only need to be concerned with the five cases preserved in Cappadocian: the nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, and locative cases. (How convenient that they are the most securely reconstructed cases in PIE!) The other cases were lost in the development from PIE to Cappadocian, and thus they need not be considered here. The endings of the cases preserved in Cappadocian, in early PIE, in the common gender, are as follows: Page 10 Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular Dual -s, -∅ -h₁ -m -s -ei -? -i Plural -es -ms -oHom -? -su Of course, nominal inflection in PIE also involved ablaut, which distinguished the strong cases (the nominative, accusative, and vocative) from the weak cases (the other cases). Explanations of the details of the PIE ablaut system can be amply found elsewhere, and is thus omitted from the article. The thematic endings, like Anatolian, are not significantly distinguished from the consonantal endings, and thus they are treated as the same here. Neuter nouns share the same inflections in the oblique cases, while the direct cases fall together to be zero-marked in the singular and marked by -h₂ in the plural. Thematic declensions The o-stem declensions are easier to begin with: they do not experience ablaut, and suffixes are generally happier in their place when following a vowel. The common thematic declension shall be demonstrated by ḫaras, the reflex of PIE *h₃órbʰos (a deverbal stem from PIE *h₃erbʰ, cognate to English orphan). The table below illustrates outcomes of the regular sound changes to the PIE paradigm. Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular ḫaras ḫaran ḫaras ḫari ḫari Dual Plural ḫaras ḫarau ḫaras ḫarayan -? -? ḫarasi Some outcomes are noteworthy: the dative and locative singular have merged. The nominative singular, nominative plural, accusative plural, and genitive singular have all merged. The oblique cases for the dual and the dative plural are still unclear, as they cannot be securely reconstructed in PIE. Luckily, the dual form ḫarau has remained distinct, with h₁ causing compensatory lengthening into *ō, which broke into a diphthong au. The genitive singular and the nominative singular were already merged in PIE, with the distinction being made in ablaut. In Late PIE, The o-stem nouns, being without ablaut, innovated the genitive singular *-osyo by attaching *-yo. Simply copying this would be somewhat underwhelming, and the resulting form *ḫaraša, after yod coalescence, does not feel so aesthetically coherent with the rest of the paradigm. So we invoke analogy from the genitive plural, which conveniently already resembles an extension with *-ya with a yod insertion to prevent vowel hiatus, to eliminate the *-s in the proto-form of the genitive singular, and get ḫaraya. Since we are innovating a new genitive, we can also have that as our genitive dual, which may be explained as the same extension to the dual as in *-h₁-yo or a later analogy to the singular. Either way, we can have ḫaraya be the singular and dual genitive in this o-stem paradigm. Now looking at the dative and locative, while it would be fine to analogize the dative plural Page 11 Cappadocian as *su from the locative, seeing as they had already merged in the singular, it would leave the dual to analogize to the only known dual form. It would undesirable to maintain the dual but have only form for all five cases, so instead we analogize from the dative singular. This way, instead of eliminating case distinctions in the dual, we eliminate number distinctions in the dative, which naturally supplies its case form to the dual as well. Now with the dative entirely in ḫari and the locative singular in the same, the locative plural is ripe for a fourpart analogy. This would leave ḫari the only form across two cases and three numbers. Given that the locative and dative are merged both Anatolian and Greek, a near-merger of the dative and locative in Cappadocian seems appropriate. We can look elsewhere for the contrast between dative and locative. While the nominative singular sharing a form with the nominative and accusative plural is not necessarily desirable, it is perhaps the right dose of “imperfection” with regards to naturalism, and further merging either form by analogy would leave a pathetically small paradigm, so we leave the nominative and accusative forms as they are. With these changes, the final thematic paradigm is as follows: Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular ḫaras ḫaran ḫaraya ḫari Dual Plural ḫarau ḫaras ḫaraya ḫarayan ḫari ḫari The common athematic i-stem and u-stem nouns, with the monophthongization of *ey and *ew, also reflect this ending pattern, so the thematic declension in fact becomes the new vocalic paradigm encompassing o-stems (which become a-stems), i-stems, and u-stems. Athematic declensions With the thematic declension down we move onto the athematic declensions. The extra factor here to address is ablaut, which can bring about more irregularity. A simple word to start off with might be the reflex of PIE *ph₂tḗr, a hysterokinetic noun well known to be cognate to English father. Starting with applying regular sound changes we get the following (note that as in table 2 above z is a voiceless alveolar affricate): Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular azay azera atres atri atri Dual Plural azeras azera azeras atrayan -? -? atarsi Here there are far more irregularities. While it is entirely reasonable for such a common word to remain irregular, I do not want it. Firstly, the different vocalism caused by the ablaut has left a palatalized aze(r)- in the nominative and accusative and an unpalatalized atr- in the genitive, dative, and locative. The nominative singular has further deleted the original rhotic from superheavy syllable reduction and broken the *ē into ay. We can pick a stem to generalize. Given the kinship terms with static ablaut (e.g. méh₂tr̥s > matars) yield Vr stems in the weak cases too, taking azer- as the stem seems like a better option. The dative and locative plurals are still inconvenient to deal with, so we give them the same Page 12 treatment as the thematic declension, and generalizing from the strong cases we can assign all of dative and locative to azeri. Looking at the nominative and accusative cases, the nominative singular is still the odd one out. If we follow the thematic declensions and level nominative singular to azeras, then we have effectively thematized the entire stem. Instead we can level only the length and develop an unmarked (i.e. endingless) pre-proto-Cappadocian *ph₂tér which develops into azer. This is nice and conforms to the cross-linguistic tendency of a formally unmarked nominative. It can also be seen as analogy toward other athematic stems without lengthened nominative singulars. Finally we look at the genitive. If we extract the ending -es and perform the analogical replacement of the stem then we get azeres, which is conveniently not identical to the nominative singular this time. We still have to form the genitive dual, but extending only the dual to form azerya feels out of place, so we extend the dual nominative/accusative azera by the genitive -s instead and form azeras, which is also conveniently different from the genitive singular. The genitive plural can stay with only an analogical replacement of the stem. With these changes, we can get a regular hysterokinetic-derived non-ablauting athematic paradigm as such: Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular Dual azer azera azera azeres azeras azeri azeri Plural azeras azeryan azeri Augmented hysterokinetics In the previous paradigm, we levelled the differences created by PIE ablaut. In effect, it would have been the same had the noun been static rather than hysterokinetic. One interesting property that hysterokinetic nouns can have with accent retraction can be demonstrated with the stem *h₃dónts. With regular sound changes, it is reflected as the following: Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular tats tata atazes atazi tanzi Dual Plural tantas tanta tantas atatayan -? -? tansi Here, the initial *h₃ vocalizes in all inflectional forms, but in the nominative and accusative forms, the vowel is subsequently deleted, as it is immediately followed by an accented syllable. In the genitive and dative cases, the accent is shifted to the ending, which allows the initial vowel to survive. This is a neat way to maintain the contrast of ablaut, whilst not completely preserving the accentual and vocalic systems of PIE. Note also that the locative case has an accented suffix rather than ending, so the initial vowel is deleted, whereas it is preserved in the dative. Here, we can trivially preserve the distinction between the dative and locative. Page 13 Cappadocian Next we consider the differences in the stem. The nasal has vocalized in the genitive and dative, and been deleted in the nominative singular. It has been preserved in the other cases. The choice of the specific stem is, while an interesting consideration, not very relevant to the construction of the paradigm. Here we can choose to keep the stems distinct as neither generalization produces particularly phonoaesthetically pleasing forms. However, we could reanalyze the nominative singular with the genitive, dative, and locative singulars and produce nominative singular taz. We can further generalize the -z regardless of whether the stem contains a nasal. Athematic nouns ending in -z should get an unmarked nominative singular like the sonorants (which, disregarding vowel length, have unmarked nominative singulars in PIE due to Szemerenyi’s Law). To make a genitive dual here, it is unnecessary to even attach a genitive suffix: we can simply take the nominative/accusative dual tanta and attach the vowel, which I shall term the augment. I call it the augment for no other reason than the fact that it is an initial vowel serving a morphological purpose, like the augments of Sanskrit and Greek, but like them in no other way. All in all the complete paradigm looks like this: Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular taz taza atazes atazi tanzi Dual Plural tanza tanzas atanza atazi tanzi atatayan atazi tanzi Of course, this paradigm would not arise from many PIE formations: the number of hysterokinetic stems with an initial laryngeal is very small. We can, however, spread this paradigm around. It is elegant and makes the largest amount of distinctions out of the different declensions. Unlikely, sure, but thus far the morphology has been quite lacking in unlikely occurrences. Statics Next we approach the static paradigms. Out of the different ablauting categories PIE had, (acro)statics were probably the least numerous. However, the possible alternation in vowel quality and the eponymous static accent in static paradigms makes preserving the ablaut easier. Here we take the paradigm for the reflex of PIE *nókʷts (cognate to English night) and apply regular sound changes. Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular naps napta neps nepzi nepzi Dual Plural naptas napta naptas naptayan -? ? nepzi Here the alternation between PIE *o and *e translates to the Cappadocian alternation between a and e. We level the paradigm as before, whilst preserving the vocalism, and taking na/ep as the stem, as follows: Page 14 Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Singular naps napa neps Dual Plural napa napas nepa nepayan nepi nepi nepi Conclusion With those declensions covered, I hope to have highlighted some interesting parts of the Cappadocian nominal paradigms. The neuter nouns, which only differ in PIE from the common nouns in the core cases, are easy to derive once the common noun paradigms have been established. An ergative case derived from the genitive case takes over marking of transitive subjects, while the previously unmarked nominative/accusative case becomes the absolutive case. A new set of genitives are innovated with *-yo in all neuter nouns. Cappadocian runs counter to trends in other Indo-European languages, through the analogical extension of athematic paradigms and ablaut. With these main established paradigms, there can be enough surface irregularity whilst maintaining minimal irregularity in documentation, with most nouns fitting into the few declensions derived above. Page 15 03 Passive Clitic e= in Esafuni by Lysimachiakis From Passive to Person For this article, I will examine a small historical quirk that arose in my conlang Esafuni, in which the passive clitic e= was reanalyzed in some contexts as second person agreement morphology. This article will discuss the uses of e=, the historical context that led to it being used in specific scenarios, how those scenarios gave rise to this reanalysis, and how the passive and second person agreement senses can fight with one another when it may be ambiguous. The Passive The clitic e= is prototypically a passive marker. It demotes (and deletes) the subject of a verb and promotes the most animate object to the subject position. (1) Uku eteŋẹ́. uku e= teŋẹ -S book PSV= give.me -PST “The book was given to me.” I specify ‘most animate’ because applicatives can result in a verb having multiple objects simultaneously. As in (2b) below, the passive selected for the most animate object present, Tosi. This can, of course, be ambiguous when the two objects are of similar animacy, but for the most part context is enough to disambiguate. Page 17 Esafuni (2) a. Applicative Wạ wasekú Tosi lolachẹ. wạ 1.SG wa= seku -S COM= eat -PST Tosi lolachẹ NAME burstberry_cake “I ate burstberry cake with Tosi.” b. Applicative and Passive Tosi ewasekú lolachẹ. Tosi NAME e= wa= seku lolachẹ PSV= COM= eat burstberry_cake “Tosi was eaten burstberry cake with.” The resulting passive sounds a bit awkward in English but is perfectly grammatical and salient in Esafuni. The Particle cho Esafuni makes use of a very versatile particle, cho. While this particle has many uses, we’ll just focus on two use cases here. I gloss the particle as ‘antipassive’ in my documentation, as that seems to be one of its primary uses, but that’s more for convenience than it is a declaration of its sole function. First, it can be used to reintroduce a verbal argument that has been demoted. This occurs at the end of the clause, after any remaining objects. (3) Ja ebọ cho iwa. ja dog e= bọ PSV= see cho i -wa APSV man -DEF “The dog is seen by the man.” Second, it can be used to defocus the object, translating roughly as ‘some.’ (4) I seku cho amịkị. i seku man eat cho amịkị APSV fruit “The man is eating some amịkị fruit.” In (4), the fact he is eating amịkị isn’t the most salient part of the clause. He’s eating something, and that’s inherently focused by contrasting it with the defocused cho phrase, while what he’s eating isn’t important. He could have eaten a bite of the fruit or could have eaten an entire bowl of the fruit. The focus is on the action, not the object. This is where the ambiguities can begin. If you start adding in applicatives so you have (potentially) multiple objects tied to the same verb, then cho phrases can be less than clear. Let’s look at an example: Page 18 (5) Moko eyefu cho esekufe. Moko e= ye= fu cho eseku -fe NAME PSV= DAT= give APSV food -DEF ?“Moko is given (something) by food.” Or: “Moko is given some food (by somebody).” It’s probably clear that the second sense ‘given some food’ is the default interpretation due to animacy and such, so maybe this example isn’t unclear, but what if that cho object were animate? (6) Moko eyefu cho nitsiwa. Moko e= ye= fu cho nitsi -wa NAME PSV= DAT= give APSV child -DEF ?“Moko is given some children (by someone)?” ?Or: “Moko is given (something) by the child/children” In (6), without additional context, it’s really unclear what the speaker was trying to convey. Did somebody give Moko some children to care for? If Moko were a teacher, that might make sense. Is there just a single child in the context? If so, then a child giving them something might be the meaning they were going for. That would make sense – especially if the focus was on the act of giving rather than what was actually given. Is cho pulling double duty here by reintroducing the agent and defocusing? Probably not, that would be pragmatically a bit strange – why would you reintroduce an agent just to defocus it? Still, the possibility exists given the right context. These ambiguities are ever-present with cho. Let’s keep that in mind as we move forward in Esafuni’s history. Social Constructs At some point, social norms started to dictate the use of the passive e=. Esafuni speakers seem to have decided that having a first person acting directly upon a second person was impolite. Doing something directly to your listener felt forceful, aggressive, and imposing. Or at least that’s the theory. The result was speakers trying to avoid instances where they declared themselves as having done something to the listener, with (7a) below being dispreferred to (7b). (7) a. Wạ bọ me. wạ 1.SG bọ me see 2.SG “I see you.” b. Me ebọ cho wạ. me 2.SG e= bọ PSV= see cho wạ APSV 1.SG “You are seen by me.” Page 19 Esafuni As (7a) became dispreferred, the structure became routinized to the level that you could drop the cho phrase entirely and have it assumed that the agent is the speaker: (8) Me ewowụ kanda. me e= owụ kanda 2.SG PSV= seek answer “I am asking you a question.” lit. “You are asked a question.” The structure became so widespread and normalized that you could even drop the overt subject – if there were no stated subject, then speakers would default to the usual and assume it was, of course, the second person being referred to! (9) Ewapá. e= wa= pa -S PSV= COM= say -PST “You were told something.” Reanalysis I don’t think what happens next should be too surprising at this point: Esafuni speakers reanalyze the passive e= to (additionally) be a second person agreement morpheme. They started adding it any time there was a second person subject without it needing to be a passive interpretation. (10) Me epẹ poko. me 2.SG e= pẹ 2= build poko garden “You’re making a garden.” In cases like this, it’s generally clear, but as noted in previous sections, it can be a bit ambiguous once you start adding applicatives – particularly if you are also defocusing an object. (11) Me ewapẹ Tawi cho poko. me e= wa= pẹ 2.SG 2= COM= build Tawi cho poko NAME APSV garden “You build some gardens with Tawi” ?Or: “You are built (up) with Tawi by a garden.” In (11), the first interpretation would be the default due to animacy concerns, but there’s no reason that the alternative translation couldn’t be true, particularly in poetic language. Maybe the garden, as a joint project between you and Tawi, built up a stronger relationship Page 20 between you two? It’s a bit of a stretch, but it’s not an impossible interpretation if given the right context! The clitic then expands yet again to be used in cases where it would never have been found before: with intransitive verbs. (12) Me eyuŋgẹ. me e= yuŋgẹ 2.SG 2= be.tired “You’re tired.” (13) Ezoŋgó. e= zoŋgo -S 2= dance.solo -PST “You were dancing by yourself.” Wrap Up When I conlang and I see the word “diachronics,” my first thought is always these deeply seeded historical conlangs that derive from some three-thousand year-old protolanguage. They often feel overwhelming for me. I wrote up this article because I think we can apply the basics of diachronic changes to a language on a much smaller scale and still end up with quirks that give the language some depth while still feeling naturalistic. I hope to apply this small-scale technique more in my conlangs, and I hope in the future I can see more examples of how others do the same to grow and develop their languages. Thanks for reading! Page 21 04 Undiachronics, or, Discovering Lauvìnko by Conor Stuart Roe For more about Lauvìnko, visit its home on the web at http://lauvinko.conorstuartroe.com/ I wrote an article called Machine-Assisted Morphology in Segments #7 almost a year ago, and it was basically meant to function as the magnum opus of a set of reflections I’d had swirling around my brain for the prior couple of years. Basically, it described the way that I’d devised Lauvìnko as a fully diachronics-driven project, and the intense complexities that cropped up from trying to formalize a naturalistic and messy language into software. It provides some more detailed context on this article, which I’ll also summarize here. Because my approach to Lauvìnko morphology has been to create a highly agglutinative but fully regular ancestor language and then send it unflinchingly through the grinder of historical sound change, there has always been a large element of discovery in Lauvìnko. That theme cropped up a few times in Machine-Assisted Morphology - instances where a particular combination of sounds or morphological machinery was brought together for the first time, and the rules I had laid out up until that moment either gave me an answer I didn’t expect, or turned out to be underspecified and have no answer at all. It’s almost like math - choose a set of axioms and then discover what emergent properties that system has. In that vein, since I have been so heavily focused on diachronics (and on the software engineering aspect of Lauvìnko as a project), I have not really taken time to approach Lauvìnko as a language in its own right as a synchronously describable language. I’ve spent 2023 much more focused on learning natural languages than on making artificial ones, and perhaps for that reason I feel compelled to approach Lauvìnko as a language learner would, getting familiar with its current nooks and crannies rather than just an abstract, thousandyear view. In fact, I studiously avoid giving diachronic explanations for anything in this article. This may seem at odds with this edition’s theme of diachrony, but I think about it as an important, if (on my part) neglected, part of the process of the historical approach to conlanging. If at any point you want a peek behind the curtain at the actual historical changes Lauvìnko underwent, you can read about it on my website. Page 23 Lauvìnko So I’m going to do the (the original draft of this article contained the phrase “hopefully brief” here; that hope has since clearly been dashed) exercise of looking at some individual affixes in Lauvìnko and exploring their allomorphs that appear in different contexts. It should be entertaining! Some of Lauvìnko’s allomorphy that feels relatively humdrum when you know the history looks a little wild when taken out of that context. A taste of Lauvìnko phonology For my last article, the Segments editors thought it was useful for the reader to know the basics of Lauvìnko phonology. I think that’s even more true for this article, so here’s the same summary I included last time: Lauvìnko has 12 consonant phonemes, romanization the same as IPA except where noted: Nasal Stop/Affricate Fricative Approximant Labial /m/ /p/ /ʋ/ ⟨v⟩ Alveolar /n/ /t/ /t͡s/ ⟨c⟩ /s/ /l/ Dorsal /ŋ/ ⟨ng⟩ /k/ /j/ ⟨y⟩ Glottal /h/ Lauvìnko has four vowel phonemes /a e i o/, as well as three diphthongs /eɐ̯ iɐ̯ oɐ̯/ ⟨ea ia oa⟩. Maximal Lauvìnko syllable structure is CVC. All consonants besides /h/ are permitted in the syllable coda, although often with different realizations than in the onset: • All stops lose distinctive place of articulation, debuccalizing to [ʔ h ɦ] before sonorants or word-finally (written ⟨h⟩), and geminating following obstruents (simply indicated with a double letter). • Nasals also lose distinctive place of articulation in the coda, assimilating to a following consonant (written ⟨m⟩ or ⟨n⟩), or appearing as [ŋ] ⟨ng⟩ word-finally. • /ʋ/ becomes [w] ⟨u⟩. • /t͡s/ becomes [s] ⟨s⟩. • /l/ becomes [ɽ] ⟨r⟩ or turns a following alveolar consonant geminate and retroflex. Lauvìnko has a pitch accent system which is structurally similar to Ancient Greek or modern Serbo-Croatian. One syllable per word bears an accent, and that syllable may carry one of two pitch contours: high flat ⟨á é í ó⟩ or falling ⟨à è ì ò⟩. Methodology: everything × everything In this article I specifically focus on a group of affixes called the conjunct prefixes, and how they combine with native Lauvìnko stems, mostly verbal stems. The conjunct prefixes are basically those which date to the earliest constructed stage of Lauvìnko (which was nearly exclusively prefixing) and are thus subject to the most extreme allomorphy. They include verbal affixes for modal/adverbial functions, some aspect marking, and agreement with the trigger (≈ subject). As explained in my previous article, I perform all Lauvìnko morphological inflection via software these days (you can play with it here.) So the methodology of this article just involved analyzing the output of my existing morphology engine. I wrote up some pretty straightforward code to take every native stem of Lauvìnko, and output its form with each individual conjunct prefix. For example (pretending for a moment that I only have four Page 24 stems and four conjunct prefixes in the entire language): must before can but yèng “saw” yosyèng tayèng sonèng cayèng tís “long” yostís tattís sottís cattís tìnni “crafted” yoslìnni tattìnni sontìnni catìnni asòsing “diced” yosasòsing tasòsing sonasòsing causòsing Next, I wrote a second bit of code which computes phoneme substitution rules for each prefix-stem pair, roughly signifying the allomorph the prefix has for that stem. For example, it would compute the following phoneme substitutions for each of the combinations above (note in particular that this is based off of phonemes, not romanization): must before can but yèng “saw” // → /jos/ // → /ta/ /j/ → /son/ // → /t͡sa/ tís “long” // → /jos/ // → /tat/ // → /sot/ // → /t͡sat/ tìnni “crafted” /t/ → /josl/ // → /tat/ // → /son/ // → /t͡sa/ asòsing “diced” // → /jos/ // → /t/ // → /son/ /a/ → /t͡saʋ/ One limitation of this methodology that I acknowledge is that constraining the search space to have only one prefix at a time on a given stem is not fully representative of the language. Lauvìnko is a pretty synthetic language, and it’s not rare for several conjunct prefixes (and some other less scary morphology) to appear on a single stem. However, relaxing that simplifying assumption would require me to analyze many, many more combinations, and I’m not convinced that the results would be much more interesting. Maybe in the future I’ll try it out and realize I need to write another article about it, but this methodology was plenty complex for now. I was interested in sorting the stems into different inflection classes, perhaps motivated by the language learning lens (for an analogous example: Spanish has three major verb conjugation classes – ar, er, and ir – with many subclasses for behaviors like vowel breaking, first-person conjugations in -go, etc.) I computed a grouping of all native Lauvìnko stems into inflection classes, such that all stems in an inflection class have the same phoneme substitution for every single prefix. For instance, tève ‘washed’ is in the same inflection class as tìnni: must before can but tìnni “crafted” yoslìnni tattìnni sontìnni catìnni tève “washed” yoslève tattève sontève catève Using this method, I identified 38 inflection classes, which can be manually grouped into larger superclasses, which I’ll discuss in detail. This is not necessarily the total number of possible inflection classes - I am well aware of gaps in my data that will give rise to new stem classes if I coin new roots that happen to fill them (I estimate the number of theoretically possible but unattested stem classes to be 10-15). I was also interested in the set of allomorphs for each conjunct prefix. Because this is a relatively small closed class (29 prefixes) they can’t really be divided into groups, but I do discuss some general patterns. Page 25 Lauvìnko Consonant tricks There’s one morphological process so widespread and important in Lauvìnko morphology that I think it’s best to explain before describing specific allomorphy: consonant breaking and mutation. Some stems (and conjunct prefixes!) beginning with nasal and stop consonants undergo consonant breaking after most conjunct prefixes, by which the one initial consonant breaks into two consonants. Specifically, when /m n ŋ p t t͡s k/ break, they become /mp nt ŋk pp tt tt͡s kk/, respectively. Due to the CVC syllable structure of Lauvìnko, this sometimes forces vowel epenthesis between the prefix and the stem. Some examples of breaking vs. non-breaking stems: after like non-breaking tìnni “crafted” mày “seem” ngitìnni ngimày mittìnni mihmày breaking tís “long” méke “carried” ngittís ngimpéke mikattís mikampéke I say they break after “most” conjunct prefixes, because there’s a second phenomenon going on - consonant mutation. 10 of the 29 conjunct prefixes cause consonant mutation on the following consonant, with mutation coming in three flavors: lenition, fortition, and nasalization. Breaking consonants respond to mutation differently than their non-breaking counterparts, and the lenition mutation effectively cancels out consonant breaking. The full set of mutations (with gray shading indicating no change): no mutation /m/ /n/ /ŋ/ /p/ /t/ /t͡s/ /k/ /mp/ /nt/ /ŋk/ /pp/ /tt/ /tt͡s/ /kk/ /s/ /ʋ/ /l/ /j/ lenition /m/ /n/ /ŋ/ /ʋ/ /l/ /s/ /j/ or nothing /m/ /n/ /ŋ/ /p/ /t/ /t͡s/ /k/ /s/ /ʋ/ /l/ /j/ fortition /m/ /n/ /ŋ/ /pp/ /tt/ /tt͡s/ /kk/ /mp/ /nt/ /ŋk/ /pp/ /tt/ /tt͡s/ /kk/ /t͡s/ /ʋ/ /l/ /j/ nasalization /m/ /n/ /ŋ/ /mp/ /nt/ /nt͡s/ /ŋk/ /mp/ /nt/ /ŋk/ /pp/ /tt/ /tt͡s/ /kk/ /s/ /m/ /n/ /n/ There are a few other odds and ends to explain. Vowel-initial stems undergo vowel coalescence with prefixes ending in vowels and do not undergo lenition or fortition, but nasalizing prefixes will insert an epenthetic /n/ between the prefix and the vowel. When /k/ is lenited, it may become /j/, or it may just disappear, which may lead to further vowel coalescence, depending on phonological context. /h/ is not included in this chart because it cannot appear word-internally, so when a stem beginning in /h/ receives a prefix it simply disappears; this permits normal vowel sandhi and blocks the epenthesis of /n/ following a nasalizing prefix. Page 26 Prefixes I’ll briefly discuss all 29 prefixes here, and give some prototypical allomorph for each, as well any mutation they cause, notated by superscripts: L is lenition, F is fortition, N is nasalization. At the end of this section, I also have some brief notes on allomorphy of prefixes, but discuss it in more detail in the discussion of individual stem classes. It’s not relevant to the methodology of this article, but for the curious: I’ve ordered the prefix sections according to the order they appear in the Lauvìnko verb template. A maximally inflected Lauvìnko verb could have a few modal prefixes, one tertiary aspect prefix, one trigger agreement prefix, and one voice prefix. Modal prefixes The modal prefixes are a broad category of prefixes carrying modal, evidential, adverbial, and other information. Lauvìnko verbs can have more than one modal prefix attached; there is no fixed relative ordering of the modal prefixes and their ordering tends to be configurational. tiL mernoeuyosL coy- if while after (different subject) want to must, have to indirect evidential kiL taF armikkor- in order to before not like to very ivoF ngitelesoN ca- therefore, thus after (same subject) again able to but Tertiary aspect prefixes Lauvìnko verbal stems express core (so-called primary and secondary) aspect distinctions via ablaut and partial reduplication, but there are two extra aspect markings which may combine with the primary and secondary aspects. mi- prospective aspect laF - experiential aspect Trigger agreement prefixes Lauvìnko has a syntactic slot roughly similar to subject, which I’ve settled on calling the “trigger” (a term taken from Austronesian linguistics). The main verb of a sentence agrees with the trigger. naiF asa- 1st person singular 2nd person singular 3rd person animate singular 3rd person inanimate singular kaeF oso- 1st person plural 2nd person plural 3rd person animate plural 3rd person inanimate plural Trigger role (voice) prefixes The trigger of a Lauvìnko sentence is by default an agent, but it can also be other theta roles, which are marked on the verb. I variously refer to this as trigger role marking, or simply voice. There is also a prefix in this morphological slot that indicates that the verb is in a dependent clause. taN - genitive trigger Page 27 pos- locative trigger et- dependent Lauvìnko Prefix allomorphy It’s difficult to summarize all of the allomorphy that stems undergo, so I’m just going to highlight a couple of groups of prefixes that show a particular kind of allomorphy. Look out for these patterns in the section on stem classes. The first group just contains the two modal prefixes mer- and taF -; their unique behavior is that they often insert a /ʋ/ between them and the stem; the precise circumstances under which this happens are given in the section on stem classes. The second group contains the modal ca-, the aspect prefix laF -, and the trigger agreement prefixes sa- and a-. These four prefixes often cause the following stem-initial vowel to shift to a semivowel. Stem classes For this section, I’ve grouped the 38 stem classes into some larger groups of classes that show similar or analogous patterns to each other. I don’t necessarily intend for this section to be read in full by anyone; it’s an extremely detailed reference of Lauvìnko inflection patterns. Just taking in the sheer size of this section and maybe reading a few subsections to get an impression of what’s going on should be sufficient. The ordering of the subsections is highly intentional; I’ve tried to order them such that new phenomena are gradually introduced alongside previously seen ones. As a result, the subsections broadly progress from the most regular and predictable to the most chaotic. Non-breaking nasal This is both the simplest and most common stem class. Nasals are opaque to all consonant mutations, so there’s really nothing exciting happening here. In this and following subsections I show the inflection patterns of all stem classes in charts like below, with an uninflected stem from the class in the top left, and the stem with each of the 29 prefixes in the other cells. There’s no separation of prefixes according to function because I’m much more interested in the phonological details than the semantic or syntactic ones. níh nginíh soníh laníh oníh tiníh noníh yosníh naníh saníh níh “stand” kiníh ivoníh arníh teleníh korníh caníh kaníh iníh soníh taníh merníh euníh coyníh eníh posníh taníh mihníh miníh aníh ehníh Non-breaking stop/affricate (except /k/) The stops /p t k/ and the one affricate /t͡s/ are all subject to all three types of mutation. I’ll color-code cells which are affected by mutation: lenition purple, fortition green, and nasalization yellow. Page 28 tève ngitève sontève lattève otève tilève notève yoslève natève satève tève “wash” kilève ivottève artève teletève kortève catève katève ittève sotève tantève mertève eutève coytève ettève postève tattève mittève mitève atève ettève Note that it can be difficult to tell where lenition and fortition are happening without comparison to other stem classes. For instance, both tattève and mittève have a geminate /t/, but the equivalent forms from the prior stem class taníh and mihníh reveal the full story. The first prefix is /ta/ with a fortition mutation to which nasals are opaque: tève → tattève but níh → taníh. The second prefix actually ends in a stop consonant which can be seen in both stem classes: tève → mittève and níh → mihníh (the actual identity of the stop consonant is a bit obscured by Lauvìnko allophony rules, which have all stops assimilate to a following stop and become [ɦ] before sonorant consonants, but other stem classes make it clear that the stop is /k/). The stem classes beginning with non-breaking /p/ and /t͡s/ look pretty similar, just with /p/ leniting to /ʋ/ and /t͡s/ leniting to /s/, so I won’t show them here. The stem classes beginning with non-breaking /k/, though, are much more diverse. The multiple stem classes for stems beginning in /k/ are discussed in a later section. Breaking nasal Breaking nasals are subject to lenition, which cancels out the breaking, but not to fortition or nasalization. After all conjunct prefixes other than leniting ones, the initial nasal breaks into a nasal + stop sequence. In order to maintain adherence to Lauvìnko phonotactics, breaking forces an epenthetic vowel to be added after all conjunct prefixes ending in consonants. náli ngintáli sontáli lantáli ontáli tináli nontáli yosnáli nantáli santáli náli “bind” kináli ivontáli alantáli telentáli kolantáli cantáli kantáli intáli sontáli tantáli melantáli evontáli coyintáli entáli posantáli tantáli mikantáli mintáli antáli etantáli Breaking stop/affricate Like breaking nasals, breaking stops are subject to lenition, which cancels out their breaking, but not to any other mutations. tís ngittís sottís lattís ottís titís nottís yostís nattís sattís tís “long” kitís ivottís alattís telettís kolattís cattís kattís ittís sottís tattís melattís evottís coyittís ettís posattís tattís mikattís mittís attís etattís Approximant Stems beginning in approximants /ʋ l j/ inflect almost as uneventfully as stems beginning in nasals, except that they are subject to nasalization. Here’s an example with /ʋ/ going to /m/; /l/ and /j/ both nasalize to /n/. Page 29 Lauvìnko váy ngiváy somáy laváy ováy tiváy nováy yosváy naváy saváy váy “go” kiváy ivováy arváy televáy korváy caváy kaváy iváy sováy tamáy merváy euváy coyváy eváy posváy taváy mihváy miváy aváy ehváy /s/ To round out the previous three groups, stems beginning in /s/ are only subject to fortition. Other than that, it is similarly boring to the nasals and approximants. séh ngiséh soséh lacéh oséh tiséh noséh yosséh naséh saséh séh “grow” kiséh ivocéh arséh teleséh korséh caséh kaséh icéh soséh taséh merséh euséh coyséh ecéh posséh tacéh misséh miséh aséh esséh Up until this point, all stems have begun in consonants. Compared to the stem classes that follow, their allomorphy is fairly tame. The really unpredictable complexity of Lauvìnko allomorphy is caused by needing to resolve vowel hiatus, which is not permitted by Lauvìnko phonotactics. The following stem classes all deal with vowel hiatus. non-breaking /k/ My algorithm found five distinct stem classes for stems beginning in non-breaking /k/, which differ in accent placement and the vowel phoneme following the /k/ (I am quite sure that three or so more classes are theoretically possible, but the existing native stems fall into only five). This is because non-breaking /k/ basically disappears under lenition; Lauvìnko does not allow vowel hiatus so the disappearance of the consonant can be resolved in multiple ways. If the vowel following /k/ is accented, an epenthetic /j/ can be inserted to avoid vowel hiatus. Otherwise, various vowel coalescence occurs. I’ll give an example stem from each of the five classes, with a bit of discussion for each. Weird vowel shenanigans only happen under lenition, so only the cells highlighted red will differ between the five. The first class is the simplest, and encompasses all stems for which the vowel following /k/ is accented. An epenthetic /j/ is simply inserted to avoid hiatus for the modal prefixes tiL - and kiL -, while the /s/ of yosL - renders consonant epenthesis unnecessary: kéa ngikéa sonkéa lakkéa okéa tiyéa nokéa yoséa nakéa sakéa kéa “dry” kiyéa ivokkéa arkéa telekéa korkéa cakéa kakéa ikkéa sokéa tankéa merkéa eukéa coykéa ekkéa poskéa takkéa mikkéa mikéa akéa ekkéa The second class is comprised of stems in which /k/ is followed by an unaccented /i/. The /i/ coalesces with the /i/ of tiL - and kiL -, and shifts to /e/ following yosL -: Page 30 kikímpir ngikikímpir sonkikímpir lakkikímpir okikímpir tikímpir nokikímpir yosekímpir nakikímpir sakikímpir kikímpir “blow” kikímpir ivokkikímpir arkikímpir telekikímpir korkikímpir cakikímpir kakikímpir ikkikímpir sokikímpir tankikímpir merkikímpir eukikímpir coykikímpir ekkikímpir poskikímpir takkikímpir mikkikímpir mikikímpir akikímpir ekkikímpir The next class is stems in which /k/ is followed by unaccented /e/. It coalesces with the /i/ of tiL - and kiL - into /e/, and also remains as /e/ following yosL -: keképah ngikeképah sonkeképah lakkeképah okeképah teképah nokeképah yoseképah nakeképah sakeképah keképah “command” keképah ivokkeképah arkeképah telekeképah korkeképah cakeképah kakeképah ikkeképah sokeképah tankeképah merkeképah eukeképah coykeképah ekkeképah poskeképah takkeképah mikkeképah mikeképah akeképah ekkeképah The next class contains some stems in which /k/ is followed by unaccented /a/, predominantly frequentative-aspect stems where the accented vowel is /o/. For these, the /a/ actually becomes a semivowel /ʋ/ after tiL - and kiL -. remaining /a/ after yosL -: kakómpir ngikakómpir sonkakómpir lakkakómpir okakómpir tiukómpir nokakómpir yosakómpir nakakómpir sakakómpir kakómpir “blew” kiukómpir ivokkakómpir arkakómpir telekakómpir korkakómpir cakakómpir kakakómpir ikkakómpir sokakómpir tankakómpir merkakómpir eukakómpir coykakómpir ekkakómpir poskakómpir takkakómpir mikkakómpir mikakómpir akakómpir ekkakómpir The last attested class of stems beginning with /k/ only has one existing stem in it. /k/ is followed by an unaccented /a/, which disappears entirely with tiL - and kiL -. and remains /a/ after yosL -: kavòng ngikavòng sonkavòng lakkavòng okavòng tivòng nokavòng yosavòng nakavòng sakavòng kavòng “tree” kivòng ivokkavòng arkavòng telekavòng korkavòng cakavòng kakavòng ikkavòng sokavòng tankavòng merkavòng eukavòng coykavòng ekkavòng poskavòng takkavòng mikkavòng mikavòng akavòng ekkavòng unaccented /ant͡s/ I put this category after the disclaimer about vowel hiatus, but stems beginning with unaccented anc are actually a special class of vowel-initial stems that inflect much more simply than all other vowel-initial stems. Essentially, the initial unaccented /a/ just gets dropped following any prefix ending in a vowel, and stays as an epenthetic vowel following any prefix ending in a consonant. These stems don’t exhibit any mutation behavior; unlike all other vowel-initial stems, stems beginning in anc don’t even get an /n/ inserted after nasalizing prefixes. The only unexpected behavior of this class of stems is something it shares with all vowelinitial stems: the appearance of a /ʋ/ following the modal prefix mer-. Page 31 Lauvìnko ancóy ngincóy soncóy lancóy oncóy tincóy noncóy yosancóy nancóy sancóy ancóy “traded” kincóy ivoncóy alancóy telencóy kolancóy cancóy kancóy incóy soncóy tancóy mervancóy evancóy coyancóy encóy posancóy tancóy mikancóy mincóy ancóy etancóy /h/ Like with non-breaking /k/, stems beginning with /h/ can be split into five classes. Unlike non-breaking /k/, stems beginning with /h/ are relatively more rare and each class is smaller, with three of the five classes only containing a single stem. To be more specific, one primary/secondary aspect form of the verb hànasvi ‘fight’ happens to appear in each of the five stem classes, so that for three of the five classes, the only stem in the class is a form of hànasvi! For this reason, I’ll show each of the five classes using the form of hànasvi that belongs to that class. In the discussion on stems beginning in non-breaking /k/, I estimated that about three more classes may be theoretically possible and emerge as I add new roots to the language; for stems beginning in /h/ I think there may be five or more possible but currently unattested classes, just because the examples of them are so sparse so far. /h/ is only possible word-initially in Lauvìnko, and just disappears following any prefix. It can be replaced by a semivowel to prevent vowel hiatus, or vowels may just coalesce. /h/ is not subject to any type of mutation, even blocking the insertion of /n/ after nasalizing prefixes that occurs with vowel-initial prefixes. Accented vowels tend to resist vowel coalescence, so stems with /h/ followed by an accented vowel usually replace the /h/ with a semivowel. If the final vowel of the prefix is not /a/, it normally dictates the prefix, so the only variation between the three stem classes with /h/ followed by an accented vowel occurs with prefixes ending in /a/. Since there is no need for cell shading indicating mutation in these paradigms, I’ll highlight all the cells differing between the three paradigms with gray shading. The tendency is for accented /a/ to coalesce with the /a/ of the prefix, accented /e/ to cause an epenthetic /j/ to be inserted, and accented /o/ to cause an epenthetic /ʋ/ to be inserted. The oddball is that the modal prefix taF - has an epenthetic /ʋ/ even before /e/: tavènasvi. Note that the genitive trigger prefix ta- still has epenthetic /j/ with the same stem: tayènasvi. How odd! hànasvi ngiyànasvi sovànasvi lànasvi ovànasvi hènasvi ngiyènasvi sovènasvi layènasvi ovènasvi tiyànasvi novànasvi yosànasvi nànasvi sànasvi hànasvi “fight” kiyànasvi ivovànasvi alànasvi teleyànasvi kolànasvi cànasvi kànasvi iyànasvi sovànasvi tànasvi mervànasvi evànasvi coyànasvi eyànasvi posànasvi tànasvi mikànasvi miyànasvi ànasvi etànasvi tiyènasvi novènasvi yosènasvi nayènasvi sayènasvi hènasvi “fought” kiyènasvi ivovènasvi alènasvi teleyènasvi kolènasvi cayènasvi kayènasvi iyènasvi sovènasvi tayènasvi mervènasvi evènasvi coyènasvi eyènasvi posènasvi tavènasvi mikènasvi miyènasvi ayènasvi etènasvi Page 32 hònasvi ngiyònasvi sovònasvi lavònasvi ovònasvi tiyònasvi novònasvi yosònasvi navònasvi savònasvi hònasvi “was fighting” kiyònasvi ivovònasvi alònasvi teleyònasvi kolònasvi cavònasvi kavònasvi iyònasvi sovònasvi tavònasvi mervònasvi evònasvi coyònasvi eyònasvi posònasvi tavònasvi mikònasvi miyònasvi avònasvi etònasvi Unaccented vowels, in contrast to accented vowels, are much more liable to be pushed around by vowel coalescence. The only examples of stems beginning with /h/ followed by an unaccented vowel are the frequentative forms of hànasvi. There are so many things to mention about the following two paradigms! Firstly, there is much more vowel coalescence because prefixes ending in /i/ or /e/ have it coalesce into following unaccented /e/, while prefixes ending in /o/ have it coalesce into a following /o/. Semivowels tend to otherwise be inserted between vowels of different frontness/rounding. Except! That some, but not all, prefixes ending in /a/ reduce the first vowel of the stem to a semivowel. For example: laF - (experiential aspect) + heyènasvi = layyènasvi, but na(first person singular trigger) + heyènasvi = nayeyènasvi. Most of the cells in the following two paradigms have something interesting going on, but I’ve chosen to highlight the cells where a vowel is reduced to a semivowel, because the same pattern emerges with vowel-initial stems. heyènasvi ngeyènasvi soveyènasvi layyènasvi oveyènasvi hovònasvi ngiyovònasvi sovònasvi lauvònasvi ovònasvi teyènasvi noveyènasvi yoseyènasvi nayeyènasvi sayyènasvi heyènasvi “slaughter” keyènasvi ivoveyènasvi aleyènasvi teleyènasvi koleyènasvi cayyènasvi kayeyènasvi eyènasvi soveyènasvi tayeyènasvi hovònasvi “was slaughtering” tiyovònasvi kiyovònasvi ivovònasvi novònasvi alovònasvi teleyovònasvi yosovònasvi kolovònasvi cauvònasvi navovònasvi kavovònasvi iyovònasvi sauvònasvi sovònasvi tavovònasvi merveyènasvi eveyènasvi coyeyènasvi eyènasvi poseyènasvi mervovònasvi evovònasvi coyovònasvi eyovònasvi posovònasvi taveyènasvi mikeyènasvi meyènasvi ayyènasvi eteyènasvi tavovònasvi mikovònasvi miyovònasvi auvònasvi etovònasvi /i/ Stems beginning in /i/ only split into two classes: those in which the /i/ resists being squished into a semivowel, and those in which it is happily squished. I’ve actually included two examples of the first category, because /i/ may resist squishing for two reasons: it is accented, or it is followed by a coda consonant. Those two examples are below. Things to notice besides the lack of squishing include: • • • • • • Insertion of /n/ after nasalizing prefixes, like all vowel-initial stems. The insertion of /ʋ/ after modals mer- and ta-, as usual. Insertion of /ʋ/ after prefixes ending in /o/. Insertion of /j/ after prefixes ending in /a/. Coalesce with prefix-ending /i/. Coalescence into /e/ with prefix-ending /e/. If the /i/ was accented, the /e/ takes over that accent. Page 33 Lauvìnko • Shift to /e/ after certain other prefixes ending in consonants or /a/ (highlighted in gray). ìsing ngìsing sonìsing layìsing ovìsing incày ngincày sonincày layincày ovincày tìsing novìsing yosèsing nayèsing sayìsing tincày novincày yosencày nayencày sayincày ìsing “cut” kìsing ivovìsing alèsing telèsing kolèsing cayìsing kayèsing ìsing sovìsing tanìsing incày “wisen” kincày ivovincày alencày telencày kolencày cayincày kayencày incày sovincày tanincày mervìsing evèsing coyìsing èsing posèsing mervincày evencày coyincày encày posencày tavìsing mikèsing mìsing ayìsing etèsing tavincày mikencày mincày ayincày etencày In the squishable variety of stems beginning in /i/, everything is the same except that four prefixes squish the /i/ into /j/ (highlighted gray). Note that these are the same four that caused vowel squishing in heyènasvi and hovònasvi. Note also that these four are all of the prefixes ending in /a/ which don’t shift the /i/ to /e/. inóa nginóa soninóa laynóa ovinóa tinóa novinóa yosenóa nayenóa saynóa inóa “blacken” kinóa ivovinóa alenóa telenóa kolenóa caynóa kayenóa inóa sovinóa taninóa mervinóa evenóa coyinóa enóa posenóa tavinóa mikenóa minóa aynóa etenóa /e/ The stems beginning in /e/ show almost all the characteristics of stems beginning in /i/. The only major differences pertain to vowel coalescence with other front vowels. After prefixes ending in /e/, stems beginning with /i/ coalesced the two vowels into /e/; stems beginning with /e/ also coalesce with prefix-ending /e/ into /e/, but obviously that doesn’t represent a shift in vowel quality in these paradigms. After prefixes ending in /i/, stems beginning with /i/ always coalesced; stems beginning with accented /e/ actually don’t coalesce, so that stems beginning with /e/ split into three stem classes: those with accented /e/, those with unaccented /e/ followed by a coda consonant, and those with unaccented /e/ and no coda consonant. éhngi ngiyéhngi sonéhngi layéhngi ovéhngi tiyéhngi novéhngi yoséhngi nayéhngi sayéhngi éhngi “cross” kiyéhngi ivovéhngi aléhngi teleyéhngi koléhngi cayéhngi kayéhngi iyéhngi sovéhngi tanéhngi mervéhngi evéhngi coyéhngi eyéhngi poséhngi tavéhngi mikéhngi miyéhngi ayéhngi etéhngi Page 34 ekkéhngi ngekkéhngi sonekkéhngi layekkéhngi ovekkéhngi ekkéhngi “wander” kekkéhngi ivovekkéhngi alekkéhngi telekkéhngi kolekkéhngi cayekkéhngi kayekkéhngi ekkéhngi sovekkéhngi tanekkéhngi tekkéhngi novekkéhngi yosekkéhngi nayekkéhngi sayekkéhngi mervekkéhngi evekkéhngi coyekkéhngi ekkéhngi posekkéhngi tavekkéhngi mikekkéhngi mekkéhngi ayekkéhngi etekkéhngi Like with /i/, stems beginning with unaccented /e/ and no coda consonant afterward have that first vowel squished to /j/ (highlighted in gray). ekéayi ngekéayi sonekéayi laykéayi ovekéayi tekéayi novekéayi yosekéayi nayekéayi saykéayi ekéayi “manufacture” kekéayi ivovekéayi alekéayi telekéayi kolekéayi caykéayi kayekéayi ekéayi sovekéayi tanekéayi mervekéayi evekéayi coyekéayi ekéayi posekéayi tavekéayi mikekéayi mekéayi aykéayi etekéayi /o/ Stems beginning in /o/ show many parallels with the stems beginning in front vowels. Like with stems beginning with /e/, they are divided into three stem classes: those beginning with accented /o/, those beginning with unaccented /o/ followed by a coda consonant, and those beginning with unaccented /o/ in an open syllable. Patterns to notice, most of which are analogous to patterns with /e/, include: • Insertion of /n/ after nasalizing prefixes. • The insertion of /ʋ/ after modals mer- and ta-. • Insertion of /ʋ/ after prefixes ending in /o/ if the stem-initial /o/ is accented, coalescence otherwise. • Insertion of /ʋ/ after prefixes ending in /a/, except that unaccented open /o/ squishes to /ʋ/ ([w]) after the same four prefixes. • Insertion of /j/ after prefixes ending in front vowels. òving ngiyòving sonòving lavòving ovòving okkóhngi ngiyokkóhngi sonokkóhngi lavokkóhngi okkóhngi Page 35 tiyòving novòving yosòving navòving savòving tiyokkóhngi nokkóhngi yosokkóhngi navokkóhngi savokkóhngi òving “deep” kiyòving ivovòving alòving teleyòving kolòving cavòving kavòving iyòving sovòving tanòving mervòving evòving coyòving eyòving posòving okkóhngi “wandered” kiyokkóhngi ivokkóhngi alokkóhngi teleyokkóhngi kolokkóhngi cavokkóhngi kavokkóhngi iyokkóhngi sokkóhngi tanokkóhngi tavòving mikòving miyòving avòving etòving mervokkóhngi evokkóhngi coyokkóhngi eyokkóhngi posokkóhngi tavokkóhngi mikokkóhngi miyokkóhngi avokkóhngi etokkóhngi Lauvìnko I’ve highlighted the squishing of /o/ to /ʋ/ in gray here, for consistency: okóayi ngiyokóayi sonokóayi laukóayi okóayi okóayi “manufactured” kiyokóayi ivokóayi alokóayi teleyokóayi kolokóayi caukóayi kavokóayi iyokóayi sokóayi tanokóayi tiyokóayi nokóayi yosokóayi navokóayi saukóayi mervokóayi evokóayi coyokóayi eyokóayi posokóayi tavokóayi mikokóayi miyokóayi aukóayi etokóayi /a/ I consider stems beginning in /a/ to be the extreme of complexity and unpredictability in Lauvìnko. Stems beginning in other vowels are relatively predictable in terms of which stem class they fall into just on the basis of the appearance of the bare stem; this is somewhat less true for stems beginning in unaccented /a/. For stems beginning with accented /a/, many of the by-now familiar patterns hold true: /n/-insertion, coalescence with prefix-ending /a/, insertion of /j/ after front vowels and /ʋ/ after /o/, etc. ànosi ngiyànosi sonànosi lànosi ovànosi tiyànosi novànosi yosànosi nànosi sànosi ànosi “help” kiyànosi ivovànosi alànosi teleyànosi kolànosi cànosi kànosi iyànosi sovànosi tanànosi mervànosi evànosi coyànosi eyànosi posànosi tànosi mikànosi miyànosi ànosi etànosi A majority of stems beginning with unaccented /a/ are a particular aspect/tense combination: the frequentative past. For instance, antónokki ‘devised’ is the frequentative past of énokki ‘depict.’ This fact skews the set of available stem classes somewhat; I believe that more classes of stems beginning in unaccented /a/ are possible, but even as new stems are added to the language would remain relatively rare. Like with other vowels, stems beginning in unaccented /a/ followed by a coda consonant show a somewhat similar paradigm to those beginning with accented /a/. However, in the single extant stem class of stems beginning in unaccented /a/ followed by a coda consonant, two surprising differences appear that I would expect to be particular to frequentative past stems, namely deletion of the initial /a/ following prefix-final /o/ (or, put another way, coalescence with preceding /o/ into /o/) as well as the insertion of /ʋ/ after prefix-final /a/ (marked in gray). antónokki ngiyantónokki sonantónokki lavantónokki ontónokki tiyantónokki nontónokki yosantónokki navantónokki savantónokki antónokki “devised” kiyantónokki ivontónokki alantónokki teleyantónokki kolantónokki cavantónokki kavantónokki iyantónokki sontónokki tanantónokki mervantónokki evantónokki coyantónokki eyantónokki posantónokki tantónokki mikantónokki miyantónokki avantónokki etantónokki Another class of frequentative past stems which do not have a coda following the /a/ also show patterns relating to back vowels and /ʋ/. Like with the previous stem class, the /a/ tends to disappear following /o/. After any other prefix-final vowel, the /a/ becomes /ʋ/ (as it is always in the syllable coda in this case, it is pronounced [w] and romanized ⟨u⟩). This second behavior in particular surprised me quite a bit when I first saw it! Page 36 asòsing ngiusòsing sonasòsing lausòsing osòsing tiusòsing nosòsing yosasòsing nausòsing sausòsing asòsing “diced” kiusòsing ivosòsing alasòsing teleusòsing kolasòsing causòsing kausòsing iusòsing sosòsing tanasòsing mervasòsing evasòsing coyasòsing eusòsing posasòsing tasòsing mikasòsing miusòsing ausòsing etasòsing For perhaps a more “typical” stem class beginning in unaccented /a/ (perhaps not by total number of stems, but at least in that most such stems that do not fall into the peculiar grammatical box of frequentative past would behave something like this) I have only one extant example right now, which happens to be a proper noun. Unlike the previous two classes, in this class the initial /a/ coalesces with prefix-final /a/, not /o/, and becomes the diphthong component /ɐ̯/ rather than /ʋ/ after other vowels. atinèni ngiatinèni sonatinèni latinèni oatinèni atinèni (name of a town) tiatinèni kiatinèni ivoatinèni mervatinèni noatinèni alatinèni teleatinèni evatinèni yosatinèni kolatinèni catinèni coyatinèni natinèni katinèni iatinèni eatinèni satinèni soatinèni tanatinèni posatinèni tatinèni mikatinèni miatinèni atinèni etatinèni And finally - the very last stem class I have to discuss is one more “atypical” class of stems which begin in /ají/. For these stems, the initial /a/ is simply lost following any prefix-final vowel. ayísmi ngiyísmi sonayísmi layísmi oyísmi tiyísmi noyísmi yosayísmi nayísmi sayísmi ayísmi “narrow” kiyísmi ivoyísmi alayísmi teleyísmi kolayísmi cayísmi kayísmi iyísmi soyísmi tanayísmi mervayísmi evayísmi coyayísmi eyísmi posayísmi tayísmi mikayísmi miyísmi ayísmi etayísmi And that, at last, concludes the discussion of every single stem class (or, in a few cases, groups of stem classes that could succinctly be described as a unit). Thanks for making it this far! To close, I’d like to reflect on the degree of naturalism of the irregularity we’ve just seen. I do believe that this falls within the realm of realistic irregularity. I don’t know much about Old Irish or modern Georgian, but from the impressions I’ve gotten they may be scarier still. Even so (and especially keeping in mind that this entire article only discusses the irregularities of a particular kind of prefix, saying nothing of other types of irregularity in the language), I think it’s safe to say that Lauvìnko falls somewhere on the irregular end of the spectrum. I cannot imagine trying to actually become a fluent user of it! Page 37 05 Plurals in Patches by Akam Chinjir Earlier this year I managed to sketch a diachronic account of plural morphology in my conlang Patches. Across a large range of cases, it got me results I liked, and it promised to supply the basis for a more comprehensive morphophonological history of Patches. So this is a article about that. It’s a work in progress. Even while writing this article, I’ve changed my mind about some important things, and there remain many fiddly details and corner cases that I’m not yet sure how to handle. Luckily, most of these don’t affect the nouns I’ll be discussing here. I’ll be referring to Early Proto-Patches, or EPP. That’s the earliest form of the language I’m interested in. Naturally there’s also Proto-Patches proper, and there are also White Patches and Red Patches, but I won’t be talking about those. To be honest, I so far don’t really have Patches’ linguistic history pinned down to a concrete timeline. For reference, I’ve put the consonant inventories of both EPP and Patches in Table 1, with IPA equivalents where that seems helpful. All EPP transcriptions will be marked with an asterisk, even though they’re not actually reconstructions. Plurals From early on I wanted nouns to have an alternative, augmented stem that would occur in the plural. Originally there were also plural suffixes, but I’ve abandoned that idea. My current view is that EPP had plural suffixes, and they eventually conditioned stem alternations, but in Patches itself only the stem alternations have survived. I had a bunch of different ideas of how this might work, but the one that eventually stood out is that many monosyllabic nouns would mark the plural by infixing a sonorant consonant and adding a copy vowel. For example, the plural of the noun gíìb ‘oddity’ is gíríb (from EPP *ginĭb and *ginĭbă, respectively). The infix can be h or an oral sonorant, and I thought it might sometimes also be a plosive, deriving perhaps from an original geminate. Naturally there would be variations. In some nouns, the medial sonorant could also occur in the singular. Originally I allowed a plural like bówòj ‘kisses’ to correspond to either búwj Page 39 f m n l t ts dz ch j s z sh zh r (ɾ) k kʷ g gʷ q qʷ x xʷ ḥ ḥʷ ʁ ʁʷ ŋ ŋʷ y ele ss Pla c Uv ula r lve ola r Ve lar Po sta d eo lar l p b Plosives Plain Voiced Sibilant Voiced sibilant Fricatives Voiceless Voiced Nasals Oral sonorants Stops Glides Glottals Spread Constricted Alv De nta La b ial Patches w h ʔ Plosives Plain Voiced Glottalised Sibilant Voiced sibilant Glottalised sibilant Fricatives Voiceless Voiced Nasals Oral sonorants Stops Trill Approximants Glottals Spread Constricted p b pʼ t d tʼ ts dz tsʼ thʼ (t͡θʼ) f v m th dh nh s z n l r (ɾ) sh zh y k kʷ g gʷ kʼ kʷʼ ŋ ŋʷ kp gb kpʼ ŋm w ss eal Pla cel e ryn g Ph a Uv ula r lar ve bio La r ve ola ch j chʼ Ve la sta l Po ola r Alv e nta l De La bia l r (a) EPP q qʷ qʼ qʷʼ x xʷ gh ghʷ ḥ ṛ (ʢ) h ʔ (b) Patches Table 1: Consonant inventories Page 40 or bwúj, though (as we’ll see) it’s turned out that bwúj is not possible. As that example indicates, the singular and plural stems could also differ in their vowel and their tone. There are also cases where the plural is marked by lengthening the vowel, like chwom ‘club’, whose plural is chwoom. (Table 2 gives some examples, including several not mentioned elsewhere in this article. As you can probably tell, one idea I was playing with was an augmentative prefix *tsṳ-.) EPP root Singular Plural Gloss *bohŏm *bubŏdz *dzaahăʁ *ga̤făs *ginĭb *hagĭts *ka̤tăw *matăn *ragă *tsetĭz *tsodŭm *tsṳba̤ttăq *tsṳbo̤hŏ̤m *tsṳtsodŭm bom búwj dzáàṛ ghassa gíìb háych kath máʔn rag chéj chówm chwaʔqa chwom chʼówm bóóm bówòj dzááṛ ghawas gíríb hóyòch kalaw márán rayaw chíríj chówòm chwadáq chwoom chʼúwúm cudgel kiss zither woman oddity person oar fish gap bat hole, depression mountain club pit, cave Table 2: Some Patches plurals I adopted a fairly straightforward account to generate patterns like these: • Many EPP noun roots have the shape cvcv̆c and took a plural suffix of the form -v̆ (v̆ represents a weak or extra-short vowel). • Stress would go to the heaviest syllable, with ties being broken towards the right. This is the basic Patches stress rule, and I wanted it in EPP too. This means that a cvcv̆c noun root would always have stress on its initial syllable. • The original plural form would then be cvcv̆cv̆, with a stress lapse. That wouldn’t be a problem in EPP itself, but later the language would require stress to fall on one of the two final syllables. • The repair would be to shift stress right one syllable. To conform to the stress rule, this would require strengthening the newly-stressed vowel (without changing its quality). The plural would then be cvcvcv̆. • Later sound changes would delete weak vowels, yielding a cvcc singular and a cvcvc plural. The cluster in the singular would usually simplify, often simply by deleting the medial consonant. Meanwhile, the medial consonant would lenite in the plural. • Roots would also undergo a process of (eventually total) vowel assimilation. I’ve ended up wanting this to happen after the two stems have diverged, which means they can end up with different vowels. It’s essential to this account that EPP have a set of weak or extra-short vowels. These are the same in quality as regular vowels, but have two key properties: they count as lighter than regular short vowels for the purposes of stress computation, and they’re especially prone to delete over time. (Both Patches and EPP also have long vowels, so this amounts to a three-way weight distinction in EPP.) Weak vowels do a lot of work in my current thinking about Patches diachronics: • They help generate the stem alternations I want in plurals. Page 41 Patches • They do not delete when they occur in contexts where phonotactics require a vowel, so in Patches they can behave a bit like epenthetic vowels, except that their quality is unpredictable. • They survive in some suffixes, and though they are no longer phonetically distict from regular short vowels, they still behave as if lighter than regular short vowels, meaning that stress is somewhat unpredictable in Patches. (Both this and the previous point involve complexity of a sort that I’ve wanted in Patches from the beginning.) • Together with the assumption that weak vowels cannot host tones, they also help generate the accentual system I want. (More on this below.) This is all good: I don’t want to put a significant phonological contrast into my protolanguage if it’s only going to do one thing. As I mentioned above, this cannot yield a noun bwúj whose plural is bówòj. On the assumptions I’m making, stress can only move to the right, so it must be the second of the two vowels that is preserved in the plural but lost in the singular. Of course in principle I could reverse everything, and mark the plural with a prefix and assign stress to the first of two equally heavy syllables. But at this point the Patches stress rule is not really negotiable, and I’d prefer not to engineer a stress flip this time—I did that when working on the history of my conlang Akiatu, and not enough time has passed. In any case, allowing bwúj~bówòj but disallowing búwj~bówòj would not really seem like an improvement. This account only works with noun roots of the form cvcv̆c, so these had better be very common. I’d especially like to suppose that EPP has few if any noun roots that are cv̆cvc, cvcvc, or cv̆cv̆c, none of which would generate the desired alternation. My current plan is to rule those out with the following stipulations: • In EPP, noun roots of more than one syllable always have stress on the penult. • There’s a general rule that posttonic root vowels be weak. The second point is just a reasonable rule, and I won’t discuss it further. The first point needs comment, however, because the same rule doesn’t apply to bisyllabic roots of other classes, all of which normally get stress on the first syllable. What explains the difference? Of course the real answer here is that it gets me the results I want—but there’s also an in-world rationale. In Patches and presumably also in EPP, nouns very frequently occur preceded by an unstressable article (and nothing else). Thus, if the noun-initial syllable is not stressed, that creates a stress lapse. The same is not true of roots of other classes. On the contrary, verbs and positional roots usually occur suffixed, which could easily make them prefer stress on the root-final syllable. And that’s how I’ve decided it works. (Maybe you know that English nouns and verbs can differ stress-wise in exactly the same way; I have no idea if this also has something to do with unstressed articles and verbal suffixes.) EPP nouns certainly aren’t all cvcv̆c. The first syllable can be heavy, with a long vowel or a coda, and there are probably trisyllabic noun roots. But I’m going to ignore those possibilities here, and focus on the simplest and most common case. A further question is whether non-nouns ever have the cvcvc shape (with no weak vowels) that’s eventually characteristic of plural nouns. The alternative is that the pretonic vowel must normally be weak, just like posttonic vowels, and will also eventually delete. It would then be a distinctive feature of plurals that they have two full vowels, and remain bisyllabic. Page 42 Maybe bisyllabic words formed by CV- reduplication could share this feature. They could then develop in the same way as plurals, with the medial consonant leniting and eventually looking like an infix. If EPP verbs use this sort of reduplication to indicate iterativity or pluractionality, there’d even be a semantic difference to correspond to the prosodic difference: both nouns and verbs would end up marking a sort of plurality with an infixed sonorant. In any case, that’s the outline of how Patches nouns acquire distinct singular and plural stems; for the rest of this article I’ll try to fill in some of the details. Accent Simplifying a bit, a Patches word can have a high tone or a high-low contour anchored to its stressed syllable, or it can be unaccented; whether and how a word is accented is not in general predictable from it’s phonological form. EPP, by contrast, does not have lexical tone of any sort. Instead, stressed syllables get assigned intonational pitch accents. Unlike in English, the choice of accent is not affected by pragmatics; instead, it’s determined by the phonological form of the syllable or word in question. Later sound changes make a word’s accent unpredictable, and you’ve got lexical tone. Starting with intonational pitch accents means that I get high tones for free, and have to figure out why some words end up with a falling contour and others are unaccented. My main decision on this point is that EPP vowels can be breathy, and a breathy vowel gets assigned a low rather than a high pitch accent. Here are the details: • A stressed weak vowel cannot be assigned a high tone, and is left unaccented. This doesn’t matter for nouns, though, since the stressed vowel in a noun cannot be weak. • EPP has a rule that a short vowel before a coda h must be breathy, and thus must get a low pitch accent if stressed. (Perhaps it’s worth mentioning that in Patches and maybe also in EPP coda h is voiced.) A regular long vowel before coda h will be allophonically breathy in its latter part, resulting in a falling pitch contour; but this can only happen word-finally, and not in nouns. Stressed vowels can also be breathy even without coda h. • When a word undergoes a stress shift, this does not affect its pitch contour. If it originally had a high tone on its first syllable, then it will end up with a high or falling contour depending on whether that high tone is able to spread across the intervening consonant; high tone spread is blocked by voiced obstruents, for example. For example, bówòj ‘kisses’ has a falling contour because its medial w represents an original *b, which blocked high tone spread (originally it was bubŏdz in the singular and bubǒdzǎ in the plural). Incidentally, my earliest sketches of Patches tone posited tone melodies that anchored to the pretonic syllable, and this account of how tone interacts with stress shifts gives me exactly that in an important class of cases. Now, the preservation of a word’s accent despite a stress shift suggests that when the stress shift occurs, we’re already dealing with a regimen that’s basically tonal rather than intonational. A consequence, which I’ll accept, is that the plural suffixes did not already shift stress already in EPP, but that the stress shift must be a later change; in the meantime, something else must have happened to lexicalise the EPP pitch accents. In particular: – Unstressed root-final weak vowels deleted, resulting in a contrast between forms Page 43 Patches like *padĕ→pâd, with a falling contour, and *pad→pád, with no fall. – Root-medial consonants lenited, leading to a contrast between forms like *paděs→ pálès and forms like *palĕs→pálés. • Many consonant clusters end up getting simplified, often by deleting or debuccalising a consonant, and this can affect the word’s pitch contour, with the most common result being a fall. This happens especially often in singular nouns after they lose their posttonic vowel. For example, gíìb ‘oddity’ derives from an EPP root *ginĭb. Deletion of its weak vowel resulted in *gínb, which eventually simplified to gíìb, perhaps after a stage as gíĩb (with the coda nasal being replaced with a nasal vowel). Meanwhile, the plural deriving from the same root is gíríb, with no fall. • A word with no high tone ends up unaccented, as do at least some words with rising contours. (I suspect that other words with rising contours will end up with high accents, but I haven’t figured out what would condition this.) I’m basically happy with this overall story. The main thing that makes me nervous is the essential role played by breathy vowels, because it looks like I’m in danger of violating a principle I mentioned above, that I shouldn’t put something in the protolanguage that’s only got one thing to do. As it stands, it looks like I can just make the vowel breathy whenever I want an unaccented word, and that’ll have no other consequences; I might as well just stipulate that some EPP words are unaccented. What would be nice would be to find behaviour that’s characteristic of breathiness but that would be unexpected when inherited by Patches tones. I’m currently adopting two ideas: • In EPP as in some other languages with breathy vowels, u is especially prone to be breathy. Consequently, Patches words with u are especially likely to be unaccented, a neat distributional quirk (though it’ll be diluted by some of the changes vowels go through, described below). • Breathiness can spread, and in particular it can spread to voiced plosives, which will eventually become voiced fricatives. As a consequence, in Patches unaccented nouns never begin with voiced plosives.1 In any case, I don’t have a better idea than breathiness, so I think EPP is stuck with it. Secondary articulations From early days I’ve planned sound changes of the following sorts: • • • • pʷ → kp (I’ve seen this, but I don’t remember where) tʷ → t ̪ → th (I made this up, but it seems reasonable) tsʸ tsʷ → ch (presumably via a stage with distinct tɕ and tʃʷ) rʷ → b (this is just a flourish, because EPP already has b, but I love this sound change and use it whenever I can; recall that r represents IPA ɾ) So it looks like I want a wide range of rounded/velarised segments, and it’s nice if at least the sibilants can be palatalised as well. EPP itself only has rounded dorsals, so all other secondary articulations have to be derived. That’s fine: I already know I’m going to be deleting a lot of vowels and resolving a lot of 1 I only just had this idea while writing this article, so I haven’t really tried it out yet. It does have some nice consequences. It interacts nicely with my decision to make EPP d dental rather than alveolar, since it will lenite to ð rather than z, and thus not merge with dz. This probably also allows me to do without some voiced fricatives; currently I’ve dropped v and gh, retaining z and ʁ (because I know they have other work to do) and zh (which is required in EPP at least as an allophone of z). Page 44 consonant clusters, so I’ve got lots of potential sources for ◌ʷ and ◌ʸ. At one point I hoped that all postalveolars could be derived. However, ch and j are very common in Patches, including in bound morphology, and I’m not sure I can generate enough secondary articulations to account for all instances, so for now EPP is stuck with them. I’ll probably subject sibilants to a sort of harmony, whereby you can’t have plain ts in a word that also includes a rounded or palatalised segment—on the assumption that EPP treated ch phonologically as if it were tsʷ. Something like *kʷats would then become *kʷach, and *chats would become *chach. This would help make postalveolars common, but probably wouldn’t get them into bound morphology. EPP will probably also allow Cw clusters. These often survive into Patches, but maybe in some contexts (when followed by a weak vowel?) they could turn into Cʷ. I’m most concerned about a verbalising suffix whose form in Patches is just -ch; maybe this could derive from *tswă, which would become chwă due to sibilant rounding harmony; then the loss of final vowels could put presure on that w as well, yielding the form I want. As you can probably tell, I have a lot of work for labiovelarisation to do, and not so much for palatalisation. Still, if dropping u is going to result in ◌ʷ, then dropping i should probably result in ◌ʸ, and I’d better find something to do with that. Of course I can use palatalisation to generate postalveolars, certainly from sibilant alveolars like ts, and maybe also from velars. I also like the idea of palatalising labials, which I’ve never done before, so maybe I’ll at least have pʸ→tʸ (and so on). I’ve toyed with having tʸ also become postalveolar, or maybe go through tʸ→c→t ̪→th (resulting in a dental fricative), but so far think that pʸ→tʸ→t might be enough. One possible consideration here is that I might end up with a significant class of plurals that have palatalisation on the stem-final consonant due to loss of a suffix -ĭ. If this ends up being very common, this might look like a predictable sort of consonant mutation, one that could even spread by analogy. This would probably seem nicer the more natural the resulting alternations seemed; given that tsʸ and kʸ both become ch, maybe pʸ and tʸ should as well (or at least maybe they’d better not become th). (I won’t make up my mind about this until I have a better sense of how often that sort of alternation would actually occur.) The vowels A noun root of the shape cv₁cv₂c can give rise to singular cv₁c and plural cv₂cv₂c, with a different vowel in the two stems. But I don’t want the two vowels to differ too much: I want them to agree in frontness and I’d prefer them to differ by at most one degree of height. What this means is that I want an earlier system of vowel harmony obscured by later full vowel assimilation, at least within roots. I’ll assume that EPP itself doesn’t already have vowel harmony. By deriving harmony explicitly, I should end up with a better idea how it works, and with any luck, I can leverage side effects. The main side effect I have in mind is that when harmony requires a high vowel to change, it could break, putting a secondary articulation on a preceding consonant. This could work in two different ways: • If a high vowel breaks due to frontness harmony, you might get changes like i→ʸo and Page 45 Patches u→ʷe, ironically producing what look like disharmonic sequences.2 • If a high vowel breaks under the influence of a nearby low vowel, you could get changes like i→ʸe and u→ʷo, where the secondary articulation agrees in frontness with the following vowel. As it happens, I know that I want changes like pʷo→kpo, tʷo→tho, and rʷo→bo a lot more than I want changes like pʷe→kpe, tʷe→the, and rʷe→be—so it’s the second sort of vowel breaking I’ll encourage. That means that frontness harmony is only going to cause vowels to switch from front to back or back to front, and high vowels will break only when they have to lower due to a nearby low vowel. I’m currently leaning towards the following further decisions: • Restrictions on vowel height operate only within roots. • Suffixes with back vowels will harmonise with a stem front vowel, but suffixes with front vowels will not harmonise with a stem back vowel. • Within roots, all unstressed vowels will harmonise in frontness with the stressed vowel. • There’s a front/back distinction even among low vowels, though it’s not retained in Patches. However, each of these decisions is subject to complex considerations, and I could easily change my mind. Beside the two forms of vowel harmony, there’s also the full vowel assimilation that eventually occurs in plurals. This is a somewhat odd change; as I understand it, real cases of full vowel assimilation mostly occur only across glottals. However, the scope of the change will be quite limited, since it only needs to occur in words that still, in Patches, have a cvcvc shape. As noted above, it’s possible that all such words will fall two categories: • words derived by partial reduplication—in which the vowels will already be the same • words, like plurals, that have undergone a morphologically-induced stress shift, and which are beginning to look like they’ve been augmented with an infixed sonorant—in which case maybe it would feel natural to think of one of the vowels as an epenthetic copy (Maybe some borrowed words would also fall into this category, but I don’t yet have anything to say about those.) Consonant lenition and cluster resolution Singular nouns will often end up with a final consonant cluster that requires simplification, and plurals have a medial consonant that will probably lenite. Here I’ll survey some of the main ways this can turn out. First, some cases where I’m happy with the outcomes: • When the medial consonant simply drops from the singular, you get the simplest case, found with chéj ‘bat’ and chíríj ‘bats’, deriving from an EPP root *tsetĭz. • Sometimes when the medial consonant drops the vowel lengthens. We saw one example of that above, with gíìb ‘oddity’ from EPP *ginĭb, with plural gíríb. I think this only 2 Though they’re not really disharmonic, because frontness harmony is going to have to ignore secondary articulations, and also glides (I already know I want to allow kʷi and yo, for example). To be honest this doesn’t sit too well with me, though there are real languages that work this way, so I probably shouldn’t worry about it. Page 46 occurs when the original medial consonant was a nasal, which would always result in a falling contour in the singular. • Sometimes a medial glide survives in both the singular and the plural, as we saw with búwj ‘kiss’ and bówòj, from EPP *bubŏdz. • Sometimes you get a glottal stop in the singular but not in the plural, like máʔn ‘fish’ with plural márán; in this case the EPP root is *matăn. • Sometimes the final consonant gets geminated in the singular (which triggers a following epenthetic copy vowel), like ghassa ‘woman’ with plural ghawas, which comes from EPP *ga̤făs. There are also cases where a change will occur in the singular and then spread by analogy to the plural (at least most of the time): • When the medial consonant deletes in the singular it can put a secondary articulation on the final consonant. • The two consonants can fuse to form a single complex segment; for example, t and s can fuse to yield ts. The noun chéj ‘bat’ illustrates both sorts of case. Its EPP root was *tsetĭz. Loss of the i results notionally in *tsetʸz, but tʸz unsurprisingly becomes dzʸ and thus j (and the secondary articulation also spreads to the root-initial sibilant). Meanwhile, the EPP plural was *tsetĭză, which would normally yield tsíríz. However, due to analogical leveling the actual plural of chéj is chíríj. In that example, the two consonants fuse to form a postalveolar. You might wonder if consonant clusters can also give rise to labiovelars like kp. Currently I don’t think they do. At the time when these clusters get resolved, the language does not yet have labiovelars, and I think instead pk will become kʷ and kp will become ʔp (for example). You get a special case of secondary articulation spreading from the singular to the plural when the EPP root ended in a glide. For example, EPP *ka̤tăw yields Patches kath ‘oar’ (via *katʷ), and the plural form then goes from *ka̤tăwă via *kadʷaw (with the rounding acquired by analogy from the singular) to kalaw. Comparing the Patches forms, káth and káláw, it looks like the plural is formed by a suffix -aw that causes lenition of the stem-final consonant. As it happens, there’s another potential source for nouns whose plural looks like it takes a suffix like that. An EPP noun root can end in a vowel, in which case the plural suffix would trigger an epenthetic glide. For example, the noun *ragă had the plural *ragăwă, and these yield Patches rag ‘gap’ and rayaw by regular sound changes. Again, you seem to have a plural marked by -aw. (Naturally you can get the same thing but with y instead of w. And in both cases it probably makes most sense to think of the glide as constituting the whole suffix, with the additional vowel being an epenthetic copy vowel—though I still have to allow for cases where a noun takes a different stem vowel in the singular and plural.) So in these two classes of case, it looks like Patches nouns will take a plural suffix. This was not expected, and arose quite naturally; I’m quite pleased. Conclusion So that’s how Patches got its plurals. Page 47 Patches There are parts of the story that I really like, some of which I was hoping for from the beginning, while others were nice surprises. There are also frustrations, mostly having to do with the resolution of consonant clusters and the behaviour of EPP *h. And I’m not sure it’s realistic to entirely rule out nouns with final stress, including monosyllabic nouns and nouns with heavy final syllables. A potentially bigger issue is how to extend this story to verbs. The Patches verb is quite complex, but if I’m deleting all weak vowels and leniting all intervocalic consonants, verbs are going to collapse. To avoid this, I’ve had to stipulate that many of the changes nouns go through occur only within roots, or can only be triggered by especially tightly bound suffixes, including the plural suffix but omitting many others. I mostly like where this is taking me. There’s a class of verbal suffixes, which include verbalising suffixes and valency-adjusting ones, that attach only to roots and behave much like plural suffixes: they take part in the root’s stress domain, and can be subject to sound changes that delete final vowels. This gives me an appealing layer of ancient morphology, but also lets me exempt much of the verb template from really destructive changes. Overall, my work on noun plurals has helped me understand the more complex morphology and prosody of verbs; though many details remain to be sorted out. Finally, you’ll have noticed that I’m approaching Patches diachronics sort of backwards: I’ve started out with ideas of how Patches works, and then tried to construct a protolanguage and some changes that will give me what I’ve already decided I want. Sometimes this sort of approach can lead to trouble, when it turns out that changes that will give one desired result can’t give another—like when I realised a Patches plural like bówòj ‘kisses’ could have singular búwj but not bwúj. Luckily most of my ideas for Patches are still negotiable, including most particular word forms, and so far the fixed points seem mostly to provide the sort of constraint that feeds creativity rather than stifles it. In any case, this is the only way I’ve ever been able to do diachronics. Whenever I’ve tried starting with the protolanguage, I’ve ended up getting interested enough in that language that it becomes the main project—and ends up needing its own ancestors. The most ridiculous case of this was my conlang Akiatu, which was supposed to have so simple a phonology and morphology that I would never feel the need to work out its history. The inevitable happened: I ended up enjoying Akiatu so much that I never got around to deriving its descendents, but I did feel a need to work out its history, and ended up with sketches going back at least 5000 years.3 So the way I’m approaching Patches diachronics is really the only way that works for me. 3 It turns out that even very simple phonology and morphology is likely to gain the sort of complexity that I’d prefer to understand in a historical context; and I also end up wanting that sort of context when working out a language’s lexicon—not just its word forms but the ways it tends to lexicalise different matters. Page 48 06 Consonant Phonology of the Mmatɨʂ Family by Jason Hershey (u/vokzhen) Gemination and Alternations The Mmatɨʂ family is a small group of languages spoken in the “uncivilized” northeast. Nestled in a few wide river valleys in the rain shadow of coastal mountains, the speakers live in small, permanent settlements based around “cliques” or peer alliances of male warriors. Different groups practice a mix of small-scale wheat agriculture supplemented heavily by hunting, gardening of wild plants, as well as raiding, kidnapping and ransoming, and “taxing” (or extorting) merchants who risk going through this more direct, less mountainous path to richer principalities of Koddarğoğ in the south. Three varieties are used here for examples: Kkaːʂa, a variety spoken by the most dominant group in the savanna region, Kʃê a small but prosperous group that controls the largest waterway, and Sãːht, a fringe group with little influence outside their small valley. The family is one I’ve been working on to try and get back into conlanging after not doing much of my own for years. I started out with a few different sketches that didn’t really go much of anywhere, then decided to make an effort to unify them into a definite family. I had a few specific goals: • Keep in line with many already-establish areal features (extensive nominal inflection, large case systems, presence of multiple past tense distinctions, thoroughly nom-acc, honorific systems including an ingroup-outgroup distinction, vowel inventories not diverging far from a simple 5-place system) • A singleton-geminate contrast throughout the consonant system • An abundance of shibilants • Prime it to phonemicize retroflexes, a simple tone system, and/or vowel harmony, depending on branch In this article, I’ll be focusing on the second point: correspondences of geminate consonants between these three varieties. This also necessitates mentioning some related sound changes that happened in each branch, and of course other correspondences will be noticeable in the examples, but not discussed here. The examples will also focus on noun roots with occasional nominal morphology. Page 49 Mmatɨʂ The Consonant Systems The three languages share a number of obvious similarities, such as the abundance of singleton-geminate phonemic pairs. When combined with the lexicon, it becomes clear that these make up the primary “phonation” contrast, with actual voicing being of rare, secondary origin. In these charts, geminate consonants are listed individually and written /mm tt/ etc. mostly for readability’s sake. Other features shared by at least two include nasals at all places of articulation, the presence of retroflexes, a limited and rare selection of voiced fricatives, the comparative rarity of /s/ and abundance of /ʃ/ or /ʂ/, multiple series of laterals, and no rhotics. As an additional note, Kʃê has a minimal tone system: high tone /á é/, low tone /a e/, falling tone /â ê/, and rising tone /ǎ ě/. Labial mm m pp p bb b f β w Nasal Stop Fricative Glide Dental nn n tt t dd d sθ zð ll l Retroflex ɳɳ ɳ ʈʈ ʈ ɖɖ ɖ ʂʂ ʂ ɭɭ ɭ Dorsal ŋŋ ŋ kk k gg g x ɣ j Table 1: Kkaːʂa Consonants Nasal Stop Fricative Glide Labial mm m pp p bb b ff f v w Dental/Alveolar nn n tt t tts ts dd d ddz dz ss s z ll l Postalveolar ɲɲ ɲ ttʃ tʃ ddʒ dʒ ʃʃ ʃ ʒ ʎʎ ʎ j Dorsal ŋŋ ŋ kk k gg g h Table 2: Kʃê Consonants Labial mm m Dental nn n tt t Postalveolar ɲɲ ɲ ttʃ tʃ Fricative ff s ʃʃ ʃ Glide/Liquid v„w ll l r ʎʎ ʎ Nasal Stop Retroflex ɳɳ ɳ ʈʈ ʈ ɭɭ ɭ Dorsal ŋŋ ŋ kk k xx x ɣ jh Table 3: Sãːht Consonants Voice and Length Contrasts in Consonants All groups have a singleton-geminate contrast, but where it applies and to which sets of consonants varies between groups. Table 4 shows examples of initial and medial geminates stops. Medials are present and (frequently) cognate in all the languages, but initial geminates were lost in Kʃê. As seen in Table 5, Kkaːʂa and Kʃê singleton voiced stops correspond to nasal-stop clusters in Sãːht, but Kkaːʂa only has these when preceded by a long vowel. This is a “weak” position that shows other lenitions as well. Where Kkaːʂa has geminate voiced stops, Kʃê has geminate nasals and Sãːht has singleton voiceless-sonorant clusters. These go back to stop-nasal clusters that were simplified in different ways in different varieties. Page 50 wheat flour joint, crook of branch sand Kkaːʂa taːɣe ttaːɣe kakki Kʃê tátsek tátsek káttʃim Sãːht taːrik ttaːrik kaːkkim Table 4: Initial and Medial Geminates apple, crabapple house gecko net, spiderweb Kkaːʂa pəntu toːdu ʂuːgge Kʃê pódu twǐdu ʃûnna Sãːht haːwnt tɔint ʃɨːkrə Table 5: Voiced Stops and Geminates candle food roasted by burying in embers daily monsoon rains Kkaːʂa eŋkke eŋŋke aŋŋe Kʃê éɲttʃat éːɲdʒaw éddʒem Sãːht haŋkkəʈ haŋŋkəɭ ŋaːŋŋəm Table 6: Long Nasals and Clusters All three languages share singleton nasal-geminate voiceless correspondences. However, Kʃê shows different reflexes for the other two (Table 6): geminate nasal-singleton voiceless is reflected instead as a long preceding vowel-nasal-singleton voiced, and geminate nasals are reflected as long voiced stops. In summary, geminate voiceless stops are typically cognate between the three varieties, but voiced stops, geminate voiced stops, and geminate nasals have different origins in different branches. man’s male peers, members of clique glue, esp. animal soil picture, etching mockingbird, evil spirit found in reflections wild carrot your wild carrot Kkaːʂa neʂʂe oɳʂʂu nekka kɨʂʂuːma ttaltəʂʂu fiː ʂe-ppiːf-et Kʃê naʃáp wânʃu hnǎt tʃǔma tawtséʃu fɲěf ʃe-ffɲěf-et Sãːht naʃʃɛh vãːʃ naxaːt kiʃuːm ttaɭʈɨʃ heɲiʃ ʃɛ-heɲiʃ-it Table 7: Geminate Fricatives Fricatives also have singleton-geminate pairs, but they show far less consistency between languages (Table 7). Kkaːʂa shows by far the most lengthened fricatives historically, but nonsibilants were hardened to their respective stops. Kʃê only shows geminate fricatives under predictable morphological rules, such as the 2nd person singular possessive that regularly geminates a following consonant throughout the family. Sãːht shows a few rare geminate fricatives in roots, but fails to geminate fricatives even where expected morphologically. Other Alternations and Irregularities There are a number of irregularities in the system, with consonants that “geminate” to a completely different sound. These are identifiable especially by the addition of morphology, such as the 2nd person singular possessive which regularly geminates initial consonants when applied. In Table 8, pairs are shown between regular and irregular geminates: regular Page 51 Mmatɨʂ /l ll/ is contrasted with irregular /l kk/, and regular /j j/ which resist gemination (with initial hardening, in Kkaːʂa) with irregular /j tt/ or /j ttʃ/. There’s also vowel-initial words that have nothing to lengthen contrasting with a “long” /k/ (Kkaːʂa) or /ɣ/ (Sãːht) that’s inserted in other vowel-initial words, though in Sãːht this is masked and made even more irregular by historical avoidance of vowel-initial words. arrow thumb rug pig lotus root daughter Kkaːʂa ləːɣu ləːxu djeθke djempi enθi oppu ʂa-lləːɣuɳ-ʈ ʂa-kkəːxu-ʈ ʂe-jeθkel-t ʂe-ttempi-t ʂ-enθi-t ʂa-koppu-ʈ Sãːht liːrun liːw jaʃklə jãːh ɲɛttʃ hɔː ʃɛ-lliːruɳ-ɨʈ ʃɛ-kkiːw-ʈ ʃɛ-jaʃkaɭ-ɨʈ ʃɛ-ttʃãːhi-t ʃɛ-ɲɲɛttʃi-t ʃɛ-ɣaffu-ʈ Table 8: Regular and Irregular Geminates Another type of irregularity is roots that alternate between long and short with additional morphology. These are especially present in Kʃê, where many of them are cognate with words that have initial geminates in the other languages, but only a small number of the total actually do so and many alternate throughout the languages, as shown in Table 9. table my table arm my arm spear my spear Kkaːʂa kkaɭo po-kkaɭo-ʈ mɨːɣu po-mmɨːɣu-ʈ θaɳʈu po-ttaɳʈu-ʈ Kʃê klôt pa-kklôts-et méto pa-bbéto-t tʃádu pa-ttʃádu-t Sãːht kkaɭuʈ hɔ-kkaɭuʈ-əʈ mɨwr hɔ-mmɨwr-əʈ tʃaɳʈ hɔ-ttʃaɳʈ-əʈ Table 9: Morphological Lengthening False Diachrony, Failure, and Repair Much of what’s just been presented has been fully mapped out (with likely more revisions in the future). However, one of the things I like to do when creating a proto-language is to still throw in irregularities that have no clear explanation. This was originally what much of the gemination of the system was going to be, simply hand-waved in with a vague idea that singleton-geminate /t tt/ might originate in a voiced-voiceless distinction /d t/ that strengthened. The one exception was the fricatives, which I intended to have no length contrast in the proto-language and each branch created their own system for adding geminate fricatives. The more I worked on this, however, the less satisfying that was and the more problems I ran into. For one, I wanted geminate initials to be quite common, and languages that have or are theorized to have undergone similar changes typically collapse initial consonants to a single series. It also leaves nasals and laterals unexplained entirely. As a result of this, I ended up deciding to go back another layer, at least partially, and actually map out more fully in what instances geminates would arise, so that they were both better-explained and more fully integrated into the language once I got around to messing more fully with the morphology. While the core of a voiced-voiceless distinction is still there, I added numerous other sources of geminates as well. Among them included: • Loanwords from nearby languages Page 52 • Original word-initial short vowels that were dropped, but allowed“initial geminates” to form and accurately reflect their original voicing as well as creating initial geminate nasals • Medial weak vowels that dropped out with compensatory lengthening of an adjacent consonant, which is where many long nasals as well as short nasal-long stop clusters originate from • While not really covered here, as it’s more relevant for verbs (which are still very rudimentary), weakening of consonants in extrametrical syllables triggering their merger with adjacent consonants to morphological gemination Along with this, I took a few scattered irregularities–like a few random choices for the irregular singleton-geminate pairs, such as /l-tt/–and more fully committed to specific original sounds they come from, which also resulted in some additional changes, like in that case to make it /l-kk/ instead. The result has been something that I’m much more satisfied with. Page 53 07 From "Skin Condition" to "Strong" and Other Changes by Matt M. An Overview of the Athmo-Xlaccic Languages Introduction The Athmo-Xlaccic languages represent the current manifestation of my earliest attempts at conlanging. It began as a simple cipher of English circa 2004-2005 (my freshman year of high school), and I have scrapped and started over on it a number of times. Since about 2018, though, I have finally come up with something that is both coherent and pleasing to me. This is by far my most expansive conlanging project. Other individual languages of mine may have larger lexicons, but this language family holds a special place in my heart. For all the languages covered here, I could have gone into more detail, but the idea of doing something a little shallower but a lot broader appealed to me. Each language highlighted has two subsections: overviews of major phonological changes and overviews of major grammatical changes. At the end of this article is a comparison of ten root words and their descendants, as well as other language-family-wide comparisons. Proto-Athmo-Xlaccic Proto-Athmo-Xlaccic (hereafter referred to as PAX) was pretty much just Proto-Indo-European a highly-fusional language spoken by horse-riding pastoralists in a somewhat hilly territory crisscrossed by many rivers. It had a strict SOV word order, flexible phonotactics, and complex verbal conjugation patterns. Head-directionality was mixed. Verbs were nearly always at the ends of phrases, nouns were modified with postpositions, and nouns preceded adjectives. I have quite the lengthy Word Doc and hefty Excel Workbook for PAX. The verbs are especially complex, but here is a super-quick overview of what the language was like. Page 55 Athmo-Xlaccic In-Universe History PAX was spoken approximately 5,000 years before present in what is now southwestern Mesemyu and northeastern Shomfur. Beginning not long after that, the PAX peoples began spreading out. Initially, they moved southward, where the population was sparser. But in time, they came to dominate the central section of the continent of Rathnaes. In the map below, the PAX urheimat is marked with a red dotted line. PAX was an unwritten language, but all daughter languages discussed here are written. The earliest written record of an AX language is a funerary stela in an ancient Athmic variety. Phonology PAX had a rather large consonant inventory, and phonotactics were flexible. Stress was regular and predictable, though convoluted. It usually fell on the penultimate or ultimate syllable. PAX had a six-vowel system with a length distinction. The sonorants ⟨m n l r⟩ could also act as syllabic cores, though there was no length distinction. Verbs Verbs had two aspects (imperfect (marked with an infixed ⟨s⟩) vs. perfect (marked with an infixed ⟨n⟩)), three voices (active, middle/reflexive, and passive), and five tenses (present indicative, past indicative, subjunctive, jussive-optative, and imperative). (The word “tense” really is not particularly accurate here, but there were five elements that could interact with Page 56 Stop Affricate Fricative Nasal Trill Approximant Voiceless Voiced Aspirated Voiced Aspirated Voiceless Voiceless Plain Plain Plain Lateral Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨b⟩ pʰ ⟨ṗ⟩ bʱ ⟨ḃ⟩ m ⟨m⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ tʰ ⟨ṫ⟩ dʱ ⟨ḋ⟩ ts ⟨c⟩ s ⟨s⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ l ⟨l⟩ Front Vowels i ⟨i⟩ i: ⟨ī⟩ e„ɛ ⟨e⟩ e: ⟨ē⟩ æ ⟨æ⟩ æ: ⟨ǣ⟩ Palatal j ⟨y⟩ Velar k ⟨k⟩ g ⟨g⟩ kʰ ⟨ḱ⟩ gʱ ⟨ġ⟩ Uvular/Glottal q ⟨q⟩ x ⟨x⟩ h ⟨h⟩ qʰ ⟨ɋ⟩ w ⟨w⟩ Back Vowels u ⟨u⟩ u: ⟨ū⟩ o„ɔ ⟨o⟩ o: ⟨ō⟩ a„ɑ ⟨a⟩ ɑ: ⟨ā⟩ the aspect and voice markers.) Verbs had to agree in number and person with the subject of the clause. Verbs could conjugate in four slightly-different patterns, depending on what the nuclear vowel was and if the word ended in a consonant or vowel. Verbs could have ⟨a e u⟩ as its nuclear vowel. Verbs with ⟨a⟩ or ⟨e⟩ as its nuclear vowel were largely regular and predictable. Verbs with ⟨u⟩ as the nucleus were subject to ablaut in many conjugations. Nouns & Adjectives PAX nouns fell into one of four grammatical genders: masculine, feminine, neuter-1, and neuter-2. Nouns were differentiated in gender by their final phoneme. The genders were somewhat intuitive. Masculine and feminine nouns were almost all animate. For example, somuh ‘man’ ended in the masculine consonant ⟨h⟩; and nucpar ‘wife’ ended in the feminine consonant ⟨r⟩. There were plenty of unintuitive terms, though, as the result of phonological pressure on the language’s semantics. Nayc ‘horse’ was feminine due to ending in ⟨c⟩, and ṫāmu ‘tree sap’ was masculine because it ended in ⟨u⟩. Neuter-1 mostly consisted of inanimate objects, such as ōsmlex ‘tree,’ psek ‘stomach,’ and ecka ‘copper.’ Neuter-2 consisted mostly of abstract concepts, like āluġ ‘handiwork,’ gasay ‘night or darkness,’ and iṫōxuyā ‘hatred.’ Gender Masculine Feminine Neuter-1 Neuter-2 Final letters p, b, ṗ, ḃ, h, m, w, o, ō, u, ū t, d, ṫ, ḋ, s, c, n, r, l, i, ī, e, ē k, ḱ, x, a, ā q, g, ɋ, ġ, y, i, ī Nouns could be one of three grammatical numbers: singular, dual (marked with -sko or -ske), and plural (marked with -k, -ik, or -uk). Masculine nouns – which could end in round Page 57 Athmo-Xlaccic vowels – were subject to ablaut during pluralization. PAX had seven cases: nominative, accusative, dative, genitive, oblique, essive, and vocative. They were marked with suffixes, and differences between the genders were minimal in declension. Case Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Oblique Essive Vocative Suffix (singular) (unmarked) -(o)n (m/f), -(o)nt (n1/n2) -(a)d -(a)mho -(a)lā -wē -oy Adjectives followed nouns and needed to agree in gender, number, and case. PAX adjectives had two basic suffixes. The ending -inem indicated so-called “semblative adjectives.” For example, the word ṫāminem ‘slow’ was derived from ṫāmu ‘tree sap’ + -inem, making it ‘like tree sap.’ “Stative adjectives” indicated states. For example, the word dolqoh ‘great’ or ‘large’ came from dolq ‘power’ plus the -oh suffix. Adjectival declension was much more complex than noun declension; noun declension for different genders largely collapsed in daughter languages. Pronouns PAX had a simple pronominal system. First- and second-person singular and plural pronouns, as well as a reflexive pronoun, can be reconstructed across all extant AX branches. Whether PAX had distinct third-person pronouns is unknown. No pronouns can be reconstructed from daughter languages. However, demonstrative pronouns (“this” and “that”) can be reconstructed. Non-nominative forms of the pronouns differed significantly from the nominative forms. Pronoun 1SG – I 2SG – You, Thou 1DU/1PL – We 2DU/2PL – You, Y’all REFL – Oneself PROX.DEM – This DIS.DEM – That PAX (Nominative) Haw Twā Ḱæwm Qwēc Iwot Ṗāyx Mēyeq Daughter Languages In the map below, the modern-day spread of the AX languages can be seen. Not included are overseas colonial settlements. Those are primarily Athmir-speaking and often are somewhat tenuous in their permanence. Page 58 The key reads: • Yellow: Demitian (only living member of its branch) • Purple: Athmir – Lavender: Other Athmic languages • Green: Alwakha – Light green: Other Xijilic languages • Hot pink: Areas where Upland Maroian is the governmental and scholarly language. All varieties of Maroian are extinct as common languages. • Blue: Itatian – Light blue: Other Sekteric languages • Red: Icnab – Pink: Other Ixinic languages • Orange: Xlacu – Light orange: Other Iwidic languages In addition to the branches listed above, there are two other extinct branches: Snaxthoian and Littoral. Snaxthoian was spoken in the Snaxthoim Desert (the roughly-triangular area between two mountain chains near the bottom of the above map) and went extinct about 2,000 years before present. It is only recorded in a handful of documents, most of them edicts issued by the now-long-gone Vanya Empire. The edicts were carved in stone and were presented in Vanyic (my universe’s Sumerian a now-extinct language isolate) and regional languages. The Littoral languages were spoken around the string of large lakes in Northern Tanhi. (The area is currently Xlacu-speaking. Look to the southwest of the westernmost portion of the Sekteric languages.) These languages are well-attested, as they were the languages Page 59 Athmo-Xlaccic of conquerors who overran the indigenous Mesman speakers. The Littoral languages would gradually be pushed to extinction as Xlacu-speaking peoples spread through the region. These languages went extinct about 500 years before present. A few phrases of Ulhamitsan persist in legal jargon on the island of Ulha. In the real world, I’ve done next to no work on these branches, so I will not be covering them beyond this passage here. Maroian went extinct about 300 years ago, but it persists as the language of government and learning in the semi-autonomous Duchy of Maroia within the Kingdom of Zuwia. I will be addressing each of the highlighted languages in its own sub-section below. Alwakha Alwakha is a member of the Xijilic branch of the AX language family. The word xijil [ˈdziʤil] (or something similar) means “small valley” in many languages. This branch is the most numerous, in terms of the number of languages spoken. The territory Xijilic speakers inhabit is largely mountainous in the west and fairly flat in the east. Notable Phonological Changes Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Trill Liquid Voiceless Voiced Ejective Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Plain Plain Plain Lateral Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨b⟩ pˀ ⟨ṗ⟩ f ⟨f, v⟩ v ⟨v, b⟩ m ⟨m⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ tˀ ⟨ṫ⟩ s ⟨s⟩ z ⟨z⟩ ts ⟨c⟩ dz ⟨ẑ⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ l ⟨l⟩ Close Mid Open Front i ⟨i⟩ ɛ ⟨e⟩ Palatal ʃ ⟨ś⟩ ʒ ⟨ź⟩ ʧ ⟨ć⟩ ʤ ⟨ĵ⟩ ɲ ⟨ń⟩ j ⟨j⟩ Velar k ⟨k⟩ g ⟨g⟩ kˀ ⟨ḱ⟩ x ⟨x⟩ ɣ ⟨ğ⟩ Uvular Glottal χ ⟨ẋ⟩ h ⟨h⟩ ŋ ⟨ŋ⟩ w ⟨w⟩ Central Back ɨ ⟨y⟩ u ⟨u⟩ ə ⟨ə⟩ o„ɔ ⟨o⟩ a„ɑ ⟨a⟩ Ejectives As with almost all modern AX languages, Alwakha’s ancestors dropped the voiced aspirants early on. By and large, they either lenited into fricatives or merged with their unaspirated counterparts. What makes Alwakha (and many other Xijilic languages) distinct in an AX context is what happened to its voiceless aspirants. They (mostly) became ejective stops. The aspirated uvular stop weakened to a uvular fricative. Page 60 Reflexes of PAX aspirated consonants PAX ṗāyx [pʰɑːjx] xpōṫelc [xpoːˈtʰɛlts] ḱert [kʰɛrt] ɋuyom [ˈqʰujɔm] Alwakha descendent ṗav [pˀav] oṫel [oˈtˀɛl] ḱyr [kˀɨr] ẋoj [χɔj] Phonemic Schwas Alwakha’s phonemic central vowels of ⟨y⟩ and ⟨ə⟩ are uncommon in AX languages. Vowels underwent many rapid changes in earlier stages of the language. Rounded front vowels arose in the late stages of PAX. These eventually unrounded messily, merging with multiple other vowel phonemes. This was further complicated by the fracturing of stressed long vowels into diphthongs. From this mess, two distinct central vowels, both called jelaṫun (“vague”) vowels, emerged. Notable Grammatical Changes Grammatical Dual Before plunging into its innovations, one of its rare bits of conservatism is noteworthy. It is one of only a few living AX languages to maintain the grammatical dual. This persists primarily in distinct dual verbal conjugations. No distinct dual pronouns exist. In colloquial use, the dual is declining. Loss of Grammatical Gender A series of sound changes rendered the old PAX grammatical genders impossible to differentiate from one another on nouns. This soon led to the collapse of grammatical gender altogether. Adjectives still have two different endings (-ine, cf. PAX -inem; and -Ø) with two different pluralization and declension schemes, but there is no longer a differentiation between masculine, feminine, and neuter. The -ine suffix is often applied to loanwords and can be treated as an adjectivizing suffix. No semantic distinction exists between -ine and null-suffixed adjectives. The Alwakha adjectival paradigm descends from the PAX masculine adjectives. Verbal Negation Negation is another area where the Xijilic languages are distinct from most other AX branches. PAX negation was marked with the particle ġōwye. In Proto-Xijilic, ġōwye eventually became the verbal prefix gōw. This eventually shifted to gø̄-, then gē-, and finally the modern je-. Comparison of PAX and Alwakha verbal negation (1) Negation in PAX: Sōmuh ġōwye yetenuwnma. sōmuh ġōwye man NEG yetenuw -n -ma arrive -PFV -ACT.3SG.PST.IND “The man didn’t arrive.” Page 61 Athmo-Xlaccic (2) Negation in Alwakha: Swa jenajete. swa jena- jete -Ø man NEG- ACT.PST.IND- arrive -3SG “The man didn’t arrive.” Past-Tense Circumfixation The above example serves as a nice segue into discussing the next major grammatical shift that makes Alwakha distinctive. The past tense for singular subjects in the active voice is marked with a circumfix. This was the result of several word-final sounds being dropped that eventually led to the past and present tenses in the active voice being identical for singular subjects. As a result, the Proto-Xijilic verb ny ‘go, occur,’ cf. PAX nuw ‘walk, move’ began to be used as a preverbal particle to indicate the past tense. This eventually fused onto the verbal root as a prefix, and the weakened [y] vowel was reanalyzed as an unstressed [a]. Comparison of the active present and past tenses for singular subjects Zğalna ‘hurt, injure’ 1SG 2SG 3SG Present zğalna-Ø zğalna-Ø zğalna-Ø Past na-zğalna-Ø na-zğaln-is na-zğalna-Ø Certain common monosyllabic verbs with ⟨o⟩ or ⟨u⟩ (or more rarely, ⟨a⟩) are subject to ablaut in certain conjugations. Juń ‘run (away)’ 1SG 2SG 3SG Present juń-Ø jiń-Ø juń-Ø Past na-jiń-Ø na-jiń-is na-juń-Ø Athmir Athmir is the most widely-spoken of the AX languages. It is a member of the Athmic branch and is the majority language of Athimriss. Notable Phonological Changes Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Trill Liquid Voiceless Voiced Aspirated Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Plain Plain Plain Lateral Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨d⟩ bʱ ⟨ḃ⟩ f ⟨f⟩ v ⟨v⟩ m ⟨m⟩ ʋ„w ⟨w⟩ Dental θ ⟨þ⟩ ð ⟨ð⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ dʱ ⟨ḋ⟩ s ⟨s⟩ z ⟨z⟩ ts ⟨c⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ l ⟨l⟩ Palatal ʃ ⟨ś⟩ ʒ ⟨ź⟩ ʧ ⟨ć⟩ ʤ ⟨j⟩ Velar k ⟨k⟩ g ⟨g⟩ gʱ ⟨ġ⟩ Uvular/Glottal q ⟨q⟩ h„ɦ ⟨h⟩ j ⟨y⟩ Page 62 Front Close i ⟨i⟩ Mid Open Diphthongs Central ɪ„ɨ ⟨ĭ, i*, e*, u*⟩ ʊ ⟨u*⟩ Back u ⟨u⟩ e ⟨e, ë⟩ ə ⟨a*, æ*, e*, ë*, o*⟩ o„ɔ ⟨o⟩ ɛ ⟨æ*, e*⟩ æ ⟨æ⟩ ɑ ⟨a⟩ aʊ ⟨ao, au⟩, eɪ ̯ ⟨ë, ei, ey⟩, ɔɪ ̯ ⟨oi, oy⟩, oʊ̯ ⟨ou⟩, ʊə̯ ⟨ua⟩ Athmir has a strong tendency to reduce unstressed vowels. In the chart below, any letter marked with an asterisk indicates that that realization is a common unstressed allophone. In certain dialects, ⟨e⟩ and ⟨ë⟩ are pronounced identically. However, in Uthri Athmir (the prestige accent), ⟨e⟩ is a monophthong, and ⟨ë⟩ is strongly pronounced as the diphthong ⟨eɪ ̯⟩. ⟨ë⟩ is almost always stressed, with the main exceptions of the indefinite article ⟨ë(m)⟩ and the negation particle ⟨më⟩. Voiced Aspirants Athmir is notable for being one of the few extant AX languages to retain voiced aspirated consonants. The few other AX languages that retain them are all also in the Athmic branch of the language family. Reflexes of PAX voiced aspirated consonants [bʱ] [dʱ] [gʱ] PAX ar sḃēhs [ɑrˈzbʱeːhs] nurḋāt [nurˈdʱɑːt] ġāmhodrebyo [ˈgʱɑːmɦodrɛbjo] Athmir arzḃës [ərzˈbʱeɪ ̯s] uḋau [uˈdʱɑʊ̯] ġaunðrey [ˈgʱaʊ̯nðrɛj] Itatian irvē [irˈveː] nuzāt [nuˈzaːt] āmodreb [ˈaːmodreb] Icnab zveks [zvɛks] nâẑei [nʌˈdzɛɪ ̯] źambodre [ˈʒɑmbodrɛ] Interdental Fricatives Interdental fricatives are among the most common consonants in Athmir due to a number of convergent sound shifts. The clusters ⟨þm⟩, ⟨þn⟩, and ⟨þr⟩ are so common that all three clusters have commonly-used ligatures in handwritten Athmir. Sound changes that resulted in [θ] and/or [ð] • [tʰ] when not adjacent to another consonant – PAX ṫūsp [tʰuːsp] Ñ Athmir þuaf [ˈθuəf] • Alveolar stops before [r] – PAX stre [stre] Ñ Old Athmir sþre [sθre] Ñ Athmir þrë [θreɪ ̯] – PAX hdrīmilh [ɦdriːˈmilɦ] Ñ Old Athmir ðrīmilh [ðriːˈmilɦ] Ñ Athmir ðrimĭl [ðriˈmɪl] • Intervocalic [θ] voiced – PAX ḱaṫoh [ˈkʰɑtʰoh] Ñ Old Athmir xaþoh [ˈxɑθoh] Ñ Athmir haðo [ˈhɑðo] • [s] before [m, n, r] – PAX rōsmlex [ˈroːsmlɛx] Ñ Athmir rouþmes [ˈroʊ̯θmɛs] – Old Athmir ḋēġusna [dʱeːˈgʱusnɑ] Ñ Middle Athmir ḋeġuþna [dʱeˈgʱuθnɑ] Ñ Modern Athmir ḋejuþ [dʱeˈʤuθ] – PAX sradug [ˈsrɑdug] Ñ Athmir þraj [ˈθrɑʤ] Page 63 Athmo-Xlaccic • Word-final [dʱ] – PAX ikdēḋ [igˈdeːdʱ] Ñ Athmir ædëð [əˈdeɪ ̯ð] • Word-initial [dw] – PAX mdwāca [m̩ ˈdwɑːtsɑ] Ñ Old Athmir dwāca [ˈdwɑːtsə] Ñ Athmir ðauc [ðaʊ̯ts] • [sj] in any context – PAX arsyā [ɑrˈsjɑː] Ñ Athmir aþo [əˈθo] The prevalence of these sounds has led to several tongue-twisters notorious among nonnative speakers. An Athmir tongue-twister (3) Jaþmik go oþpæþĭk þænþaþ yaula þnëk þmo nëþĭk ḋuþiþ þëmþa. [ˈʤɑθmɪk g(ə) əθˈpæθɪk ˈθænθəθ jau̯lə θneɪ ̯k θmo ˈneɪ ̯θɪk ˈdʱuθɪθ ˈθeɪ ̯mθə] jaþmi - k sparrow - PL go and oþpæþ - ĭk finch - PL þænþa - þ land - 3PL.IMP.PRS yaula in þnë -k maple_tree - PL þmo near nëþ -ĭk ḋuþi -þ þëmþa horse -PL feed -3PL.IMP.PRS grain “Sparrows and finches land in maple trees near horses that feed on oats.” For the sake of brevity, this is often reduced to just þnëk þmo nëþĭk, to be said rapidly and repeatedly. Vowels Like many AX languages, Athmir has lost the length distinctions for vowels that PAX had. When this occurred, many diphthongs arose, particularly on stressed long vowels. While there were many instances of general vowel “funkiness” in the Middle Athmir period (roughly 600 years before present), where non-prestige dialects borrowed from prestige dialects, and vice-versa, there were overarching sound changes. (This “funkiness” was borne in part out of that era’s political instability. At this point, the Athmir-speaking world was pluricentric. The Kingdom of Uthri would come to dominate in the following centuries, and with its political ascendency, it has made an effort to impose its own standards on the language.) PAX and Proto-Athmic long vowel reflexes in Modern Athmic PAX Ā Ǣ Ǣw/Ǣo/Ǣu Ē Ēw/Eo/Ēu Ī Īw/Īu Ō Ū Proto-Athmic Ā Ǣ Ȫ Ē Ō Ī Ǖ Ō Ū Athmir Au Ë Ë Ë Ou Ie Ĭ, Iu Ou Ua Where Athmir has a relatively large inventory of stressed vowel sounds, unstressed vowels undergo aggressive reduction in rapid or informal speech. This has led to a common joke Page 64 among those on the periphery of the Athmirophone world that Athmir speakers’ tongues are too big for their mouths and the whole language sounds like [θəθəθə]. Such vowel reduction has led to Athmir having a relatively large number of homophones in casual speech. Some Athmir homophones caused by vowel reduction Ivas ‘start, begin’ Ivos ‘turnip’ Careful pronunciation: [ˈivɑs] Careful pronunciation: [ˈivos] Casual pronunciation: [ˈivəs] Iza ‘he/she/it lived’ Izæ ‘loam’ Careful pronunciation: [ˈizɑ] Careful pronunciation: [ˈizæ] Casual pronunciation: [ˈizə] Uyok ‘ears’ Uyek ‘carp’ Careful pronunciation: [ˈujok] Careful pronunciation: [ˈujɛk] Casual pronunciation: [ˈujək] Notable Grammatical Changes Conjugation In PAX, two factors affected the specifics of how a verb conjugated: its nuclear vowel and if it ended in a consonant or vowel. For my own purposes, I refer to PAX verbs with ⟨a⟩ or ⟨e⟩ at the nucleus as A verbs and ⟨u⟩-nucleic verbs as U verbs. Should the verb end in a consonant, I refer to them as AC or UC verbs. The distinction between A and U verbs was lost in the Proto-Athmic stage of the language, but the C-V distinction persists. Despite originally standing for “vowel,” V-verbs often end in consonants in the modern language. (Within Athmir philology, the two classes of verbs are referred to as “empty verbs” and “ma verbs,” in reference to how first-person singular perfect present-tense verbs end. Compare the C-verb haus-Ø ‘I carry’ and the V-verb ruaź-ma ‘I drive, I lead.’) This verbal distinction is found in only a handful of other extant languages. Most living AX languages have undergone drastic verbal simplification. Even Athmir’s relatively complex paradigms are notably simpler than PAX’s verbal patterns. In PAX, every verb could be in one of three voices: active, middle, or passive. Athmir’s verbs conjugate into the active by default, with middle/reflexive constructions utilizing auxiliary words. A distinct passive conjugation exists in modern Athmir, but it is limited compared to its predecessors. Passive PAX verbs could explicitly be past, present, subjunctive, jussive/optative, or imperative. Modern Athmir passive conjugations are implied to be in the past, but context can affect that. Negation Negation in PAX was done with an all-purpose negation article, ġōwye. This article would precede whatever was being negated. During the Old Athmir period, an emphatic article, ḋmöxün, (literally ‘speck,’ as in, ‘not a speck’) began being placed after what was negated. This has since evolved into the article më, which follows what is being negated. The descendent of ġōwye still exists in Modern Athmir as gu. This appears in a handful of fossilized phrases, but it is primarily used as a declarative “no.” Page 65 Athmo-Xlaccic Evolution of negation in Athmir (4) PAX Sōmuh ġōwye ǣwgyecamhok ġōwye drunnma. [ˈsoːmuh ˈgʱoːwje ˈæːʊ̯gjetsəmɦok ˈgʱoːwje ˈdrunᵊnmɑ] sōmuh man ġōwye NEG ǣwgjec -amho -k ġōwye bird -GEN -PL NEG drun -n -ma see -PRF -3SG.PST.IND “The man didn’t see any birds.” (5) Old Athmir Sōmu ġōvī ögyecamhok ḋmöxün ġōvī ðrunma ḋmöxün. [ˈsoːmu ˈgʱoːviː ˈøgjetsəmɦɔk ˈdʱmøxyn ˈgʱoːviː ˈðrunmə ˈdʱmøxyn] Sōmu ġōvī ögyec -amho -k man NEG bird -GEN -PL ḋmöxün ġōvī ðrun -ma ḋmöxün EMPH NEG see -3SG.PRF.PST.IND EMPH “The man didn’t see any birds.” (6) Modern Athmir Æl sou soðruna më ëm ĭjesavo më. [əlˈsoʊ̯ səˈðrunəmə əmˈɪʤəsəvəmə] Æl sou soðrun -a më ëm ĭjes -avo më DEF man see -3SG.PRF.PST.IND NEG INDEF bird -PL.GEN NEG “The man didn’t see any birds.” Loss of Grammatical Cases & Word Order Shift As touched on in the section about phonological changes above, many word-final sounds were elided over the millennia. This rendered most of the grammatical cases null, as many were marked with just a single consonant. As such, the structure of Athmir sentences shifted. Instead of the common AX structure of SOV, the verb moved between the subject and object. This shift coincided with an increased rigidity in word order. The former accusative case is now indicated solely by verbs, and the dative and oblique cases’ roles are fulfilled by verbs and prepositions. (The above can be partly disregarded for pronouns. Pronouns come in three inflected forms: nominative, oblique/objective, and genitive.) Possession The genitive is the only non-nominative case still in use in Modern Athmir, but its scope is shrinking. It is currently used primarily in negation (as demonstrated above) and inalienable possession. Alienable possession is marked with a transitive verb derived from the PAX verb ārg ‘hold, grip.’ In contrast, all forms of possession in PAX used a mihi est-type construction. Even in inalienable possession, if it isn’t phrased as the equivalent of “X has Y,” the common genitive circumlocution is used. Inalienable vs. alienable possession Page 66 (7) Gudæm þmo ëm ĭnov sës. [ˈgudəm θmo əmˈɪnəv seɪ ̯s] Gudæm þmo ëm ĭno -v së -s Gudaem by INDEF child -GEN be -3SG.IMP.PRS.IND “Gudaem has a child.” (8) Gudæm kaugĭs ëm avauk. [ˈgudəm ˈkaʊ̯gɪs əməˈvaʊ̯k] Gudæm kaug -ĭs ëm avauk Gudaem own -3SG.IMP.PRS.IND INDEF book “Gudaem has a book.” (9) Æl ĭno þri Gudæm. [əlˈɪnə θri ˈgudəm] Æl ĭno þri Gudæm DEF child of Gudaem “Gudaem’s child” (10) Æl avauk þri Gudæm [ələˈvaʊ̯k θri ˈgudəm] Æl avauk þri Gudæm DEF book of Gudaem “Gudaem’s book” Realignment of Grammatical Gender into Animate and Inanimate In PAX, there were slight differences in the declension patterns for masculine/feminine nouns, when compared to the two neuter genders. (Adjectival declension was much more complex.) With the breakdown and atrophying of grammatical case, the gender system of Old Athmir simplified, too. Masculine and feminine collapsed into an “animate” gender, and the two neuters merged to become “inanimate.” On a practical level, the differences are negligible. It applies to pronouns and adjectives, more than the nouns themselves. Grammatical gender in Athmir Pronouns (NOM) 3SG.AN: Þrik 3SG.INAN: Ëlis 3.PL.AN/mixed: Þriś 3.PL.INAN: Ëliś Adjectives (NOM) SG.AN: -ine | -Ø SG.INAN: -ina | -os PL.AN/mixed: -imik | -oś PL.INAN: -inuk | -oyuk Demitian Demitian is the sole surviving member of the Demitic branch of AX. It is spoken only on the island nation of Demitu. Notable Phonological Changes Demitian has one of the more distinctive phonologies in the AX language family. It has a rich inventory of palatalized consonants, its vowel inventory is large and unusual, and it has permissive phonotactics. Page 67 Athmo-Xlaccic Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Trill Lateral Approximant Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Plain Plain Plain Plain i ⟨i⟩ i: ⟨í⟩ y ⟨ü⟩ y: ⟨ű⟩ ɛ ⟨e⟩ e: ⟨é⟩ œ ⟨ö⟩ œ: ⟨ő⟩ Diphthongs Syllabic consonants Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨b⟩ v ⟨v⟩ m ⟨m⟩ (ʋ ⟨u⟩) ɨ ⟨ĭ⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ s ⟨s⟩ z ⟨z⟩ ts ⟨c⟩ dz ⟨x⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ l ⟨l⟩ Palatal c ⟨č⟩ ɟ ⟨j⟩ ɕ ⟨š⟩ ʑ ⟨ž⟩ Velar k ⟨k⟩ g ⟨g⟩ x ⟨ħ⟩ Glottal h ⟨h⟩ ɲ ⟨ň⟩ rʲ ⟨ř⟩ lʲ„ʎ ⟨ľ⟩ j ⟨y⟩ u ⟨u⟩ u: ⟨ú⟩ ɔ ⟨o⟩ o: ⟨ó⟩ ɐ„ə ⟨a⟩ ɑ: ⟨á⟩ aɪ ⟨ai, ae⟩, eɪ ⟨ei, ee⟩, ɔɪ ⟨oi, oe⟩, œy ⟨öü⟩ m̩ ⟨ṃ⟩, n̩ ⟨ṇ⟩, r̩ ⟨ṛ⟩, r̩: ⟨ŕ⟩, l ̩ ⟨ḷ⟩, l ̩: ⟨ĺ⟩ Round Front Vowels Round front vowels arose early on in most AX dialects as PAX fractured into its daughter languages. These mostly arose from the diphthongs ⟨æw⟩, ⟨ew⟩, and ⟨iw⟩, along with their long counterparts. In the interceding millennia, most AX languages have since lost these vowels, though some retain them. Xlacu has [y], and Aesch has [y] and [œ]. Demitian broke off exceptionally early from PAX, and Demitian is the only living AX language to have round front vowels and a vowel length distinction. Palatalization Palatal sounds are one of the core features of what makes Demitian sound “Demitian.” Some of this extensive palatalization came from natural processes. As in many other languages, front vowels have palatalized the sounds before them. This happened on three separate occasions in Demitian phonological history: first on stops, affricates, and fricatives; then on sonorants; then again on just stops. Examples of Demitian Palatalization PAX cikminem ‘red’ [ˈtsikminem] hǣlsib ‘bear’ [ˈhæːlsib] skihir ‘old woman’ [ˈskihir] gænicinem ‘mystical’ [gæˈnitsinem] Demitian čiħmin ‘red’ [ˈcixmin] hĺšib ‘bear’ [ˈhl ̩ːʃib] sšű ‘widow’ [sʃyː] güňčin ‘wise’ [ˈɟyɲcin] Page 68 A second source of palatal sounds in Demitian is from the massive influence of the (unrelated) Kereski language. The Empire of Kereske controlled the island of Demitu for about three centuries, and they left a huge impact on the language. More will be discussed in the grammatical changes section below, but phonologically, the Kereski imported many of their words to Demitu. Almost every consonant in Kereski has a palatalized and plain version. Though their language never gained a foothold outside of the administrative center during their reign, many Kereski terms found their way into Demitian, particularly regarding politics, war, and trade. Stress PAX had a convoluted but predictable and regular pattern to its stress. Depending on a number of factors, it tended to be on the final or penultimate syllable. In Demitian, this has been radically simplified. Over the course of most AX languages’ phonological histories, both word-final and word-initial sounds have been lost and affixed; and Demitian is no exception. But whereas this process has led to wholly unpredictable stress elsewhere, beginning in late Middle Demitian, stress uniformly shifted to a word’s first syllable, excepting certain verbal prefixes. Syllabic Sonorants Demitian is also notable for how frequently syllabic sonorants occur. Four sonorants (⟨m n l r⟩) can act as syllabic cores, and each one can be long or short. Long syllabic sonorants are relatively rare, but they exist. These syllabic sonorants first arose from the consonant swallowing up a phonemic schwa that Old Demitian had. Later changes saw these sonorants in certain contexts adjacent to front vowels become syllabic. This second change is what gave Demitian syllabic sonorants with a length distinction. Long Syllabic Sonorants PAX ḃērsgeh ‘corpse’ [ˈbʱeːrzgeh] wūryoh ‘black’ [ˈwuːrjoh] hǣlsib ‘bear’ [ˈhæːlsib] Old Demitian žbēršeg ‘body’ [ˈʒbeːrʃɛg] wǖryoh ‘black’ [ˈwʏːrjoh] hǣlšib ‘bear’ [ˈhæːlʃib] Modern Demitian žbŕš ‘body’ [ʒbr̩ːʃ] vŕyo ‘black’ [ˈvr̩ːjo] hĺšib ‘bear’ [ˈhl ̩ːʃib] Syllabic sonorants are usually unmarked, but there are a few instances where an under-dot is used to reduce ambiguity on potential pronunciations. This usually happens when two sonorants are adjacent. Examples include nṛyér ‘river’ and sṃligža ‘nest.’ Notable Grammatical Changes Native Demitic Influences Proto-Demitians arrived on the island of Demitu roughly 4,000 years before present. The island they landed on already had a population, which spoke an unrelated language. These early AX speakers landed on the island’s northeast corner before pushing outward. The natives of the island gradually lost ground to these invaders, and they were either killed or integrated. Their native language – called Demitic in English and Rázdedémitvűn (“early Demitian”) in Modern Demitian – was extinct by roughly 2,000 years before present. Page 69 Athmo-Xlaccic Despite dying out so long ago, the native Demitic tongue has had a massive influence on Modern Demitian. One of the most obvious ways Demitic has influenced Demitian is in its many loanwords. Many Demitian words for animals and topographic features were taken from Demitic. Demitic Loanwords English Crag Deer Pond Salt PAX gmūrdu snādyok yētænc sæṫiro Demitic būrszğom ingul ōkyiša yōbunmē Demitian bŕžo ngu óčüž yőmbé Demitic has also left its fingerprints on Demitian grammar. PAX had seven cases, but Demitian has ten. The vocative case fell out of use in Middle Demitian, reducing the number of native AX cases to six. In the early days of the conquest of the island, AX speakers began incorporating Demitic elements into their speech. This was especially common in families with mixed parentage. Demitic had a complex set of locative cases, and four were borrowed over into Old Demitian. Even today, use of these four additional cases is variable by region. In the capital city of Tmdyel and the second-largest city of Ispldyel, the functions of these locative cases are frequently replaced with the oblique case and specific adpositions. In most of the rest of the island, though, the use of these four cases is the norm. These cases are almost entirely regular. The few irregularities that occur are almost all specific, fossilized phrases which have been directly borrowed from Demitic. These cases only attach to nouns; adjectives in these cases decline identically to the oblique. The four additional Demitian grammatical cases Case Inessive Adessive Illative Elative Singular -vik -dazr -nṛb -ňöš Plural -(i)kvik -(i)kdazr -(i)knṛb -(i)gňöš Demitic also had an impact on Demitian’s verbs. The verbal impact of Demitic is relatively limited, but it is a major element. Three prefixes–derived from independent Demitic articles –can modify a verb’s aspect. An additional independent preverbal article deriving from Demitic is used to note the future tense. • rs(a)-: This prefix is used to mark the continuous aspect. When preceded by the copula, this becomes a progressive aspect marker. For example, hó dru ‘I pull,’ hó rsadru ‘I pull (continuously),’ and hó šö rsadru ‘I am pulling.’ • no-: This prefix is used to mark the causative aspect. This can be used to turn a noun or adjective into a verb meaning “to make like X,” or it can be affixed to a verb meaning “to make to do X.” For example, zašó ‘sharp’ vs. nozašó ‘sharpen’; and řeza ‘feel ill’ vs. nořeza ‘poison, sabotage.’ • üb(i)-: This prefix is used to mark the conditional aspect. This is (almost) always used in conjunction with the optative conjugation of a verb. (The optative conjugation covers a complex mess of various irrealis moods, depending on the context.) For example, hó vúk ‘I give,’ hó vúkui ‘I hope to give’ vs. hó übvúkui ‘I might give.’ Page 70 • erbő: This article is used in conjunction with the present tense conjugation to indicate the future tense. For example, čöm vħaľuš ‘we lead’ and čöm erbő vħaľuš ‘we will lead.’ Kereski Influence As mentioned above, Kereske conquered Demitu roughly 900 years before present and governed it for 300. In that time, though the Kereski language never established itself as a commonly-spoken tongue, the Kereski bureaucratic state imported many, many words. Almost all Demitian words relating to politics, trade, and (to a lesser degree) war derive from Kereski. The Kereski successfully exported their religion to Demitu, so most religious terms are of Kereski origin, as well. Kereski loanwords Note: In Kereski below, the letters ⟨ṗ ṫ ḱ ṡ ċ⟩ represent the ejective consonants ⟨pˀ tˀ kˀ tsˀ tɕˀ⟩. Vowels with a caron over them indicate palatalization of the preceding consonant. The Demitian words are often slightly different in meaning from their origins in Kereski. English Legal system King God Tax, debt PAX uṫūnġæɋ ædēbro sonda molṫāɋā Kereski ṫækunu dzam stiglaǔ pǎṡḱete Demitian jekku xazm tiglay vajit Between Kereski and Demitic loanwords, only about one-third of the Demitian lexicon descends directly from PAX. (A number of Kereski loanwords are ultimately themselves loaned from early AX languages.) However, AX words are highly-represented in core vocabulary, such as numbers, family members, body parts, and common verbs. In Kereski, the verbal infinitive is marked with a suffix, -aľ, -oľ, or -uľ, depending on the root. When Kereski verbs were borrowed into Demitian, they were usually borrowed with the infinitive ending. This then got reanalyzed as a generic “verbifying” suffix. For examples of this, see vemböyaľ ‘to sing,’ derived from vembö ‘song,’ itself a Kereski loan; or ngulaľ ‘to hunt,’ derived from ngu(l) ‘deer,’ a word of Demitic origin. When these verbs are conjugated, the -aľ suffix remains, unlike in Kereski. Standard Kereski also explicitly marks reflexive verbs with the suffix -ux. However, many administrators in Demitu came from the Kereski region of Aktimuy, where reflexive verbs were (at the time) marked with the suffix -uxs. This got borrowed into Demitic as -uks or -üks, depending on the context. The adoption of the reflexive suffix led to the eventual abandonment of both the middle and passive conjugations in Demitian. (They were already on their way out, but this new circumlocution only sped their demise.) Page 71 Athmo-Xlaccic Adoption of the Kereski reflexive suffix This is using the PAX verbal root sġāl ‘hurt, injure, ache’ and its Demitian descendent žál, with effectively identical meaning. English I hurt (someone/thing). I hurt/ache/am sore. My arm hurts. I hurt myself. PAX Haw sġālnih. Haw sġālsum. Ckum hmwāḃ sġālson. Haw sġālnīxt. Demitian Hó žáli. Hó žál-uks. Ču ħmo žál-uks. Hó uže žáli. Two Forms of "And" With how early the Demitic branch of the AX languages broke off, some of its most notable features are its archaic holdovers which have either become rare or extinct in other AX branches. PAX had two forms of the word “and.” The one which has survived in almost every other AX language descends from the PAX word gū. It was used when listing multiple items and fell at the end of a list. The other “and” was ḋwār, which could be translated as “and then.” It was used when discussing sequential verbs, and it fell after every verb in a list except the first. The Demitian descendent of gū is -yu, which functions as a suffix on each item in a list except the first. The Demitian form of “and then” is not actually descended from ḋwār and likely comes from a circumlocution. The word is üs and precedes each action in a sequence, except the first. Demitian’s two forms of “and” (11) Ľöčíg krőľstn, jelomṇyu, drħényu, yöilkṇyu řasi. Ľöčíg 3SG.M krőľst - n, fish - ACC, jelom - n = yu, barley - ACC = and, drħé - n = yu spinach - ACC = and, yöil - kn = yu egg - ACC.PL = and řas(a) -i eat_dinner -3SG.PST “For dinner, he ate fish, barley, spinach, and eggs.” (12) Čídbáy, hó sáz tvá ňamľé üs gróħé üs gaskľé üs ngulaľé. Čídbáy, Today, hó 1SG sáz -Ø want -1SG.PRS gaskľ -é clean -2SG.SBJV üs and tvá 2SG ňamľ - é read -2SG.SBJV üs and gróħ -é cook -2SG.SBJV üs and ngulaľ -e hunt -2SG.SBJV “Today, I want you to read, cook, clean, and hunt.” Retention of the Dual Demitian, along with the above-discussed Alwakha and a few other small Xijilic languages, is one of the few AX languages to retain the grammatical dual. Even in PAX, the dual had something of a reduced role, compared to the singular and plural. When conjugating verbs in the dual, the person of the subject was not taken into account. This continues in Demitian. Page 72 One innovation that Demitian has is a set of dual pronouns. None of the Xijilic languages with the dual have dual pronouns; the plural pronouns do that work, with the verb differentiating between dual and plural. Demitian, though, has distinct dual first- and second-person pronouns. Demitian does not have dual third-person pronouns. Demitian dual pronouns in the nominative First person Second person Singular Hó Tvá Dual Hóž Tváž Plural Čöm Gvé Icnab Icnab is the largest of the Ixinic (sometimes also called Insular) languages. It is spoken primarily on the island of Watjad, and more sporadically throughout the rest of the Ixinia Archipelago. It features a significant substrate from an unrelated language. Notable Phonological Changes Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Trill Liquid Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Plain Plain Voiceless Plain Lateral Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨b⟩ v ⟨v⟩ Dental θ ⟨þ⟩ ð ⟨ð⟩ m ⟨m⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ s ⟨s⟩ z ⟨z⟩ ts ⟨c⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ r̥ ⟨hr⟩ ʋ ⟨w⟩ l ⟨l⟩ Close Front i ⟨i⟩ Mid ɛ ⟨e⟩ Open æ ⟨ä⟩ Central ɪ„ɨ ⟨î⟩ a ⟨a⟩ Palatal ʃ ⟨ş⟩ ʒ ⟨ź⟩ ʧ ⟨ç⟩ ʤ ⟨j⟩ ɲ ⟨ń⟩ Velar k ⟨k⟩ g ⟨g⟩ Guttural q ⟨q⟩ h ⟨h⟩ j ⟨y⟩ Back u ⟨u⟩ o ⟨o⟩ ʌ ⟨â⟩ Consonant Clusters Icnab and other Ixinic languages are stereotyped as having intimidating consonant clusters, especially at the beginning of words. This resulted from several instances of unstressed vowels dropping between obstruents which shared a voicing quality, as well as the loss of word-initial unstressed vowels. There was also a preexisting substrate of words from the native, pre-AX languages which had permissive phonotactics. The clusters are not as bad or as common as stereotypes would let on, as there have also been eras where sound changes simplified clusters. Still, some intimidating and/or uncommon strings of consonants can be found. These can be made worse by the consonantonly prepositions ç ‘of, specifically possession’ and n ‘for.’ Notable examples include çpos ‘god, deity,’ kçktam ‘splint, brace,’ Zgdaji ‘common female name of native origin, roughly translatable Page 73 Athmo-Xlaccic as “Mercy” or “Merciful”,’ and qńat ‘a breed of sheep notable for its exceptionally warm and water-repellent wool.’ Geminated Consonants In certain contexts, consonant clusters have mutated to geminated consonants. For adjacent sops which share a voicing quality, the cluster mutated to a gemination of the second cluster. For example, Proto-Ixinic yadbat became Icnab yabba ‘moss,’ and Proto-Ixinic zoktimiş became Icnab zâttiç ‘a type of bread.’ A subsequent change also caused clusters of nasals to geminate. Like the stop mutation, the second sound in the sequence became the geminated one. For example, Proto-Ixinic syanm became Icnab syamm ‘wife,’ and Proto-Ixinic vomner became Icnab vonni ‘puma.’ (Marginal) Existence of [ɬ] Early in the history of the Ixinic languages, the cluster of a voiceless fricative followed by ⟨l⟩ became [ɬ]. This sound has vanished in most dialects of Icnab, with it lingering on in a few northerly villages. [ɬ] eventually broke down into five different sounds, depending on the context: ʧ, ts, l, s, and θ. In those few northerly Icnab-speaking villages and the related Ichflezhean language, [ɬ] can be found. Examples of words with this sound include łapos ‘god,’ cf. standard Icnab çpos, Ichflezhean łapo, and źoł ‘warm garment,’ cf. standard Icnab źoþ, Ichflezhean jayał. Notable Grammatical Changes Negation Icnab’s primary means of negation is comparable to that of Athmir. Negation is done with the particle igab. Igab is derived from the Proto-Ixinic phrase (go) ig habu, meaning ‘(not) one iota.’ That Proto-Ixinic go descends from PAX ġōwye. The verbal prefix ga- also descends from ġōwye and is used to emphasize that an action did not occur. Interrogative Pronouns In most AX languages, the form of a pronoun remains the same, regardless of whether the statement it is used in is declarative or interrogative. Icnab has evolved a distinctive set of pronoun forms used solely in questions. These are ultimately derived from the now-defunct vocative case. Personal pronouns do not have interrogative form. The pronouns are what are often described as “question words” in English: who, what, which, etc. If a sentence has more than one pronoun in it, only the pronoun that is the focus of the question can be in its interrogative form. Interrogatives will usually fall first in a sentence. Interrogative pronouns (13) a. Fë sës ældouk? Athmir Fë së -s ældouk who be -3SG.PRS.IPFV there? “*Who* is there?” Page 74 b. Çedvoy fei ito? Icnab Çedvoy fei it -o who.Q there be -3SG.PRS.IND “*Who* is there?” (14) a. Fë sës ældouk (ya)? Athmir Fë së -s ældouk (ya) who be -3SG.PRS.IPFV there (EMPH) “Who is *there*?” b. Fadvoy çe ito? Icnab Fadvoy çe it -o there.Q who be -3SG.PRS.IND “Who is *there*?” (15) a. (Æl sou) fë sës ældouk (Æl sou) (DEF person) Athmir fë së -s ældouk who be -3SG.PRS.IPFV there “(The person) who is there” b. (Som) çe fei ito Icnab (Som) çe fei it -o (Person) who there be -3SG.PRS.IND “(The person) who is there” Post-Verbal Clitic Pronouns Icnab’s usual word order is SOV. However, if a direct and/or indirect object in a verbal phrase is a pronoun, they become cliticized and attached to the verb in question. This evolved out of a unique tendency of Ixinic languages to prefer sentences ending with pronouns, as opposed to the usual AX aversion to such a practice. This may be an influence of Sargo-Dornic languages native to the Ixinia Archipelago, which usually have a VSO or VOS word order. Post-verbal clitics Person 1SG 2SG 3SG.M 3SG.F 3SG.N 1PL 2PL 3PL REFL NOM Ei Dei Vei Mas Ye Kei Qei Ci Yu Independent ACC Kmu Hral Vân Maşn Yekn Cekn Jeç Îmci Îzn DO Clitic -ku -hro -ma -maş -i -ci -ji -i -u Independent DAT Kmei Vei Vaj Vaç Yez Kaj Jed Îmkei Îr Both a direct and indirect object clitic can be stacked onto one verb. Page 75 IO Clitic -ka -va -may -maç -i -ka -ji -ima -îr Athmo-Xlaccic (16) Vei kso-maş-ka. Vei ks(a) -o =maş =ka 3SG.M give -3SG.PST.IND =3SG.F.ACC =1SG.DAT “He gave it (a feminine noun) to me.” Itatian Itatian is a member of the Sekteric branch of AX. The name derives from the Sekter River, which roughly bounds where this branch is spoken to the north and east. Notable Phonological Changes Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Trill Liquid Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Plain Plain Plain Lateral Close Mid Open Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨b⟩ f ⟨f⟩ v ⟨v⟩ m ⟨m⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ s ⟨s⟩ z ⟨z⟩ ts ⟨c⟩ dz ⟨ẑ⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ l ⟨l⟩ Front i ⟨i⟩ i: ⟨ī⟩ e ⟨e⟩ e: ⟨ē⟩ Central a ⟨a⟩ a: ⟨ā⟩ Palatal Velar k ⟨k⟩ g ⟨g⟩ x„h ⟨h⟩ j ⟨j⟩ w ⟨w⟩ Back u ⟨u⟩ u: ⟨ū⟩ o ⟨o⟩ o: ⟨ō⟩ Restrictive Phonology and Phonotactics The Sekteric languages tend to have the most restrictive phonologies and phonotactics in the AX language family. Itatian is typical of inland Sekteric languages, featuring a five-vowel system, which retains the length distinction, and a near-total lack of palatal/post-alveolar consonants. (Coastal Sekteric languages have gone completely the opposite direction, being typified by many palatal consonants (and relatively few alveolar ones) and a rich inventory of uncommon vowels with no length distinction.) Itatian’s phonotactics are maximally CVC, with a few exceptions of words which can start with a consonant before ⟨j l r⟩. There are no diphthongs in Itatian. Consecutive vowels are read as two syllables. An example of this can be seen in the Itatian word for “Itatian” – Ēutat [eː.ut.at]. Aspirated stops were lost at earlier stages of the language. Loss of the palatal sounds have been more recent. The affricates [tɕ] and [dʑ] moved forward to become [ts] and [dz], and pre-existing [ts] and [dz] mostly merged with [s] and [z]. The mutation of [ɲ] was less predictable, but it mostly became [j], [n], or [z], depending on the context. Page 76 Consonant clusters, both word-initially and word-finally, have extensively mutated or been broken up by epenthetic vowels. When Proto-Sekteric’s round vowels unrounded in Old Itatian, they did so fairly cleanly. ⟨y/ȳ⟩ universally became ⟨eu/ēu⟩, and ⟨ø/ø̄⟩ became either ⟨eo/ēo⟩ or ⟨e/ē⟩. Singular Dative Suffix Due to a quirk in how the ⟨d⟩ sound evolved, the singular dative ending has two realizations. In most contexts, it is realized as ⟨(a)l⟩. However, if it immediately follows a stressed vowel, the more conservative ⟨d⟩ is retained. Itatian singular dative NOM krūtoj [ˈkruːtoj] ‘thought’ Ñ DAT krūtojal [ˈkruːtojal] NOM prē [preː] ‘ewe’ Ñ DAT prēd [preːd] Notable Grammatical Changes Suffixed Articles Definite and indefinite articles are fairly common in the Sekteric, Athmic, and Iwidic branches of AX. Something unique to the Inland branch of the Sekteric languages is that its articles tend to be suffixes. In Proto-Sekteric, articles pluralized and agreed in case with the nouns they were modifying. Case agreement was universally dropped by all Sekteric languages by around 800 years before present, and all but a few obscure Coastal Sekteric languages have lost article pluralization, too. Itatian’s articles are -ma (DEF) and -ẑe (INDEF). -ma ultimately derives from PAX mēyeq ‘that,’ and -ẑe comes from PAX īġwi ‘one.’ Verbs Most AX languages radically simplified their verbal schemes, but Itatian’s reduction is especially sweeping. Completely gone are the active/middle/passive distinctions. Active is the implied default now. Verbs are simply conjugated for past, present, or future tense; and for the number and grammatical person of the subject. With the loss of these distinct conjugations, early Itatian speakers began utilizing auxiliary verbs and particles. Passive constructions were preserved with a circumlocution that utilizes the copula along with the uninflected verb. Itatian passive construction (17) a. Sōmuh ḋīwmn gestena. Sōmuh man ḋīwm -n geste -n -a stone -ACC find -PRF -3SG.PST.ACT.IND “The man found the stone.” Page 77 PAX Athmo-Xlaccic b. Sōve-ma isaa zēuno-ma Sōve =ma isa -a man =DEF find -3SG.PST “The man found the stone.” (18) a. zēun -o =ma stone -ACC =DEF Itatian Ḋīwm sōmuhlā gæw gestenæm Ḋīwm stone sōmuh -lā gæw man -OBL from geste -n -æm find -PRF -3SG.PST.PSV.IND PAX “The stone was found by the man.” b. Sēa zēun-ma isa ẑe sōvel-ma Sē -a be -3SG.PST zēun =ma isa stone =DEF find ẑe via “The stone was found by the man.” sōve -l =ma man -DAT =DEF Itatian Itatian has developed a number of auxiliary verbs and particles to express the functions that former conjugation schemes filled. There are over a dozen total, but three in particular are very common: • Ẑēul: This is the conditional particle. It derives from the Proto-Sekteric ǵyr ‘to hope for.’ Use of this particle is simple. It precedes a verb, most often in the future tense. For example, eẑeū means ‘I will jump.’ In comparison, ẑēul eẑeū would be translated as ‘I might jump.’ • Vā(n): This auxiliary verb explicitly marks a verb as perfective. It ultimately derives from the PAX amṗāni ‘I have set it down.’ This auxiliary follows the focal verb and conjugates in the past, present, or future tense. The (n) is not included if the conjugation in question has a null ending. The verb, meanwhile, takes the participle ending. Using the eẑe example, eẑeuk means ‘we jump,’ and eẑeej vānuk means ‘we have jumped.’ • Ju(m): This is the progressive auxiliary verb. It ultimately derives from PAX nuw ‘go, walk.’ It behaves identically to vā(n), including the epenthetic nasal. Continuing with eẑeuk, eẑeej jumuk would mean ‘we are jumping.’ Itatian has developed reflexive verbs to express the former middle conjugation. It has lately been used more and more to express passive constructions in informal speech. In its uninflected or infinitive form, verbs are made reflexive with the suffixing clitic -te, which derives from the Proto-Sekteric ty. When a verb is conjugated, this then becomes the independent pronoun teu and moves directly in front of the verb. Upland Maroian Maroian went extinct about 300 years before present, but it remains the language of government, religion, and education in certain areas. Notable Phonological Changes Prominence of Guttural Consonants Velar consonants, especially ⟨h ƣ ŋ⟩, are a prominent feature of Upland Maroian phonology. Early on in Maroian’s history, PAX [qʰ] mutated to [ʁ], and later to [ɣ]. Other expected mergers happened, such as [kʰ] (in some contexts) and [h] both becoming [x]. There were some unusual ones, though. The PAX cluster ⟨hm⟩ (pronounced [ɦm]) became [ŋm] in Page 78 Stop Voiceless Voiced Aspirated Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Plain Plain Plain Lateral Fricative Affricate Nasal Trill Liquid Close Mid Open Diphthongs Front i ⟨i⟩ e ⟨e⟩ Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨b⟩ pʰ ⟨ṗ⟩ f ⟨f⟩ v ⟨v⟩ m ⟨m⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ tʰ ⟨ṫ⟩ s ⟨s⟩ z ⟨z⟩ ts ⟨c⟩ dz ⟨ẑ⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ Post-Alveolar ʃ ⟨ś⟩ ʒ ⟨ź⟩ ʧ ⟨ć⟩ ʤ ⟨j⟩ l ⟨l⟩ Central Palatal c ⟨ķ⟩ ɟ ⟨ģ⟩ Velar k ⟨k⟩ g ⟨g⟩ kʰ ⟨ḱ⟩ x„ç„h ⟨h⟩ ɣ„ʝ ⟨ƣ⟩ ɲ ⟨ń⟩ ŋ ⟨ŋ⟩ j ⟨y⟩ w ⟨w⟩ Back u ⟨u⟩ o ⟨o⟩ a ⟨a⟩ aɪ ̯ ⟨ai⟩, eɪ ̯ ⟨ei⟩, ɔɪ ̯ ⟨oi, oy⟩, ɪ ̯u ⟨iu⟩, ɪ ̯e ⟨ie⟩, ʊɪ ̯ ⟨ui⟩, oʊ̯ ⟨ou⟩, ʊ̯o [uo] Maroian, whereas most AX languages simply dropped the ⟨h⟩. This cluster is most commonly found in the non-nominative forms for the first-person singular pronoun. The native name for Maroian–Ŋmayh–comes from a word roughly meaning ‘my way (of speaking).’ ⟨hm⟩ to ⟨ŋm⟩ mutations on ‘I’ PAX Maroian NOM Haw Go ACC Hmūn Ŋmuon DAT Hmād Ŋmai GEN Hmwāḃ Ŋman ESS Hmwē Ŋmuye OBL Hmwāl Ŋmuyel VOC Hmwoy Ŋmei (archaic) Another unusual mutation was that of PAX [bʱ] in a word-final position (most of the time). Usually, this ended up as [ŋ], via the intermediary form [mɣ]. Word-initial [zg] and [zgʱ] (very common in PAX) both became [ɣ]. [i] before velar consonants got backed to [o] or [a ɑ] in a pair of similar shifts. Word-initial [n] before [o] or [u] became [ŋ]. Word-final stops weakened to fricatives in a recent change, as well. Diphthongs Like most AX languages, Maroian lost the length distinction on vowels, with many long vowels breaking into diphthongs. This occurred relatively soon after Maroian broke off from middle PAX, and some of the more complex or unusual diphthongs have since merged. In addition to these diphthongs, consecutive monophthongs are not-uncommon in Maroian. The two are differentiated with a diacritic, rendered as a dieresis in the Latin alphabet. Compare huio [ˈhu.jo] ‘ear’ and huïo [ˈhu.i.o] ‘I listen.’ The diacritic is always placed over the second vowel in the ambiguous cluster. Palatalization Though palatalization is not as strong or pervasive as in Demitian, Maroian was subject to it. It has phonemic palatal stops [c ɟ], written ⟨ķ ģ⟩. The fact that there is no aspirated counterpart shows that these were later innovations. Post-alveolar fricatives and affricates are common sounds, and almost every diphthong includes a yod. Velar fricatives are frequently realized as palatal before front vowels. Page 79 Athmo-Xlaccic Ablaut and verbal aspect As seen in other AX languages, some verbs are subject to vowel mutations when conjugating. This is especially common in the indicative past. Compare mutruko ‘I mock’ and mitriki ‘I used to mock,’ or ƣuo [ɣʊ̯o] ‘I carry’ and ƣui [ɣwi] ‘I used to carry.’ Related to this, in PAX, aspect was viewed as one of the various suffixes applied to verbal roots. Over time, the perfect and imperfect markers came to be thought of as integral parts of the verbal root. For most verbs, the two forms of a verb are—if not 100% predictable— intuitive enough that wouldn’t be hard to get one’s point across. Perfect verbs often end in a nasal (usually ⟨m⟩ or ⟨n⟩), but imperfect verb endings are often arbitrary. Some verbs have had more drastic mutations, or had one aspect replaced with a word from an entirely different root. Maroian verbal aspect Verb Listen, hear Rule, reign Ask, inquire Run See Carry Imperfect Hieńć Jeb Źeyro Kluo Epe Ƣuo Perfect Hieńćem Jeben Źeyros(e)n Klon Zunen Rum Irregular plurals Many nouns have irregular plurals. This arises from a combination of vowel mutations, like in verbs, and through sounds which have been elided in the singular and which remain in the plural. Some of the most common ones include the words for ‘eye’ (vom vs. vemi), ‘arm’ (sķu vs. śimi), and ‘deer’ (ŋaijo vs. ŋaijogva). Notable Grammatical Changes Word Order Maroian was one of only a few AX languages to have VSO word order. Even within the Maroiic branch of the AX language family, only two of the four languages had verb-initial sentences. This was part of a major series of grammatical shifts, which also saw adjectives move before nouns and postpositions become prepositions. This may have been an areal feature from neighboring Trans-Rathnaesian languages, such as Droh and Baxthoi, where VSO is the standard word order. Hypercorrection of Grammatical Gender Roughly one-third of AX languages have retained a three-way (masculine-feminine-neuter) split on grammatical gender. However, in almost all of those cases, the way a noun’s gender is determined is by how associated adjectives end. Sound changes have rendered PAX’s final-sound system moot in most daughter languages. Early on in Maroian’s history, it was observed that masculine nouns were often associated with back vowels, feminine with front vowels, and neuter with mid vowels. Beginning around 2,000 years before present, the educated classes began hypercorrecting nouns with ambiguous endings, adding a ⟨u⟩ onto the end of masculine nouns, an ⟨i⟩ onto feminine nouns, and an ⟨a⟩ onto neuter nouns. This was codified into official grammars of the lanPage 80 guage as an “optional” means of reducing ambiguity. Though most commoners did not include this in their speech, the upper echelon of society used it to mark their speech as “better” and “more informative.” Politeness As Maroian got pushed more and more out of everyday life and became more of a tongue for the nobility, the rigid rules of this section of society began appearing more and more in speech patterns. Most notable among these were various politeness markers, which would be suffixed onto pronouns or imperative verbs. Four basic politeness markers became grammaticalized by the time the language effectively went extinct. Maroian politeness markers Addressee Peers Subordinates Superiors Nobility (19) Marker -anz -(a)lzoa -oie -oṫa Etymology Anzoia ‘good friend’ Lezoa ‘dear child’ Oieme ‘patriarch, head of the household’ Foṫalsa ‘kneel,”as in, “to whom one kneels’ Rakno go ģaiena, epeuo go taänz! Rakn(a) -o go ģaie -na, epe -uo go ta feel.PRF -1SG.PRS.IND.ACT 1SG joy -ACC, see.IPFV -1SG.PRS.SBJV 1SG 2SG.ACC -änz -POL “(To a friend) I am glad to see you!” (20) Ŋuspenomalzoa ŋmai sminońe. Ŋuspen -om -alzoa bring.PRF -SG.IMP -POL ŋmai smin -ońe 1SG.DAT water -ACC “(To a servant) Please bring me some water.” Linguistic Purity/Conservatism Maroian, especially in its literary register, is notable for its extreme linguistic conservatism. As Upland Maroian became more and more of a language of a certain class, the intelligentsia pushed for the outright elimination of loanwords from the language. This included replacing many preexisting loanwords. Calques to replace loanwords • Saddle – Formerly: kaṫus, from Baxthoi qāθtəs ‘saddle’ – Replacement: naihuaja, from (ra)nai ‘horse’ and huaja ‘seat’ • Heir, crown prince – Formerly: viku, from Zuwian vík ‘prince’ – Replacement: ģiemeya, from ģieme ‘follow, ensue’ • Recurve bow – Formerly: ƣavacai, from Baxthoi qəvə sauā ‘two bends’ – Replacement: ķoṫaihṫahosmi, from ķo ‘two,’ ṫaih ‘bend,’ and ṫahosmi ‘bow’ Page 81 Athmo-Xlaccic Xlacu Xlacu is the latest iteration of my first conlang. All that remains beyond the name are a few common words, such as pronouns and prepositions. In-universe, it’s the largest member of the Iwidic branch of AX, named after the historical Kingdom of Iwid. Notable Phonological Changes Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Trill Liquid Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Plain Plain Voiceless Plain Lateral Voiceless Close Mid Open Diphthongs Labial p ⟨p⟩ b ⟨b⟩ f ⟨f⟩ v ⟨v⟩ m ⟨m⟩ ʋ ⟨w⟩ Dental θ ⟨þ⟩ ð ⟨ð⟩ Alveolar t ⟨t⟩ d ⟨d⟩ s ⟨s⟩ z ⟨z⟩ ts ⟨ţ, c⟩ dz ⟨x⟩ n ⟨n⟩ r ⟨r⟩ r̥ ⟨hr⟩ l ⟨l⟩ l ̥ ⟨hl⟩ Palatal ʃ ⟨ś⟩ ʒ ⟨ź⟩ ʧ ⟨ć⟩ ʤ ⟨ĵ⟩ Velar k ⟨k, c⟩ g ⟨g⟩ x ⟨ħ⟩ Guttural q ⟨q⟩ h ⟨h⟩ j ⟨y⟩ Front Central Back i ⟨i⟩ u ⟨u⟩ y ⟨y⟩ ɨ ʉ ɯ ə ⟨î, ŷ⟩ e ⟨e⟩ o ⟨o⟩ ɛ ⟨ê⟩ ɔ ⟨ô⟩ æ ⟨â⟩ ɑ ɔ ⟨a⟩ aɪ ̯, eɪ ̯, ɔɪ, aʊ̯, oʊ̯, eʊ̯ - most diphthongs have a variety of spellings Voiceless Sonorants Xlacu has two phonemic voiceless sonorants—[l ̥] and [r̥]. These first entered the language through loanwords from the unrelated Mesman language. (Mesman also features [m̥ ] and [n̥], but these sounds were primarily borrowed as either their voiced counterparts or as [sm/sn].) Since then, the sound has found its way into new words, primarily as a realization of what was formerly ⟨ħr/ħl⟩. Complex Vowels Xlacu has one of the most complex vowel systems in the Athmo-Xlaccic family. The standard dialect, as described here, has ten phonemic monophthongs. The northernmost varieties of Xlacu can have over a dozen. Like most other AX languages with complex vowel systems, this arose from the loss of vowel length distinctions. Much like Maroian, as described above, Xlacu regularly has strings of consecutive monophthongs. Diacritics are used to differentiate potentially ambiguous sequences. Xlacu has a diacritic for marking when a word’s stress is on a syllable other than the penultimate, and this can double as the monophthong-differentiator in certain contexts. Compare oisane [ɔɪ ̯ˈsɑne] ‘ugly,’ óisane ([ˈɔɪ ̯səne] ‘very ugly (colloquial),’ oïsane ([o.iˈsɑne] (not a real word), and oísane ([oˈisəne] (also not a real word). Further weirdness has been added to Xlacu vowels from the influence of sonorants. There have been two major vowel shifts affected by sonorants. The first was in the situation of Page 82 ⟨VlC⟩, where ⟨l⟩ was dropped and the preceding vowel mutated. A later change was brought about by ⟨r⟩ following vowels. The ⟨r⟩ did not drop, but the preceding vowels mutated. Word-initial Consonant Mutations Xlacu underwent a rapid series of word-initial consonant mutations shortly after splitting off from the other Iwidic languages. The consonants could mutate in several ways, depending on their specific contexts. A table of Proto-Iwidic correspondences to Xlacu forms is below. Word-initial consonant mutations Proto-Iwidic dr h hw ḱ m ṗ pl ɋ s sw ṫ tr tw Xlacu xl Ø f c ħ b w f f q ħ h ţ ţ þ ţl t Context Everywhere Before unstressed vowels Everywhere Before stressed vowels Realized as [ts] before ⟨â e ê i y⟩ and [k] elsewhere In most other contexts Before ⟨j l r w⟩ Before ⟨â e ê i y⟩ Before other vowels and most consonants Everywhere Before vowels Before consonants Before stressed ⟨o ô⟩ Everywhere Before ⟨â e ê i y⟩ Before other vowels and most consonants Everywhere Everywhere There were more mutations than just these, but most of them apply to uncommon consonant clusters. Mutation of <k> to <p> A feature of PAX which has persisted into a large number of its daughter languages is the use of ⟨k⟩ as a plural marker. The usual pluralization marker in Xlacu is ⟨p⟩, but it derives from PAX ⟨k⟩. In an older stage of the language (well after splitting off from other AX languages but before differentiating into the different Iwidic languages), the velar stops ⟨k g⟩ mutated to the labial stops ⟨p b⟩ word-finally after a vowel. This meant many words now used ⟨p⟩ as a pluralization marker. For example, to Proto-Iwidic word for ‘man’ sommu would be pluralized to sommup. Other words retained a ⟨k⟩ suffix if they ended in certain consonants. Proto-Iwidic nec ‘horse pluralized as neck [netsk]. In modern Xlacu, these words pluralize as hobip and nejp, respectively. Over time, this distinction was erased via analogy. Now all but a few words are pluralized with ⟨p⟩. The few that are not are common words that are almost always plural, like jaqymik ‘grapes’ – the singular jaqym is hardly ever used – or nûxéik ‘lips’ sg. nûxéi. Page 83 Athmo-Xlaccic Notable Grammatical Changes Concatenating Verbal Suffixes Xlacu retains separate conjugations for the active and middle voices, something which is somewhat uncommon among the AX languages. Beyond that, its verbal paradigm is relatively simple, taking into account the person and number of the subject, as well as conjugating in the past, present, or future indicative. What makes Xlacu’s verbs unique, though, are its verbal suffixes, which can concatenate. No suffixes need to be used with a given verb, but suffixes can change a verb’s mood. Four suffixes exist: conditional, participle, perfective, and progressive. Any combination of those four can be used together, but they must be used in the above-listed order. This system arose out of the extensive use of auxiliary verbs and particles which eventually fused onto the verbal root. Example of verbal concatenation An example of a maximally-conjugated verb would be: (21) Henĵí-arm-ê-pa-vu. Henĵ -í =arm =ê =pa =vu sleep -1SG.PST.MID =COND =PCP =PRF =PROG “I would have been sleeping” The participle suffix is usually realized as ⟨ê⟩. If it is word-final, though, it mutates to ⟨i⟩. Loss of Gender & Case; Word Order Shift As seen in other AX languages, sound changes rendered the AX case and gender systems moot. The collapse of these systems has been more thorough and far-reaching than in almost any other AX language. Athmir retains a borderline-vestigial genitive case, and Alwakha– despite having no gender–retains a complex declension system. The only vestiges of the AX case and gender systems can be found on its pronouns. Pronouns come in nominative, oblique, and possessive forms, and third-person pronouns refer to a nouns gender/biological sex. As discussed in the Athmir section, this reduction in cases led to more instances of semantic ambiguity under older, more flexible word orders. A shift toward SVO originated in the more southerly regions of the Xlacosphere. This is now the standard word order, though SOV is used when someone is trying to sound educated, poetic, or old-fashioned. Mesman Influence Xlacu draws a large portion of its vocabulary from Mesman, particularly surrounding law, politics, war, sailing, trade, and industry. Its influence has been deep with these loanwords, going so far as to give Xlacu its default polite greeting: aihre, from the Mesman haihrei ‘I welcome (you).’ Little of Mesman grammar has made its way into Xlacu, though. Mesman has a VSO word order, and most of its adjectives behave like a class of verbs. The only possible grammatical influence it may have had on Xlacu was pushing adjectives after nouns. This was the default Page 84 word order in PAX, but other Iwidic languages (except for Pentelean, which is an offshoot of Middle Xlacu), as well as the relatively-closely-related Ixinic languages, have adjectives that precede nouns. Many educated, influential, and/or aspirationally-influential Xlacu speakers will often sprinkle Mesman phrases into their speech in an effort to sound intelligent. Though this is appreciated among a certain class of people, the general attitude among Xlacophones is to view these people as insufferably pretentious. Pluralizing Articles Definite and indefinite articles are not terribly uncommon in AX languages. They are especially common in the Iwidic, Sekteric, and Athmic branches of the family. Xlacu’s articles are e (indefinite) and cŷ (definite). Xlacu’s uncommon variation on articles is that these articles pluralize. E becomes ŷr, and cŷ becomes cŷp. Page 85 Athmo-Xlaccic Some Comparisons PAX Feature Retention PAX feature Alwakha Separate middle or passive verbal paradigm Distinction between perfect and imperfect verbs Voiceless aspirants Voiced aspirants 3+ grammatical genders Dual SOV 3+ grammatical cases Phonemic vowel length [q] Syllabic sonorants Systematic ablaut when conjugating Athmir ( ) marginal Daughter language Demitian Icnab Itatian Maroian Xlacu Pronouns Pronouns have mostly descended unbroken from their PAX forms. Here is a comparison of the reconstructible AX pronouns. PAX Alwakha Athmir Demitian Icnab Itatian Maroian Xlacu 1S Haw [hɑʊ̯] Ha [hɑ] Ha [hɑ] Hó [hoː] Ei [ɛj] Ō [oː] Go [go] A [ɑ] 2S Twā [twɑː] Vo [vo] Twa [twɑ] Tvá [tvaː] Dei [dɛj] Vā [vaː] Ta [ta] Tei [teɪ ̯] 1PL Ḱæwm [kʰæʊ̯m] Ḱi [kˀi] Ku [ku] Čöm [cœm] Kei [kɛj] Ce [tse] Śium [ɕi ̯ʊm] Ci [tsi] 2PL Qwēc [qweːts] Vis [vis] Qwës [qweɪ ̯s] Gvé [gvɛː] Qei [qʌj] Gwi [gwi] Ie [i ̯e] Teik [teɪ ̯k] “This” Ṗāyx [pʰɑːɪ ̯x] Ṗav [pˀɑv] Fo [fo] Páy [paːj] Pek [pɛk] Pē [peː] Ṗaig [pʰaɪ ̯g] Faj [faj] “That” Mēyeq [ˈmeːjɛq] Mieg [miˈɛg] Ëqæ [ˈeɪ ̯qə] Még [mɛːg] Me [mɛ] Mē [meː] Veig [veɪ ̯g] Mi [mi] Reflexive Iwot [ˈiwot] Yt [ɨt] Ivot [ˈivət] Üöt [yœ̯ t] Yu [ju] Eut [ˈe.ut] Iva [ˈiva] Iv [iv] Page 86 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 PAX īġwi [ˈiːgʷwi] sko [sko] xmā [xmɑː] sṫōbin [ˈstʰobɪn] cārḋa [ˈtsɑːrdʱə] yōkmis [ˈjoːkmis] gnæxōm [gnæˈxoːm] iṗons [iˈpʰons] aḱmu [ˈɑkʰmu] drēwġwi [ˈdreːʊ̯gʱwi] Alwakha ğiwi [ˈɣiwi] sku [sku] mo [mo] sṫovi [ˈstˀɔvi] cavz [tsavz] źomis [ˈʒomɪs] nexwa [nɛˈxwɑ] ṗwons [pˀwɔns] aźmu [ˈaʒmu] dvogi [ˈdvoɣi] Athmir ëź [eɪ ̯ʒ] sko [sko] śmo [ʃmo] soubi [ˈsoʊ̯bi] sauð [ˈsaʊ̯ð] youmis [ˈjoʊ̯mɪs] nækou [nəˈkoʊ̯] ivous [iˈvoʊ̯s] aþ [ɑθ] ji [ʤi] Demitian ív [iːv] skom [skom] ħmá [xmɑː] čóvn [ˈcoːvn̩] cárx [tsɑːrdz] yóħmi [joːxmi] ħňizó [ˈçɲizoː] iuó [ˈiʋoː] asm [ˈɑsm̩ ] dřóv [ɟʝrʲoːv] Icnab i [i] şwo [ʃwɔ] kmai [kmaɪ ̯] stavi [ˈstavi] cäð [tsæð] yomz [jomz] ńo [ɲo] poz [poz] asm [ˈasm̩ ] dro [dro] Itatian zī [ziː] so [so] mā [maː] tōb [toːb] se [se] jōmi [ˈjoːmi] jehō [jeˈxoː] ipō [ˈipoː] am [am] drō [droː] Maroian oƣ [oɣ] ķo [co] ŋma [ŋma] ćoi [ʧɔɪ ̯] soiz [sɔɪ ̯z] oimi [ˈɔɪ ̯mi] ńahwem [ˈɲaxwm̩ ] iṗoi [ˈipʰɔɪ ̯] asem [ˈasem] zaƣ [zaɣ] Xlacu bi [bi] sku [sku] mu [mu] þobi [ˈθobi] će [ʧe] joţu [ˈjotsu] znâvu [znæˈvu] fonx [fondz] asu [ˈɑsu] xlu [dzlu] Numbers 1-10 Selected Vocabulary List These words are meant to act as something of a limited Swadesh list. I have organized this by PAX root, since there has often been significant semantic drift. It is rare for a given PAX root to persist in all the languages discussed here, but these ones do. • PAX amṗā, vb. [ɑmˈpʰɑː]–set down, place – Alwakha: Əmṗo, vb. [əmˈpˀo]–give, donate – Athmir: Bo, vb. [bo]–drop – Demitian: Mvát, n. [ˈm̩ vɑːt]–a small table or stool – Icnab: Împei, vb. [ɪmˈpɛɪ ̯]–organize – Itatian: Vā(n), aux. [vaː(n)] - via the conjugation amṗāni, the perfective auxiliary – Maroian: Iraṗa, vb. [irˈapʰa]–sabotage, undermine – Xlacu: Ampéj, vb. [ɑmˈpej]–set down • PAX dwinmin, n. [ˈdwinmin]–obligation, especially of a head of a household to protect the family – Alwakha: Dwimi, n. [ˈdwimi]–familial love – Athmir: Ðimi, n. [ˈðimi]–blessing, boon, gift – Demitian: Jimi, n. [ˈɟimi] –peasant; evolved via ‘obligation of protection’ Ñ ‘one who is protected/one who needs protection’ Ñ ‘weak person’ Ñ ‘poor person’ – Icnab: Ðinmi, n. [ˈðinmi]–protection, aegis – Itatian: Idinu, n. [iˈdinu]–oath, promise – Maroian: Dumm, n. [dumː]–debt, obligation; especially in regard to extraordinary actions – Xlacu: Vinmi, n. [ˈvinmi]–deal, agreement • PAX geprūḱ, n. –rash, skin condition – Alwakha: Gevliu, n. [gɛvliˈu]–leprosy Page 87 Athmo-Xlaccic • • • • • – Athmir: Epruakine, adj. [eˈpruəkinə] –strong, tough, hard; the origin of this article’s title. The original word eventually evolved to mean something like ‘scab,’ and then ‘natural armor, like on an armadillo.’ This was then extrapolated into metal armor worn by people, and the adjectival form of that has brought the word to its current meaning. – Demitian: Giprú, n. [ˈgipruː]–scar, mark – Icnab: Jepr, n. [ˈʤɛpr̩] –rash – Itatian: Anẑeprūat, vb. [andzeˈpru:.at]–to scratch an itch – Maroian: Ģefuo, n. [ˈɟefu̯o]–pus, ooze – Xlacu: Geprús, n. [geˈprus]–itch PAX icwoh, adj. [ˈitswoh]–good – Alwakha: Ćay, adj. [ʧaj]–salubrious, healthy – Athmir: Isu-, prefix [isu]–emphatic prefix, primarily used on adjectives – Demitian: Icva, n. [ˈitsvɑ]–charm, talisman, lucky object – Icnab: Iþ, adj. [iθ]–skilled, good at something – Itatian: Iswo, adj. [ˈiswo]–good – Maroian: Isu, adj. [ˈisu]–polite, courteous – Xlacu: Iţ, adj. [its]–good PAX smun, n. [smun]–snake – Alwakha: Sme, n. [smɛ]–viper – Athmir: Þmun, n. [θmun]–adder – Demitian: Smum, n. [smum]–non-venomous snake (general term), slang for penis – Icnab: Smu, n. [smu]–snake – Itatian: Osmu, n. [osˈmu]–snake – Maroian: Mun, n. [mun]–snake – Xlacu: Smu, n. [smu]–small snake PAX sṗalē, n. [spʰɑˈleː]–lump, bump, mound – Alwakha: Sṗlie, n. [spˀliˈɛ]–bump, specifically on one’s body when received from an injury – Athmir: Slë, n. [sleɪ ̯]–mole, boil, pimple – Demitian: Vaľé, n. [ˈvɑlʲeː]–hill or hillock, especially manmade – Icnab: Hwale, n. [hwaˈlɛ]–small hill, slang for breasts – Itatian: Ispalē, n. [ispaˈleː]–pile, mound – Maroian: Falie, n. [ˈfalɪ ̯e]–bump, mound – Xlacu: Fale, n. [ˈfale]–pile, mound PAX suġū, vb. [suˈgʱuː]–fall – Alwakha: Kosuğiu, vb. [kəsuɣiˈu]–to fall ill, to get sick – Athmir: Sujun, vb. [sʊˈʤun]–collapse – Demitian: Ksuzúy, n. [ˈksuzuːj]–deciduous tree; via PAX æwksuġūysi ‘that which repeatedly falls’ – Icnab: Oqsu, vb. [ɔqˈsu]–to put away, to store – Itatian: Suvūat, vb. [suˈvuːat]–to fail – Maroian: Suvuo, vb. [ˈsuvu̯o]–trip, stumble – Xlacu: Suwu, vb. [ˈsuwu]–slip PAX ṫīsīḱ, n. [ˈtʰiːsiːkʰ]–valley, gorge – Alwakha: Ṫiċi, n. [ˈtˀitsˀi]–farm, estate – Athmir: Tëzis, vb. [ˈteɪ ̯zɪs]–burrow, tunnel, hollow out – Demitian: Sűžíř, n. [ˈsyːʒiːrʲ]–trench, ditch – Icnab: Tisi, n. [ˈtisi]–inlet, fjord – Itatian: Sīski, n. [ˈsiːski]–floodplain – Maroian: Siśih, n. [ˈsiʃix]–valley – Xlacu: Ţisiħ, n. [ˈtsisix]–village, small town Page 88 • PAX ṫūmh, vb. [tʰuːmɦ]–die – Alwakha: Ṫu, vb. [tˀu]–die – Athmir: Þuan, vb. [ˈθuən]–die – Demitian: Túm, vb. [tuːm]–die – Icnab: Tum, vb. [tum]–die – Itatian: Tūat, vb. [ˈtuːat]–to die – Maroian: Ṫuof, vb. [tʰu̯of]–die – Xlacu: Þu, vb. [θu] - die • PAX wīweɋ, n. [ˈwiːweqʰ]–order, systematism – Alwakha: Wiveẋul, vb. [ˈwivəχɔl]–put in order, organize – Athmir: Wëwe, n. [ˈweɪ ̯wə]–organization, system – Demitian: Vűe, n. [ˈvyːe]–treatise, formal description or argument – Icnab: Wivi n. [ˈwivi]–agency, bureau, organization – Itatian: Wīvga, n. [ˈwiːvga]–list – Maroian: Iveƣ, n. [ˈiveɣ]–order, system, especially a legal system – Xlacu: Wivej, n. [ˈwivej]–system Page 89 Coming Attractions Thank you for reading Segments! We hope you will join us again for Issue #12: Supra II The submission period will open in December 2023! Keep your eyes out for announcements in different conlang communities with more details on content guides, submission guidelines, deadlines, and more! To keep with our winter tradition, we're opening the door for any conlang‐related article you may be interested in writing! Our first Supra issue was a lot of fun, with a huge variety of articles focused on all manner of topic, and we're hoping for another round of fun with Supra II! Be thinking about a topic that may interest you! See you next time! Attribution If you wish to cite the contents of this publication, please use the following format: | Author, (YYYY). "Article Title," Segments (Issue##‐Article##), Month YYYY. For instance, using Miacomet's article about Mwaneḷe in Issue #01: | Miacomet, (2021). "Mwaneḷe Phonology," Segments (01‐02), April 2021. All contents of this journal made available under CC BY‐NC‐ND license Authors retain any and all rights to their own work https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc‐nd/4.0/ Segments. PROJECT MANAGER LAYOUT ARTIST EDITORS Lysimachiakis Slorany Miacomet Page Allen Chrsevs tryddle Akam Chinjir Intended as both an educational resource and a way to showcase the best work the r/conlangs community had to offer, Segments. was started in 2020 on an initiative by u/Lysimachiakis and u/Slorany, with great amounts of help from the rest of the subreddit's modera‐ tion team.