POSC215 – DEMOCRACY
Professor Sebastian Dettman
Research Paper
Social Media in Singapore Democracy: The catalyst for a fairer
elections?
Daniel Farhan Bin Othman
01299348
danielfo.2016@economics.smu.edu.sg
Introduction:
The impact of social media on politics has been hotly debated since the former rose to
prominence. While proponents argue for its benefits using the example of Arab Spring1,
detractors remain wary especially after the 2016 United States Presidential elections2. It is
undeniable that social media has allowed citizens greater access to “alternative sources of
information”3 – a key tenet of Dahl’s democracy. This development is encouraging especially
for countries with strong state controls on mainstream media. Against this backdrop, there is
a strong impetus to explore the likelihood of a country experiencing greater democratisation
from this trend.
To narrow the study, this paper focuses on social media’s role as a catalyst for freer and fairer
elections in Singapore. High internet penetration rates4, the domination of one party since
independence5 and the absence of low voter turnout due to compulsory voting laws6 makes
Singapore the ideal country of choice. Although these platforms were founded in mid-2000,
they rose to prominence only in 20107. As such, social media’s role as a catalyst will be
examined through the changes and continuities that occurred before as well as after the 2011
General Elections. In addition, this paper will evaluate the freeness and fairness of
Singapore’s election through the lens of free speech and various electoral process
mechanisms. All in all, the findings indicate that while social media has been a turning point
Norris, Pippa. “Political Mobilization and Social Networks.: The Example of the Arab Spring.” Electronic Democracy, edited by Norbert
Kersting et al., 1st ed., Verlag Barbara Budrich, Opladen; Berlin; Toronto, 2012, pp. 55–76. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvddzwcg.6.
Accessed 31 Mar. 2021
2
Abrams, A. (2017, April 14). James Comey Says Americans Should Be Wary of “Troll Farms” Peddling Fake News. James Comey Says
Americans Should Be Wary of “Troll Farms” Peddling Fake News. https://time.com/4739556/james-comey-fbi-fake-news-warning/
3
Dahl, R. (2005). What Political Institutions Does Large-Scale Democracy Require? Political Science Quarterly, 120(2), 187-197. Retrieved
March 31, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20202514
4
Statista. (2020, December 10). Singapore: internet user penetration 2015–2025.
https://www.statista.com/statistics/975069/internet-penetration-rate-in-singapore/
5
Aravindan, A. J. G. (2020, July 6). Explainer: Why one party dominates Singapore politics. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/ussingapore-election-opposition-file-ex-idUSKBN24702X
6
ELD | What Should I Do If I Did Not Vote in a Past Election? (n.d.). Elections Department Singapore. Retrieved March 31, 2021, from
https://www.eld.gov.sg/voters_compulsory.html
7
Brown, D. U. T. (2019, December 30). Remember Vine? These social networking sites defined the past decade. USA TODAY.
https://eu.usatoday.com/story/tech/2019/12/19/end-decade-heres-how-social-media-has-evolved-over-10-years/4227619002/
1
1
for fairer elections through aspects of free speech, it has been limited by the existence of
structural barriers.
Literature Review:
Currently, there is a myriad of research on the topics of elections as well as social media’s
role in politics. The Institute of Policy Studies under the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public
Policy publishes regular election reports on “voter attitudes” and “local political trends”8.
These surveys are useful in examining the parties’ performance in each election but are
limited in explaining the extended effects of longer-term global trends.
Meanwhile, other research on social media and elections tends to focus on the rise of
populism. Scholars argue that populist leaders have used social media to increase outreach
against the backdrop of a financial crisis9 or mainstream media’s “overriding commercial
agenda”10. While the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) continues to remain in power, this
paper can extend these findings to determine whether social media has allowed greater
outreach for opposition parties instead.
In addition, the case study of Cambodia shows how a personalist dictatorship11 can lose seats
in parliament due to the role of social media12. This paper would like to extend this research
8 Institute of Policy Studies. (n.d.). The Post-GE2020 Series. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. Retrieved March 31, 2021, from
https://lkyspp.nus.edu.sg/ips/events/ips-online/the-post-ge2020-series
9Gerbaudo, P. (2018). Social media and populism: an elective affinity? Media, Culture & Society, 40(5), 745–753.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443718772192
10
Ranganathan, M. (2014). Indian Elections, 2014: Commercial Media Pushes Social Media into Focus. Asia Pacific Media Educator,
24(1), 23–38. https://doi.org/10.1177/1326365X14539073
11
Lee Morgenbesser (2018) Misclassification on the Mekong: the origins of Hun Sen’s personalist dictatorship, Democratization, 25:2, 191208, DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2017.1289178
12
Kimseng, M. (2014). Shaping Political Change: The Role of Social Media in Cambodia’s 2013 Elections. Asia Pacific Media Educator,
24(1), 107–116. https://doi.org/10.1177/1326365X14539201
2
further to explain whether the prominence of social media can cause a similar phenomenon in
other hybrid regimes.
Fortunately, the frameworks of what constitutes a free and fair election has been extensively
written by Bishop and Hoeffler13. This paper will apply several dimensions of these
frameworks to justify any claims below14. While both authors evaluate the freeness of an
election according to its preceding events and its fairness according to events on election day,
this paper will evaluate the fairness using only a normative slant from here on.
Part 1: Examining the changes
It could be argued that the rise of social media can be seen as a turning point for fairer
elections as opposition candidates are no longer constrained by the limited visibility that has
been deliberately imposed on them by state-controlled news. For an election to be considered
fair, all parties should be given equitable coverage in local media outlets15. This would allow
citizens to make an informed and unbiased decision on the politician they intend to vote for.
Opposition parties have not been granted this right due to tight controls imposed by PAP.
Several ex-insiders have pointed out how press coverage tended to favour PAP in terms of
article length and tone16. Furthermore, Singapore is ranked 158th in the 2020 World Press
Freedom Index due to the government’s imposition of “OB markers” as well as its exertion of
“judicial and financial pressure” to journalists who do not toe the line17. These rankings are
lower in comparison to other countries such as Russia, Myanmar and Venezuela. As such,
13
Bishop, S., & Hoeffler, A. (2016). Free and fair elections: A new database. Journal of Peace Research, 53(4), 608–616.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343316642508
14
Bishop, S., & Hoeffler, A. (2016). Free and fair elections: A new database. Journal of Peace Research, 53(4), 608–616.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343316642508
15
Bishop, S., & Hoeffler, A. (2016). Free and fair elections: A new database. Journal of Peace Research, 53(4), 608–616.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343316642508
16
Tan, Tarn How (2015) ‘GE 2015 – media coverage more “balanced”, say ex- insiders’, The Online Citizen, 11 September. Available:
www.theonlinecitizen.com/2015/09/ ge- 2015-media- coverage-more- balanced-say- ex-insiders/ (2 January 2016)
17
Reporters Without Borders. (n.d.). Singapore. Retrieved April 1, 2021, from https://rsf.org/en/singapore
3
these examples clearly demonstrate how the PAP has weaponized mainstream media to
create a playing field that unfairly benefits them. The situation was more deplorable then
given the reliance on mainstream media as the sole source of election news. Hence, the use
and control of mainstream media to create an information monopoly by the PAP during this
period has made elections unfair.
However, the increasing prominence of social media is arguably a catalyst for fairer elections
as the opposition have found an alternative avenue to rightfully create and maintain equitable
election visibility without unfair media restrictions. Platforms such as Facebook and Twitter
are not controlled by national governments. Opposition candidates can generate mass appeal
without being constrained by tone and length limitations experienced in previous elections.
As seen in the 2011 General Elections, the candidacy of Nicole Seah created a sensation and
left a lasting impression on young voters18. She became the second most popular politician on
Facebook after the late Minister Mentor, Lee Kuan Yew19. Throughout the elections, her
speeches and party manifestos were constantly shared through these platforms to maximise
their outreach instead of relying on mainstream media channels20. While her party was unable
to win the contested ward, her relative success can be primarily attributed to the strength of
her candidacy rather than any role played by state media. Thus, given the diminishing
importance of state-controlled media on the success of candidates, elections have become
arguably fairer. As this phenomenon was only achieved after the proliferation of social
media, it can be concluded that its emergence represented a turning point.
18 Ng, E-Jay (2011, 1 May ) “Nicole Seah — the hottest sensation of GE 2011.” Retrieved from www.sgpolitics.net/?p=6689
19 Skoric, M. M., & Poor, N. (2013). Youth engagement in singapore: The interplay of social and traditional media. Journal of Broadcasting
& Electronic Media, 57(2), 187–204. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2013.787076
20 Skoric, M. M., & Poor, N. (2013). Youth engagement in singapore: The interplay of social and traditional media. Journal of Broadcasting
& Electronic Media, 57(2), 187–204. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2013.787076
4
In addition, social media is arguably the catalyst for fairer elections as these platforms have
provided an avenue for greater free speech. One aspect of free speech that emerged from
social media was the construction of counter narratives that was previously unchallenged21.
These narratives include the discourse on progress, efficiency and productivity.22 In the past,
the only narratives that were available were the ones created by the government23. This was
accomplished through the 1997 National Education initiative. The initiative selectively
chooses different events from Singapore’s history to emphasize her vulnerability and the
need for “communitarian values”24. The National Education initiative was directed at the
younger generation as PAP believed that this demographic was prone to a preference for
parliamentary opposition and was a threat to sustaining PAP’s hegemony25. As a result,
despite Singapore’s early adoption of information technology as compared to its neighbors26,
online discussions of these narratives have been non-existent27 party due to state control28.
Although this measure was done over a longer time horizon rather than the months preceding
an election, the government’s deliberate use of the education apparatus to sway a potentially
hostile demographic group has led to PAP’s continued success especially in the 2001 and
2006 General Elections29. Hence, given that any stakeholder aside from the PAP do not enjoy
these same advantages to influence the opinions of any demographic group, elections during
this time period can be deemed as unfair.
21 Sreekumar, T. T., & Vadrevu, S. (2013). Subpolitics and Democracy: The Role of New Media in the 2011 General Elections in
Singapore. Science, Technology and Society, 18(2), 231–249. https://doi.org/10.1177/0971721813489458
22 Sreekumar, T. T., & Vadrevu, S. (2013). Subpolitics and Democracy: The Role of New Media in the 2011 General Elections in
Singapore. Science, Technology and Society, 18(2), 231–249. https://doi.org/10.1177/0971721813489458
23
Seng, L. (1998). WITHIN THE SINGAPORE STORY: The Use and Narrative of History in Singapore. Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 12(2), 1-21. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860676
24 Seng, L. (1998). WITHIN THE SINGAPORE STORY: The Use and Narrative of History in Singapore. Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 12(2), 1-21. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860676
25 Seng, L. (1998). WITHIN THE SINGAPORE STORY: The Use and Narrative of History in Singapore. Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 12(2), 1-21. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860676
26 Kuo, E.C.Y, Low, L. (2001). Information economy and changing occupational structure in Singapore. The Information Society,
17(4), 281–293
27
Sreekumar, T. T., & Vadrevu, S. (2013). Subpolitics and Democracy: The Role of New Media in the 2011 General Elections in
Singapore. Science, Technology and Society, 18(2), 231–249. https://doi.org/10.1177/0971721813489458
28
Seng, L. (1998). WITHIN THE SINGAPORE STORY: The Use and Narrative of History in Singapore. Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 12(2), 1-21. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860676
29 George, C. (2010). Control-shift: The Internet and political change in Singapore. In Chong, T. (Ed.), Management of success: Singapore
revisited (pp. 257–271). Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
5
Subsequently, the increasing prominence of social media has arguably made elections fairer
as these platforms have provided different groups of people the opportunity to engage in the
discussion of counter narratives. As noted earlier, the PAP previously had an information
monopoly with regards to the discourse of narratives through the use of the National
Education initiative. In contrast, platforms such as Twitter lower the “barriers to access” for
these discussions to take place amongst Singaporeans and its unique features allow these
discussions to have a stronger outreach30. Through Sreekumar’s and Vadrevu’s work on
analysing politically satirical Twitter accounts during the 2011 elections, they have noted
how these parody accounts actively engage their followers via mentions, replies as well as
opining on these narratives through wit and humour31. Unlike the Twitter accounts of
mainstream news sites who only share links of their news articles, these accounts generate a
greater level of personal engagement which helps to draw more people into the
conversation32. As a result, these platforms commanded a significant influence during the
2011 General Elections33 with the opposition winning a group constituency of five seats for
the first time 34. This influence was not only limited to opposition politicians but also for
ordinary citizens and interest groups as well35. Thus, it can be seen that social media has
allowed the involvement of other stakeholders in Singapore’s elections to discuss these
narratives instead of it being limited to the agenda set by the ruling party. All in all, it can be
concluded that the rise of social media has been a turning point for greater election free
30 Carroll, W.K., Hackett, R.A. (2006). Democratic media activism through the lens of social movement theory. Media, Culture & Society,
28(1), 83–104.
31
Sreekumar, T. T., & Vadrevu, S. (2013). Subpolitics and Democracy: The Role of New Media in the 2011 General Elections in
Singapore. Science, Technology and Society, 18(2), 231–249. https://doi.org/10.1177/0971721813489458
32 Sreekumar, T. T., & Vadrevu, S. (2013). Subpolitics and Democracy: The Role of New Media in the 2011 General Elections in
Singapore. Science, Technology and Society, 18(2), 231–249. https://doi.org/10.1177/0971721813489458
33 George, C. (2011). Internet politics: Shouting down the PAP. In Tan, K.Y.L., Lee, T. (Eds), Voting in change: Politics of Singapore’s
2011 general election (pp. 146–159). Singapore: Ethos Books.
34 BBC News. (2011, May 9). Singapore opposition make “landmark” election gains. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific
1331369
35 Lim, C. (2011). A watershed Election: Singapore’s GE 2011. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Editions.
6
speech through a diverse representation of stakeholders on the discussion of historical
narratives.
Part2: The factors holding Singapore back
Firstly, in spite of the greater prominence of social media, Singapore’s elections continue to
be unfair due to the lack independent Electoral Management Bodies (EMB). For an EMB to
be considered independent, they must fulfil the following criteria: non-affiliation with any
government body; sufficient time to organize elections as well as election boundaries which
do not benefit a candidate or party36. The first criterion is not fulfilled as the Electoral
Department of Singapore is not an independent entity. Instead, it is a division under the Prime
Minister’s Office37 where the permanent secretary heads the Electoral Boundaries Review
Committee38. For the second criterion, it has been reported that Singapore’s elections suffer
from gerrymandering for the benefit of the PAP whereby districts are often redrawn or
absorbed as part of a larger GRC in order to efficiently distribute PAP’s voting strength39.
Once the boundaries have been redrawn, opposition parties are only informed a few weeks in
advance regarding the boundary changes40. In 2015, this notice period was seven weeks41.
From the examples above, it can be easily concluded that Singapore’s elections fail Bishop’s
and Hoeffler’s three tests on what constitutes an independent EMB. For the first criterion,
there is a clear conflict of interest between the Electoral Department of Singapore, the PAP
and Singapore citizens due to the current reporting structure. Furthermore, gerrymandering
practices and abrupt boundary changes by the PAP places opposition candidates in an
36 Bishop, S., & Hoeffler, A. (2016). Free and fair elections: A new database. Journal of Peace Research, 53(4), 608–616.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343316642508
37 National Archives of Singapore. (2017, December 29). Factsheets on ELD & Elections.
https://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/data/pdfdoc/20171229005/Factsheets.pdf
38 Freedom House. (n.d.). Singapore. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2020
39
Tan, N., & Grofman, B. (2018). Electoral rules and manufacturing legislative supermajority: evidence from Singapore. Commonwealth &
Comparative Politics, 56(3), 273–297. https://doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2018.1468238
40
Freedom House. (n.d.). Singapore. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2020
41
Freedom House. (n.d.). Singapore. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2020
7
undesirable position. Opposition candidates are forced to mobilise their resources to canvass
for votes in new district boundaries on such short notice. This creates the deplorable position
of opposition candidates having to react to PAP’s moves constantly on such a short notice.
Thus, Singapore’s elections are unfair to opposition candidates as PAP deliberately
manipulates election mechanisms to create unlevel playing fields for their own benefit. As
this phenomenon has continued since independence, social media has not been a turning
point for fairer elections.
Furthermore, despite the presence of social media, Singapore’s elections continue to be unfair
due to the high barriers to entry arising from regulations. While elections are considered fair
if citizens have the constitutional right to run for office42, certain regulations can deter
candidates. This is seen in the elections deposit and the GRC system. For the former, all
candidates for the 2020 General elections paid a deposit of SGD 13,50043 and will lose this
amount if they do not get at least 12.5% of the vote44 as seen from independent candidate,
Samir Neji45. Meanwhile, for the latter, parties wishing to contest in a GRC would have to
field a team of members whereby at least one candidate must belong to a minority race46.
This might be disadvantageous to smaller parties who neither have the financial resources nor
the mass appeal to register and contest for the election while meeting these criteria. Hence,
this deterrence negates the equality of opportunity to contest for these elections as compared
to larger parties. As these barriers have continued to exist even after the prominence of social
media, it can be argued that the latter has not been a catalyst for fairer elections.
42 Bishop, S., & Hoeffler, A. (2016). Free and fair elections: A new database. Journal of Peace Research, 53(4), 608–616.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343316642508
43 Ho, G. (2020, June 25). Singapore GE2020: Election deposit for candidates set at $13,500. The Straits Times.
https://www.straitstimes.com/politics/singapore-ge2020-election-deposit-for-candidates-set-at-13500
44 Wei, A. C. (2020, July 9). Singapore GE2020: SDA confident of not losing election deposit in three-way fight. The Straits Times.
https://www.straitstimes.com/politics/sda-confident-of-not-losing-election-deposit-in-three-way-fight
45 Tang, L. (2015, September 12). Both independent candidates lose election deposit. TODAYonline.
https://www.todayonline.com/ge2015/both-independent-candidates-lose-election-deposit
46 Elections Department Singapore. (n.d.). ELD | Types of Electoral Divisions. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from
https://www.eld.gov.sg/elections_type_electoral.html
8
Lastly, social media has not been a catalyst for fairer elections as roadblocks continue to be in
place against opposition parliament members even after they have won their seats.
Opposition candidates face higher resource constraints when representing their wards in
parliament and this continues to occur despite the greater scrutiny generated from social
media. The PAP deliberately prioritizes against the provision of infrastructure projects for the
districts that they have lost47. This can be seen in wards such as Potong Pasir48 and Aljuneid49
for the time periods before and after the rise of social media respectively50. Moreover, there
has been further conflict of interest created in opposition wards lost by the PAP. PAP
candidates who recently lost are placed in a supervisory role that will approve budget plans
brought forward by the new opposition parliament member51. Interestingly, the reverse has
never occurred52. As a result, projects proposed by the opposition often face delayed
approvals53. Hence, from these examples, PAP’s not so subtle threat of delayed infrastructure
upgrading creates a hostile environment for citizens to vote for the opposition. This makes
subsequent elections unfair as the PAP has robbed the opposition the resources which are
rightfully theirs to govern effectively and prove their mandate to their ward. Thus, as this
trend continues to be present even till today, it can be argued that social media has not been a
turning point to fairer elections.
47 Heng, J. (2016, October 12). Lift upgrading no longer a hot-button issue. The Straits Times. https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/liftupgrading-no-longer-a-hot-button-issue
48 Heng, J. (2016, October 12). Lift upgrading no longer a hot-button issue. The Straits Times. https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/liftupgrading-no-longer-a-hot-button-issue
49 Stolarchuk, J. (2019a, October 16). A simple ramp took 7 years to build due to the PAP’s “political double standards” – Pritam Singh. The Independent Singapore. https://theindependent.sg/a-simple-ramp-took-7-years-tobuild-due-to-the-paps-political-double-standards-pritam-singh/
50 Stolarchuk, J. (2019a, October 16). A simple ramp took 7 years to build due to the PAP’s “political double standards” – Pritam Singh. The Independent Singapore. https://theindependent.sg/a-simple-ramp-took-7-years-tobuild-due-to-the-paps-political-double-standards-pritam-singh/
51 Stolarchuk, J. (2019b, October 16). Pritam Singh points out how unfair it is that defeated PAP candidates are made grassroots advisers in opposition wards. The Independent Singapore. https://theindependent.sg/pritamsingh-points-out-how-unfair-it-is-that-defeated-pap-candidates-are-made-grassroots-advisers-in-opposition-wards/
52 Stolarchuk, J. (2019b, October 16). Pritam Singh points out how unfair it is that defeated PAP candidates are made grassroots advisers in opposition wards. The Independent Singapore. https://theindependent.sg/pritamsingh-points-out-how-unfair-it-is-that-defeated-pap-candidates-are-made-grassroots-advisers-in-opposition-wards/
53 Stolarchuk, J. (2019a, October 16). A simple ramp took 7 years to build due to the PAP’s “political double standards” – Pritam Singh. The Independent Singapore. https://theindependent.sg/a-simple-ramp-took-7-years-tobuild-due-to-the-paps-political-double-standards-pritam-singh/
9
Conclusion:
The many examples illustrated above clearly show how social media’s role as a catalyst to
fairer elections has been limited. At best, it merely improves opposition visibility and
encourages a more diverse set of opinions. However, long-term structural barriers continue to
be in place to ensure that the opposition faces a continuously uphill battle to gain seats in
parliament. The PAP has attempted to adapt to sobering reality that the internet and social
media will continue to have a critical role in shaping Singapore’s political landscape. In an
attempt to maintain their hegemony, they have solicited the use of online bots, internet trolls
and signed into law the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act to silence
opposition and steer the national conversation back to their own boundaries54. However, the
author has reasons to be optimistic. While these measures may continue to undermine
Singapore’s elections, the author is confident that the younger generations will view this as
an overreach of authority. Perhaps, with this view, PAP’s fear of the younger generation
wanting to have greater parliamentary representation will eventually become a desperately
avoided self-fulfilling prophecy.
Word Count: 2422 words
54
George, C. (2020). Air-conditioned Nation Revisited: Essays on Singapore Politics. Ethos Books.
10
References
Abrams, A. (2017, April 14). James Comey Says Americans Should Be Wary of “Troll
Farms” Peddling Fake News. Time. https://time.com/4739556/james-comey-fbi-fake-newswarning/
Aravindan, A. J. G. (2020, July 6). Explainer: Why one party dominates Singapore politics.
Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-singapore-election-opposition-file-exidUSKBN24702X
BBC News. (2011, May 9). Singapore opposition make “landmark” election gains.
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific 1331369
Bishop, S., & Hoeffler, A. (2016). Free and fair elections: A new database. Journal of Peace
Research, 53(4), 608–616. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343316642508
Brown, D. U. T. (2019, December 30). Remember Vine? These social networking sites
defined the past decade. USA TODAY. https://eu.usatoday.com/story/tech/2019/12/19/enddecade-heres-how-social-media-has-evolved-over-10-years/4227619002/
Carroll, W.K., Hackett, R.A. (2006). Democratic media activism through the lens of social
movement theory. Media, Culture & Society, 28(1), 83–104.
Dahl, R. (2005). What Political Institutions Does Large-Scale Democracy Require? Political
Science Quarterly, 120(2), 187-197. Retrieved March 31, 2021, from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/20202514
ELD | What Should I Do If I Did Not Vote in a Past Election? (n.d.). Elections Department
Singapore. Retrieved March 31, 2021, from https://www.eld.gov.sg/voters_compulsory.html
Elections Department Singapore. (n.d.). ELD | Types of Electoral Divisions. Retrieved April
2, 2021, from https://www.eld.gov.sg/elections_type_electoral.html
Freedom House. (n.d.). Singapore. Retrieved April 2, 2021, from
https://freedomhouse.org/country/singapore/freedom-world/2020
George, C. (2010). Control-shift: The Internet and political change in Singapore. In Chong,
T. (Ed.), Management of success: Singapore revisited (pp. 257–271). Singapore: Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies
George, C. (2020). Air-conditioned Nation Revisited: Essays on Singapore Politics. Ethos
Books.
Gerbaudo, P. (2018). Social media and populism: an elective affinity? Media, Culture &
Society, 40(5), 745–753. https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443718772192
Heng, J. (2016, October 12). Lift upgrading no longer a hot-button issue. The Straits Times.
https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/lift-upgrading-no-longer-a-hot-button-issue
11
Ho, G. (2020, June 25). Singapore GE2020: Election deposit for candidates set at $13,500.
The Straits Times. https://www.straitstimes.com/politics/singapore-ge2020-election-depositfor-candidates-set-at-13500
Institute of Policy Studies. (n.d.). The Post-GE2020 Series. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public
Policy. Retrieved March 31, 2021, from https://lkyspp.nus.edu.sg/ips/events/ips-online/thepost-ge2020-series
Kimseng, M. (2014). Shaping Political Change: The Role of Social Media in Cambodia’s
2013 Elections. Asia Pacific Media Educator, 24(1), 107–116.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1326365X14539201
Kuo, E.C.Y, Low, L. (2001). Information economy and changing occupational structure in
Singapore. The Information Society, 17(4), 281–293
Lee Morgenbesser (2018) Misclassification on the Mekong: the origins of Hun Sen’s
personalist dictatorship, Democratization, 25:2, 191-208,
DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2017.1289178
Lim, C. (2011). A watershed Election: Singapore’s GE 2011. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish
Editions.
National Archives of Singapore. (2017, December 29). Factsheets on ELD & Elections.
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