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SOL IPT Study Material - Sem 5
B.A (Hons.) Political Science (University of Delhi)
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B.A. (Hons.) Political Science
Semester-V
CORE COURSE
Indian Political Thought–1
Study Material : Unit 1–8
SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING
University of Delhi
Editors : Dr. Mangal Deo
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Department of Political Science
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Graduate Course
Indian Political Thought-I (Core Course)
Contents
Pg. No.
Unit-1 : Traditions of Pre-colonial Indian Political Thought
(b) : Brahminic, Shamanic, Islamic and Syncretic
Translated by Kajal
01
Unit-2 : Manu: Social Laws
Dr. Nishant Kumar
08
Unit-3 : Kautilya: Theory of State
Dr. Nishant Kumar
19
Unit-4 : Ved Vyasa (Shanti Parva): Rajadharma
Prashant Barthwal
30
Unit-5 : Aggannasutta (Digha Nikaya): Theory of Kingship
Prashant Barthwal
40
Unit-6 : Zia-ud-Din Barani: Ideal Polity
Prashant Barthwal/ Dr. Shashikant
52
Unit-7 : Abul Fazal: Monarchy
Prashant Barthwal/ Dr. Shashikant
63
Prashant Barthwal
73
Unit-8 : Kabir : Syncretism
Edited by:
Dr. Mangal Deo
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING
UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
5, Cavalry Lane, Delhi-110007
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Unit-I: Traditions of Pre-colonial Indian Political Thought
(b) Brahminic, Shamanic, Islamic and Syncretic
Translated by Kajal
The political thought of India dates back to the Vedic age. Where the social, cultural and
political life of India has been very diverse. From the Vedic age to the eleventh century, there
has been an active development and expansion of Indian thought. During this period, all the
subjects of Indian society were associated with religion and some traditions for its rendering.
There have been mainly two systems of religious traditions in Indian thought and society,
Brahmin and Shamana. Brahmins have been present in India since the Vedic period and
Shamans have been present since about the 6th century BCE. Mainly those who could not
agree to the lifestyle and traditions of the Brahminical system left the world, which is called
Shamanic. Later in this period, from the religious point of view, other two traditions came to
the fore, Islamic and Syncretic. Later in this period, from the religious point of view, other
two traditions came to the fore, Islamic and Syncretic. In these religious traditions, there have
been social, cultural and political discussions around ‘Dharma’.
Concept of Dharma in Vedic period
Ancient Indian political thought is an integral part of Indian philosophy. If we talk mainly
about the Vedic period, all the rules and laws related to religion and society were contained in
the ‘Dharmashastra’. Dharma means one’s duty i.e., to adopt the path of virtue and truth. It is
a moral and natural law. It is a complete social system. In Vedic India, it is believed that one
should lead one’s life according to Dharma, that is, follow the right path and perform one’s
duties. In the Vedic period, the villages were self-supporting and everything they needed was
present within the villages. In this age, society was divided into four varnas Brahmins,
Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras based on karma and livelihood. Any person could enter
another varna by changing his karma, because of his knowledge, ability etc. For example, the
descendants of sage Bhrigu were carpenters who were skilled in making chariots. During the
Vedic period, Indra, Varuna, Agni, Surya, Chandrama, Prithvi, Vishnu, were praised and
religious learnings and rules were expressed by the ‘Rit’. Varuna was considered a peaceloving deity and the guardian of moral rules called Rit, which even the gods had to follow.
Concept of Dharma and Danda in the Post-Vedic period
The later Vedic period can also be called the Brahmanical period. During this period, the
varna system had become birth-based, not karma based. The idea of Rita had lost its
importance. During this period, the religion of every individual was fixed. Everyone has to
perform their duties which conformed with the dharma and the Brahmanical texts. In which
the Vedas and Upanishads were composed. These epics were composed during the period of
Ramayana, where religion gained maximum popularity. During this period, society used to
expand their faith and belief through Puranas, folk songs and stories. Kautilya accepted the
views of Brahmans and Upanishads about dharma. According to Kautilya, the dharma
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mentioned in Rigveda, Samveda and Yajurveda keeps the four Varnas and Ashrams vested in
their duties. In Kautilya’s Arthashastra, describing the duties of the four varnas, it is said that
the work of a Brahmin is to study religion, perform sacrifices, take and give charity. The
dharma of a Kshatriya is to study, perform Yagya, earn a living with strength and weapons
and protect all beings. Vaishya’s dharma is study, perform Yagya, agricultural work, animal
husbandry and trade. Similarly, Shudra’s dharma is to serve Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas,
farming, animal husbandry, business, crafts, singing, playing etc. (Shastri, 2016)
Manusmriti’ has an important place in ancient times. Manu’s dharma refers to those
qualities which keep the four varnas and the conduct as its distinctive quality. According to
Manu, dharma is the discipline of society and the state. It is also subject to it. The dharma
described by Manu is comprehensive and is full of the rules of morality of the individual,
society, time and state. (Mandlik, 2015)
Dharma and Danda are both interrelated and both are dependent on each other. The word
danda means discipline, force, restraint and compulsion. Where the fear of punishment exists
behind the duty. The performance of duties in the form of karma is dharma. But if one does
not follow this dharma, will be liable to punishment. By this, we can say that duties in society
are enforced by punishment.
Dharmashastra in the Context of State and Politics
The state is a system, which has been studying by various Indian thinkers from ancient to
contemporary. Every thinker has defined this system as the land, boundaries and membership
of the community. The idea of the state can be seen in Kautilya’s Arthashastra in ancient
Indian literature. Where a detailed description of the origin, nature, development, objectives,
functions or justification of the state is found. The ancient Indian political system was based
on the Hindu state, which was a completely secular idea. According to V.K Sarkar, the
political history and philosophy in India have always been outside the domain of religion. No
priest had the authority to interfere with the affairs of the civil administration. But this does
not mean that there is no relation between religion and politics. According to Kautilya, if any
conflict arises between Dharmashastra and current practices or between religion and state, the
state’s decision was based on dharma. Because in this period, there were only two sources of
law were considered– Dharmashastra and Arthashastra. In case of conflict between the two,
the duties under dharmashastra should be followed. In Kautilya’s Arthashastra, it is written
about the state that ‘it is the duty of the state that it should not allow the subjects to be
corrupted by the path of dharma and make everyone follow their respective dharma and get a
place in the hereafter. (Mandlik, 2015). If a state successfully performs the duties of dharma
and maintains a just state, then it gets a place in the hereafter.
Along with the relation of religion and politics, ethics is also closely related to it. Ethics
makes a distinction between the right and wrong of action. The right actions were encouraged
by the state and the wrong actions were punished by the state. It was the duty of the king to
implement these moral actions in a policy manner. It was the Dharma of a person to perform
one’s duties according to the rules of the state keeping a sense of right and wrong.
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There was a close relationship between religion and politics in ancient India. The cultural
traditions of Vedic India gave more importance and respect to dharma than the king. The
state was not superior to the dharma. Although Kautilya has entrusted the king with the right
to make a new law or religion, Manu has not given any authority to the king. Rules have also
been made for the king who violates the dharma. When the duties and rights of the king are
described in Dharmashastra and other Hindu texts, it has given the name of Rajdharma.
Other Distinctive Features
In addition to the appropriate features, Professor Bhikhu Parekh has mentioned some other
distinctive features of Hindu political traditions as follows:

First, the Hindu tradition is egalitarian. Although it developed the idea of the moral
equality of all individuals, it never developed social, legal and political groups.

Second, the Hindu tradition in thought is pluralistic in orientation. Hindu political
writers recognized the autonomy of social groups from the very beginning.

Third, thought in early India was critical towards the very established social order.
Most of the Hindu writings justified the caste system, vastly fatalistic concept of
karma, the decline of Shudras and slaves, widespread moral interference by the state,
etc. It neglected the whole sphere of social struggle.

Fourth, Hindu writers wrote mainly for the attention of the rulers. His works are
largely ethics or manuals of administration, therefore, to a greater extent didactic and
practical.
Contribution of Shamanic Philosophy to Indian Political Traditions
The Shamanic philosophy is the first atheist philosophy of India. It talks about a logical
approach, for which there is direct evidence. According to them, the earth, water, fire and air
are all made up of a mixture of four elements. The human body is also made up of these four
elements. They consider the divine power to be a mere fantasy. They are materialists, at the
same time, they oppose the concept of heaven and hell from the point of view of rationality.
In all the traditions of the Hindus, it opposes the practice of sacrifice, condemning idol
worship and yagyas.
Buddhism and Jainism come under this tradition. Both these ideas fall under the category
of ancient religion. Gautam Buddha, the originator of Buddhism and Mahavira, the originator
of Jainism, were contemporaries. By this time, there was an atmosphere of instability in
Indian thought and tradition. The magnitude and efficiency of the Yagya had become
dependent on the number of animal sacrifices. The hypocrisy of the priests prevailed and the
primacy of ritual had been established. The varna system had turned into hereditary caste
discrimination. Jainism was actually against the sacrificial system of Hinduism i.e., the
religious limits of violence. According to Jain thought, all living beings are present in water,
air, soil etc. and protecting these living beings is the ultimate duty. That is, non-violence is
the ultimate religion. The promoters of these two religions pervaded Hinduism.
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Origin of Kingship
Unlike Brahmanical literature, a different version of the origin of kingship has been in
Buddhist literature. The doctrine of divine origin has been rejected in Buddhism. In the
context of which the Jatakas have been discussed. Some of the Jatakas describe the election
of the king by the priest, according to his merits. Mainly Kshatriyas from good families were
selected under it, but caste was not a hindrance to the best position in this election. At least,
among the two Jatakas, Brahmins are found to have been selected for the superior position. In
another Jataka, we find that a low caste person was chosen as the king. If he proved to be a
tyrant, the resultant was naturally a mass revolt. According to the Jataka, people have
maintained their rights and privileges for a long time. They derive their importance partly
from their numbers and organizations.
Theory of Origin of the State
The theory of the origin of the state is found in the Digha Nikaya. According to this, there
was a golden age of harmony and bliss on earth. People being virtuous lived happy and
peaceful life. But after a long time, people became greedy and selfish. Other evils also
surfaced later. This ideal state has died. After this, people went to the best person among
them and made a deal with him. Whose task was to punish the criminals, in return, others had
to promise him a portion of their crop. Those elected by the individuals were known as Maha
Sammata or ‘Great Elections’. Thus, the Digha Nikaya challenges the Brahmanical dogma of
the divine creation of the social order.
The state came into existence when people had started corrupt practices in society. But
even after this, the criminals and lawbreakers continued to do their work. In Anguttara
Nikaya, Lord Buddha stressed the importance of fear of harsh punishment by the ruler as a
deterrent for crimes. However, in the Vedic period also, punishment or danda was crucial for
the working of the society. But in Buddhist literature, punishment does not play a central role.
It is more important to maintain religion in more positive ways. The doctrine of religiosity is
different from the Brahmanical concept of religion. It is close to the Western concept of
virtue. According to Brahmanical literature, the moral principles for the king have a different
structure. What is a Dharma for ordinary people becomes dharma for the king to maintain the
social order? The Mahabharata gives a detailed description of the concept of Rajdharma as
distinct from the religion followed by the common citizens. Buddhism also considers the
primary objective of the state to be to protect the social order. But in Buddhism, there is the
full application of the principle of righteousness to guide policies, both internal and external.
Islamic Political Tradition in India
The development of Islamic tradition can be seen in Indian political thought during the
medieval period. Although Muslim rulers obtained legitimacy from the successor (Khalifa)
for their authority, they had to compromise with the reality of positions in which the orders of
a democratic state could not be followed. Unlike Hindu political ideas, they do not have any
special penetration into politics. However, two important works were written in the medieval
era throw some light on the views of Muslim rulers. After the invasion of Genghis Khan and
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the destruction of Baghdad by Halaku, many eminent figures of the Islamic world immigrated
to India. Due to which Delhi and the area around Delhi became the centre of Muslim scholars
under Islamic education.
Barani’s life was blissful from the kingdom of Alauddin and his successors. Being a
confidant of Muhammad Tughlaq, he remained in the court for more than 17 years. Being a
staunch Sunni by religion, he did not consider anyone other than Sunnis to be entitled to lead
a dignified life (Ahmed, 1962, p. 121-130). According to Mir Khurd, the most important part
of Barani’s works is the Tarikh-I-Firozshahi which discusses the nature of the state, the
divinity of the kingship and the duty of the state. Apart from Barani, Abul Fazl was another
prominent thinker under medieval thought. While Barani has been included among the
radical Islamic thinkers, the views of Abul Fazl were opposite to Barani. The contexts in
which his two works were prominent were Ain-I-Akbari and Akbarnama.
Nature of State
In the Islamic state, the ruler adopted a dual policy for co-religious subjects and non-Muslim
subjects. It was the duty of the state to protect the life and property of Muslims, but nonMuslims had to pay a special tax called ‘Jizya’ to ensure their security in the state. Another
feature was that the state was identified with the royal family. According to Abul Fazl, “there
is no greater dignity in the eyes of Allah than the royal family” (Habib, 1980). A king was
considered the root of stability and authority. In Fazl’s view, the nature of the state was calm,
cooperative and discriminatory and hostile. According to him, there should be no feeling of
enmity between Hindus and Muslims in the state, for which the king must formulate similar
policies.
Divinity of Kingship
Barani considered Mahmud Ghaznavi as the ideal emperor and described all the Muslim
emperors after him as the children of Mahmud. But he also believed that the real ruler is
‘Allah’ and a worldly emperor is a mere person sent by Allah. According to Barani, the
qualities of Allah should be adopted by the emperor for the administration of the state. The
state should obey the orders which Allah has made necessary. The right and wrong actions of
the state depend on the faith of the emperor in Allah. The loyalty of the emperor is revealed
by the fact that the orders of Sharia are being followed in his kingdom. He also talks of
Badshah Din Panahi (Protection of Dharma) and Din Parvari (Practicing Dharma) (Habib,
1955)
According to Barani, the emperor should keep the resolution of Muhammad and his four
successors before him for guidance. Islam cannot get respect only by collecting the Jizya tax.
To establish respect for Islam, it is necessary that Kufr and Kafirs should be destroyed. Apart
from this, punishment should be given to Dhimmi and those who criticize the Sahaba (friend
of Muhammad) (Habibullah, 1976).
According to Abul Fazal, persecution due to religious differences is meaningless. The
king has to take political steps to create an environment for the free thought of scholars from
different religions to end enmity. The glimpse of which is also visible in the thoughts of
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Akbar, which he also discusses in Akbarnama. Abul Fazl’s Ain-I-Akbari distinguishes
between two types of kings - the true king and the selfish king. There is a crowd of general,
treasury, army, servants, obedient subjects, knowledgeable and skilled workers in both the
kingdoms. Under the rule of the true king, these things are everlasting. He does not associate
himself with these subjects, because his goal is to remove oppression everywhere.
Conversely, a selfish king attaches too much importance to external forms of royal power, so
there is insecurity, lack of trust, oppression and robbery everywhere under his rule.
Religious Ideas
The reflection of religious fanatics is visible in Barani’s views. He believed that it was not
possible to convert all Hindus to Muslims. So, he tried to explain that it is necessary to at
least make the Hindus impoverished so that they cannot lead a dignified life (Habib, 1995).
At the same time, the religious views of Abul Fazl were different from Barani’s. For which
he also had to face severe criticism in the contemporary era. Fazal was called a rebel by
Jahangir. It was a common thing to think of Fazal as a kafir. He was accused of being Hindu,
secular and atheist. He believed in peace everywhere. A study of his two main works, Ain-IAkbari and Akbarnama, reveals that he was a free thinker and disregarded customs and those
who took the support of old religious books.
Syncretic Political Tradition in India in the context of Sufi and Bhakti Movement
Sufism as an ideology or devotion first developed in Central and Western Asia. It expanded
in various directions from there. Most of the Sufis had a deep devotion to God and many of
them insist on a simple life away from obscene displays of wealth. Sufism in India existed in
the form of several Sufi sects or Silsilas (orders), such as the Chishti, Suhrawardi and
Naqshbandi Silsila. The founder of the Chishti sect was Muin-ud-din Chishti. There is much
contradiction of religious traditions in tomb worship, especially in Sufi Islam. The Sufi saint
and his mausoleum bring humans from different communities into forms of unity that
promote peace and reconciliation (Van de Veer et al. 2015, 410). Syncretism is the most
important means of dealing with diversity.
Bhakti is defined as devotion to an individual deity and has its origins in Vaishnavism or
Bhagwatism, developed after the Maurya period. According to them, the objective of the soul
is to reunite with God through a process called Mukti, Moksha or Nirvana i.e., salvation from
the cycle of birth and rebirth. Bhakti sages like Ramananda, a Vaishnava, opened doors to all
and allowed devotees from the lower castes. Kabir renounced Sanskrit and composed his
hymns in local dialects. He denounced idol-worship, caste system, pilgrimage, rituals and
external symbols of religious life in a very radical form. He refuted not only orthodox
brahminical practices but also Islamic practices like offering prayers, visiting mosques etc.
Kabir said that the Lord resides in the heart of the devotee, so simple life, purely, is enough to
know him.
Both Sufism and the Bhakti movement have attempted to redefine social and religious
values as reform movements. Saints like Kabir and Guru Nanak emphasized the
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reorganization of society on egalitarian lines. The conversation between Bhakti and Sufi
saints had a great impact on Indian society. The Sufi doctrine of Wahdat-al-Wujud (the Unity
of Existence) was remarkably similar to that of the Hindu Upanishads. The importance of
Bhakti and Sufi saints lies in the environment they created, which continues to influence the
social, religious and political life of India in later centuries as well.
References
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Ahmad, Aziz, 1962. “Trends in the Political Thought of Medieval Muslim India”,
Study Islamica, 17: 121-130.
A. Appadarai, 1987. “Indian Political Thinking in the Twentieth Century: An
Introductory Survey”, Second Edition, New Delhi, South Asian Publisher Pvt. Ltd.
A. Appadarai, 2002. “Political Thoughts in India”, Delhi, Kham Publishers.
Bhandarkar, D.R., 1929. “Some Aspects of Ancient Polity”, Banaras Hindu
University.
Chaudhary, Nirad C., 1979. “Hinduism” B.I. Publications, New Delhi.
Habib, Irfan, 1995. “Essays in Indian History”, Tulika Publication, New Delhi.
Habib, Irfan, 1980. “Barni’s Theory of the History of the Delhi Saltanate”, Indian
Historical review, Vol.VII, No.1-2.
Habibulla, A.B.M, 1976. “The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India”, Central Book
Depot, Allahabad.
Udayveer, “Kautilya Arthashastra”, Meharchand Lakshmandas, Delhi.
Mehta, V.R., 1992. “Foundations of Indian Political Thought”, Manohar Publishers,
New Delhi.
N.N. Mandlik (ed.), “Manusmriti”, Mumbai.
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Unit-2
Manu: Social Laws
Dr. Nishant Kumar
In 1772, fifteen years after battle of Plassey, the East India Company, headed by its first
Governor-General Warren Hastings made the decision to implement laws of Hindus and
Muslims that, in their understanding, “continued unchanged from remotest antiquity”. Under
Hindu side, the source of those “unchanged” laws were the Dharmasastra, though only its
“religious” portions. The Dharmshastra regularly disparage the doctrines and practice of
tradition that deviate from its norms. In the context of history of Hinduism, Dharamsastra’s
major function of the Dharmasastra was to declare the boundaries of Hindu social order,
something that was never done earlier. It aimed to propose a revival for Hinduism against the
growth and consolidation of other groups like Buddhists and Jains. In social arena, there were
three well-defined classifications with the Dharmasastra and defended by its author. Manu
preserves the division between Aryas (noble/good people) and Mlecchas (foreigners) inspired
by the earlier Brahmanic tradition. Dharmasastra also proposes four social classes (varna),
also later called castes: the Brahmins (scholars and priests), Kshatriya (kings and nobility),
Vaisyas (farmers and merchants), Sudras (servants and laborers). This class division was the
core of Manu’s Dharma philosophy. Similarly, the life stage was also divided into four also
known as varnashramadharma: Brahmacharya, Grihastha, Varnaprastha and Sanyasa. These
social divisions were consistently advocated in the Dharmasastra. The Dharmasastra, more
than any other Hindu tradition, strongly defended class and caste division at both the
theological and social level. Donald R. Davis argues that Dharmsastra had both an intrinsic
value as a repository of sophisticated religious, legal, and intellectual thought and an
instrumental value as a handbook of jurisprudence, subjective law, ritual instruction and
political strategy.
Manusmriti
Like many other ancient Indian texts, there are issues related to the dating and authorship of
Manusmriti. Manusmriti, or the Code of Manu is considered to be one of the important works
in Dharamsastra tradition, others being the works of Vasistha, Gautama, and Yagnavalkya.
Mythologically in Hinduism, Manu is considered to be the father of human race and the first
lawgiver. Many ancient texts also mention him as the first king. Some scholars are also of an
opinion that Manu was actually not a name but a title given to lawgivers in ancient India.
Therefore, the same controversy extends to the authorship of Manusmriti, whether it was
written by an individual or codes therein were contributed by different lawgivers at different
times. On the subject of dating, there are equal differences. Some historians attribute it to the
Sunga Dynasty of 2nd century BC. Broadly a comparative view of different historians place it
between 200 BC and 200 AD. Regardless of all these confusions the value of text remained
intact and popularly held to be authored by Manu in a period that belong later to Kautilya’s
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considering several overlaps in their ideas. Patrick Olivelle argues that Manu had before had
him copy of Kautilya’s Arthashastra and incorporated much of the legal and procedural
material from it. Significant subject Manu introduced into Dharamsastric discourse is moksa
or liberation, a central idea of Indian religion that did not play major role in early
Dharamsastric history. Manu has also mentioned 'Swarashtra', friendly and enemy state,
Mandal rashtra, which were associated with the each other in different friendly relationship.
Some of these were central, some indifferent, neutral and desirous of the conquest. From this
it is clear that the Aryavarta, depicted by Manu, was divided into several state and thus it was
not united, from the Political point of view. It is also a reflection of Mandala theory in
Kautilya. Further, he also talks about war and foreign policy based on four expedients and six
fold policies, similar to Kautilya. Four expedients (upayas): a) Conciliation (saam); b) Gifts
(daan); c) Sowing dissension (bhed); d) war (dand). Six measures for foreign policy
(shadgunas): a) Sandhi (agreement); b) Vigraha (hostility); c) Yana (march); d) Asana
(readiness to attack); e) Dvaidibhava (division of troops); f) Asraya (subordinate alliance).
Famous Indologist William Jones translated Manusmriti in English in 1794 and it became the
first Sanskrit text to be made available to non-Asians. Max Mueller also writes about the text
in details in his work ‘Sacred Books of the East’ in 1886. It contains 12 adhyayas (chapters)
and 2685 verses dealing with sources of dharma, creation of world, duties of king, duties of
different castes, law of karma, rebirth and liberation.
Manu’s Theory of Origin of the State
According to Manu, lord created the king when there was fear due to chaos in the society
(state less society). King was created by combining the eternal particles of Indra, Pawan,
Yama, Sun, Agni, Varun, Moon and Kuber. He presented a divine theory of political
obligation devised to instruct the subjects to obey the king, and goes as far to claim that even
if the king is an infant, he should be respected and revered because he is actually a deity in
human form. Protection of subject was considered as the primary duty of the king because
that was the reason for his creation. He is expected also to protect all castes and order. He
also mentioned inflicting punishment to wrongdoers as an important duty of king considering
that the threat of punishment was essential to maintain social order. In return the subject were
obliged to pay taxes that is used by king for social welfare as well as to build a treasury for
difficult times. A king who fails in his duties shall go to hell after death.
Main features of the state structure in Manu
1)
Like Kautilya, Manu also builds an organic theory of the state, i.e., it has seven limbs
with specific functions and only when each do their job well, can the state survive and
prosper. His theory is also referred as saptanga theory as it also includes seven elements
with minor differences from Kautilya. The seven elements mentioned in Manusmriti
include:
a) Lord (King)
b) Minister
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c) Capital (pura)
d) Rashtra (kingdom)
e) Treasure
f) Army (or force) and
g) Ally
In the Manusmriti version of Saptanga theory, fort and janapada (of Arthasastra) are replaced
by pura and rashtra, i.e., capital and kingdom. Presents an organic theory of state.
2)
King is pivotal to the structure. He is the linchpin who maintains the structure and
provides all support.
3)
Appointment of the ministers is one of the central duties of the king. He used the
understanding of Arthashastra to argue that appointing the right minister to the right
department is a significant administrative duty and much depends on it for statecraft.
On the subject of appointment, he suggested five criterions: tradition, ability,
examination, fulfilment of objectives and test of courage.
4)
Manu considered secrecy as essential for state craft and hence believed that the king
should consistently test the loyalties of his staff.
5)
Unlike Kautilya, Manu held that on policy matters the King should not only hold wider
consultations, but stresses that even Brahmans should be included in this deliberation.
Clearly, he suggested that administrative role of the king could not be fulfilled without
the support of Brahmans.
6)
Manu also suggested that the king should devolve the power effectively along with
providing each department more autonomy and independence. Unlike Kautilya, he also
allowed for greater autonomy to core departments like finance and army. In fact, he
suggested that the king should seek advices of his ministers and listen to them
objectively.
7)
Manu opined that power had tendency to make people corrupt. So, he suggested for
constant surveillance of administrative officer.
8)
He firmly asserted that King should behave like a father to the public and as a guardian
he was dutybound to improve the lives of his people. At the same time, he was also
expected to be most worried about the interests of the needy and the week in society
including children, women and the aged.
9)
He maintained that the King should reflects the characteristics of different animals as
and when need be: he must act as a tortoise, who is an expert in protecting its weakest
points whenever it senses any threat; he must bear patience like heron and never act in
haste; he should have strength like that of lion; he should be opportunist to maximize
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his national interest just like wolf snatches its prey; and it should be like hare, ever
attentive and always very agile, even if it has to retreat form a situation.
10) Like Kautilya, Manu also advocated accession of territories to increase influence. He
held that king should always be ready to use force, when need be, to protect and
promote his national interest. It is both natural and justified duty of king.
11) Unlike in Arthasastra, Manusmriti has detailed lists of immunities and privileges
designed for Brahmans. They are given special status. In fact, at times, it appears that
Manu recognised two simultaneous authorities: king as the temporal authority and the
Brahman as the spiritual authority. Both according to him were joint custodians of the
sacred laws or the principles of dharma.
Scope of State Activity
The end of government, according to Manu, was to help people in the accomplishment of
moral righteousness, wealth and the pleasure (Dharma, artha, and kaama). So, the King was
expected to consistently endeavour to achieve these aims in consultation with his ministers.
He was expected to provide protection and security to his people from both internal as well as
external enemies. Internal enemies might include thieves, robbers, or those planning political
turmoil, but at the same time it also included those government servants who were corrupt or
who misused their powers to oppress the people. According to Manusmriti, the state should
perform the following function: make all Varna observed their duties (Dharma), observance
of general law, maintenance of peace within the state and keep the state free from external
control. Besides these the states should make laws for controlling the price of important
articles. It is also expected to maintain the social order and if need be to for the vaishyas to
carry on trade, agriculture and animal husbandry, as well as compel the Sudras to serve the
dwijas (the higher caste). It is also within the scope of state to interfere to resolve crisis or
conflict among different groups. It is further the duty of the state to impart good education to
its people and take good care of the teachers and the taught. For accomplishing these duties,
the king is also given the power to levy taxes as well as the power to punish those who
digress from the path of righteousness.
Manu talked about seven sources of resource generation including taxes: a) fees; b) fine;
c) land revenue; d) taxes on animals and cattle; e) taxes for use of water routes and boats;
f) sales tax; g) taxes on earnings of professionals. Other than these new taxes could be
introduced during emergency times and the rates of each tax could also be varied time to
time. Similarly, he also maintained that the power of danda was essential for the king to
ensure that the society is protected from matasyanyaya. He held danda as important for
promotion of dharma. However, he was clear that the king who administered danda must be
wise, truthful, virtuous, impartial and efficient. If the king is deceitful and corrupt, he shall be
destroyed for misusing danda. Also no one is exempted from the danda, however, the
proportion of punishment may be dependent on various considerations, including the varna.
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Manu also held that the King (government) should acquire land and wealth which have
not yet been acquired; should protect whatever has been acquired; and should increase
whatever has been protected; and whatever increase is made that should be gifted to the
deserving. The policy of the government in this regard is four-fold:
1. Acquisition
2. Protection
3. Increase by different means, and
4. Gift to the deserving (of land and wealth).
Unlike Kautilya, for Manu expansionism was not a preferred policy. However, he also
devised the six elements or gunas for diplomacy. These included: a) Sandhi (peace alliance);
b) Vigraha (war); c) Asana (neutrality); d) Yana (preparing for war); e) Samasraya (seeking
other’s protection; f) Dvedibhaava (policy of double act, of making peace with one and war
against other). As is visible these principles resonate Kautilya’s theory. But the meaning and
intent of Manu seemed to be different than Kautilya. Kautilya aimed for a chakravartin king
with ever expanding territory and command, whereas Manu believed in balance of power
principles with more composure and using diplomacy for the purpose.
Manu argued that the king should make peace if he saw that there were no instant gains
and his national interests could be compromised if there was war. He held that the king
should only opt for war if he was confident that we could defeat the enemy based on rational
judgment. For example, if he did not have faith in his army or his weapon system or chariots,
he should avoid going to war. Also, his participation in others’ wars should completely
depend on profit-loss analysis and a pragmatic approach to build newer alliances. Else he
should prefer neutrality keeping all options open for the right time. Next form of diplomacy
was to silently prepare for war without actually announcing it. It had tendency to confuse the
enemy and at times, prove to be natural deterrent. Next principle is to seek refuge under the
protection of a stronger king, if the king is confident of his defeat. It might force him to
compromise on different matters but these are losses that can easily be overcome in the long
run. The last is the policy of double act, where the king is suggested to be treacherous if it
was good for the national interest. All these hint that Manu has a little different understanding
than Kautilya on diplomacy.
Duties of the King

Executive: The king by virtue of being the executive head had two important duties:
protection and management. The first referred to protection of all castes and creeds
with special reference to the minors, women and aged. Management referred
primarily to the fact that king was expected to maintain the social order, which
included the duty to see that each individual performed swadharma at all costs.
Together the executive function included prevention of the confusion among castes
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



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
and their duties, protecting the weak against the strong, and King’s right to receive 1/6
of the earnings of the people for performing the duty of protection.
Judicial: As the judicial head of the state, it was the duty of king to examine the cases
on daily basis in the court, so that no one felt that justice was being denied to them.
Also, king must reach to any conclusion based only on the merits of the case
supported by evidence. He should not carryout justice in haste without examining the
evidences in details. In carrying out justice he should also consult brahmans in order
to get the religious and spiritual dimension.
Legislative: The legislative function of the king, are, rather limited, as the rules for
general administration and conduct in society are already laid down in the ancient
texts. He could however come out with some ordinances or royal decrees for
administrative purposes. But these could not be violating the principles of dharma and
should be produced only in consultations with brahmans.
Administrative: The King being the administrative head was given task to make all
appointments, including crucial appointments of ministers. He was also expected to
resolve any issues related to administration without procrastination, no matter how
small the matter would be.
Ecclesiastical: He was to appoint the chief priest and choose other officiating priests
for performing his domestic rites and sacrifices. Appointment of these positions were
of much significance as they could also provide guidance to the king on matters
related to religion and spirituality, and suggest the king the path of dharma.
Revenue: This comprised the fixation of rates of taxes and duties. Manu believed that
the king should have good knowledge about finance and economy to supervise the
economy well. He should always try to control inflation particularly on articles that
were of basic necessity. He is also advised to rationalize the rates of taxes so that it
did not oppress any class of citizens. This was particularly true for difficult times like
in case of natural calamities. It was further the duty of king to maintain the treasury
and provide all forms of relief when need be but also to charge extra taxes during
emergencies like wars.
Military: Manu held that the king being the commander-in-chief had the
responsibility to be the exemplar and lead the army efficiently. He should fight
bravely and with honour. Even in war he should not give up the principles of dharma.
His armymen should be well equipped and their families be taken care of. Good
soldiers should be rewarded openly so as to inspire others. Also, the elephants, horses,
chariots should be given special attention as outcomes of wars depended on them
significantly.
Enlightened: These referred to the king being the promoter of learning and culture.
He was suggested to revere the brahmins as they were truly enlightened ones. He
should always seek their blessings and advises and always follow their guidance.
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These were the primary duties of the king according to Manu. This list however is in no way
exhaustive as he talks about many other functions in greater details, but from the perspective
of statecraft these were the important functions.
Is the King absolute?
Manu placed the King under dharma and also emphasised that the King should always
protect his people. Training of the Prince and daily routine prescribed for the king would not
permit a King to act arbitrarily or like an absolute monarch. Also, the King is advised to
consult ministers as well as Brahmans before taking any decision. This recommendation for
consultative process is also a format to maintain accountability of the king as well as to see
that he did not take arbitrary decisions. He gave the King extensive powers to use danda
(punishment) to maintain the affairs of society and uphold the principles of righteousness.
However, he also mentioned that while using these powers, the king had to be very cautious
of neither misusing it nor administering justice in haste. In order to maintain the sanctity of
punishment, Manu suggested that the king should be a man of high morals and he said that
the king “who is voluptuous, partial, and deceitful will be destroyed, even through the unjust
punishment which he inflicts”. Manu also referred to the deposition and death of a King the
hand of the people: “That King who through folly rashly oppresses his Kingdom, will,
together with his relatives, ere long be deprived of his life and of his Kingdom”. It is explicit
that according to Manu, King’s powers were balanced with the structure of accountability
that ensured that he did not become tyrannical in his conduct.
Manu on Social order and Social Laws
Social order and social conduct were the central themes in Manusmriti, and it was this focus
on the aspect of the ‘social’ that differentiated Dharamsastras from Arthasastras where the
later focussed extensively on state structure, organization and its functioning. In fact for
Manu to protect and promote a stable social order based on the principles of dharma was one
of the primary duties of the king. He considered Vedas to be the source of all dharma and had
firm belief in its infallibility. Any individual who does not act according to dharma is
condemned and is considered liable of punishment. It is equally important to mention here
that according to Manu the meaning of Dharma is also contextual and the focus varied in
different ages or yugas. For example, in the Krita Yuga the primacy was given to austerity, in
Treta Yuga primacy was given to knowledge, in Dvapara Yuga to sacrifices and in Kali Yuga
primacy was given to dana (gift) as the highest form of dharma. Dharma is given such
primacy that Manu even suggested that if one has to give up even artha (wealth) and kama
(sensuous pleasure), it is justified. However, he is equally confident that dharma aims at the
larger common good of all, and if the principles come in contradiction of social welfare, it
can be overruled.
Varnadharma
The functional division of society in four varnas and the arrangement of human life into four
ashramas is at the core of Manusmriti. This becomes significant also because ethe idea of
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swadharma is attached to one’s stage in life and one’s location in the varna system.
Following the dharamsutras, Manu argued that Brahmadeva produced the different varnas
from different parts of his body. The Brahmanas were born from the mouth, the Kshatriyas
from the arms, the Vaishyas from the thighs and the Shudras from the feet. This myth was
also used to propose a form of divine validity and legitimacy for the system. He claimed that
this differentiation also indicated at the functional division of society. This functional
division was based on the birth of an individual in a particular varna and there was no
possibility of mobility. This was in contradiction to the idea of varnas during the vedic
period, inter-varna mobility was possible based on merit. According to Manu, the capacities
of all men was not equal, and since they had different executive capacities, they should
ideally perform the functions they were based suited for. Unfortunately for Manu the
determinant of this criterion was one’s birth and not merit. The Brahamanas were virtuous
and were meant to impart knowledge, Kshatriyas were dedicated to protect others and
provide security as they were brave and courageous, the Vaishyas were devoted to functions
of production of goods and services and Shudras were meant to provide service to the people
of other three varnas, primarily engaged in manual labour. This division of labour is
hierarchically placed according to social functions whereby the brahamanas are said to
occupy the most coveted position with the kshatriyas, vaishyas and shudras in the descending
order of hierarchy, with shudras at the bottom. The brahamanas were considered superior to
the rest as they were pure in character, virtuous and well-read in Vedas and hence had full
knowledge about dharma. He was not only someone who was devoted to knowledge, but also
someone who by nature and behaviour remained pure and selfless. The kshatriyas were
placed second in hierarchy as they had the sense of duty to provide security and protection to
others but were not devoid of personal interests and ambitions. Vaishyas were governed by
profit motive and were guided by desires and self-interest. This was the rationale given to
justify the hierarchy among the dwijas (twice born) castes.
Manu laid down a strict code of conduct for each varna with an obvious priority for the
brahmans. He asserted that the names of brahmans should be so selected that it denoted
reverence, of kshatriyas should denote power, of vaishyas should denote wealth and shudras
should be named such that it denoted insult. The privileges and reverence for brahmans is
such that he claimed that even if a king is 100 years of age, he should revere a 10-year-old
brahman as his father. Even an uneducated brahman could guide the king and preach him
about laws. He also claimed that the dwijas were not meant to serve other castes and had
made provision that if a brahmin enslave a brahmin, he could be fined 600 pannas. On the
other hand the services of shudras were to be free for higher castes, in fact, they should feel
lucky that they have got chance to serve higher castes and should do it as duty. The position
of brahmans is further ascertained when Manu argued that where there are no brahmans or
brahmans are not happy, that land shall be devastated and destroyed. Equally aggressive to
Manu’s advocacy for superiority of brahmans is the limitations he sets for the shudras. He
asserted that those who taught shudra pupil or were taught by shudras deserved no respect
and shall be doomed. He was clear that shudras were unfit for education and not fit for
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rulership. Therefore, he suggested that it is better for all inhabitants to leave the country
where a shudra was the ruler. Manu also devised very strict codes to control the conduct of
shudras. So, if a shudra insulted a person belonging to higher castes, his tongue could be cutoff. If he abused the castes of high born, a red-hot nail ten finger long could be inserted into
his mouth. If he claims to know more than brahmans and tried to preach religion to them,
king could get burning oil poured in his mouth and ears. If a shudra man has intercourse with
high caste women, he was to put to death and all his property seized. The hierarchy is strictly
in favour of Brahmanas and there are many exceptions and immunities for their privileges.
This privilege is even extended to the penal laws where different punishments are suggested
for criminals involved in same crime but from different varnas. Shudras are not only
condemned, but also prohibited from any respectful enterprise. Inter-dinning and inter-caste
marriages are absolutely prohibited. Manusmriti is very strict about this functional division of
society and claimed that it was better to do one’s job imperfectly than to try and do others
work. It is therefore often considered as a reflection of the Indian social order by the leaders
of Dalit-Bahujan movements. Probably therefore Ambedkar chose to publicly burn
Manusmriti as a symbol of protest against caste discriminations in 1927.
Ashramadharma
The ashramadharma is also an essential feature of ancient Indian thought. It is a structure that
was considered important to lead a balanced life between enjoyment of materialistic pleasures
and spiritualism, emphasizing the importance of the temporal as well as the transcendental
life. This system was devised compulsorily to be followed by the higher castes which
included all varnas other than shudras. The four divisions included: Brahmacharya ashram,
Grihasta ashram, Vanaprastha ashram, and Sanyaasa ashram.
The brahmacharya ashram is the first stage of one’s life and extends till the age of 25
years, where the individual is expected to stay away from the family in the ashram of Guru
and dedicate this phase to learning. The individual is governed by disciplinary rules that the
ashrams followed depending on the teacher’s guidance and were to be devoid of any physical
or material pleasure in this stage. Even the food had to be collected as alms thereby preparing
the child for extremities of life. The entire focus is to gather wisdom and knowledge and the
virtues essential for improving all his faculties.
After dedicatedly and successfully completing the brahmacharya stage, the individual
entered the stage of grihasta ashram. This spans from 25 to 50 years of age. During this
period the individual is expected to get married and contribute to the society by producing
and raising children. He is allowed to enjoy the material pleasures and perform all his duties
attached to his family and society with a spirit of dedication. Manyu mentioned about 13
samskaras that individual has to conduct during his entire life and most of these have to be
undertaken in this stage which include garbdharan, jaatkarm, naamkaran, nishkraman,
annprasan, chudakarm, upnayan, vedaarambh, samavtran, vivaah. He had also drawn a
detailed list different forms of marriages that were considered legitimate during his period
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which included brahma vivaah, deva vivaah, aarsh vivaah, prajapatya vivaah, asur vivaah,
gandarv vivaah, rakshasa vivaah, and paisaach vivaah.
After 50 years came the stage of vanaprastha ashram which continued for the next 25
years where the individual transfers all his duties and responsibilities to his son and prepares
for the ultimate stage of life along with wife. Here he is expected to perform religious duties
and engage in spirituality. His food and dress are simple and gives up all kind of worldly
pleasures.
The final stage is the sanyaasa ashram. Before entering this stage, he is expected to have
overcome all his debts and performed all his duties related to his ancestors, parents, family,
and society satisfactorily. The final goal of this stage is to achieve moksha (salvation) and he
has to partake this journey alone. In this stage he had to give up everything and proceed
towards place of loneliness free from all relations and worldly affairs.
Manu on women and their duties
Manusmriti also has very controversial proposals for women within its social laws, especially
in the realm of family. At several instances Manu considered that women should be respected
and in countries where women are not given respect or are insulted and humiliated, they are
bound to be doomed. At other places Manusmriti also mentioned that husband and wife
should enjoy equal status and there should sense of mutual satisfaction and happiness among
them. It is mentioned that women are in no way less, but because they are physically not so
capable it becomes the duty of her father, husband and sons to provide protection and security
to her at different stages of life. At the same time, one could also find several contradictory
ideas in Manusmriti which looks at women’s character with skepticism and devises several
codes to control her social behaviour and conduct. So, it is held that it is the nature of women
to seduce men and therefore it is advised that wise men be cautious in their company as they
have capacity to make men slave of their desires. It also mentioned, based on several physical
attributes about the women who should not be married. For example, wise men avoid
marrying women who had reddish hairs, redundant body part, who often fell sick, one with
excessive hairs or no hairs and one with red eyes. There are strict codes to prevent
mensurating women from participating in any auspicious occasions as they were considered
impure. One can also find an overlap of gender and caste issues in some codes. So, it is
suggested that when any person of higher caste marries a shudra women even by mistake, it
leads to degradation of whole family as all the demerits of shudra caste gets transferred to
next generation. Any offerings made by such men are not accepted by Gods nor by holy
souls. The codes are even more strict for married women. So, it is said that even if men lack
virtue, be sexual perverts, or devoid of any good qualities, women should worship them and
serve them as that is the only path for her salvation. Her only chance to go to heaven
depended on how much she obeyed her husband and pleased him, on the other hand the
women who did not perform the duties towards her husband are bound to suffer from leprosy
and suffer both in this life and the life later. Consuming liquor, association with wicked men,
separation from husband, rambling around and sleeping uselessly are considered primary
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demerits of women and it is asserted that such women can never be loyal to their husbands.
Giving birth to a male child is considered very important for the women and if she is not able
to produce male child husband is advised to go for another marriage. Once widowed, she had
to live a life in isolation with food only comprising of flowers, roots of vegetables and fruits.
It is explicit that strict codes controlled every aspect of women’s life. In modern gaze, as
argued by several feminists, Manusmriti seems to support the idea that women are only male
child producing machines and her role is limited to bearing and rearing of children, serving
her family’s needs, and keeping her husband happy. Manu’s arguments present a clear sense
of hierarchy in family and society with an unadulterated support for male dominance and
control.
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Unit-3
Kautilya: Theory of State
Dr. Nishant Kumar
Within Arthasastra Tradition, Kautilya’s is the only complete work that is available to us.
Kautilya in his Arthasastra salutes Shukra and Brihaspati as pioneers of Arthasastra tradition
and also recognizes his indebtedness to their teaching. After Kautilya, Kamandaka’s Nitisara,
Mitramisra’s Rajanitiprakasha and Anantadeva’s Rajadharmakustubha and the epic
Mahabharata also reflect traits of Arthasastra tradition. For Kautilya ‘Artha’ meant
subsistence. Arthasastra, therefore, would mean the mode of acquisition and preserving of
land. More widely, it signified the science (or art) of government and statecraft. Generally,
texts in this tradition contained detailed examination of rulers and principles of state
administration. The authors seem to apply the methods of the observation, analysis and
deduction in respect of political life. Another important characteristic of writing in this
tradition was the centrality given to Dandaniti. Dandaniti represented the science of politics
and was primarily concerned with application of coercive authority of ruler.
Characteristic features of Kautilya’s Arthasastra
1. Indicates strong tendency towards materialistic view of human ends.
2. Doctrine of seven constituents of state- organic theory of the state.
3. Authority and functions of the temporal ruler discussed in details.
4. Centrality of danda as means to protect people and save dharma. Danda often seen as
synonym to law.
5. Includes a complete theory of government with king, amatyas, and administrative
organization as its integral part with each being equally important.
6. Concerns about geo-politics discussed for the first time. Glimpses of inter-state
relationship are exhibited.
7. Concern about relative morality is central. Difference between Rajdharma (during
normal times) and apadharma (during emergency) very explicit.
8. Scientific analysis of power in relative terms and holistic view of state power (bala).
Realist perception of international relation.
9. Politics developed as independent science, at least relative autonomous to the field of
morality, ethics and theology.
Kautilya’s Arthasastra
Arthasastra deals primarily with two sciences- Varta or economics, and Dandaniti or science
of government. They together develop as Arthashastra, or the science of worldly prosperity
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and well- being. The Arthashastra, like the later Shukranitisara, is essentially a hand-book
for the guidance of the governing group, manual for the practical politician. For the most part
Kautilya prescribe for specific needs and uses tested administrative procedures. Kautilya’s
Arthasastra’s significance in the great tradition can be noted as following:–
1) Kautilya was truly a realist and he has dealt with all problems which were faced by
the kings of his times and suggested pragmatic solutions in the field of statecraft.
2) Among all the great writers on politics, he is the only one who has written
independently on the subject, i.e., on politics separated from religion, ethics or
morality.
3) He gave to the country a strong and centralized administration, as had not been known
to the Indians before.
There has been a controversy about the date of its composition. Winternitz, Dr. Jolly and
Keith hold the view that it was composed in the early centuries of the Christian era.
Winternitz says that if this work is the creation of Kautilya, why there is no account of the
Mauryan empire and system of government as described by the Greek historians. According
to Dr Jolly, in respect of religion and laws there is great similarity between Kautilyan
Arthashastra and Yajnavalkya Smriti, hence the Arthashastra should had been composed in
the 3rd century, which is the period of Yajnavalkya Smritis’s composition. But like all ancient
texts there remain authentic controversy regarding date and authorship of these texts. What
we know however is that the manuscripts were first discovered in 1904 when some
wandering monks brought some palm leaves to Mysore Oriental Library. R. Shamasastry, the
librarian recognized it as Arthasastra and gradually translated it in English and published in
various European Journals in 1908. It contained 15 Books, 150 Chapters and 180 topics. R. P.
Kangle calls arthasastra as the ‘science of politics’, A. L. Basham calls it the ‘Treatises on
Polity’; and D. D. Kosambi considered it as the ‘science of material gain’.
Origin of the state
In the course of a dialogue Kautilya tells that the state originated when people got weary of
the law of the fish (matasyanyaya), or widespread of anarchy in society due to greed and
selfishness, they selected Manu to be their first king. It was settled that the king would
receive one-sixth of the grains, one-tenth of the merchandise and of the gold as his due share.
This revenue enabled the king to ensure the security and well-being of the subjects.
Ends and function of the state
The ends of the state according to Kautilya, were not merely the maintenance of peace and
order or protection of the people but to enable the individual to attain highest self–
development with the help of the state. Functions of the state included: a) Protection , means
guarding the country both against internal troubles as well as foreign aggression; b)
Maintaining Common Law, the state was expected to maintain the common law as embodied
in the ancient customs and usages of the land; c) Upholding social order. The third function
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of the state was the protection of dharma of the land, within the sphere of which both the
state and the society moved. According to Kautilya, the duty of the king consisted in
protecting his subjects with justice. A king upsetting the social order would prove the vanity
of the royal scepter (danda); d) Promotion of the people’s welfare: The Hindu king knew the
ideal that in the happiness of his subjects was hidden his happiness and in their welfare his
welfare. Whatever pleased him was not considered as good, but whatever pleased his subjects
was considered as good for him.
Saptanga Theory (Seven Limbs of the State)
Kautilya nowhere exactly defines the state or sovereignty, but he defines seven elements.
Like human body, the body-politics is supposed to possess various limbs (angas).
Undoubtedly, kautilya presented an organic theory of state, where each of these parts were
given specific duty and overall welfare and flourishing of the state depended on the
performance of these parts. Every element is supposed to be at par in importance to others;
but their importance depended upon the achievements obtained by them. Kautilya states these
elements as, swami (king), amatyas (ministers), janapada (territory), durga (forts), kosha
(treasury), danda (royal scepter), and mitra (allies).
Swamy (King)
Even a glance at the Arthasastra will convince anyone that Kautilya was a strong advocate of
monarchy. As a matter of the fact he keenly desired to establish the rule of a strong and
powerful king over country. But it was also expected to perform social welfarism to keep the
people happy. In fact Kautilyas’ entire classic has been written with the King at centre.
Qualities of the King
The qualities of the king, according to him are: born of a high family, godly, possessed of
valour, virtuous, truthful, not of a contradictory nature, grateful, having large aims, highly
enthusiastic, not addicted to procrastination, powerful to control his neighboring kings, of
resolute mind, having an assembly of ministers of no mean quality and possessed of a taste
for discipline. These are qualities of a high order and of an inviting nature. Further, Kautilya
prescribes restraint of the organs of the sense. Success in study and discipline depends on the
restraint of the organs of sense, which can be forced by abandoning lust, anger, greed, vanity
(mana), haughtiness (mada) and overjoy (harsha).
Kautilya proposes a very strict and disciplined training program. He emphasized the
importance of character-building for young prince. He argues that vices could be related to
pleasures as well as wrath. Among vices related to pleasures that should be controlled, he
mentions hunting, gambling, sleeping by day, sensuousness, excess indulgence with women,
drunkenness, excess love for dancing, singing, music and useless travel. At the same time, the
vices due to wrath that should be avoided included tale-bearing, violence, treachery, envy,
slandering, unjust seizure of property, reviling and assault. Kautilya also advocated extreme
care in personal safety of the King and for this the Palace was to be guarded by series of
circles of warriors. He was supposed to have multiple bedrooms and not even the closest
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associate should know which bedroom he was using on a particular night. The troubles of the
king may be either internal or external. Internal troubles are more serious than external
troubles, which are like the danger arising from a lurking snake. Troubles due to a minister
are more serious than the other kind of internal troubles. Hence, the king should keep under
his own control the power of finance and the army. Kautilya being a realist suggested the
King to use spies even to test the loyalty of his ministers from time to time. Further, being a
realist, he suggests that no threat, however trivial, should be overlooked.
Duties of the King
As already mentioned, for Kautilya King was central to all activities in the state. Therefore,
the expectations were also very high and he had to perform multiple functions.
1) Executive: The foremost duty of the King was to protect and provide security to the
people. Lokashema or welfare of all was to be the principle on which the quality of
his administration was to be judged. This included maintaining law and order and
peace in society and acting against all forms of aggression, either internal or external.
Other than these, he was also expected to help the peole during natural calamities.
2) Judicial: King was the ex-officio head of the judiciary and the highest body for
appeals. Kautilya suggests that the principles of dharma should always be followed
while administrating justice and King should be cautious that no one is punished
without proper inquiry and evidences.
3) Legislative: Some legislative activity was added in the Kautilya state in the form of
the legislative edict (sasana-adesh). However, King should always make laws
keeping in the principles of dharma in mind. All laws must be discussed with learned
and experienced people for guidance and no law made should be arbitrary.
4) Administrative: These included the appointment of the minister and the control
exercised over them by the king. Appointing the right person to the right post and
assigning work to them according to their capacities is significant administrative
function.
5) Ecclesiastical: He appointed the high priests. The domestic priest and the officiating
priests appointed by the king performed his domestic rites and the sacrifices. Kautilya
suggested that King should respect priests and give good amount of donations to the
religious institutions as it created a sense of legitimacy for him in the heart of masses
who were mostly religious.
6) Revenue: It was his duty to see that the treasury was not depleted. He also looked
into the accounts of receipts and expenditure. He appointed the Controller General,
who was responsible for collecting the revenue. He was responsible to maintain taxes
and control inflation. Also, Kautilya suggests for a rational system of taxation so that
the poor do not feel oppressed.
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7) Military: As supreme commander of the army, the king had the duty of inspecting the
process of recruitment of soldiers as well as to see that they are well paid and their
families taken care of. Further he should also keep an eye on the condition of
elephants, the horses, the chariots used by the army and the infantry. During wars and
in peace time, he should keep his soldiers motivated and reward achievements
graciously.
8) Enlightened: Patronage of learned men, of those who were experts in different fields
of knowledge was an added benefit to the king and he should ensure that these learned
men are taken care of and are used for guidance.
Kautilya was firm believer in royal paternalism. Kautilya’s king was to be a benevolent
despot-responsible only to himself, accountable to none, like the father in the management of
the children, guided only by his affections and the duties which affection implants in the
paternal heart. Kautilya gives to the welfare of the citizens the first place in all considerations
of policy; the good of the people and their sustained happiness were the main ends for the
service of which he chalked out an elaborate administrative system.
Amatya or Ministers
The most important function of the mantrin (ministers) was to render advice to the king.
Kautilya insists that the king should appoint three to four counsellors. Probably the reason of
not making too many ministers was to protect and maintain state secrecy. As regard the
quality of the minister, who constitutes an important element of sovereignty, Kautilya says
that he must be a native and born of high family, influential and well trained in all kind of
arts. He must be wise, bold, eloquent, skilful and intelligent. He must be pure in character,
loyal in devotion and endowed with excellent conduct. He must be enthusiastic and
affectionate. But he must be free from procrastination and fickle-mindedness. Their
recruitment was to be based on principles of merit and King could employ certain parameters
to judge the efficiency of these ministers. King had to test the ministers time to time for
loyalty and based on that they were to be rewarded or punished. If any minister was found to
be plotting against the King or fails the tests, they were not only to be removed but also killed
as they share many secrets which they could split if left alive.
Janapada
Janapada includes the territory and the people. The king is asked to look personally into the
affairs of the state. This makes one to assume that the state has to be small if personal
attention is to be given. There are indications that a janapada is to contain 800 grams with a
sthanika at its centre. It should be fertile land with abundance of forest, rivers, mountains and
minerals. As for people Kautilya says that loyalty is the most essential characteristics
expected. They should pay taxes on time, should be hardworking, religious, disciplined and
ready to even die for the country.
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Durg (fort)
The fourth element of sovereignty in the Arthasastra is the fort (durg). Kautilaya says that the
construction of defensive fortification on all quarters of the boundary is symbol of strength,
provided they are situated on the strategically best suited regions, such as a water fortification
on an island in the midst of a river, or a plain surrounded by low ground, a mountainous
fortification such as rocky track or a cave, a desert fortification in areas of a wild tract devoid
of water and a forest fortification full of water. It would be used to garrison soldiers, store
food grains for emergency and also act as hideout for king when there is danger.
Kosha (Treasury)
The treasury is the fifth element of the state. According to Kautilya the treasury accumulated
by righteous and legitimate manner should be retained by the king. The king may inherit the
treasury which must be filled with gold, silver, precious stones, jewels, and gems and it
should be capable of outstanding the strain of expenditure during times of calamites of long
duration. If need be king can increase it through increased taxation. Kautilya sets different
kinds of taxes but maintains that it should never be oppressive. He also suggests that the
treasury should be judiciously used and not be wasted in personal aggrandizement and showoff.
Danda (army)
Next important element in order of priority is army. Kautilya suggests the need for a standing
army and non-dependence on mercenaries. The basic qualities of a good army according to
Kautilya are that recruitment is fair and based on inheritance, they should be loyal, strong,
full of vigor and energy. The army must be invincible and endowed with the power of
endurance, trained in fighting various kinds of battles, skilful in handling various forms of
weapons. The army should not bring in any state of instability in the kingdom but it should be
ready to share the sorrow of the king in time of calamities. He also mentions that the army
men should be paid well and families should be cared so that the soldiers are not worried
about their future while at war. Soldiers must be ready to die for the country but king also
must ascertain that they are well equipped with right kind of weapons and are provided with
whatever is required to keep them happy and loyal.
Mitra (ally)
The last element is the friend of the king, who is always ready to help the king and is also
capable to help him in time of war and natural calamity. King should continuously increase
the numbers of friends and should send gifts and pleasantries as mark of friendship. Allies are
equally important for economic activities and trade relations.
Kautilya believes that the when any one of the elements of state falls in trouble, it threatens
the overall setup and should be considered a serious issue.
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The Theory of ‘Rajamandala’ (Inter-State Relationship or Mandala Theory)
Kautilya formulated a detailed theory of foreign policy and inter-state relations. For him the
constant expansion of territory was not only a strategic tactics but an important duty of King.
He refers to the King as vijigishu (the one desirous of conquest). Inter-state relationship,
according to Kautilya, was important because no state existed in isolation. In reality he
assumes that every state is in constant search for power over other land. His theory of
international relations is based on the maxim that a friend’s friend is likely to be a friend and
an enemy’s friend an enemy. This theory popularly known as rajamandala or Mandala
theory assumes a set of four concentric circles consisting of a set of twelve states with three
in each circle. At the center of this political network was of the political system ruled by the
vijigsu. The next set is represented by ari (the enemy state). The third set represented the
Madhyama king who could turn out to be an ally or an enemy and intervene on the side of the
victor by supporting him or decide to be neutral (udasina) or an enemy (ari). The fourth
circle represented the Udasina states which were largely non-interfering and neutral
considering their distance from the centre. The relationship between the vijigishu keeps
varying as he progresses in his conquest.
Circle I: Comprising of Vijigishu, his friend and his friend’s friend
Circle II: Comprising Ari (enemy), his friend and his friend’s friend
Circle III: Comprising Madhyama King, his friend, his friend’s friend
Circle IV: Consisting of Udasina King, his friend and his friend’s friend.
Spatial location and distribution of state system are two important geopolitical aspects related
to interstate relations. There are certain basic assumptions on which his theory is based:
a) No state can exist in isolation.
b) There are no permanent friends or foes.
c) Bordering state can never be friends.
d) States become friends or allies according to geographical positions.
Based on the relative location, Kautilya claims that the conquering King can predict the
nature of other states both in front and in the rear. The move in the mandala is like one in the
game of chess where one presumes the next move of other and based on that plan one’s own
move. In front of the vijigishu, bordering its state is the ari (enemy), sharing the border with
the enemy state would be conqueror’s friend (mitra), next to him sharing its border would be
ari mitra (friend of enemy). Next to ari mitra is mitra mitra (conqueror’s friend’s friend) and
sharing its border is enemy’s friend’s friend (arimitra mitra). Similarly in the rear of the
conqueror, there would be an enemy of the rear who could attack from back
(Paarshnigraaha). Sharing its border would be vijigishu’s friend of the rear (Aakranda). Next
is the friend of the rearward enemy (Paarshnigraahasaara), and next to it is the ally of the
rearward friend (Aakrandasaara). These are the relations of state immediately in front or rear
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of the conquering king. Other than these he conceives of the Madhyama king who is the
intermediary king and therefore initially indifferent, but during process of conquest there is
every possibility of him either joining the vijigishu or his enemy as an ally. Then there is the
Udasina king who occupies territory far beyond the above states and hence in a position to
assert its neutrality.
Source: Political Theory of Ancient India: A Study of Kingship from the earliest times to
circa A.D. 300 by John W. Spellman (Oxford University Press: London, 1964)
Kautilya also talks about international policy during peace times. These include conciliation
(sama); presents (dana); dissensions (bheda); and punishment (danda). He also discusses in
great details the six-fold policies or Shadgunas as war tactics:
a)
sandhi (alliance): That which is considered as mutual good faith and conducive to
mutual interest is termed as sandhi. Kautilya seems to favor peace over war and asserts
that whenever the output of peace and war are of equal value, king should favor peace
over war because war is always costly and has that indeterminacy attached with it.
b)
vigraha (war): War is inevitable if attempts for peace fail. It is attempt to compel others
to accept one’s supremacy and sovereignty. Kautilya claims that when the king is
convinced of success, he can go to war anytime. War becomes imminent in the policy
of expansionism. War could be of different kinds: open battle; treacherous battle; and
silent battle. When fought in daylight and in well defined locality it is open war.
Threatening on one front but attacking from back, destroying enemy when he is in
trouble or winning war by bribing opposite army forms part of treacherous war. Silent
battle is fought with help of secret agents without directly engaging in war.
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c)
yaan (military expedition and march): A king can march if it disturbs the plans of the
enemies. Marching can also confuse the enemy and act as a natural deterrence.
However, Kautilya suggests that marching should be always look like one is prepared
for war and should include allies because it might turn into real war anytime.
d)
aasana (halting): Halting also is a very significant strategy. Kautilya suggests that king
can halt at the borders to exhibit his preparedness for war but at the same time he should
know when he can pause the war in case, he needs to buy time to bring in additional
force or wait for an ally to join his side.
e)
samashray (seeking protection): Seeking protection is yet another significant strategy
for the king needs to survive to fight another day. So, if king faces sure shot defeat, he
should seek protection from a powerful king. Obviously, the terms would not be as
according to the king, but it is also a rational choice as the last resort.
f)
dvedibhaava (duplicity): Kautilya is not a moralist. He is a realist and suggests that for
the larger interest of the kingdom, king can use the strategy of duplicity. Duplicity can
be initiated by using secret agents through bribing the ministers and armymen of the
enemy state or by not following the terms of sandhi when the need be.
The strategy of the victor is contingent on four factors;
(a)
Relative power equation among the victors,
(b)
Objectives or empirical deviations from the ideal policy prescribed,
(c)
Classification of the motivations of the actor involved, and
(d)
The unanticipated and unpredictable of the chance factors.
An important feature of the Arthashastra is that it presupposes wars of conquest to be a fit
purpose for an ambitious king and devotes a great deal of space to advise on how to defeat all
the other kings in the area. But the discussion of the Mandala theory and the idea of
dharmavijaya show that the Mauryan pursuit of all India dominion was necessarily its
background. The Arthashastra’s model king does not annex defeated kingdoms, submerge
their rulers, absorb them into his own state apparatus. On the contrary, the ideal of conquest
according to dharma (as opposed to asuravijaya and lobhavijaya) obliges him to deal
leniently with his conquered foe, perhaps re-installing him or placing a relative on the throne.
The throne does not disappear. Tributes will certainly be asked for, but the vassal kingdom so
far as we can see keeps most of its autonomy. However, all these are context-dependent and
subject to the interest of the conquering King. Kautilya suggests that before any expedition,
king should assess the power of the other kings and characterizes them as samrajya (equal
state); heenarajya (weaker king); and balwaanrajya (strong king). Relative strength however
is to be calculated based on an overall assessment of not only strength of army or physical
strength (utsaaha bal) but also mantra bal (intellectual power) and prabhu bal (economic
power).
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Espionage System
Espionage in the Arthashastra polity occupied a very important place in the function of the
state (or the king). Spies disguised in several forms remained busy in conveying important
news of the kingdom to the king. He believed that a strong and efficient espionage system
was crucial for king in both internal as well as external affairs. He classifies spies into two
categories: samstha (’the establishment’, where the agents are stationed in a single place, the
headquarters); and samcaras, (’the rover’, agents who move from place to place). These are
further subdivided into categories.
Samsthas are stationed at the capital and help king get all the information from within the
capital. Equally, they are used to test the amatyas and other administrative officers from time
to time to check their loyalty towards the king. They are of five kinds specializing in different
functions: Kapatika (sharp disciple with capacity to guess the minds of others); Udaasthita
(ascetic at centre of monks); Grihapatika (spy posing as farmer); Vaidehaka (merchant spy at
centre of traders); Taapasa (bogus ascetic made a secret agent but poses as seer). These spies
are mainly responsible for ascertaining the purity or impurity of king’s servants.
Samcaras are special agents trained for both information gathering and assassinating. They
are used against enemies and can also be stationed in other kingdoms (both of allies and
enemies) to perform secret services. They are primarily categorized as: Sattrin (an orphan
trained as agent by state); Tiksna (assassin who secretly liquidates all enemies of state);
Rasada (a chemist and poison-giver); Bhiksuki (Brahmin nun who spies on families that trust
them). They are expected both to collect information and inflict punishments.
Other than this he talks of Ubhayavetana spies who were engaged in foreign state. They play
important role in propaganda setting and creating dissension in the other state when need be.
Women also play a significant role as secret agents disguising as dancers and prostitutes in
foreign states. They are given the task of luring the ministers and kings of foreign lands,
befriend them and extract secrets. When need be they are also expected to secretly kill the
enemy using poison or other substances.
Kautilya and Machiavelli
One of the most significant comparisons that is often forwarded by scholars is that between
Kautilya and Machiavelli. Some scholars have gone so far as to call Kautilya as ‘Indian
Machiavelli’ or ‘Oriental Machiavelli’. Machiavelli, the political thinker and stateman of
Italy during the Renaissance, is considered widely as the first modern thinker. He was a
realist thinker who was not a votary of the purity of means rather focused on achievement of
ends. He wrote in The Prince that the ruler, in order to succeed must learn, how not to be
good with the people whom he regarded as utterly selfish and wicked. This text of
Machiavelli is often compared with Kautilya’s Arthasastra. Both of them, though belonging
to different times and environment lived in an age of transition. Following the line it is
asserted that ‘like Machiavelli, Kautilya has also made a distinction between morality of the
ruler and the ruled and both of them have put the ruler above the ordinary canons of
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morality…..There are also other striking similarities between Kautilya and Machiavelli. Both
of them, though belonging to different times and environment lived in an age of transition.’
Machiavelli and Kautilya avoided discriminating between good and evil and writing from the
standpoint the ruling elite they can find their interest almost entirely to the affairs of state and
man’s political behaviour. Both of them persuade almost the same goal, that is, how power
can be maintained and enlarged. Their views on the nature of statecraft also are very similar.
The focus in both the text is on the King. He is pivotal and the entire strategy of statecraft
depends on the efficiency of the king. Therefore, both of them advocated centralized
monarchy as best form of government. They focus extensively on the training and education
of young prince and establish politics as an autonomous field separating it from ethics and
morality. For example, both of them believe that if it is for the larger interest of his subjects,
King can overlook the principles of morality. He should be ready to use unfair means even
treachery if it was aimed at larger good of his people, for he is to be judged solely based on
how he improved the life of his people. In fact, both of them suggest different set of moral
principles for common masses and King, and within these principles they consciously make
distinction between King’s duty during normal times and during emergencies. Both of them
also asserted that King need not be religious in personal life, but he should be wise enough to
use religion for creating social bonds among people and should never insult religion in
public. Even in the field of international relations, they reflect similar attitude. They both
support unification of smaller kingdoms and developing a larger and united kingdom which is
self-sufficient. At the same time both of them favor expansionism as an important policy for
the King. There are also similarities in the way they define the role of spies and propaganda
for the king.
But Kautilya’s comparison with Machiavelli in this respect cannot be pushed too far. It is
said of the Machiavelli that he was neither moral nor immoral but was unmoral. But even this
cannot be said of Kautilya. Kautilya sought out to be refabricate the craking (social) edifice,
and his approach to politics, that is why, tends to be integral. He refers to the trivargadharma, arthaa (the material well-being) and kama (sensual pleasure) as the goal of life.
However equally significant is the fact that the whole conception of danda in Kautilya is
structured in order to uphold dharma and it is this aspect that guides his assertion in
Arthasastra. Further, the state envisaged in Kautilya’s Arthasastra subordinates moral
principle of the necessity of its own existence and welfare, and the same attitude is assumed
towards religion. Also objectionable is the inherent eurocentrism in the claim of Kautilya as
‘Oriental Machiavelli’. Kautilya produced his scholarship many centuries before Machiavelli
and in a completely different place in history. Forced comparison often does not do justice
with the unique characteristic of individual authors and their contribution in their fields. It
also creates doubts about authenticity and autonomy of these thinkers and is therefore
avoidable.
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Unit-4
Ved Vyasa (Shanti Parva): Rajadharma
Prashant Barthwal1
Introduction
Vyasa is not only the author of a great Epic, or even of an Encyclopaedia Indica, but also a
prophet who, in fact, disclosed the fifth Veda for the benefit of future generations. Many of
antiquity's great sages could not lay claim to such lofty pretensions, nor could they merit such
high acclaim1. Athetosis, particularly in Indian literature, frequently reaches such lofty
heights that, in the faint light of epic style and grandeur, distinguishing between legitimate
and unjust claims becomes a complex undertaking. The birth of Vyasa (200 B.C.-200 A.D.)
was interestingly depicted in Devi Bhagavata Purana: ‘Apsara named ‘Adrika’ who was
bathing in a river had mistakenly dragged the feet of a Brahmana performing his prayers on
the banks of the river2. During his meditation, he cursed the Apsara to become a fish. He ate a
floating leafy packet and became pregnant. After nine months, a fisherman grabbed the fish
and discovered twin babies - a boy and a girl. As a result of his mystic powers, Pius King
retained the boy as the future King and gave him back to the fisherman with enough cash to
raise the girl-child. This was ‘Matsyodari', the astonishing beauty. ‘Matsyagandha' managed
Maharshi Parashara, who wanted to cross the river by boat”3. Before submitting at a river
island, she required that she spread divine fragrance over one yojana (or Yojanagandha) and
be bestowed with an amazing son knowledgeable in Scriptures and devoted to Almighty.
Parashara dubbed her Satyavati and made her a Queen. Born on a river island, Krishna
Dwipayana Veda Vyasa was Parashara and Satyavati's most notable son4.
It was then that Veda Vyasa decided to write the eighteen Maha Puranas to illuminate the
virtues of Dharma and Nyaya, or Virtue and Justice, for posterity. He went to Brahma Deva,
who said Vyasa did not request Ganesha for blessings, thus the issue. Veda Vyasa, the
exceptional master with tattva jnaani, inflated his talent and prepared himself to script
Puranas. But he didn't salute Ganesha Deva or venerate him. Despite the knowledge of Nityanaimittika-kaamya kaaryas and shrouta- smaartha karmaanushthaana, he tended to forget the
Primacy of Ganesha Smarana and as though he got subdued by oushadhi-mantra prayoga5
was disabled to maintain his mental and intellectual balance. Having no idea what was wrong
with him, he approached Lord Brahma, prostrated before him, and prayed for help. In
response, Vyasa said, "I am indeed vulnerable to tragedy as an excruciating infirmity has hit
me; I had genuinely desired to alert the common populace in Kali Yuga suffering from deep
ignorance" and Veda nindita- mada bhramita’6. But for whatever reason, being unable to see
properly, hear, remember, and even think; do very kindly get my normalcy and alertness.
Brahma replied: Those who seek to take up any task are not sure of success and positivity of
the end result as one could land in trouble too as of ‘aarambha shuratva’7 or high mindedness
1
Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Sri Aurobindo College (M), University of Delhi.
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in the initiation of the task. Intelligent persons of calibre have an open mind and tread their
feet with mental balance without pride or prejudice. The moral is that no task be performed
with ‘matsara’ and ‘garva’ or narrow mindedness/jealousy.
The Historical Genesis of Vyasa’s Political Thoughts
This is simply an appellation that denotes the functions of classifier, coordinator, compiler,
and editor. This is a reference to the fact that this sage has undertaken this work about the
primary scripture, the Vedas, in the first place. Tradition says that the Lord Himself does this
activity, in each Yuga, according to the requirements of the Age and taking into consideration
the limits of humanity in each Yuga. When the Lord chooses to take on a human form for this
purpose, he is referred to as Vyasa, the generic name given to the human form. According to
tradition, which has been supported by modern researchers concerning astronomical data
found in the Mahabharata and other sources, the current Kaliyuga began approximately 5080
years ago, and the advent of the most recent Vyasa occurred roughly a century earlier. During
the Great Mahabharata conflict, he was regarded as the natural father of Dhritarashtra and the
Pandavas, both of whom were soldiers. The legendary Bhishma, who was honoured as the
grandfather of the dynasty-Pitamaha-and was a descendent of that dynasty, was his
stepbrother, and he himself was descended from that dynasty. The Pandavas' grandson
Parikshit reigned for a time, and Janamejaya, the Pandavas' successor, came to power, and he
continued to live during his time in authority. 'Tapas' are rituals performed near the
Himalayan town of Badri, according to tradition, indicating that he is still alive and well. The
existence of his 'Spirit' and the fact that he is still helping those seeking the 'dharma' are
undeniable facts of life. It is stated that Sri Adi-Sankara and Sri Madhwa—the great
'Acharyas,' as they are known—were granted access to him by their respective gurus.
Consider the Mahabharata to be a "inside-story" presented by our hero, Vyasa; he appears in
a number of situations throughout the epic, imparting counsel and teaching on all important
occasions. This Vyasa is commonly considered as the author of the Mahabharata, which
includes the encyclopaedia of national culture, the well-known Bhagwada-Gita, and the
Vishnu Sahasranama, and is acclaimed as the fifth Veda. He is also regarded as the founder
of the Vedic tradition. He is also widely regarded as the author of the ‘Brahmasutras'
(exposition of the Upanishads—the Vedanta) under the name of Badara. Because of our
limited perspective, we do not have to conclude that a single individual could not have been
the author of many works of art.
From the early Vedic period to around 700 A.D., modern academics believe that the
Puranic literature went through four development stages, each facilitated by Academies or
Institutes named after Vyasa himself, from the early Vedic period to about 700 A.D. Many
accounts of the life of this great Sage appear in the Mahabharata, who is hailed in the
Bhagavad Gita as the paradigm of a ‘muni,' a prophet or a thinker, and who is referred to as
"muneenaam-apiaham-vyesah,8" meaning "muni, seer, or thinker." We can describe him as
the ideal of the Universal Man, capable of overcoming all borders and incorporating heavenly
qualities as well, making him essentially "immortal.9"
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It is said that his “regular personality should have been enchanting, with eyes like a
fully-blossomed lotus, and that everyone on all occasions revered him as a splendid sage”10.
He could have appeared before “the two princesses in a gorgeous shape due to his yogic
abilities. His refusal was motivated by his desire to purify them through a complex ‘Vrata”.11
They proved inadequate, thereby setting “in motion the predestined course of events. Later
on, Vyasa saved the foetus that had been prematurely dropped from the womb of Gandhari,
the Queen of Dhritarashtra. From this came a hundred boys, including the Kauravas
Duryodhana and the others and one daughter. In addition to intervening on all key moments
relevant to the dynasty, as previously indicated, this sage outlives everyone in the world”12.
Therefore, it will not be possible to resort to the thorough account of them found in the
Mahabharata in this context. However, in this context, we can talk about Vyasa's own family
and how he raised them. The Mahabharata simply mentions that “Vyasa prayed to the Lord
Sankara for a son who would combine all of the elements into a single person”13.
The Purana: Vyasa’s Unrivalled Creation
It is believed that the “Hindu religion, in all its diverse manifestations, as believed and
practised by the general populace, derives its perennial inspiration from the Puranas, which
has been resurrected and revitalised by a long tradition of Vedic literature, Epic literature, and
Sastra literature”14. Their myths and legends serve as an outer coating for the magical
meanings contained within them. Their religious symbolism is “a vital subject now emerging
to the fore, opening the closed doors of religious thought and tradition to the modern mind,
which was formerly closed off”15. As previously stated, “the Puranic compilation of VedaVyasa gained importance through time, with the sanctity of the original name being kept and
enhanced by crediting prophetic knowledge, eventually culminating in the creation of a
separate Bhavishyapurana in its own right”16. A total of 18 Puranas has been written down,
with “the Vishnu Purana being one of them and the Purana-Ratna, which was written by
Parasara, the father of Vyasa, and the Srimad Bhagavatam. The subsidiaries—known as
"Upa-Puranas"17—are also claimed to number 18, with other reports stating that the number
is substantially higher. At the very least, Vyasa must have collated and revised portions of the
Puranas. In some instances, like the Mahabharata, these have made their way into languages
other than Sanskrit, where they have undergone changes and adjustments. It is also believed
that “the Puranas date back to the Vedic period, specifically the Atharva Veda, and that their
antiquity is undisputed. One hypothesis is that the metaphysical principles of the Vedic
Mantras were initially expressed in the form of narratives that were already prevalent in
folklore at the time of their composition”18. When it comes to the “Puranic texts, expounders
and listeners aren't particularly interested in the compilation date; it's enough for them that
they are pronouncements of the Sanatana Dharma that are concerned with the One Reality
manifested in various forms for them to care”19. Each Purana declares “the supremacy of one
or more of the three gods, Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva, with the distinct exhortation that there
is ultimately no superior or inferior among the three gods”20.
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Consequently, according to this viewpoint, the Veda-Vyasa is not so much a person as it
is a continuous or intermittent institution! All of this information merely serves to exacerbate
the already existing uncertainty. The Vedic tradition, which dates back to a considerably
older period than either the Epic or the Puränic legend, is firmly supported by the internal
evidence of the entire Vedic literature and is in direct contradiction with the latter in every
aspect of its interpretation. This last school is fortunate enough to have received universal
approval by later Brahmanism due to the popularity of the Epics and Puranas, a rare
distinction or good fortune in itself. However, popularity can never make up for historical
mistakes, and it should never be used as a criterion for truth or authority in the first place21.
Because of this, according to Shanti Parva, controlling social deviation and normtransgression is an essential duty of the monarchy, and various narrations and legends
attributing a divine source to the science and art of governance indicate an attempt to
discover superhuman criteria for legitimacy for the royal authority as well as that branch of
instrumentalist’s knowledge, which contains discussions on social deviance and normtransgression, according to Shanti Parva. Political science is not a speculative and theoretical
area of expertise, as indicated by the multiple names given to it in the Mahabharata, but rather
a practical science that prescribes the techniques of institutionalised regulation and successful
government of ordinary affairs. 'When the ancient, pristine Rajadharma is disrupted, it results
in the negativistic of the Vedic Dharma and the neutralisation of all categories and criteria of
Varnashrama Dharmas'22, according to the Vedic tradition.
Even now, during times of famine, the Mahabharata's Virata Parva is read as a form of
prayer. In this context, the comments of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru from his book "Discovery
of India" are apt: ""I've contemplated what type of men and women they were, who gave
form to these bright thoughts and attractive imaginations, and from what rich veins of
thinking and creativity they mined them on several occasions23”. As well as matters about
wealth, love and sexuality, rules of conduct, and other miscellaneous topics such as painting
and other fine arts, architecture, gemstone selection, and astrology are discussed in some
Puranas. Some Puranas are divided into three sections: Part I, Part II, and Part III. The
Puranas also include a great deal of historical information, which is only now beginning to be
uncovered by academics. Unfortunately, only a portion of the massive literature on the
Puranas is currently available, and efforts are underway to complete the remaining part.
Vyasa Concept of Rajadharma
The Mahabharata is the longest and, in some ways, the most important of the Indian epics,
and it is divided into several volumes known as ‘Parvas'. When it comes to explaining
Vyasa's concept of Rajdharma, one of the Parvas of the Mahabharata, entitled "Shanti Parva,"
is more essential than the others. Because this Parva opens with a request by Yudhishthira
(older son of Pandu) to Vyasa for him to outline the duties of the King and his behaviour in
times of hardship, he then addresses the question of how a ruler could dominate the universe
via the practice of morality. Thus, Devvratt ‘Bhishma’ (the great kuru sage and warrior, a guy
who is well-versed in the Vedic knowledge) directs Yudhishthira to Devvratt ‘Bhishma’ for
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the answers24. The solution could be found in the first and second sections of the book, which
contain Bhishma's speech on the monarch's duties and the obligations of the subjects,
respectively. Because it addresses such fundamental topics as the value of the state and the
science of politics, the foundation of the state, the roles of the government, the welfare of
citizens, politics, and morals, as well as the duty of the monarch in times of hardship, it is
exceptional for its time. In our old Indian knowledge heritage, these sections include, without
a doubt, the most comprehensive collection of political ideas ever assembled in one place.
Bhishma, in response to Yudhishthira's question, narrated Rajadharma's lecture in detail.
" Men live fearlessly in his dominions, as though they were sons in the house of their father,"
he stated, calling him "the best of monarchs" and "the best of men25". If the monarch did not
perform his responsibility of protection, the powerful would seize the assets of the weak. If
the latter refused to give their goods with ease, their very lives would be forfeited.26”
Bhishma also believes that "the science of chastisement of forces all persons to observe the
obligations of their various orders27" is essential. When properly administered, it compels
people to perform virtuous deeds. In times when the King governs by placing entire and
rigorous dependence on the science of chastisement, known as Krita, the greatest of all
time”28.
Yudhishthira receives additional information from Bhishma regarding the origin of the
state. Vyasa had specifically noticed and underlined this portion, which according to
Bhishma, begins with the words "at initially there was no dominion, no monarch, no
chastisement, and no chastiser.29" All men used to stand up for one another and righteously
protect them. As they went about their lives, O Bharata (i.e., Yudhishthira), righteously
defending one another, they discovered that the work was arduous. Then, as soon as they
were subjected to lust, they were polluted by another passion known as fury, which had risen
up against them. Men began to express themselves in whichever way they wanted. Thus,
everything, including divisions between clean and unclean food and between virtue and evil,
has been eliminated. When both the Vedas and righteousness were lost, the gods were
overcome with a fear that they would be destroyed. As a result, it is because of this that
everyone behaves in obedience to one, and because of this, the world cannot order him. Good
deeds, O King, lead to more good deeds. It is for this reason that a large number of people
obey his orders, even though he is from the same world as them and has comparable limbs”30.
According to Bhishma, peace, fighting, marching, halting, creating dissensions, and
defending the kingdom by forging alliances and erecting fortifications are the six necessities
of the state, who also stated that the state must also maintain order. He went on to say, "First
and foremost, O Kauntiya Dharmaraja, the king should, out of a desire to please (his
subjects), wait with humility upon the gods and the Brahmanas, always comporting himself
by the ordinance.31" By paying homage to the deities and the Brahmanas, the King can pay
off his due to duty and morality while also earning the esteem of his subjects. Truth is the
greatest treasure possessed by every ruler. In the same way, when it comes to Kings, there is
nothing that inspires more faith in them than the truth. The monarch who possesses every
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accomplishment and good behaviour is self-restrained, humble, and virtuous. He has his
desires under control, has attractive features, is not overly inquisitive, and never loses their
position of power or wealth. By delivering Justice, by attending to these three factors concealment of his own weakness, ascertainment of his adversaries' weakness, and preserving
his own counsels - as well as by adhering to a simple code of conduct, He went on to tell
Yudhisthira that "there is no wealth more valuable to kings than that which consists in the
selection and assemblage of slaves,32" and that "there is no treasure more valuable to kings
than that which consists in the selection and gathering of employees.33" When it comes to the
six different types of citadels mentioned in scripture, and fact when it comes to every kind of
citadel, the one that is comprised of (the willing service and affection) the subjects is the most
impregnable. To satisfy his subjects' needs, a wise king should consistently demonstrate
compassion for the four orders of his issues. A wise ruler with a moral conscience and
genuine speech will be successful in this endeavour. Nevertheless, O Dharmaraja, thou must
not constantly be forgiving towards everyone, for the mild-mannered ruler is considered the
worst of his type; he is compared to an elephant devoid of fierceness.
The heavenly words of Brihaspati were brought to light by Bhishma when he answered
Yudhishthira: "A ruler possessed of intellect should always eschew war for the conquest of
territory,34" as reported by Vyasa. The acquisition of dominion should be accomplished by
using the three well-known methods (conciliation, gift, and disunion). Further, Jesus says,
“Do not strive for the fulfilment of thy treasury by doing unrighteously or out of
covetousness.35” That King who is simply concerned with the ways of getting wealth will
never be able to obtain both holy merit and material wealth at once. Those who are avaricious
who mistreat their citizens by levying taxes that are not sanctioned by the scriptures are
considered to be wronging themselves and their subjects. People who are greedy and dumb
should never be hired... All of thy actions should be carried out by individuals free of
covetousness and possessing superior understanding.
Consequently, if the King fails to restore the riches that have been stolen away by thieves
to a subject, he should recompense the victim from his own treasury, or, if unable to do so,
from the wealth he has accumulated from his dependents. Consequently, the King should be
as if death were upon his enemies, and the rod of chastisement should be held aloft in his
hands. Therefore, he should eradicate robbers across his dominion and never pardon anyone
for acting on the spur of the moment.36”
The Concept of ‘Welfare State’
The King is the world's most powerful guardian. And, according to Bhishma, if the monarch
acts morally, he will rise to the status of God. Above all, he responded to Yudhisthira's
inquiry in the Shanti Parva on the concept of a "welfare state" and how it works. And, more
importantly, how should the King ensure the righteous welfare of all? Therefore, the monarch
who defends virtue is genuinely a king, according to Bhishma's response. The King who has
been endowed with a righteous soul and with every form of grace is the personification of
virtue in the ancient world. Those who fail to punish injustice will have the gods abandon
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their abode, and they will be branded as oblique by the people. The efforts of men who are
conscientious about their personal responsibilities are always rewarded with a successful
outcome. This is why all men strive to follow the principles of virtue conducive to their own
personal success.
“He (the king) should always nurture and safeguard the weak, the masterless, the elderly,
and those who are widows,37” Bhishma stated. Cloths, dishes, and food should be given to
them regularly and at the appropriate times by the King. In times of adversity, those who do
not live by their goals may beg for food. From a place of compassion, the King should
bestow gifts upon them. Allow no begging to take place in thy kingdom. When the
inhabitants of towns and provinces are poor, the monarch should, whether they rely on him
directly or through intermediaries, offer them compassion to the best of his ability. To keep
weak people alive, the monarch must share his possessions with them to increase their
strength, which is his responsibility. The King's responsibility includes wiping away the tears
of the troubled, the helpless, and the elderly, as well as instilling joy in their hearts. The
King's responsibilities include entertaining guests and providing for his dependents.
According to the great Kuru Bhishma, "even if a ruler is possessed of enormous might,
he should not overlook a foe, no matter how weak.38" A single spark of fire can ignite a
firestorm, and a single particle of poison can cause death. Even a great and rich king's entire
realm can be afflicted by a single type of force when an opponent from within a fort attack
from within. King's hidden statements, the gathering of troops for the sake of victory, the
nefarious intentions in his heart, similar intents for completing specific objectives, and the
evil acts he does or plans to do should all be covered by putting on an appearance of
candour.39” He went on to explain the concept of the welfare state about the security of the
kingdom to Yudhishthira, saying, "Some say that righteousness is made stable by the truth;
some say that righteousness is made stable by reasoning; some say that righteousness is made
stable by good behaviour; some say that righteousness is made stable by the application of
means and contrivances." I'll tell thee right now what the means and contrivances are that will
yield immediate results. Robbers who cross all moral boundaries frequently end up as
violators of property and religious sanctities. I will tell thee what the contrivances are that
they are employing to resist and restrain you, as described in the scriptures...... He can use it
to defend himself against any hazards that may come his way. Enemies frequently hurt a ruler
by causing disunion among his court. Because of his familiarity with deception, the King may
be able to use illusion to defeat his adversaries.40” As a final piece of advice to Yudhishthira,
he suggested that "hidden spies be dispatched to sow disunity; among the allies of the
adversaries.41" It is highly desired that peace be established with the monarch, who happens
to be more powerful than the adversary when the disunion has been brought about. If the
invading force does not progress in this manner, he will never be able to thoroughly defeat
his adversary. When dealing with the adversary, caution should be exercised to avoid
encircling him from all sides. In the end, forgiveness comes to those who do good deeds. It
never comes to those who are deserving of it. As a result, those who are knowledgeable about
the scriptures do not support this. They also do not consider this to be a mark of a good
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ruler42. According to them, however, a foe should be tamed and checked, just as a father
would subdue and check his son.
Politically, the monarchy and the nobility had not yet found a stable position, as they were
in the midst of a transition in terms of social class composition. Similarly, when the country is
in distress, the King protects it by spending all of his resources to keep it safe. Bhishma told
the King that he should never give up his treasury, his machinery for chastising the wicked, his
army, his friends and allies, and other vital institutions and chiefs that existed in his kingdom,
even amid his greatest misery. “The king's roots are his wealth and army,43” he continued to
tell Yudhishthira. His army, like his treasury, has its origins in the treasury. His army is the
source of all of his religious accomplishments. His religion's merits, once again, serve as the
foundation for his subjects. It is impossible to fill the treasury without oppressing others first.
How, then, can the army be maintained without being crushed? As a result, the King is not at
fault when he oppresses his subjects to fill the coffers during difficult times. Because of this,
Bhishma warned him, "for the sake of wealth, practises other than those that are right are
practised. If such unethical actions are not stopped, evil is almost bound to follow as a result.
If none of those institutions' practises is accepted, then evil is almost certain to follow. All of
the institutions that are maintained solely to wreak ruin and sorrow exist solely to amass
wealth. In light of such considerations, a wise king should determine his future course of
action. As animals and other things are required for sacrifices, and purity of heart is required
for final emancipation, policy and chastisement are required for the treasury, and the treasury
is required for the army. Policy, treasury, and army are all required for vanquishing foes and
protecting or expanding the kingdom... As a result, O Bharata! It is wicked for a king to
oppress his subjects by imposing hefty impositions on them during regular business hours. In a
time of difficulty, on the other hand, the situation is entirely different.44”
Concluding Observations
Thus, in its transcendental purity, we find it in the Bhagavad-Gita, which has nothing
sectarian about it and, as a result, claims to have the highest authority among the Smritis,
ranking only second to the Sruti. Even in the Mahabharata, one cannot help but see a sense of
tolerance and peace toward Saivism, Durga-worship, and other religious beliefs, despite the
predominant religion being Vaisnavism Visnu-Krsna-worship. It was only inevitable that
Vyäsa, the great Epic and the Gitä, would be covered in a radiance that could be described as
heavenly in its manifestation. However, it could not be genuinely divine until the sage-author
was affiliated with the holy Vedas. According to the ancient sages, who regard the Veda as
the only source of all dharma,' or law and knowledge, allegiance to it should be strict.
Consequently, the creators of the Veda-Vyäsa myth couldn't be satisfied with simply
designating him as the author of the "Fifth Veda,45" but bestowed upon him even more
significant distinctions, such as the title of "Divine Divinity,46" the division of the original
one Veda into four parts, and the distribution of the various Säkhäs among his disciples.
However, as has previously been demonstrated, they thoroughly distorted the earlier and
authentic Vedic heritage in the process. Furthermore, in their ambitious endeavour to create
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this myth, they significantly diminish the antiquity of the entire Vedic literature, which is a
significant blow to the Vedic tradition. Finally, and most importantly, the statement contains
numerous self-contradictions and apparent anachronisms that are easy to spot. Contrary to
these criticisms, the author of the original Bharata and Gitä retains his claims to divine
honour and grandeur, despite the shortcomings of the Puränic mythology discussed above.
Veda-Vyasa was “a national integrator as well as a universal man, according to some
accounts”47. Along with publishing a voluminous amount of material on our culture, he also
founded “the order of Sannyasins, which is committed to public welfare and the practise of
pilgrimages to holy sites, known as Teertha’s, that are scattered throughout our country”48.
His exaltation as the Creator, Brahma, without four faces, the Lord Preserver, Hari—with
only two arms—and the Destroyer of all evil, Shambhu—Siva—all without the third burning
eye—was entirely justified.
References and Endnotes:
1
V. P. Varma, Studies in Hindu Political Thought & its Metaphysical Foundations, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,
1974, p. 213.
2
Ibid,
3
Mahabharata, Vol. 7, Book XI.
4
Ibid.
5
Ibid.
6
Mahabharata, Shanti Parva, Vol. 7, Book XII.
7
Shanti Parva, ibid.
8
V. P. Varma, Op. Cit., p. 215.
9
Ibid.
10
Ibid.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
13
Ibid, p. 135.
14
A. Appadurai, Indian Political Thinking Through the Ages, Khama Publishers, p. 123.
15
Ibid.
16
ibid
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid.
19
V. p. Varma, Ancient and Medieval Indian Political Thought, Laxmi Narain Agarwal Publication, Agra, p. 120.
20
Ibid.
21
V. P. Varma, Studies in Hindu Political Thought, Op. Cit., p. 216.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid.
24
A. Appadurai, Op. Cit.
25
Shanti Parva, Op. Cit.
26
Ibid.
27
Ibid.
28
Ibid.
29
V R Mehta, Foundations of Indian Political Thought: An interpretation -From Manu to Present Day, Manohar
Publishers and Distributors, 1996, p. 156.
30
Ibid.
31
V. P. Varma, Op. cit.
32
Ibid.
33
Shanti Parva, op. cit.
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34
Ibid.
Ibid.
36
Ibid.
37
Shanti Parva, Book XII, Op. Cit.
38
Ibid.
39
Ibid.
40
Ibid.
41
Ibid.
42
V R Mehta, Op. Cit. p. 159.
43
Ibid.
44
Ibid.
45
Pradip Bhattacharya, Vyasa’s Epic, Indian Literature, Vol. 13, No. 2, Sahitya Akademi, 1970, p. 100.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/23329752
46
Ibid.
47
Kamala Ratnam and R. Rangachari, Cultural Leaders of India: Valmiki and Vyasa, Publication Division, 2012,
p. 58.
48
Ibid.
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Unit-5
Aggannasutta (Digha Nikaya): Theory of Kingship
Prashant Barthwal1
Introduction
Literature from the Vedic era simply elaborates “the earliest expression of Indian social and
political concepts, which served as the foundation for later development”1. As these ideas
were later developed and further enhanced through speckled channels such as “the literature
of Brahmanical laws (mentioned in Smriti’s), Adikavayas’, Dharmashashtra, (above all)
unorthodox canonical works of the Buddhists and Jains’, where the classical Sanskrit and
Tamil literature and the literature of historical records of the later periods discovered it in
most detailed manner”2. Thus, there is not doubt to give the textual consent, hereafter, that
early Buddhism was in part a product of the societal change in the Ancient India. It is also
evident that it responded to the needs of the people at a period when the material culture was
increasing fast.
While it appears that this was the case, our historical narrative indicates that dissenting
perspectives to the effect that early Buddhism is incompatible with social, political, and legal
notions are frequently found in the writings of earlier Buddhist thinkers. There are a variety
of causes behind this. For the beginners, it has long been considered that “early Buddhism
was almost totally concerned with individual ethics, which has proven to be incorrect. As a
result, several academics have asserted that the primary goal of early Buddhism was the
spiritual upliftment of the individual person”3. Meanwhile for academicians, including some
of the contemporary one’s, an attempt has been made to examine the teachings and preaching
of the Buddha or early Buddhism in the context of the Vedic philosophy. For example,
Radhakrishnan writes that “the Buddha did not perceive himself as announcing the
establishment of an entirely new religion. He was raised as a Hindu and died as a Hindu. He
was reiterating the ancient values of Indo-Aryan civilisation, but with a renewed emphasis on
them”4.
This chapter attempts to extract the “political ideology of the Buddha from Theravada
Buddhist texts to relate it with the idea of the non-self (anatta). Although the account from
Buddhist texts does not clearly demonstrate that the Buddha, throughout his life, invented a
political theory that is relevant to the modern political system in the modern era, his advice to
rulers of state regarding righteous policy and strategy of state administration, as well as his
advice to citizens regarding appropriate rights and duties, are still relevant today”5. Therefore,
to solve contemporary political difficulties and conflicts, the study of the political ideas of the
Buddha would be a promising alternative path to take.
1
Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Sri Aurobindo College (M), University of Delhi.
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The Issue of Political Authority and Obligation
Early Buddhist ideas on the nature, grounds, and justification of political obligation and
authority are examined in the Pali canon and in the non-canonical literature of early
Buddhism to better understand these perspectives. Furthermore, “it will be concerned with
the assumptions and acceptance of political obligation and authority by thinkers from the preBuddhistic era, notably those from the Vedic and later Vedic periods well as post-Vedic
thinkers, to gain a better understanding of early Buddhist concepts”6. We will then look at
sections in the Vedic and Buddhist texts where political obligation and power are explored
about one. Since mankind has reached “a certain level of maturity in formulating a range of
expressions of political obligation and authority, ideas of political obligation and authority
can be classified in various ways and viewed from multiple perspectives”7. Concentrating on
the Indian tradition, we can discover several notions about political obligation and power that
were acknowledged as acceptable by Indian thinkers.
Before moving on to social contract debates, let us first analyse the theological doctrine
of early Buddhism, which was primarily accepted by orthodox scholars. There are four
different variants of this that we can differentiate. The monistic perspective of theology is the
first form of theological theory to be developed. As a result of “the sacrifice of the cosmic
person, it asserts that the ruler’s authority derives from the rejection of the cosmic person,
and the subjects are required to obey the ruler because he works to bring about their salvation
by the omnipotent cosmic or divine will of the cosmic person”8. More specifically, this point
of view is implied by the divine construction of the social order, which is divided into four
classes, each with a defined function. A second version of the “theological doctrine, that of
divine invention, also exists in numerous forms and facets, one of which is mentioned in the
Mahabharata and is referred to as “divine creation” in the text. As the narration goes,
everything was flawless in the natural world at the beginning of time, and men coexisted in
peace and contentment, sharing whatever they had in common”9. According to the available
historical evidence, passages like this, which can be found in several other courses, modify
the idea of the ruler’s divine creation to provide him with religious traits, if not divinity itself.
Following the logic, the ruler’s authority is primarily an emanation of, and a delegation by,
divine authority. The monarch has no obligations to his subjects other than to coerce them
into adhering to religious rules and regulations. The magico-religious view is the third variant
of the theological theory. It has played a significant role “in the history of Hindu political
views in one form or another. It is used to describe the belief that the authority and
obligations of the sovereign are derived from the highest and that they are founded on a
reciprocal link between spiritual authority and temporal power”10. The final version of the
theological theory is “the concept of a mutually beneficial agreement between the king and
his subjects, approved by the divine being. Even though the accounts of this agreement are
recounted in various writings, their details fluctuate, and they can be taken as suggestive of
conceptions of both divine selection and commercial agreement”11.
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Meanwhile, the opinions are not “the result of logical or empirical reasoning; instead,
they have merely held ideas that have never been supported by rational arguments;
furthermore, none of the four variants presents a meaningful notion of a social contract, even
though some references are made to agreements between subjects and rulers on a sporadic
basis”12. According to early Buddhist scriptures, orthodox thinkers claimed authority in
knowledge and divine power in ethical, social, and political life. This claim was inspired by
Brahma, and it was supported by evidence in the early Buddhist literature. Any “statement
claiming to be authoritative”13 should, according to the Buddha, only be accepted or rejected
after one has personally verified its truth or untruth. Indeed, this is true even about comments
made by the Buddha himself. With the “Vedic intellectuals’ naive theological and
metaphysical notions being rejected and the authority of the dhamma being recognised, early
Buddhism advanced a social contract theory as a possible explanation for the genesis of
kingship. In those days and beyond, this belief had a significant impact on the country’s
political life, possibly more so than any Vedic or post-Vedic doctrine about the origins of
kingship”14. This is accomplished by presenting a quasi-historical account of the
government’s birth, chronicling man’s evolution from his natural state to a fully formed
civilization. The people recognised the first king and was referred to as Mahasammata15
(”approved monarch” or “Rajah”).
The democratic and ethical characteristics of the Ramayana, for example, stand out as
being distinctive of the early stages, as opposed to those of the Mahabharata, which stands
out as being specific of post-Vedic epics. Ancient India’s state expanded in size and
complexity after the Buddha’s time, partly owing to the rise of rulers such as the Nanda and
Maurya dynasties. During this period, scholars developed a theory of reason for the state,
which distinguished the realm of the state’s morality from the individual’s morality. Rhys
Davids observes that “despite its good-natured irony and imaginative etymologies, the
Agganna Sutta reveals a sound and healthy perception and is considerably closer to the actual
facts than the Brahmana stories”16. V. P. Varma says that “while the narrative of
Mahasammata is significant from a sociological standpoint, it did not serve as a springboard
for a more significant amount of subsequent sociological and political study in the writings of
later Buddhist scholars”17.
Evolution of Kingship and the state in Buddhism
The state emerges as a punitive entity tasked with imposing law and order, without which
human beings will not be able to thrive in a peaceful society. According to the contract
between “the state and the subject, one command and the other must comply with the
command. In the agreement, the institution of taxes represents payment for specific work, and
taxation symbolises the contract”18. As a result, it is inescapable, and neither the subjects nor
the state has any other option except to live with it”19.
The institution of kingship is the most important institution of a state, and it is ruled by
or centred on a single man, the monarch. As a result, kingship differs from other social
organisations characteristic of stateless civilizations, such as chiefdoms. Monarchies are
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symbolic of the centre of a culture that has been structured into a state. These individuals are
regarded as intermediaries between the numerous elements and interests that combine to form
society’s social order and between the human and extra-human worlds. Throughout “the
Diggah-Nikaya, which is considered one of the most important Buddhist texts, the Brahmana
Vasetta inquires of the Buddha as to whether or not the Brahmanic claim to supremacy was
justified. An extraordinary incident in history had supported Buddha’s point of view when he
was asked whether he agreed or disagreed with the question. There was a time when
individuals were faultless to the end of having no physical substance to be found in their
bodies”20. According to the Diggah-Nikaya, “the Agganna Sutta traces the history of human
civilization. It provides a short explanation of the first difficulty, which is creating a
monarchy or state. The changing nature of socio-political and economic phenomena is traced
through history, from embryonic to a more complicated form”21.
According to the Agganna Sutta, “the genesis of kingship evolved and passed through
several stages of human society before reaching its current position. These signify those
ethereal creatures were in a state of peace, happiness, prosperity, and quiet for an extended
period. Eventually, though, this absolute purity was no longer possible, and imperfection
began to intrude into the picture”22. Differences in gender, race, religion and other
characteristics manifest, bringing life down from the ethereal to the corporeal plane. First and
foremost, “they became involved in the food gathering process. Second, through increasing
food production and cultivating agricultural lands, men began to organise themselves within
their families in the third place. Fourth, they chose to split their rice plants or grain amongst
themselves and set up boundaries to protect their property (mariyadam thapemsu)”23. After
reaching the final stage, a person, in addition to securing his own portion, also seized
another’s that had not been assigned to him, and since then, theft, blaming, false speech, and
the use of force have spread among the populace as a result. Following this crisis in society,
“the beings (sattii) assembled and debated possible solutions to the problem. They then
agreed to choose a being (satta) to assist them in resolving this social issue. As recorded in
the Agganna Sutta, Mahasammata was not accorded the status of a monarch (raja)”24. He
was only permitted to preserve peace and order by implementing the customary laws of the
community or tribe, which he did by the will of the people. Gokhale asserts that, as the
Suttanta pointed out, “the key intent of state is to ensure the rule of law against of every
societal evil thought to provide the safeguard to the subject like property and family and to
uphold the power of righteousness over the wrongdoings”25. The Mahasammata was declared
to be the king to accomplish this. Then, he was referred to as Khattiya. He was “the Lord of
the farmsteads, and Raja pleased and protected the people with his righteousness Dhamma,
which was later changed to Raja. To put it another way, the state, according to this view, is
founded on the widespread acceptance (mahajanasammata) of its objectives and functions”26.
Through the practice of Dhamma, “it is supposed to defend and safeguard the rights of
individuals while also creating conditions of happiness for those who are under its
jurisdiction (Dhammam pare ranjetti)”27. Finally, the state (is the antithesis of anarchy and
the culmination of the Dhamma). In the Agganna Sutta narrative, “Dhamma appears as
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deliverance from conflicts resulting from selfish wants, and it serves as the foundation for the
establishment of order or state. The Diggah-Nikaya’s Aggannasutta contains a substantial
spectrum of thoughts on creating the state and its concomitant, the social contract theory. It
goes without saying that this storey could not be believed to be true”28. However, the Buddha
made an attempt to describe the position of the king in the manner in which he believed it
should be. Without question, he stated that the monarch had been chosen and that his most
essential job was to maintain peace and order while also protecting the property of his
subjects rather than levying taxes. When it comes to the Mahasammata, Jayatilake says that
“the Agganna Sutta makes no mention of his belonging to a particular caste when he was
elected by his community to serve as their leader. In the sense of supreme legislative
authority, Sovereignty is bestowed in the people as a whole, according to the Buddhist
doctrine of the social contract”29. There are a few things that are extremely important in the
Buddhist notion of kingship. They are as follows: “Although the king in question was chosen
by the entire population (Mahajanasammata), he is treated as a prime inter pares (a man who
is “like unto himself and not unlike himself”) because of the equality of man after his
election, even though he is a handsome and commanding figure in his own right”30.
According to the Agganna Sutta, “the Mahasammata was not only a law-giver, but he was
also chosen by the people as their leader from amongst themselves, and he lived off rice that
was provided by the people as well. When it comes to early Buddhist attitudes on kingship,
the evidence provided by the Pali Canonical texts appears to be fairly equivocal”31.
Buddhists’ attitude toward kingship is informed by “the Agganna Sutta’s description of
the origins of the institution of kingship, which in turn indicates what kind of kingship
Buddhists may support; that is, a form of kingship that arose as the result of a social compact.
Described in the Agganna Sutta, the first monarch was chosen by the people as a means of
ensuring justice and order amongst themselves”32. Mahasammata was the one who had been
‘agreed upon’ or “allowed” to reign. He was the one who had done so. Compared to
Brahmanical notions of kingship, in which the king played a “cosmic and divine function,”33
as Heine-Geldern puts it, and “was regarded to be either an incarnation of a god or a
descendant from a god or both,34” this is a significant departure from the Western concept of
kingship. But according to the storey of this Sutta, he was neither king nor legislator. Still, he
served as a sort of executive who ensured that law and order were maintained throughout the
society. Moreover, because he was unbiased, he punished anyone who violated the customs
and traditions of the group in question. In this way, “he could be seen as a law and justice
authority of some sort.
Consequently, as the discourse demonstrates, a primitive social organisation among
human beings also emerged in this manner. According to Agganna Sutta, the state came into
being during this period of kingship. Consequently, we can deduce that the Khattiya was not
only the Lord of the Lands but also the King of State and the Supreme Ruler over his
subjects”35. The progression of the Raja’s status demonstrates progress in the development of
kingship over time. As a result, “economic growth alone will not be sufficient to eradicate
theft from a society. On the other hand, there is no question that people steal due to
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destitution and unequal distribution of wealth in society. In these circumstances, there is no
justification for punishing a person for theft who takes what is not provided simply for the
sake of maintaining their own survival”36. He steals not for any other reason than the reality
that he has nothing else with which to support himself and his family. The solution for him
does not lie in punishment but rather in prudent financial management.
Concept of State in Agganna Sutta
According to the Aggannasutta of Digha Nikaya, “the origin of the state in Buddhism is
founded on the theory of cosmic evolution of nature. According to this discourse, the origin
of the state can be explained utilizing two evolutional theories: the evolution of cosmology
and the evolution of anthropology, both of which are significant”37. Following the teachings
of the Aggannasutta, “there came a time when the world contracted, sooner or later, after an
interminably long period had passed, and the living beings reborn in the World of Radiance
and made of mind and feeding on rapture, continued to exist for an interminably long period,
traversing space and continuing to exist in glory”38. The planet began to re-evolve at that
point; there was only a single mass of water, obscurity, and darkness, and living beings were
referred to as simply beings. Nevertheless, the globe continued to evolve, and as “the
delicious Earth began to appear on the surface of the planet, the living species were drawn to
it by their need for it. The sun, the moon, the stars, and constellations were visible to them
during their period of reduced self-luminosity. As a result, they learned about the seasons,
months, and years that followed”39.
It is said that beings dwelt in “the world of brightness and were maintained by ecstasy,
according to the Aggannasutta. When the world revolved, they flew across the skies and
observed the savoury Earth that covered the planet’s surface. They then took possession of
the ground and were stripped of their own brilliance. The colours of their skin have altered
due to the effects of the medication they have taken. Some beings gained in attractiveness,
while others lost their attractiveness”40. The good-looking beings began to express their
dissatisfaction with the bad-looking humans. There is ample evidence to suggest that even at
the dawn of the world, “when there was no visible distinction based on birth, there was still
societal bias based on the colour of one’s skin, and this was true regardless of the origin of
one’s skin colour. When the living beings flew through the air with self-luminous lights, the
delicious soil appeared on the surface of the Earth. It served as sustenance for the earliest
human beings to consume”. The tasty Earth was first tasted by living beings with their
fingertips, and then “their physical appearance altered. Those who had a decent physical
appearance began to criticise those who did not. The delicious Earth was no longer present on
the surface of the planet and eventually vanished. When the tasty Earth was no longer
present, fungi appeared before the living beings and provided food for them... After they were
taken, there was a change in their bodies, and they subsequently censured each other for
having a horrible physical look, and the fungi departed as a result of this”41. The creepers
appeared on the surface of the Earth when the fungi vanished, and they became a source of
sustenance for all living things. Creepers stayed as food for them for a short period before
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disappearing. Finally, rice appeared in primitive living creatures and has been their staple diet
ever since that time.
Although there were human beings on Earth “during cosmological evolution, we
discover that their obvious gender as male or female did not appear until much later. After
consuming rice as a diet for an extended period, the organs gradually became male and
female, and they eventually engaged in sexual behaviour. They constructed cottages in which
they could reside separately to conceal their filthy activities”42. When they started having
children, their offspring began to gravitate toward the group of people who shared their skin
tone. They constructed the hut so that they could live separately and engage in sexual
intercourse. During this period of evolution, “there was no compelling need for humans to
remain as a group; they were perfectly content and confident in their ability to live alone by
the fraternity to which they belonged, rarely requiring assistance from others. As a result, the
birth of civilization appears to be ambiguous; only the sexual union cannot be used as a
criterion of distinction in an absolute sense. Their unity grew gradually through time, from
the tiny unit to the large unit, since they shared the same goals and followed the same
procedures, which meant they had to work together to establish a social system, which took
time to develop”43. Later, those people came to appreciate the value of gathering and storing
food grains for later use. To emphasise “the importance of the distribution of properties, it is
important to mention that it marks the beginning of social relationships as well as the
commencement of a social system. This realisation resulted in expressing oneself freely and
the willingness to share what one possesses with others. As a result, sacrifices on the part of
the individual were required to further the interests of society as a whole. All of those who
had common interests and possessions banded together to form a network of
interconnections”44. Buddhism pointed out that the primary reason for the disintegration of
absolute society was the deterioration of moral ideals, which eventually led to “the
degradation of morality itself. Malpractices committed in the name of morality brought the
good and the cheerful to their knees. Because of this, the means of reaching happiness have
been watered down in their current state. People’s selfishness was brought to light by their
own self-centred egos”45. According to the Buddha’s teachings in the Aggañña Sutta., this
resulted in the greatest revolution in moral standards in the history of humanity.
Although human beings were on Earth during cosmological evolution, we discover that
their apparent gender as male or female did not appear until much later. After consuming rice
as a diet for an extended period, “the organs began to gradually manifest themselves as male
and female, and they eventually engaged in sexual behaviour. They constructed cottages in
which they could reside separately to conceal their filthy activities. When they started having
children, their offspring began to gravitate toward the group of people who shared their skin
tone. They constructed the hut so that they could live separately and engage in sexual
intercourse”46. During this period of evolution, “there was no compelling need for humans to
remain as a group; they were perfectly content and confident in their ability to live alone by
the fraternity to which they belonged, rarely requiring assistance from others. As a result, the
birth of civilization appears to be ambiguous; only the sexual union cannot be used as a
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criterion of distinction in an absolute sense. Their unity grew gradually through time, from
the tiny unit to the large unit, since they shared the same goals and followed the same
procedures, which meant they had to work together to establish a social system, which took
time to develop”47. Later, those people came to appreciate the value of gathering and storing
food grains for later use. To emphasise “the importance of the distribution of properties, it is
important to mention that it marks the beginning of social relationships as well as the
commencement of a social system. This realisation resulted in expressing oneself freely and
the willingness to share what one possesses with others. As a result, sacrifices on the part of
the individual were required to further the interests of society as a whole. All of those who
had common interests and possessions banded together to form a network of
interconnections”48. Buddhism pointed out that the primary reason for the disintegration of
absolute society was the deterioration of moral ideals, which eventually led to the degradation
of morality itself. Malpractices committed in “the name of morality brought the good and the
cheerful to their knees. Because of this, the means of reaching happiness have been watered
down in their current state. People’s selfishness was brought to light by their own self-centred
egos. According to the Buddha’s teachings in the Aggañña Sutta., this resulted in the greatest
revolution in moral standards in the history of humanity”49.
The Issues of Socio-Political Equality from Buddhist Lens
It is widely acknowledged that “the Buddha’s teachings apply to all of humanity, regardless
of race, caste, gender, skin colour, wisdom or unwiseness, wealth or poverty, and that his
teachings are universal. Buddha absolutely rejected the socio-political milieu that stood for
right by birth, as established by one’s genetic makeup”50. Instead, he devised his own
philosophy, according to which all human beings have equal rights in all aspects of their
lives. All Buddha’s teachings emphasise “the equality and equal rights of all human beings in
society; however, he never forgets to stress their responsibilities as members of society. The
Buddha specifically emphasised that all human beings are equal in society; nevertheless,
because of ignorance on both the individual and social levels, as well as social dogma and
human desire, we create disparities that threaten the very life of society”51. In this section,
we’ll go over the whole Buddhist perspective on equality from beginning to end. Many of the
Buddha’s teachings advocated for the equality of all human beings, and this is one of them.
To be more specific, “the three primary teachings of Buddhism are the principles, Tilakkhana
(three common traits), metta (loving-kindness), and the law of Kamma. These are all
considered to be Buddhist beliefs that symbolise the equality of all humans”52.
The Buddha places a higher value on equality than other religions. Besides believing
inequality, he viewed all sentient beings on this planet as equal in terms of their rights and
abilities. The Buddhist doctrine of social justice aims to promote equality among all people;
“it is important to note that this is accomplished through the well-known principle of
‘Tilakkhaas,’ which consists of three common characteristics, namely (i) Aniccatā:
impermanence, (ii) Dukkhatā: state of suffering, and (iii) Anattatā: non-self”53. These three
aspects of existence are also referred to as the ‘universal characteristics,’ or in other words,
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characteristics that are shared by all things and are therefore universally applicable. That
which is recommended “in Buddha’s social philosophy for the growth of a sense of universal
compassion or loving-kindness (metta), as well as the cultivation of creative altruism, is the
most effective teaching for social integration and co-ordination. To understand metta, one
must remember that the Buddha, in proposing the deepening and ennoblement of character
caused by metta, is not motivated by caste or social class considerations. To understand
metta, one must understand metta and the Buddha”54. Finally, Buddhism emphasises the
importance of the law of Kamma as a fundamental doctrine. Similarly, to the shadow that
follows the person everywhere and at all times in this world as well as the next, as the
Buddha declares: “Grain, property, money, all your cherished things, servants, employees and
associates... none of these can you take with you; you must lay them all aside”55. However,
whatever kamma you create, whether with your body, voice, or thought, is your actual
property, and you must behave by the Kamma you have made.
Caste was a primary factor in “the people’s social life during the time of the Buddha. A
person who was born into a particular caste could not, under any circumstances, change their
social standing during their lifetime. When it comes to this topic, the Buddha’s contribution is
his acceptance of the notion that one’s caste can be changed. He put this philosophy into
action by inviting people from all castes, both high and poor, into his community of monks,
regardless of their social status”:56. The Buddha fostered brotherhood, practised love,
sympathy, and compassion, and proclaimed the equality of all human beings, regardless of
caste or gender, among all people. His order is made up of men and women and social
professionals for the cause of peace. Throughout history, “his brotherly approach toward all
beings, his concern for the well-being of all living beings, and his messages of compassion
and a modest lifestyle have been effective in improving the relations between individual
castes. His teachings are geared toward eliminating the distinction between a superior and an
inferior, as well as between the rich and the destitute”57.
In reality, societal bias is founded on popular views that are held by the majority of
people. Human beings were introduced as the Son of God, for example. A woman has never
before been “accorded a dignity comparable to that of a divine daughter. Women have been
accused of possessing the worst characteristics of humankind. In certain circles, they are seen
as the source of all of the world’s sins. They have even gone so far as to be blamed for the
calamities that men have experienced in this world as well as in the next:”58. Buddhist
doctrine, on the other hand, may “confidently assert that it has the least discriminatory views
toward women, in contrast to such obstacles and bigoted religious beliefs. Without a doubt,
the Buddha was the first religious leader to provide equal and unhindered chances for female
spiritual development. We can confidently pronounce him to have done so”59. The Buddha
regularly attacked and questioned the antagonistic attitude toward women on religious and
societal grounds throughout his lifetime. The Buddha, in the Kosala Sayutta, refutes “the
view that the birth of a daughter was not as much of a cause of joy as the birth of a son, a
belief to which the Brahmins had contributed through their practice of ritualism. Clearly, the
Buddha saw that women had a dignified and vital role to play in society, and he defined that
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role with profound clarity, integrating her smoothly into the social fabric”60. The Buddha
made a concerted effort to bring about significant improvements in social views toward
women. In the Buddhist tradition, women are not seen to be entirely under the control of
men, as they are in Western culture. Buddhism liberated the woman from her condition as a
chattel and gave her the ability to live an independent living on her own terms. As I. B.
Horner put it, “With the expansion of Buddhism, women as spinsters (single, married, and
widowed) and widows (with rights and duties that were not restricted to child-bearing)
became an integral part of society”61. According to current trends, women are respected and
honoured in a Buddhist society, and they enjoy equal standing with males in terms of respect
and honour within their community. Women are also accorded “the same respect and
recognition as men in their community.
In the same way, widow women have the same rights and status as any other woman,
including the freedom to marry if they so choose. According to reports, widows in Buddhist
countries have the same rights to remarry as males”62. This is a development of Buddhism
relevant to modern society since it is concerned with women’s equal rights and status.
Buddhism embraces everyone into its “fraternity without making any distinctions
because everybody has an equal right to develop themselves. When it comes to defending the
equality of all men, Buddhism does not dismiss or disregard the inequalities that exist
between individuals due to other variables such as inheritance, environment, or past karmic
influences”63. Although human beings may differ in their interests and capacities “as a result
of their diverse historical growth, their essential needs are fundamentally the same on all
three levels: material, psychological, and spiritual. Aside from that, the Buddha felt that
everyone had the right to seek salvation via meditation. Justiciability entailed the chance for a
better life via the exercise of equal rights and liberties. The existence of a society that denies
its members equality and justice would make it impossible for that society to function based
on nonviolence”64. Violence is the law of the jungle, and nonviolence is the law of the land,
just as it is in the wilderness. According to the provisions of this legislation, the people’s
material and spiritual goals must be met with justice. Similar to this, “every adult member of
the community has the freedom to choose their representatives for political or religious
governing bodies when it comes to electing those representatives. It is an absence of justice
when this option is denied to a person”65.
Concluding Observation
As a result, we have comprehensively explained the genesis of “the state, society, politics,
property, and other aspects of human society that are critical to the governance of the human
race. The gregarious nature of man is satisfied when he is joined with members of his own
family and members of other families, preparing the path for social existence. Slowly but
steadily, a man comes to understand himself and his fellow beings, which eventually leads to
the establishment of a government by a person, ruler (king), or a collection of governors”66.
As a result, the social norms, as well as the boundaries of the governmental administration,
have been established. While maintaining objectivity, “the Buddha stressed the fragility of
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kingdoms and established the link between rulers and those they ruled. The fundamental
teachings of the Buddha were impermanence, suffering, and the absence of a self, and these
ideas were reflected throughout all of the master’s teachings and speeches. He pushed for the
people’s freedom combined with a realisation for mankind to live in peace and perfection”67.
Crimes were discovered, and the perpetrators were brought to justice. Gender equality is
maintained in an indiscriminatory manner. So, the Buddha’s political ideology serves as a
paradigm for future political institutions and organisations and current political institutions
and organisations.
References and Endnotes:
1
M. Curtis (ed.) The Great Political Thinkers, Vol. 1, 1961, p. 23
Ibid., for more detail, see also A. L. Basham, The Wonder that Was India, 1971 (reprint), p. 80.
3
Ibid, p. 34.
4
Ibid, p. 259.
5
A. L. Basham, The Wonder that was India, Op. Cit., p. 79.
6
Ibid, p. 85
7
Ibid. or for more detail see also https://openresearchrepository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/10549/2/02Whole_Piyasiri.pdf
8
Ibid.,
9
Ibid., p. 34.
10
Ibid, p. 55.
11
Ibid, p. 69.
12
A. L. Basham, Op. Cit., p. 150.
13
Ibid.
14
A. K. Coomaraswamy, Hinduism and Buddhism, p. 38.
15
Ibid.
16
T. W. Rhy Davids, Buddhist India, 1903, p. 132.
17
V. P. Varma, Ancient and Medieval Indian Political Thought, Laxmi Narain Agarwal Publication, Agra, 2011
(reprint), p. 98.
18
Ibid., p. 112.
19
I. B. Horner, Women and Primitive Buddhism, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers, Delhi, 1999, p. 189.
20
Ibid, p. 200.
21
G. P. Malalsekera and K. N. Jayatilleke (ed.), Buddhism and the Race Question, 1958, p. 45.
22
Ibid., p. 55
23
Edmund Stapleton, Buddha and Buddhism, Harper and Collins, New York, 1957, p. 92.
24
Ibid.,
25
B. G. Gokhale, The Early Buddhists View of the State, 1969. P. 59
26
B. G. Gokhale, Dhamma as a political Concept in Early Buddhism, 1968, p. 69.
27
Ibid, p. 23.
28
Ibid, p. 22.
29
G. P. Malalsekera and K. N. Jayatilleke, Op. Cit., p. 55.
30
Ibid, p. 78.
31
Ibid, p. 112.
32
D. N. Bhagvat, Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, 1939, p. 156.
33
R. Heine-Geldern, Conceptions of State and Kingship in South Asia, New York, Ithaca, 1956, pp. 6-7
34
Ibid, p. 78
35
N. Wagle, Society at the time of Buddha, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1966, p. 34.
36
Ibid, p. 35.
37
Manvendra Kishor Das, Political Philosophy of Buddhism (As Depicted in The Jatakas and Their Communities,
Ph. D Thesis, Delhi University, 1989, p. 257
38
Ibid, p. 250.
2
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39
S. A. Padmavati, Buddha and Gandhi, A Comparative Study of their Social and Political Ideas, Ph.D. Thesis,
Delhi University, 1990, pp. 396-398.
40
Ibid.
41
Ibid.
42
Ibid., p. 24.
43
Ibid., p. 78, 89., 99-103
44
Ibid, p. 105, 115, 134-36.
45
Ibid., p. 106.
46
Oliver Abeynayake," Raja Cakkavatti: The Normative king and the Ideal Society of Buddhism," Sri Lanka
Journal of Buddhist Studies, Vol. IV, 1995, pp. 95-99.
47
Ibid, p. 103
48
An Analysis of Political Concepts in Early Buddhist Literature,
https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/19031/11/11_chapter%201.pdf
49
Ibid, p. 56.
50
S. R. Goyal, Indian Buddhism after the Buddha, Kusumanjali Book World Publications, Rajasthan, 2003, p.
139.
51
Ibid, p. 23.
52
Political Concepts in Early Buddhist Literature,
https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/19031/11/11_chapter%201.pdf
53
Ibid., p. 58.
54
G. Omvedt, Buddhism in India: Challenging Brahmanism and Caste, Sage Publications, 2000, p. 78.
55
Ibid, p. 145.
56
Ibid, p. 167
57
P. T. Yodkhun, An Analytical Study of the Principle of Political science in the Tipitaka, p. 98.
58
M. Curtis, Op. Cit., p. 34.
59
Ibid, p. 89
60
Ibid, p. 123.
61
Horner, op. Cit, p. 245
62
Ibid,
63
Yodkhun, Op. Cit., p. 145.
64
Ibid, p. 250.
65
Abeynayake, Op. Cit., pp. 145-49.
66
Ibid, p. 123.
67
Ghoshal, Op. Cit., p. 45, 98, 99-110.
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Unit-6
Zia-ud-Din Barani: Ideal Polity
Prashant Barthwal1 and Dr. Shashikant2
Introduction
Barani (1285-1360), a South Asian scholar, mostly known for his writings on the “history and
politics of the Delhi Sultanate”1. Barani, himself, provides an authentic source of historical
knowledge spanning the period from Balban to Tughluq, who is the subject of the book, and
beyond. Barani discusses “Muslim political issues, such as the implementation of Islamic
standards in India's newly founded Muslim State, as well as historical events”2.
Similarly, to many other medieval writers, Barani's political philosophy revolves around
the king's personality, who is counselled in various ways to implement Barani's political
philosophy. The king's dominion over all of “the operations of the state is ensured through
the use of a variety of means. According to Barani, the king should apply Islamic Shari'ah in
all aspects of life fairly and objectively”3. Barani's twenty-four specific recommendations
distinguish him as a notable philosopher of South Asia... “The application of Islamic Shari'ah
is the principal purpose before Barani's arrival”4. In this regard, he has raised several topics,
some of which can be criticised and others that can be appreciated. According to him, Islamic
Shari'ah has no doctrinal significance. According to him, “it is necessary to reach an ideal to
achieve success, which is the domination of good values over those of evil forces”5.
According to his interpretation of Islamic political philosophy, “evil forces can never be
eradicated entirely from any community, even our own”6. God has purposefully created
defective personalities to create a struggle between good and evil. He wishes for “the king to
develop an administration, army, intelligence, and judicial system that will allow people of
high integrity and character to serve as vehicles for good forces in the fight against evil
forces. According to him, the struggle between right and wrong is a never-ending
phenomenon that will last until the Day of Judgment”7.
The Shari'ah must be adapted to the specific circumstances of each community without
compromising the essential principles of Islam. If you look at the lives of “Sultan Mahmud
and his ideal king, as well as his successors, you will see that they lived in a world where
they could not afford to live a simple existence. Because of their financial situation, they
couldn't afford to live in a plain house like the rest of us”8. As a result of their actions, the
people will no longer respect them, and as a result, no one will recognise their power. To this
end, Barani encouraged the monarchy to live “a pretentious life and to behave as individuals
with distinct personalities. This is vital because the honour and integrity of Islam are
inextricably linked to the honour and integrity of this particular personality. However, despite
this easing of restrictions, Barani does not let the king acquire evils and vices”9. His character
1
2
Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Sri Aurobindo College (M), University of Delhi.
He is independent researchers (Delhi based). Kantshashi076@gmail.com
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should be shaped primarily by Islamic beliefs, as should his actions. He must be truthful,
straightforward, and foresighted to succeed. A person with “a negative reputation is
unsuitable for the position of the excellent ruler in Barani's eyes. If the king has a nasty
disposition, he will be regarded as a representative of Satan by the people”10.
Beyond having a good moral character, Barani urges a monarch to carry out his
responsibilities in accordance with the prophet's instructions, employing certain methods and
strategies. Further, “Islamic Shari'ah from the heart, and to collaborate with his
administrators, advisers, and commanders in order to build his plans for peace and war in
consultation with these individuals and organisations. In addition, the rules and regulations
regulating his officials and ministers should be developed after consulting with individuals
who have appropriate expertise and experience in the areas under consideration”11. People
who accept the Barani throne should be motivated to behave within the confines of Islamic
Shari'ah to advance the people's economic well-being. It is necessary to use extreme caution
to offer the bare necessities of existence at the lowest possible prices. Using the method of an
applied philosopher, Barani established rules that would serve as a foundation for developing
numerous institutions, such as the court and the army. What steps should be taken to
construct a welfare state? These are the questions that Barani has thoroughly discussed in his
Fatawa-i-Jahandari,12 which may be found online.
Fatwa-i-Jahandari: Political Discourse of Sultanate Period
The Fatwa-i-Jahandari (hereafter FJ) is unquestionably a continuation of Barani's famous
Tarikh-i-Firoz-e-Shahi13. Essentially, it seeks to construct a cohesive system of political
philosophy out of the fundamental principles that Barani has already presented in his earlier
work. This fact provides us with the ability to characterise the Fatwa-i-Jahandari14. It
provides us with the political philosophy of the period's second most important political
pressure organisation and an explanation of the critical political objectives of that group.
However, these pressure groups were primarily concerned with preserving their own
particular interests, both economic and cultural, and had no theory of government. These
groups included the Hindu mercantile classes, Hindu landed aristocracy, Muslim "mystics,"
the Ulama, army officers and soldiers, and city working classes15. Barani was born into a
noble family whose lineage could not be called into question. He was brought up to believe
that aristocratic birth was the most critical factor in determining the social order in which he
lived. However, the failure of his class, as well as his own personal disappointments, had
tainted his emotions. As a result, the FJ's primary distinguishing characteristic is its class
nature. Both religion and politics are interpreted through the prism of aristocratic privileges,
in his opinion. The free-born or noble Muslims, he believes, should be separated into grades
and sub-grades, and they should be given the exclusive right to hold all government positions
as well as all pensions. Since education makes low born Muslims efficient and capable, he
believes that the state should prohibit Muslim males of the lower ranks from acquiring an
education. Anyone who attempts to educate them should be punished and expelled from his
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city if he is found guilty. The shopkeeper, as well as all other classes below them, are
considered low-born in his eyes.
His advice was to make Zawabit (state laws) (Advice XIV), which he considered was
preferable to adhering to Shariat (personal and political). He allowed them to ignore the
Shariat (Advice II) in their personal lives. The purpose or end was to construct the state,
regardless of the tactics used. Laxity in personal and political matters was tolerated until it
threatened the state's stability. It was intended to consolidate the Muslim rulers' power by
repressing the rebellious elite, which included both Hindus and Muslims, prohibiting
education for the underprivileged and nondescript people, including Muslims (Advice XI)16,
providing for the 'welfare of the subjects, and other measures. He was aware that monarchy is
incompatible with Shariah (Advice IX. 2) on a philosophical level, yet he accepted it based
on reality17. This exposes his plans to use the Shariat as a political tool to further his political
objectives.
As for the monarchy and nobility in terms of politics were still in the midst of a
transitional period marked by changes in class composition, acceptance by both Islamic and
non-Islamic elements of the aristocracy, and acceptance by other segments of the ruling class.
Barani believed it vital to broadening the Islamic base for political commitment towards the
monarchy because the Islamic following was still restricted to a tiny segment of the people. In
the absence of civil society, religion served as an essential tool of achieving the stated goal, as
did the continuation of despotic behaviour toward the rebels. From the point of view of state
security, the peasant insurrection in the doab in 1330 AD, which was headed by their local
elite and comprised primarily of Hindus, must have haunted him like a recurring nightmare”18.
However, he was not anti-Hindu in the traditional sense. It was primarily directed against “the
traders, shopkeepers, money lenders, and other dominant sections (Advice XI. 3)”19 — who
used to defraud the people to pass on their tax burden to the “Reza riaya”20 or to create the
conditions for a revolt against the state”21. It was from these people that he perceived a threat
to the Sultanate. Thus, he recommended that the king either outlaw such wicked occupations
or deal with them harshly and cruelly. In addition to Muslims who worked in these fields,
those who practised such “trades and were subjected to such harsh treatment included people
from other religions. Barani was fundamentally a conservative aristocrat in his worldview,
treating even banya-buqqals as second-class citizens”22. He regarded the Shariat, Hinduism,
and other religious traditions just as generic labels, much as the name Hindu was to Marx for
Indians.
It was vital for the monarch to maintain all of the regalities associated with his position as
king since the character and acts of the monarch had such an impact on the general populace.
These royal tasks would have been impossible to carry out without the assistance of
counsellors, army and intelligence personnel, and others. Their selection, grading, and other
aspects were clearly the Sultan's responsibility, and they necessitated meticulous attention.
Because of their guidance and reporting, whether on policy problems or on conspiracies,
corruption, the condition of the people, and so on, the administration was able to operate in a
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smooth and orderly manner. To safeguard old political families, prevent their prospective
seizure of power, and ensure that they are not left in a state of material deprivation fell on the
king's shoulders (Advice XXII)23. The combination of poverty and removal from an authority,
which was particularly potent, provided the conditions for insurrection. This suggestion may
have been prompted by Barani's first and knowledge of such affairs, as well as the fact that he
had been personally victimised by such situations.24
The dominance of the Sultan and the security of his Sultanate, on the other hand, could
not have been ensured unless justice was served to the subjects of the Sultan. According to
Barani, the fundamental justification for kings' supremacy and for exercising their power and
dignity is the necessity of imposing justice (Advice V)25. So, “the king had to first appoint and
grade judges, with himself at the top. Protect money, property, women and children belonging
to the weak and needy (Advice V)”26.
While dispensing justice, "the king should be aware of the appropriate occasions for both
pardon and punishment,27" according to the Bible (Advice XII). Those who were rebellious,
cruel, mischievous, and so on had to be punished, but pity and forgiveness had to be shown to
those who confessed their sins and sought forgiveness (Advice XIII)28. In the same way,
“justice was to be characterised by things like acknowledging the rights of the people,
refraining from minute investigations and fault-finding, and refraining from imposing on
subjects’ impositions that were beyond their ability to bear”29. However, one aspect of justice
was conspicuously absent from all of Barani's deliberations: the delivery of justice was to be
based on the religious practises of the subjects, even though he made no mention of different
sorts of justice for Hindus and Muslims in his writings. One could counter that when Barani
advocated for Sharia-compliant justice, justice based on religious principles was already
implicit in his position on the subject30.
Furthermore, his announcement of an all-out war against the zimmis made his intentions
quite noticeable as well. However, as previously stated, “the increasing redundancy of the
Shariat in the face of changing circumstances, as well as the corresponding importance of
Zawabit, as emphasised by Barani himself (Advice XIV)”31, effectively eliminated the
possibility of any Islamic religious “justice as a matter of state policy in the Sultanate. Also
noteworthy is the acknowledgement by Barani (Advice XI.3)”32 that Sultans in India were
moderate in their treatment of the zimmis, which acknowledges the presence of customary
justice during the Sultanate period. The term zimmi is used to refer to adherents of
polymorphous religions such as Hinduism.
Barani’s Ideal Polity: Advised for being ‘Good Sultan’
Administration
It is recommended that the king select competent individuals to positions of command,
administration, and other state officers. In Advice 19, where it urged “the Sultan that the
Integrity and good character of Administrators and Helpers of the Government should be
ensured, Barani describes the level of care exercised by the monarch”33. The meaning of the
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Quranic verse "Obey Allah and His Prophet, and those among you who are in a position of
command and rule"34 should be clearly understood by the King. In addition to this, it is
essential to keep in mind the words of the Holy Prophet. The Bible says, "Everyone of you is
a responsible person, and he or she is accountable to God for that responsibility35". Therefore,
the responsibility of the king is the most important. The events and activities in his dominion
will be brought before God, and he will be held accountable for them. Because the king can't
be aware of all of the events and activities throughout the kingdom, he must choose
administrators, assistants, and supporters to assist him in operating the many departments of
the government. Without their assistance, the monarch will be unable to administer
effectively and successfully conduct state affairs”36. Because of the significance of their
responsibilities, “the king should use extreme caution while selecting and appointing his state
officers. Persons who are sincere, God-fearing, and dedicated should be established37”.
On the other hand, the king's rule would become stable and long-lasting if he did so in
the company of God-fearing and decent nobles who were assigned to undertake official
responsibilities. In this way, he will also be less embarrassed when he meets God38. As a
result, the king should remember that all confusion, instability, and evil stem from the bad
nobles and corrupt state officials. As a result, he should exercise extreme caution in selecting
good nobles, officers such as Qazi’s and kotwals, governors, and commanders, whose
personalities and brains should be developed in conformity with the demands of Shari'ah39.
In building order and discipline in the state, his primary goal should be to establish truth
in all aspects of life. Furthermore, his government should provide the Islamic Shari'ah and the
Islamic Millat a high level of honour and respect in their respective fields40. As a result, it
should not be assumed that deception and evil can be totally eradicated from society in this
manner. Evil forces continue to exist in the state and in society. This is because every
creature has an opposing form. He has manufactured deception in opposition to the truth. He
has thrown the world into disarray in opposition to order. He has created wrong in opposition
to what is right. He has made evil in opposition to goodness.
Similarly, this is the context in which “to entirely eradicate the bad forces is
impossible”41. That they could eventually establish “truth in its fullness would require all of
God's Prophets to be gathered together. God's wisdom and the rules of values are in
agreement on this. As a result, Islamic forces should be seen as superior to those of nonIslamic origin”42.
The Muslim kings of India should battle and elevate Islamic Shari'ah and Muslims to
honour in their conflict with Hindus and Brahmans. To fulfil their worldly desires, Muslim
rulers must labour to create their administration, retain treasures by collecting Kharaj, taxes,
and income, and engage in other activities. It is considered acceptable because it is also done
by Hindu Rajas, who have amassed vast wealth via the collection of taxes, Kharaj, and other
types of revenue43.
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It will be a disgrace for those who continue to practise unhealthy behaviours. In this way,
the forces of good shall triumph against the forces of evil. A campaign to advance the cause
of truth will be launched. People who stand up for the truth will be honoured and respected in
society. People who do not give prayers will feel humiliated as a result of their actions44.
Truth-seeking individuals will be urged to engage in a vigorous struggle against evil powers
and to wage jihad against them.
Army
Another fundamental component of a good government or king is maintaining a wellorganized and disciplined armed forces force. This is impossible unless the monarch has the
backing of a committed group of people. When it comes to the selection and maintenance of
such a group, Barani recommends that the monarch keep a continual eye on the interests and
welfare of his loyal workers, according to Barani’s advise45. He should never be careless in
this regard because the well-being of this group is critical to his ability to maintain his
position of power. He should devote a significant amount of time and resources to recruiting
and retaining such a group. For example, he should not be hesitant to spend a considerable
amount of money recruiting his loyal soldiers. The army's requirements and provisions
should be satisfied to the extent possible so that troops and other dedicated employees can
become self-sufficient in terms of their material requirements. This will allow them to
dedicate all of their energies to advancing the state and the kingship. The commanders of
such an army and the leaders of such a dedicated workforce should be nice and
compassionate individuals”46. They should be well-versed in the subject matter. In the
absence of wisdom and intelligence on their part, the cause of kingship will not be advanced.
He should choose commanders and loyal nobility based on their ability rather than their
social status”47. Such commanders and nobles are best suited to keep the army and other
dedicated workers of the state in good working order.
An army commander-in-chief should also possess these characteristics to “the maximum
extent; the cause of rulership and the state will suffer if he is appointed who lacks these
qualifications. The Sultan will also invite trouble by keeping a problematic individual as the
head”48. As a result, it is vital for the king to thoroughly investigate these characteristics
before selecting him as Commander or Commander-in-Chief of the army. The evidence for
this is provided by Kitab Mathir-ul-Wuzara49. Throughout this book, Barani has provided
numerous examples to support his point of view. He has commended Sultan Mahmud's
method for maintaining a well-organised army and the best system of administration in the
world. This was made feasible because he operates according to the principles described
above. Abul Qasim was regarded as “one of Sultan Mahmud's most capable commanders.
Sultan Mahmud lavished tens of thousands of rupees on Abul Qasim's well-being”50. He
further states that “Mahmud invaded India on numerous occasions and subdued multiple
kings and rajas of Sind and Hind due to Abul Qasim's noble traits”51.
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Welfare and Economic Prosperity
The king will be unable to maintain a large army and run an efficient administration unless he
takes great care to ensure that the people's financial requirements are met at a low cost. This
will also enable him to provide the troops with equipment, transportation, food, and clothing
with relative ease. Therefore, as described in Advice 10, he should make a concerted effort to
raise people's economic standing and well-being from both the upper and lower
socioeconomic classes. He should do so while keeping in mind that the future of
kingship/government is inextricably related to the well-being of the array and the welfare of
the people52. To retain the commodities of everyday use at low rates, his primary focus
should be to do so. It is also vital for the monarch to ensure that daily necessities are available
from government stores and reserves during times of crisis and natural tragedy caused by a
lack of rainfall or other circumstances and during times of war. As part of this, he should
waive the taxes that farmers are obligated to pay in the event of crop failure. However, during
the rainy season, when crops are abundant, and fruits and other agricultural products can be
found in abundance, traders and SahuKars who are interested in making more money
stockpile these items to sell them at inflated prices whenever there is a shortage of the things
they have in stock. As a result, it is the responsibility of every king to exercise particular
caution and watch to maintain the low prices of the goods to be sold. He should not allow the
hoarders to operate at their leisure. The king should set the pricing of essential items, which
should be available “in the imperial capital, and enforce these prices with the utmost rigour
through his officials. The goal should be to keep the supply of essentials of life at the lowest
possible levels at all times”53.
The king should not consider his task to be simple. This necessitates a great deal of effort
and consideration on the part of the king. In terms of justice and administration, he should
consider it a critical component of his overall policy. This is because “a trader who develops
the habit of hoarding wheat or other items sets undesirable habits, which in turn cause a
stumbling block in the delivery of food to humans”54. Prosperity and well-being are things he
despises in others. Suppose a trader does not comply with the commands of the
administration or the kotwal. In that case, “their entire property and money may be taken, and
they should be dealt with harshly by being expelled from the city to serve as a lesson to
others”55.
As a result, the king should direct his administration to maintain a close eye on the
activities of dealers and businesspeople. They should not be left to deal with the issue of price
fixing on their own. Fairness in selling and purchasing must be fostered “throughout all
bazaars and markets. Those traders and business owners who engage in price hiking, food
adulteration, or any other vices are subjected to various punishments to humiliate them”56.
Strict restrictions should be implemented to create an environment of fair dealing. To be
deemed wise, the king must take all feasible and cost-effective measures to keep the pricing
of commodities reasonable and affordable while also ensuring that they are available
consistently. It is impossible to regard him as a judicious and truthful ruler if he has terrible
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habits and is unkind to the poor, the weak, the elderly, and the illiterate. A king like him
cannot be called God's representative on Earth57. Therefore, the king should be vigilant,
cautious, and inquisitive, and he should put in significant effort to achieve these goals. The
economic success will continue in this manner for as long as it does, as will the orderly
operation of the administration and the army, resulting in perfect peace and prosperity in both
society and the state.
Furthermore, the king must use sufficient caution to ensure that he does not engage in
any activity that conflicts with Islamic beliefs and values. To demonstrate this, Barani offers
the example of Sultan Mahmud, who followed in the footsteps of Hazrat Umar in this regard.
For the monarch to secure a consistent supply of wheat and other critical commodities, he
must create extensive storage facilities that will be maintained until the following crop
harvesting season58. The old wheat and other food grains should be sold at low prices if the
next crop is good, allowing them to store new wheat and other food grains for future use.
Thus, it is possible to maintain pressure on the traders for them to maintain a regular supply.
As a result, the king and the state can look forward to a better future.
Theory of Justice
Advice 5 emphasises that fairness is a critical component of Din-i-Islam, which the king
should keep in mind at all times. There can be no concept of Din if justice is not present. It is
only through applying justice that a sense of balance may be restored in human society. Din
and justice are inextricably interwoven, as though they were identical twins. All criminals are
brought to justice, and the administration of justice makes order and harmony in society
possible59. As long as we do not achieve this ideal of justice, the principles of Islam will not
be accepted by the majority of the population. And it is for this reason that “the Holy Prophet
has stated that one minute of justice is preferable to seventy years of a saint's prayers to
God”60. This is because the king's justice fosters a pleasant attitude in the community. All of
the prayers to God offered by different people within the king's territory are added together
and counted in the name of the sovereign.61
At the very least, Barani proposed, “the king should refund or decrease taxes and provide
monetary assistance from the treasury until the situation permitted and was essential”62.
Recognizing that the peasantry was receiving a disproportionate amount of surplus, that iqta
holders were frequently changing, and that lower-income people were bearing a double
burden of taxation, he proposed “preceding severe revenue exaction, protecting the rights of
both plebians and iqta losers, and checking corruption, all of which he considered to be
essential components of dispensing justice”63. In reality, none of these proposed actions
resulted from any charitable reasoning; instead, they were the recommendations of a realist
who was concerned with the state's security.
As a result, the king should make “a concerted effort to achieve justice in the two ways
described above. But, on the other hand, suppose he is unable to live a humble life like the
Holy Prophet and the Pious Caliphs”64. In that case, he should repent to God Almighty and
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never hesitate in upholding first equality, which is a matter of utmost importance for his spirit
of justice and should never be compromised.
Concluding Observation
For most of his life, Barani was known for his historical theory, which he repeatedly used in
many sectors of society, culminating in an original philosophy of statecraft that distinguished
him as both mysterious and distinctive at the same time. His belief in the hereditary status of
the nobility, his support for political expediency on the part of the king and nobles, and his
contempt for the disadvantaged and underprivileged were some of the most significant aspects
of his ideology. In contrast to the first ingredient, which served as a corollary to it, the second
ingredient was intended to consolidate and expand the Sultanate and, consequently, the ruling
class in the country. This goal was to be achieved via the employment of any and all available
means, including religion, despotism, compassion, destruction of the Hindus, and so on. He
was not anti-Hindu in the traditional sense, as has been alleged, but rather anti-Hindu elites,
whom he viewed as a potential threat to the Sultanate's long-term survival. It is important to
note that, in essence, the conversion or extinction of the Zimmis was synonymous with the
transformation or annihilation of the Zimmis' ruling class and their progeny. A significant
population being converted or annihilated could result in an uncontrollable inferno, and he was
fully aware of this possibility.
Consequently, Zawabit is given more importance in his reasoning than Shariat. Barani
writes after his Fatawa-i-Jahandari that he attained success via a combination of hard work and
extensive reading of older works on the system of governance and administration. His work
will be more beneficial to professors, intellectuals, preachers, kings, bureaucrats, and soldiers
than it will be to the rest of the world's population, according to him as well.
For the sake of this discussion, the Shariat was just a mechanism by which the Sultanate
could attain its objectives. To do this, he argued for the cautious mingling of charity and
authoritarianism to raise the rank and wealth of the Sultanate while maintaining its
compassionate nature. The organisation was established to extend the social underpinning of
political commitment towards the king, which had previously been restricted.
References and Endnotes:
1
Afsar Saleem Khan, Fatawa-i-Jahandari (Ruling on Temporal Government) by Ziaud-Din Barani, ‘Introduction’,
(Lahore: 1972), p. 34
2
Ibid.
3
http://nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/Pjh or for more detail, see Afsar Saleem khan, Op. Cit., p. 39, 90,
98-110.
4
Fatawa-i-Jahandari (trans. English), pp. 95-108
5
Ibid, pp. 110-120.
6
Ibid.
7
Ibid.
8
V R Mehta, Foundations of Indian Political Thought, Manohar, Delhi, 1996, p. 144.
9
Ibid.
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10
Ibid.
Harbans Mukhia, The Mughals of India, Blackwell, UK, 2005, p. 17.
12
Ibid.
13
Sushma Yadav & Ram Avatar Sharma, Bhartiya Rajya: Utpatti Evam Vikas, Aakar Publication, Delhi, 2000, p.
338.
14
Ibid.
15
Ibid.
16
Ibid, p. 70.
17
Ibid.
18
Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Mughal Empire (1526-1748), Har Anand
Publications, Delhi, 2007, p. 133.
19
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df,
20
Ibid.
21
Ibid. , for more detail, see, Fatwa-i- Jahandari, p. 198.
22
Ibid.
23
Fatwa-i-Jahandari, p 565.
24
Ibid.
25
A, Appadurai, Political Thoughts in India, Khama Publications, Delhi, 2002, p. 180.
26
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
27
Fatwa-i-Jahandari, Op. Cit., p. 143.
28
Ibid.
29
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df, Indian Political Thought.
30
Ibid.
31
Ibid.
32
Ibid.
33
Ibid., p. 243.
34
Ibid, p. 232. Or for more detail, See also, Riaz Ahmed, Political Philosophy of Zia-ud-Din Barani,
http://nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/Pjhc%2025-1%202004/2-Political%20Philosophy%20of%20Zia.pdf
35
M P Singh & Himanshu Roy, Indian Political Thought, 5th Edition, Pearson, Delhi, p. 132.
36
Ibid.
37
Riaz Ahmed, Political Philosophy of Zia-Ud-Din Barani, p. 34.
http://nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/Pjhc%2025-1%202004/2-Political%20Philosophy%20of%20Zia.pdf
38
Ibid.,
39
Ibid, p. 132
40
Ibid., p. 131.
41
M Athar Ali, Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society, and Culture, OUP, Delhi, 2006
42
Ibid, p. 343.
43
V P Varma, Ancient and Medieval Political Thought, Laxmi Narain Publications, Agra, p. 146
44
Ibid.
45
Fatwa-i-Jahandari, Op. Cit., p. 234.
46
Ibid, p. 167.
47
Ibid.
48
Ibid.
49
Ibid., p. 189
50
Ibid.
51
Ibid, p. 145
11
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52
Ibid., p. 150
Ibid.
54
Ibid, p. 250
55
Ibid., p. 450
56
Ibid, p. 451
57
V R Mehta, Op. Cit., p. 156
58
Ibid.
59
Ibid,
60
Ibid., p. 121
61
M P Singh and Himanshu Roy, Op. Cit., p. 156.
62
Ibid, p. 157.
63
Ibid.
64
Fatwa-i-Jahandari, Op. Cit., p. 454.
53
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Unit-7
Abul Fazal: Monarchy
Prashant Barthwal1 and Dr. Shashikant2
Introduction
Many distinguished historians contributed to the study of Medieval India, and Abul Fazal
(1551–1602) is one of the most well-known. There are several reasons for this, including the
prominence of intellectual themes in his writings, his persistence in appealing to reason in “the
face of religious and cultural norms, and a novel approach to his goal”1. It was impossible for
him to maintain his “historical outlook without being deeply entangled with the political,
social, economic, and religious realities of the time period under consideration”2.
Even though Fazal has not left a treatise on political theory in the traditional sense, it is
not difficult to evaluate him as a political thinker. We must first disabuse ourselves of the
prejudices that his ornate style has fostered in some of his critics' minds to arrive at an
accurate assessment of his contribution to political philosophy. If we take a closer look at
Fazal's Akbar-Nama and Ain-i-Akbari, the only two works that provide us with direct
knowledge of the subject, we will discover that he is not always so rhetorical in all of his
writings3. In the Ain-i-Akbari, in particular, it is matter-of-fact and straightforward for the
most part, though not occasionally as dry as a dust as a gazetteer. No matter how significant
Fazal's influence on Akbar's political theory and policies may have been, we would be well
not to exaggerate the extent of that influence. In addition to Akbar's own particular character,
several other variables shaped his government and gave shape to his state4. Those who recall
the events of that day will remember that Fazal entered the arena after his patron and friend
and left it before the emperor died. Political concepts in Islam originate from a variety of
sources. Historically, some of it may be traced back to pre-Islamic sources, and a significant
portion of it was founded on the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad. The division of India
into numerous smaller kingdoms at the start of the Mughal Empire resulted in a significant
deal of political instability regularly. Finally, after a long battle, the Mongol king Babar
defeated Ibrahim Lodi, the final monarch of the Delhi Sultanate, and took control of the
region.
Abul Fazal approached history from a logical and secular perspective. A novel
methodology for collecting facts and marshalling them based on critical examination was also
implemented by him5. With chapters on “administrative norms, methods, and topographical
accounts of various historical research and writing provinces, he substantially extended the
area”6.
1
2
Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Sri Aurobindo College (M), University of Delhi.
He is independent researchers (Delhi based). Kantshashi076@gmail.com
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Fazal’s Royalty for the State
There is no higher dignity in God's eyes than that of royalty, and those who are wise drink
from the fountain of its auspiciousness. For those who seek further evidence, the fact that
royalty is both a remedy for the spirit of rebellion and the reason why subjects obey is ample
proof of the point made. It can even be seen in the meaning of the name Padshah7, in which
Pad represents stability and possession, and Shah denotes origin and lordship. Thus, a king is
the source of all strength and possession in a society. If monarchy did not exist, the whirlwind
of strife would never subside, and greedy ambition would never be able to restrain themselves.
Under the weight of “the world, this immense marketplace, would lose its affluence, and the
entire planet would become a barren wasteland”8. However, in the light of imperial justice,
some choose the route of obedience with joy, while others abstain from violence out of dread
of punishment, and some are forced to choose the path of righteousness out of need. Shah is
also a name given to someone who outperforms his peers, as evidenced by words such as
Shah-swar9 and Shah-rah10; it is also a term applied to a bridegroom, in which case the world,
in the role of the bride, betrothed herself to the king and becomes his worshipper. Shah is also
a name given to someone who outperforms his peers, as evidenced by words such as Shahswar and Shah-rah.
Men who are foolish and short-sighted are unable to distinguish between a true king and a
greedy tyrant. This is also not surprising, given that both have a vast treasury, a large army,
cunning servants, obedient people, an abundance of wise men, a large number of skilled
workers, and a bunch of means of enjoyment in common. Men with greater insight, on the
other hand, see a distinction11. The items that have just been listed are long-lasting in the
former, but they are of limited duration in the latter's case. Moreover, the former does not
identify with these things because his goal is to alleviate oppression and provide for
everything good in the world. The last is restrained by the external manifestations of royal
power, pride, the slavishness of men, and the desire for pleasure; as a result, instability,
unsettledness, strife, oppression, faithlessness, and robbery can be found in every corner of the
world12.
Fazal views royalty as “a divine light or perhaps the reason behind the art of perfection
for the Sultan”13. This is referred to as Farr-i-Izidi14 (the divine light) in modern language,
while it is referred to as Kiyan Khura15 in ancient language. In the presence of it, men bow
their heads in adoration and place their foreheads on the ground as if they were submitting to
God. However, if the Badshah discriminated against “people based on their caste, religion, or
social class, he could not be considered a decent ruler. According to him, the monarch had
been endowed with magical powers, and it was impossible to stand against him or share his
authority with anyone else. As a result, everyone is required to obey his orders”16. In Abul
Fazal's opinion, Akbar was the ideal king, which is why he referred to Akbar as "a complete
man who could never make a mistake"17.
The agent of God was not permitted to discriminate between the numerous religious
beliefs represented in the society. The development of a theory to support a tolerant religious
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policy was urgently required at this time. No specific religion was granted sovereignty; this
was not the case. It took on an all-encompassing nature. They believed that “Religions were
fundamentally the same, with different paths. Abul Fazal used logic to Islam”18 and the
Shariat19. While Barani was doing so, he could not come up with an explanation for their
authority over others. He argued that the principle of monarchical sovereignty was more
applicable in a multi-religious society such as India. Because the monarch was supreme above
all religions, sovereignty was not associated with any religion in this context. The excellent
ideals of different faiths were advocated by him, and as a result, he brought together people of
other faiths to work for world peace. He needed to maintain such characteristics by
establishing a religious affiliation that was right for him. He brought relief to himself and his
people by releasing them from the shackles of their own thinking. From Abul Fazal, we can
deduce that a sovereign must be tolerant to current ideologies. He should recognise his
people's old methods as necessary and complimentary to modern life. Abul Fazal explained
Akbar's views on social reform by portraying him as a logical approach to the issue. Fazal
claimed that he did so because he wished to build a "Hindustan" that would stand out more
confidently in the international community20.
Fazal’s Societal Division
To put it another way, he described sovereignty and state in terms of society. Following this,
he divided “the population into four groups: warriors, craftsmen, and merchants; learned; and
others. The learning class, according to him, was the third most significant. He degraded this
class based on the socioeconomic reality of his period”21. Based on the Greek tradition, he also
divided human beings into three categories: noble, base, and intermediate, according to their
characteristics. Nobles were individuals who possessed superior intelligence, sagacity,
administrative ability or composition of eloquence, and personal courage to carry out military
duties. Various occupations were represented in the base and intermediate portions. These
were the characteristics of self-centred persons who carried out their activities primarily for
their own benefit rather than the benefit of others.
The views of Abul Fazal on human beings, particularly the lower classes, whom he
referred to as "base" or "ignorable," echoed in significant part the prejudices of the
contemporaneous upper classes, according to Satish Chandra. According to this interpretation,
individuals belonging to aristocratic families and the upper castes should not aspire to a
portion of state authority22. Those in charge of running the state should be reserved for noble
families and the upper castes. As a result of the predominance of wicked sectors in society,
royal tyranny was justified because only a monarch who possessed the required traits could
maintain control over these sections of society. Second, for Fazal, it was “the most significant
element for any Sultan who had been indulged with the sacrosanct features of Farr-i-Izidi
which help to bring the societal stability by not allowing any personal struggles”23. It was also
his responsibility “restore balance and contribute to the world's flourishing by combining
individual talent with respect for others”24. As a result, maintaining one's proper station in life
required stability and even dignity”25. Akbar is recorded as saying that the Daroghas should
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keep a close eye on their flock to ensure that no one from covetousness abandons their own
trade or occupation. In another place, we are told that “Akbar admired Shah Tahmasp's”26
assertion that- "When a tedious takes to learning, he does it at the price of his errands27".
The divinity of sovereignty defied any and all attempts to limit the power and authority of
the sovereign in the most obvious way. Abul Fazal divides one of his many classifications of
human beings into three types based on their behaviour in various contexts: People whose
loyalty to the king, Akbar, is unwavering and undemanding are the noblest of souls, and this is
a virtue in and of itself. Akbar is the noblest of souls28. These individuals, who have built a
business out of their service and have demonstrated their commitment in exchange for tangible
benefits, are placed below them on the hierarchy of importance. The worst of “the worst show
no signs of loyalty. Defeating rebels becomes a cleansing procedure for the ruling elite in
mediaeval court literature”29. It was not only those who defied imperial authority which
constituted the rebellious, according to Abul Fazal; “even those who snubbed to capitulation to
the Mughal glorious rule”30, constituted rebels because “they were defying the divine destiny
manifested in history's teleology”31.
Fazal’s Ideal Sultan-Akbar
Fazal stated in his most renowned Akbar Nama that Akbar was consistently brilliant in his
decisions about the welfare of his people. He possessed a high degree of tolerance and openmindedness, as well as a strong sense of justice. He brought stability to “the state and
promoted excellent governance to ensure and empowered the economic growth, peace, and the
safety of his people”32. He confirmed that everyone could practise their religion freely. His
political beliefs were unambiguous, and they were geared toward the expansion of the state's
borders. As a result, Abul Fazal used moral arguments to defend his imperialist policies. In the
words of Harbans Mukhia, Abul Fazal sees “the sovereign principally as a patriarchal figure
who bestows absolute power to his illegitimate children33”. Everything that the ruler does, all
presents Mansabs or awards granted to his nobles, princes, or peasants, are all considered
favours; no one gains anything by their own merits or efforts. Abul Fazal's, on the other hand,
binds the king to provide paternal care to his citizens as part of his authority. It appears that
Abul Fazal's favourite term for the monarch is "subjects have been committed to the king by
God,34" which he uses in conjunction with the metaphors of shepherd, gardener, and
physician. Buddhism, Greco-Roman, ancient Egyptian, Assyrian, and biblical philosophy are a
few of the cultures and streams of thought included in this concept. Obviously, enumeration of
the necessary characteristics of a ruler has been a fundamental issue in mediaeval political
thinking. In Barani words, a fierce ambition to conquer and rule virtually depleted all of these
traits. For Babur, successful governance meant that the town walls were strong, the subjects
were prosperous, provisions were on hand, and the treasury was fully stocked. Although there
are several discussions of kingship “in Abul Fazal's writings, the common thread is the blend
of paternal love towards his subjects and the observance of absolute peace without
discernment; the other conditions vary depending on the context, and at times they are out of
step with one another”35. There is a more excellent vision to Abul Fazal's view of “sovereignty
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than simply listing the characteristics of a king. The True King must grasp the spirit of the
age,36" says Abul Fazal.
Discourse of Justice
It was also the king's responsibility “to provide justice to his subjects, always punish those
who wronged them, and guarantee that justice was used to benefit the innocent”37. He believes
that “a king should be kind and harmonic during administering justice and regard his subjects
as his children and himself as their father”38. He should remember that he was sent to earth by
God to bring about peace and justice for all. He serves as “a conduit for their well-being.
Therefore, he should maintain his neutrality at all times and ensure that no one is harmed as a
result of his actions. His judgments should be transparent, and he should make every effort to
establish a civilised society during his reign39”. People's fundamental necessities should be
taken care of by him. When it comes time for the monarch to pass judgement, he should strive
to put himself in the shoes of the culprit. He should consider every part of the circumstances
surrounding the crime and make his judgement only after doing so. According to tradition, if
“the Sultan desired to expand the goodness of his realm, he should always praise good people
and punish offenders for promoting the good action in future by them”40.
According to Abul Fazal's fundamental concept, the king should not be reliant on any
religious figure. Instead, a high moral standard should be maintained, and he should be aware
of the moral and spiritual aspects. With the help of Iranian traditions, he attempted to
demonstrate this concept of state and sovereignty. The idea of justice for all, he believes,
should be free of any bias in a holy religious society and should apply to all people, regardless
of their religious affiliation. Therefore, he advocated for the eradication of Jizyah41. He
persuaded us that Akbar's conquests were not motivated by spiritual or religious differences
but rather by the need for justice because Indian politics was founded on fairness and
tolerance, which he referred to as Dar-ul-Sulh 42(the Way of the Sulh).
Humayun did not have the opportunity to update the previous administration. By
understanding the Delhi Sultanate, Akbar amended the constitution and instituted a system of
government and administration for the kingdom43. At the district and sub-district levels, he did
not make any modifications to the administrative structure. His land revenue system was
nearly identical to that of his predecessor. What distinctive or novel enabled the Mughal
Empire to become more potent than the Delhi Sultanate is essential. So, what were those
innovative policies that allowed Akbar to rule such a significant and stable political and
administrative framework for a long time? To provide excellent governance, it is necessary to
have a robust and well-planned administrative organisation. The absence of fear of a vicious
assault is also vital for the state's well-being and stability. All of this would not have been
feasible in Akbar's empire if the state had not been supported by clever and devoted officers
and soldiers, as the state could only beat the enemy with their assistance44. Despite popular
belief, the Mughal government did not represent a continuous continuation of the Delhi
Sultanate. He modified the official designations of the individuals involved. His construction
of a provincial administration, which was modelled after the central system of government,
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was his most significant achievement. To ensure better control, explicit norms and regulations
were developed. Abul Fazal believed that advocates held the highest position among all of the
officers in his administration. According to him, advocates should possess characteristics that
enable them to simultaneously resolve the king's private and social concerns.
Following the division of the state into numerous levels, as depicted in “Kautilya's
Arthashashtra, each group had a variety of officers. They were all personally responsible for
the state's operation and liable to the king”45. As a result, they were always working to
improve the general public's lives. The Ain-i-Akbari contains the same notion as the Ain-iAkbari. Akbar split his empire into three divisions: the Subas, the Sarkars, and the Mahall's.
He appointed a chain of officers at various levels, all of whom were under the jurisdiction of
ministers at the top of the hierarchy46. Because the officers' religious beliefs were not allowed
to interfere with their administrative duties under this arrangement, it was adopted by his
successors and him. Because Akbar desired a sovereign rule, he placed a high value on it.
Therefore, he organised and centralised the administration of his company. Under the king's
rule, there were petty landowners known as Zamindars or Jagirdars, who were responsible for
their respective lands. Other chieftains were frequently restrained by the monarch and his
army (landlords). A class is known as Bhumia also received some land from the Jagirdars as a
reward. The Bhumia were the legal owners of the property, and as such, they were exempt
from paying any taxes on it. However, his domain was always considered inferior to that of
the Jagirdari47. The monarch also had direct sovereignty of “apart from the rest of the
kingdom. The majority of this property would be near the capital. During the Sultanate, this
system thrived”48. The Mughals did not interfere with it “since the landowners (chieftains)
retained control of the lands by keeping them in possession of individuals aligned with the
rulers of Delhi:49.
Throughout the Mughal Empire, there was a comprehensive and centralised patrimonial
system. They gave many kinds of ranks and hierarchies in this system, which was based on the
Mansabdari system of Persia50. These levels were divided into two categories: Zat and sawar.
Each Mansabdar was vested with certain powers (Zat) and commanded a mounted force of
horses (Sawar)51. The ruler granted him the ability to withstand his opponents. Sixty-six ranks
are mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari. Those who were deserving received presents from the
system at the time. All of the Mansabdars were directly responsible to the ruler. They were
also in charge of collecting revenue on the king's behalf and were paid in cash52.
Abul Fazal divided the Mansabdars based on the availability of their numbers and
strength”53. Through this arrangement, a community with many classes between the people
and the ruler came into being, and a hierarchical system was established”54. To summarise,
Indian civilization during the Middle Ages had a complex structure of rank and position based
on military strength. Military might be elevated to the level of a status symbol, and the entire
framework was built around it”55. The Mughals followed this pattern to maintain peace in their
kingdom, and they made no attempt to change things.
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Abul Fazal was a firm believer in the importance of hierarchy, but he was more concerned
with the need for talent in the kingdom. He was unconcerned by a person's social background,
even if they were exceptionally gifted. He claimed that Akbar was moved by the spirit of the
time because he recognised and rewarded genius in people of all social classes”56. It is
important to note that “the Mughals did not inhibit with the Indian caste structure and did not
attempt to disrupt the fundamental outline of Indian civilization. They also did not inhibit with
the administration of justice, economy and finances”57.
Army and Land Revenue System
Akbar's administration and his land revenue system were continuations of the Delhi
Sultanate's administration. The provinces of Akbar were divided into two groups: the Sarkars
and the Parganas. In each Sarkar, several Parganas were subdivided. There was a Shiqdar in
charge of general administration and an Amil in land assessment and income collection58.
There were a variety of other positions available, such as treasurer, Qanungo, and others.
During the harvest time, “there was a great army assigned to look after the matters of
production59”. The land revenue system served as the foundation for the state's financial
infrastructure.
The income policy of Akbar was based on the dahsala system60, which was a ten-year
scheme. It was “a logical progression from the method of measurement introduced by Sher
Shah-the region between modern-day Lahore and Allahabad, until the 19th century”61. As a
result of this arrangement, state demand was expressed as a cash rate based on locally
produced goods and locally priced goods. The Dahsala referred to average production and
prices during the previous ten years, not a ten-year settlement. It was calculated from scratch,
then averaged in cash using new data for the last decade. Clearly, the greatest demand was for
land revenue. As a result, the peasants were stressed. This was the most pressing condition that
where “the peasants were obliged to meet under menace of severe implications, including
eviction and loss of life if they did not meet the demand”62.
It was introduced in several regions, including “Lahore, Allahabad, Gujarat, Malwa,
Bihar, and Multan, and was based on the extent way”63. Crop sharing was the second approach
employed. Finally, the collecting of revenue could be accomplished by a variety of alternative
means in other domains. It took many intelligent inspectors to check all of these ways, and
they all failed.
Abul Fazal relates that during Akbar's reign, the emperor instituted a system of collecting
tax on an individual basis. This arrangement permitted the farmer to pay their tax based on the
amount of produce they had harvested. Thus, in exchange for whatever produce he obtained,
he merely had to pay the tax. This system differed from the previous one, which was used in
the Mughal Empire, where an entire village was required to pay the tax as a single unit of
payment. In this arrangement, every farmer was required to pay the tax regardless of whether
or not he produced a productive crop. This was because the tax was to be shared evenly among
all farmers.
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Consequently, when Akbar became emperor, he modified the system, taking steps to
improve the living conditions of farmers in the process. For example, a farmer might pay his
tax based on the amount of produce he produced or his financial situation. However, “the tax
collection authority rested with the zamindars or landlords and the ameer. They exploited
farmers by making them pay the tax even when a drought, flood, or other natural disaster was
imminent”64. The zamindars and landlords ignored Akbar's orders not to collect tax during
natural calamities. Akbar took several preventative actions to ensure that farmers were not
exploited in the future. He kept an eye on the zamindars to see who was taking advantage of
the situation and who was not. As a result, he “successfully reimbursed some of the money to
the farmers who had been forced to pay the tax”65; however, he was unable to maintain control
over his entire kingdom, and this type of exploitation of the peasantry became popular among
the landlords as a result. During Akbar's reign, this practice was still practised in many places
of India.
Akbar possessed a big and powerful army, which he used to ensure the smooth operation
of government and administration. The Mughal army was made up of “cavalry, infantry,
artillery, elephants, and camels, among other things”66. However, there was no straightforward
method of determining the size of Akbar's army. The Mansabdars were responsible for
maintaining troops by their commitments, which were represented by their sawar rank. It was
written in 1581 by Montserrat that there were 45 thousand cavalries, five thousand elephants,
and many thousands infantry, all of whom were paid directly from the royal treasury.
Concluding Observations
Abul Fazal, on the other hand, was Akbar's valued courtier, and he had a genuine admiration
and awe for the emperor. During his early years, he and his family were subjected to the most
severe form of persecution at the hands of the orthodox Ulama, which shaped his solid belief
in religious tolerance. This proved to be the foundation of a long-lasting friendship with
Akbar, which continues to this day. Few could deny that Akbar possessed the finest and
noblest characteristics of mind and heart, which were unquestionable. It is no surprise that
Abul Fazal recognised in Akbar the attributes of a ruler, philosopher, and hero. To defend,
justify, and exalt Akbar and his acts, Abul Fazal was compelled to do so by his official
position as well as his personal beliefs about religion and politics.
Akbar and Ashoka were forced to engage in a series of battles at “the beginning of their
reign to solidify their positions and expand the scope of their empires. However, once they had
attained stability, they proposed notions of peace, religion, and brotherhood”67. Several
questions arise in this context: Why did Akbar require the services of Sulh-kul during his reign
as king? Wasn't he able to manage his administration promptly? Was it essential for him to
introduce Deen-i-Ilahi? Were you under the impression that he was influential in keeping
peace and order throughout his vast empire? It is possible that he invented the concepts of
Sulh-Kul and Deen-i-Ilahi to make his subjects happy and inspire confidence in other groups
like the Rajputs and Marathas to do so.
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However, even though Abul Fazal rarely mentions Akbar's mistakes or “the inadequacies
of his policies, he was undeniably one of the greatest intellects and theorists that the nation has
ever shaped”68. As a result, his concept of the social compact and his notion of divine origin of
sovereignty are flawed. In fact, he is said to have combined “Hobbes and James I's
perspectives in his writings (and he went much beyond James I in his claim for the
sovereign)”69. However, the fundamental rationality that underpins Abul Fazal's ideas ought to
be respected, if not admired. It is safe to say that “no one else in India has ever lectured
sovereignty at the same way”70 as he did.
Refernces and Endnotes:
1
M Athar Ali, Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society, and Culture, OUP, Delhi, 2006.
Ibid., p. 121.
3
V R Mehta, Foundations of Indian Political Thought, Manohar, Delhi, 1996, p. 144.
4
V P Varma, Ancient and Medieval Political Thought, Laxmi Narain Publications, Agra, p. 146.
5
Ibid.
6
Ibid., p. 321.
7
Ibid, p. 324
8
Ibid, or see V R Mehta, Ancient and Medieval Political Thought, Op. Cit., p. 144.
9
Ibid.
10
Ibid.
11
Sushma Yadav & Ram Avatar Sharma, Bhartiya Rajya: Utpatti Evam Vikas, Aakar Publication, Delhi, 2000, p.
338.
12
Ibid, p. 339.
13
http://summit.sfu.ca/system/files/iritems1/15915/etd9358_RBabagolzadeh.pdf
14
Ibid.
15
Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Mughal Empire (1526-1748), Har Anand
Publications, Delhi, 2007, p. 133.
16
Ibid, p. 135.
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid.
19
Harbans Mukhia, Op. Cit., p. 50
20
Sushma Yadav & Ram Avatar Sharma, Op. Cit. p. 332.
21
Ibid, p. 150, 160, 170-172.
22
Abul Fazal, Ain-i-Akbari, p. 774.
23
Ibid, p. 567.
24
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df, Indian Political Thought.
25
Ain-i-Akbari, p. 770.
26
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
27
A, Appadurai, Political Thoughts in India, Khama Publications, Delhi, 2002, p. 180.
28
Ibid.
29
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
30
Ibid,
31
V P Varma, Op. Cit., p. 343.
32
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
33
Harbans Mukhia, Op. Cit.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid.,
36
Akbar Nama, p. 44. Or for more detail, see https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
2
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37
Ibid., p. 145.
Ibid,
39
Ibid, https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
40
Ibid.,
41
Satish Chandra, Op. Cit., p. 111.
42
Ibid. https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
43
Ain-i-Akbari, p. 56, and Akbar Nama, p. 654.
44
V R Mehta, Op. Cit., p. 165
45
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
46
M P Singh & Himanshu Roy, Indian Political Thought, 3rd Edition, Pearson, Delhi, p. 132.
47
Ibid,
48
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
49
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
50
ibid.
51
Ibid.
52
M Athar Ali, Op. Cit., p. 135.
53
Ibid. https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
54
Ibid, or https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
55
Ibid.
56
Ibid.
57
Ibid.
58
V R Mehta, Op. Cit., p. 151.
59
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
60
Ibid.
61
Ibid.
62
Ibid. https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
63
Ibid.
64
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
65
Ibid.
66
Ibid, p. 67
67
M. Athar Ali, Op. Cit., p. 156.
68
Ibid.
69
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df , and M P Singh and Himanshu Roy, Op. Cit.,
70
https://medium.com/@deshmukhpatel/4-96e5949b8df
38
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Unit-8
Kabir : Syncretism
Prashant Barthwal1
Introduction
Kabir, a saint poet who lived in the 15th century, had an impact on the Bhakti Movement in
Medieval India. He was born somewhere in Kashi in 1398 and died somewhere around
Maghar in 1518. The extant material about Kabir’s life and work is a bit foggy, to put it
mildly. A thorough biography of Kabir includes extensive information on his childhood, life,
achievements, works, and chronological progression through his life. Kabir’s words can be
found in the Sikhism’s holy book, the Guru Granth Sahib1. According to Kabir’s life
narrative, he was the son of a widowed Brahman, who abandoned her son on the shores of
Lahartara pond in a basket because she was afraid of the society. The new-born was cared
for by a couple of Muslim weavers named Neeru and Neema, who gave him the name
“Kabir,” which literally translates as “Great.”2 As a result, Kabir was taken in by a Muslim
family and raised there till his adulthood. Kabir was, without a question, one of the most
important reformers in the history of the Bhakti Movement. He preached the importance of
Hindu-Muslim unity. He was adamant in his belief that God is one and that Iswar and Allah
are distinct names for the same being. He instilled a sense of commitment to God in his
students and promoted brotherhood among members of society. His philosophical views were
exceedingly straightforward. He was widely regarded as the spiritual leader of the Bhakti
movement. He preached Bhakti or devotion through the medium of his eponymous ‘Doha’s’
or ‘Couplets,3’ which became legendary.
Kabir was the name given by a noble Kazi who on opening the Quran came upon this
Arabi word. Kabir has said in one of his couplets:
Kabira tu hi kabiru tu tore nam Kabir
ram ratan tab paiye jad pahile tajai sarir4
[Thou art wonderful, and you are the same as I am; your name is Kabir. The diamond Ram
can only be discovered after corporeal attachment has been relinquished.]
Kabir was a follower of Nirguna (attributeless) Brahma, who is above and above the
three attributes of Sattva (being), Rajas (becoming), and Tamas (doing) that are commonly
associated with him (non-being)5. According to Kabir, God is neither born nor dies, but rather
exists eternally. As snow is caused by water and as snow melts back into water, whatever
came to be has returned to itself, and nothing more can be said about it. The distinction
between Allah and Rama was never made by him; he always preached to the people that these
were simply different names for the same God. As a result, he believes that there should be a
religion of love and fraternity among the people, with no distinction between upper and lower
1
Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Sri Aurobindo College (M), University of Delhi.
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classes, or between high and lower castes. He encouraged devotion and submitting one’s self
to the God who is independent of religion or caste. The notion of Karma was something he
believed in from a young age. Kabir is well known for his critique of social norms and for his
social philosophy. He was instrumental through his Doha’s, Sabda, and various chapters in
Bijak i.e., Ramaini, Chautisa, Kahara, Vasant, Hindold, Vipramatisi, Birahooli and various
Angas in Kabir Granthabali and Bani’s Shlokas, Sabda, and Gauri’s in Sri Guru Granth
Sahib, in bringing about changes in society political, social, religious and cultural6.
Was Kabir a Hindu or Muslim?
Both Hindus and Muslims claimed Kabir’s remains for cremation immediately upon his
tragic death, according to their respective religious beliefs and customs and traditions. The
account presented in the literature states that after removing the cover off Kabir’s dead body,
the people discovered only a few flowers, which were dispersed between the two villages,
after which they carried out the burial according to their traditions. In his declaration, Kabir
stated that he belonged to both Hinduism and Islam, and that he “distinguishes God in both.7”
There are no Hindus or Muslims in this country. Hinduism and Islam are the same religion.
Take the shroud off and witness the miracle for yourself.
Kabir was perhaps one of those individuals who went above and beyond religious
beliefs. People have tried for centuries to persuade people that he was a Muslim or a Hindu,
and they have come up with all kinds of arguments based on scriptures and other sources, but
they have rarely attempted to comprehend the message that he presented. A significant
amount of his work has been tampered with and the legitimacy of other unknown poets from
his time has been called into question. No matter whether he belonged to the Muslim or
Hindu faiths. In fact, he was born into a Muslim family; nonetheless, he went above and
beyond the usual bounds of Islam to teach morals and manners. He grabbed the excellent
things from all across the world and spread them to everyone at the same time. His objective
was to enlighten us on the essence of mankind; he was not attempting to convert us to
Hinduism or Islam, as some have claimed. So let us set this argument to one side and
consider him for who he truly was: a man who was above and beyond religion.
Kabir and Religion
According to Kabir, work is equivalent to worship, and duty is equivalent to religion. He
advised people to live their lives, accept their duties, and put in the necessary effort to ensure
that their lives would be forever. Never run away from your responsibilities in life, such as
accepting Sannyasa. He recognised and respected the importance of family life, which he
believed to be the true purpose of life. As demonstrated throughout the history of human
culture, deep meditation does not necessitate travel to the Himalayas and can be achieved by
those who choose to live in their communities rather than away from their communities.
Kabir himself was the most eloquent illustration of this. He went above and above in his
Bhakti practise, coexisting with the average human being. Instead of worshipping stones, he
demonstrated to the crowds the proper method to practise Bhakti. The weaving machine,
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khadav, rudraksh garland (which he received from his Guru Swami Ramananda), rust-free
trident, and all of the other items that Kabir may utilise in the future are all accessible at the
Kabir Math today. Over the centuries, Kabir’s philosophy has found social and practical
expression in a variety of settings. It has served as a fusion of Hindu and Muslim ideals
throughout history. As a follower of Hinduism, Kabir acknowledges the concept of rebirth as
well as the law of Karma. He sees the affirmation of a single god and the rejection of the
caste system and idolatry as his inspiration from Islam. The fundamental religious beliefs that
he adheres to are straightforward. According to Kabir, life is the result of a collision between
two spiritual principles. The one is the individual soul (Jivatma), and the other is God
(Paramtm), and the distinction is important. In his opinion, salvation is the process of
bringing these two divine principles together into a single, harmonious whole. Kabir is a
historical character who has played a significant role in Indian history. He is unique in that he
has spiritual significance for Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims all at the same time, which is
unusual. Kabir was outspoken in his criticism of all faiths and provided a new direction for
Indian philosophy. With a simplicity and style that is unparalleled, Kabir was able to touch
the soul, the conscience, the sense of awareness, and the vitality of existence in a way that is
unequal in both simplicity and style.
Prior to the arrival of Kabir, there existed a period of strife between many religions,
which arose as a result of differing interpretations of their own religious ideologies. The
religious distinctions in the period overshadowed the practises and traditions that were
followed, despite the fact that the fundamentals were largely the same. This fight lasted an
extended period of time. It resulted in religious fanaticism, which included materialism, as
well as a widening of the gap between the rich and the rest of society. The separation of the
high and low castes, as well as the establishment of Brahmanism in the society, coincided
with the exploitation of the low castes. This was the primary cause of the social imbalance
that existed at the time. The ethics and morality were not based on principles, but were
degraded in order to satisfy the selfish motives of a small minority of individuals. Religious
traditions were improperly executed and turned into a tool for instilling dread in the minds of
the general public, to the point where they deteriorated economic and social life and
hampered growth and progress. The prohibition of individuals from crossing the seas or
allowing foreigners to trade, particularly in southern India, was based on religious beliefs at
the time of the British Raj. The Varna and the caste system wreaked havoc on civilization,
resulting in social, economic, political, cultural, and religious deterioration.
India’s religious and spiritual philosophy has been influenced by the Vedas and the
schools of thought (including Charvaka, Jain, Buddha, Sankhya, Yoga, Nyaya, Vaisesika,
Mimamsa, and Vedanta), which are all based on the Vedas. Almost from the outset, it has
become profoundly ingrained in Indian society and way of life. This, on the other hand,
manifested itself in a different way, with religious and rituals taking centre stage. And
spirituality, which was founded on principles and scientific analysis, was relegated to a
secondary position, according to the Gyanmarga. Worship and ritual acts were given
paramount importance throughout history. As a result, there have been numerous
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misinterpretations, superstitions, and incorrect practises. This shifted the community away
from its actual spiritual leanings and rationalistic philosophy, and it became a culture that just
paid lip regard to the true ideas. This helped to maintain an era of deception, business in
religion, casteism, and the establishment of outcasts and Varnas based on birth, all of which
became the order of the day over time. Kabir attempted, via a variety of techniques, to return
mankind to their original condition of affairs and to impart pure knowledge, bringing lost
knowledge and a lost people back to their original concept and way of life, but he was
unsuccessful. As Kabir put it, this is precisely the state of mind of those who have become
entangled in the outer interpretations and have failed to see the true truths in their appropriate
light. It was actually a failure on their part to go deep and analyse pure thinking, which
resulted in an erroneous perception of the real. The true concept was diametrically opposed to
the original and served a selfish, destructive goal to all other kinds of life on the planet. Poor
practises such as animal and human sacrifices, idol and or flower worship, devastation of the
natural environment, and indulging blind beliefs were common throughout that time period.
When it comes to India’s religious history, Kabir is revered as a saint of tremendous
significance. With Kabir’s teaching, Nirguna Bhakti was introduced for the first time in a
significant way in northern India, and he was the first teacher who could appeal to both
Hindus and Muslims. Kabir’s eloquence was so powerful that his “words” spread like
wildfire over northern India, from the Punjab and Rajasthan to Bihar. Throughout the Bani of
Kabir, there are depictions of circumstances that we encounter on a daily basis.
Consequently, it is closer to us and, as a result, we consider it to be still relevant today. His
Bani is a term that is frequently heard in the vernacular. The Bani of Kabir assists us in both
societal and personal matters, as well as ethical and spiritual matters. Following Kabir entails
coming to terms with one’s inner self and discovering oneself. It is necessary to accept
oneself as one is. It is the process of getting more in tune with one’s surroundings. Even
though Kabir was firmly opposed to all of religion’s outwardly mechanical components, he
employed various Vaishnava and Islamic names of God to represent the all-pervading Reality
in a symbolic manner. This shows that Kabir served in effect as a reformer for both religions,
taking elements from each and combining them into a single rational philosophy. This was
probably done in order to eliminate political infighting that was influenced by religious
beliefs and ideologies. In addition to having significant political and social ramifications, this
rationality heralded the arrival of a new wave of rational religious culture that cleared the
way for an entirely new thought process.
The ‘Self’ in Kabir’s Philosophy
Kabir’s philosophy is concerned with both the social and spiritual aspects of human
existence. In addition to being the subject of discourse and being a metaphysical concept,
Bhakti is also the act of living one’s life as an expression of one’s love for the Divine in all of
its manifestations. In its truest form, Kabir’s philosophy is not only human and Divine
focused, but it is also social and ethical oriented. Harmony, equality, and devotion are
important themes in Kabir’s philosophy, and they are reflected in his writings. In his
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philosophy, the aspect of devotion predominates, with the connotation of Seva serving as a
metaphor. It is a way of life that has brought people of all genders, castes, social classes,
races, and ethnicities together in the name of God. The concept of rebirth, as well as the law
of Karma, are embraced in Kabir’s philosophy, as is the rejection of the caste system and the
worship of idols. The fundamental philosophical concepts that he adheres to are
straightforward. According to Kabir, the ultimate purpose of life is not only the union of two
spiritual principles, namely, the individual soul (Jivatma) and God (Paramatma), but also
service to the less fortunate and the development of an ethical code of conduct inside the
individual. The concept of Seva, rather than being isolated, is essential in the journey towards
salvation.
Metaphysics is concerned with the most fundamental questions such as reality, existence,
and being, among others. When it comes to Indian philosophy, metaphysics deals with
concepts such as Brahman, Atma, Sat, Jiva, and Jagata, among others. Metaphysics provides
a forum for the study of epistemology, ontology, ideology, existentialism, mysticism, and
other related topics. The Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy provides a thorough
description of metaphysics.... “Metaphysics is a large topic of philosophy that is distinguished
by two forms of investigation. The first seeks to be the most comprehensive examination into
the nature of reality possible; are there universal principles that apply to everything that is
real, to everything that exists? The existence of objects does not tell us anything about them
unless we take them out of their context and look at their distinctive nature, which is what
distinguishes them from one another. When it comes to the second form of inquiry, it is
concerned with uncovering what is truly true, and it usually provides answers that are
diametrically opposed to our everyday experience of the world. When considered in terms of
these two questions, metaphysics is very closely related to ontology, which is typically taken
to include both the questions of ‘what is existence (being)?’ and ‘what (fundamentally
distinct types of things exist?’ Metaphysics and ontology are closely related when considered
in terms of these two questions. The term “metaphysics” refers to the study of nature that
follows the study of nature. According to the Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy,
“Aristotle called it ‘first philosophy,’ sometimes also ‘the science of being,’ (which is moreor-less what the term “ontology” means); however, at some point in antiquity, his writings on
the subject came to be known as the “Metaphysics,” which comes from the Greek for “after
natural things,” that is, what comes after the study of nature.
At that time, some fundamental definitions of philosophical fundamentals were in place,
and the saints from all religions and all parts of India contributed to this stream of Indian
classical philosophy by giving their own interpretations to some basic definitions of
philosophical fundamentals that existed at the time. They have adapted words from ancient
Indian philosophical language, but they have given them their own interpretation in their own
words. Their claims are that the Nam (the Name of God) exists and that anytime I recite it, I
can see colour; some claim that their tongue feels delicious; and some claim to see light. (We
even refer to these experiences as ‘Mystical,’ implying that they must be based on something
that is real yet indefinable.
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Kabir never had any doubts about the presence of God. According to him, the concept of
God does not represent the physical manifestation of the deities. The realisation of God
comes about through personal experiences, revelation, and logical reasoning, among other
means. God, according to him, resides within our hearts. There is only one God in the
universe. God has two distinct personalities. One is known as Sagunatva, and the other is
known as Nirgunatva. Nirgunatva has two meanings, the first of which is Absolute Being,
and the second of which is Nam. Absolute Being exists as a separate and distinct entity.
Hinduism does not believe in the anthropomorphic conception of God. In Kabir’s philosophy,
the other part of God is represented by the notion of Nam, which is the most fundamental and
foundational concept of God. The concept of Nam has been further developed into a
particular term, which is referred to as ‘Sabda.’ As a result, a shift in the fundamental
understanding of God automatically shifted the manner in which people worshipped and their
conception of salvation. The role of the Guru becomes increasingly important as one
progresses along the path to God realisation. Achieving salvation, or the state of Jivanmukta,
is only possible via the grace of the Guru. In the concept of Kabir, there are no bonds like as
caste, class, gender, or economic or political standing that prevent one from attaining the
Jivanmukta state.
This noble road takes us to the spiritual level and the practise of spiritual discipline. The
Pathway to God Realization is guided by Satguru, who is also known as the Supreme Being.
It is not possible to advance on this path without the guidance of Satguru. The newly devised
meditational method created a new platform for religious and spiritual understanding, which
was made open to everyone who wanted to use it. ‘Sabda-Surti-Yoga’8 and ‘Sahaj-Yoga’9 are
terms used to describe this type of yoga. Kabir was the first and most well-known founder of
this system of meditation, and he was also the most influential. The following are the two
most important aspects of this method: 1) It is the method for Nirgun and Nirakar God; and
2) It is the method for Nirgun and Nirakar God. 2) It is open to all, regardless of social status,
caste, socioeconomic class, or gender identity or expression. All that is required is
tremendous love, complete surrender, and unwavering commitment to God. Meditation is
referred to as ‘Lou lagana’10 in Kabir’s literature and terminology, as well as ‘Lagan lagana’
11
and ‘Surat lagana’12 in other traditions.
Social and Ethical Philosophy of Kabir: Envisioning Begumpura
Social philosophy is the study of how individuals interact or behave in groups. It examines
social issues and other facets of humanity. It includes a society’s religious, cultural, and
social behaviours. So does social philosophy. Morality and ethics are social ideals. The social
world is a plane. Nomenclature and regulations can include a social level. The social plane is
a mental realm. It is broken into four parts: 1) Religion 2) Culture 3) Society13. Religion is
important in social philosophy. Religion is built on three pillars: God notion, text, and
initiation. A) philosophy and B) rituals are the two fundamental categories of religion. Taking
into account all of the above, there are two sorts of socio-religious issues: intra-religious and
inter-religious disputes. The causes of intra-religious conflicts are as follows: I differing
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interpretations of the scripture, ii) changes in time or place, and the main leader who
introduces the religion to a group of people (foreign religions), iii) disagreements among
religious leaders, iv) rigidity in the religion, and v) invention of new thought/philosophy.
Inter-religious disputes occur between native and invader religions14.
Point, region, and leader problems develop owing to changes in formula, which
functioned at one time but may no longer be relevant or lost completely. Because there used
to be a saints’ gathering and kirtan recitation on the Ganga’s banks, it was believed that
anyone who lived there would attain heavenly life. But not in Kabir’s day. People don't recite
Nam on the Ganga’s banks. So Kabir declares, “Living on the Ganges bank will not get you
to heaven.15” Recite Kabir slams pointless rituals and bogus faiths. A few people were
bathing early in the morning, he says. Then they slay people and worship stones. They seem
to lack wisdom. I’ve witnessed numerous Muslim clerics and holy men read their Quran.
They make disciples and teach them the way of sacrifice. The Hindu monks pretend to
meditate while their brains are full of pride. They revere brass and stone idols and take
pilgrimages. The priests have characteristic sandal paste marks on their bodies and foreheads.
They both die in a fight and neither knows God’s secret. They go door to door offering
mantras (creating disciples) and bragging about their glory.’ ‘Building a mosque with stones
and pebbles, you climb to the top and shout azan, Is Allah deaf?’ ‘The world dies of fasting,
pilgrimage, and secret water bathing, but without reciting Nam they would die again and
again.’ For the erroneous belief in sacrifice, pilgrimage, Sant ‘Do not harm helpless beings,
for they share your life power.’ Even listening to the scriptures, a million times will not
absolve the sin of killing. These pilgrims have restless thoughts and a thieving mentality. No
sins were eliminated, but ten more were added to their thoughts. A pilgrimage is useless
without a pure and focussed mind. You return with additional sins, proving your religious
hypocrisy. Those who bathed in the sacred river died and floated away. “Listen, O Saints,
they shall become demons and regretful. ‘He is like a businessman who sits in meditation yet
desires rewards, and a cowherd who stands in austerity anticipating praise,16’ he says.
Converting ideas into philosophies and routines takes a long period. Following the
creation of a religion, adherents form groups. The dominating group will be known to the
world, but many other groups within the same religion will split and create other cults. “All
people are misguided because of bias,17” says Kabir. So, he worships God impartially.
Almost everyone has a preference for specific religions, beliefs, dogmas, or rituals. Their bias
confines them. Because he sees God everywhere and recognises that no religion has a
monopoly on God, Kabir says the wise person has no partiality. Certain fundamental beliefs
of these cults and religious groups are unalterable and acceptable. Some followers accept
asceticism while others live a normal existence. In Islam, the disagreement stems from the
recognition of two leaders, Siya’s and Sunni’s. Hinduism has four main realms. People
searched for God, says Kabir. Some called him Sagun18 (with characteristics), others
Nirgun19 (without attributes). Those who failed to find God declared defeat, claiming He is
formless and unreachable.
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The distinction between religion and culture is crucial. Culture is based on reason and
science, whereas religion is based on faith. Cultural events are a kind of worship. There are
taboos. Culture’s shame is religion’s guilt. Religion is about ethics and morals, whereas
culture is about lifestyle. Culture change is transition, but religious change is reformation.
Culture is worldly and religion is spiritual. Culture can progress, but religious progress means
salvation or pleasure. “In general, religion tends to be codified. It involves rituals, texts, or
actions that are recorded or taught in a specific way and then kept. Religion evolves slowly.
Culture is not codified. It is more easily characterised and responds to external environmental
forces.” Culture determines social do’s and don’ts, good and poor manners, living style, and
festival celebrations. Culture determines everyone’s roles in society. In this context, society
refers to the peaceful coexistence of people of many faiths. Culture determines men and
women’s roles in society. In a certain cultural setting, one must observe certain etiquette.
Covering one’s head when entering a Gurudwara is customary. It is neither a religious act or
only followed by Sikhs, but anyone entering a Gurudwara must cover their head. Not only in
Sikhism, but in many religions, individuals cover their heads before entering a temple. This is
Indian culture. Many of Sant Kabir’s sayings refer to cultural etiquette. Kabir argued that,
“God just give me enough money to support my family.20” My visitors must be satisfied and I
must not hunger. Having no possessions and appreciating guests. This idea comes from
Indian culture.
Kabir and Woman
Throughout history, women’s education has been ignored, leading to illiteracy and
superstition. We have squandered women’s gifts by failing to see them as human beings
capable of action, achievement, and participation in enterprises. Women’s status in any
culture reflects its cultural and spiritual level. To comprehend what Kabir wrote about
women, one must first understand the conditions in India at the time. Women had same
access to education, religious, political, and social roles as men in the early Vedic period.
They wrote some of the Vedic songs. The rules of Manu changed all that. Women’s standing
was systematically degraded, and they were effectively enslaved. Women in Hindu society
were now confined by severe social, occupational, and religious laws. Women were not only
confined to their homes, but were literally controlled by men from birth to death. They had to
keep Purdah. In some casts, widowhood was expected even in the case of very young
widows. Widowhood brought poverty, social rejection, and loneliness. Female infanticide
was prevalent and disdainful of daughters. The in-laws scorned and blamed the birth of a girl.
Women and girls’ health was bad due to husband and in-laws forcing births until a male heir
was born for the former and neglect of health treatment and nourishment for the latter. The
Manu Laws still exert a profound influence on Indian society today. Women should dress
modestly and avoid makeup. They must also cover their heads as a symbol of respect. In
today’s society, they are manifested in (article on Laws of Manu as applies to women).
Kabir’s teachings correctly declared the dignity of both male and female human beings.
Kabir’s mystical insight of the Creator’s immanence in all of creation enunciated the gospel
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of equality. He stated making distinctions based on birth or sex is wrong. In certain verses, he
redefines Sati. Sati isn't a widow who sits by her husband’s pyre. But she is the truth-teller.
“O religious scholar, see this and ponder it inside your heart. No spiritual love can exist if
there is a longing for worldly pleasure. A believer in Maya will never meet the Lord, even in
dreams. But the true soul-bride gives up her body, thoughts, fortune, house, and self”21.
The Purdah, i.e., veil came with the Muslims. During war and a depressed economy, the
female was a greater liability. It was tough to feed, defend, and protect the female’s chastity
and honour. But purdah is not required in everyday life. Kabir describes purdah in his
mystical teachings. “O my soul bride, don't wear a veil before Purusa the God for life is
meaningless. This veil has kept many a soul bride from seeing her husband, the Parmatama.
People will only laud you for a few days if you wear the purdah. But the real shroud is your
husband Parmatama’s Nam-Sumiran. His joyous admiration of Nam Sumiran.
Kabir uses the concept of purdah to explain what and why purdah exists. He believes a
bride uses the purdah to retain the family’s respect or pride. In actuality, she is suffering
through hell because the family’s pride would be lost after the body is buried. Kabir states,
“Leave all your acts and misconceptions which produce human estrangement, but inside
everyone is the one and only God who resides.22” The road to realisation is narrow, yet
turning back will reduce one to dust. The beautiful maiden hidden behind the veil is safe.
Spiritual path is like a small stair. This implies releasing oneself from all karmic bonds
caused by cravings, passions, ego, etc. And so on. You can't bring your ego on this route.
Rejecting the spiritual path leads to a materialistic life that ends in death. She secretly works
to prevent Self-realization.
Concluding Observations
A lyric poet and mystic who flourished in the 15th century, Kabir was unquestionably the
finest lyric poet and mystic in the history of early Hindi literature. His poetry and philosophy
created a lasting influence on not only Hindi literature but also on the average man in
northern India, which continued to be felt for decades after his death. He drew Hinduism and
Islam closer together by denouncing pointless rites and conventions in both religions and
preached that their ultimate objective is the same. Kabir favoured Sadguru23, Sant Samagam24
(community of devotees and saints), and Namsimrana25. He combined Chittashuddhi26
(purity of heart), Sadacara27 (ethical behaviour) and Nishkama-karma28 (obligation for duty’s
sake). So, he awoke the community (samaj-Jagriti) and Bhava-Bhakti29. He despised caste and
class divisions. He supported all religions but attacked their false, shallow, and hollow
ritualistic behaviours that produced religious strife. Consequently, during the Bhakti
movement, Sant Kabir ushered in a social revolution and was a trailblazer in the sector,
introducing revolutionary ideas and attitudes.
References and Endnotes:
1
2
Taraknath Agarwal, Kabir Paricaya, 1951, p. 12.
Ibid., p. 23.
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3
Rajendra Sinha Gaud, Sant Kabir Darsan, 1955, p. 45, p. 60 & p. 75.
Shyam Sundar Das (ed.), Kabir Granthabali, 1985, p. 262.
5
Ibid, p. 270.
6
Himanshu Roy, Political Ideas of Kabir, in Indian Political Thought (2nd edition), Roy and Singh (ed.), p. 55.
7
Shyam Sundar Das, Op. Cit., p. 125.
8
Kabir, Bijak, p. 120.
9
Ibid., p. 122.
10
R. D. Ranade, Pathway to God in Hindi Literature, Sri Gurudev Ranade Samadhi Trust, 1997, p. 283.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
13
Kabir, Bijak, Op. Cit., p. 222.
14
Ibid.
15
Kabir, Bijak, Gyanchoutisa, p. 148.
16
Ibid, p. 124.
17
Kabir, Bijak, Ramaini, p. 23.
18
Kabir, Bijak, Sākhi, p. 232.
19
Ibid.
20
Kabir, Bijak, Sābda, p. 110.
21
Kabir, Bijak, Sakhi, p. 98.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid.
24
Kabir, Sābda, p. 50.
25
Kabir, Sakhi Granth, p. 123.
26
Ibid,
27
Ibid, p. 34.
28
Ibid, p. 23.
29
Ibid, p. 56.
4
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