T H E E C O N O M I C P RI N C I P L E S O F
C O N FU C I U S A N D H IS S C H O O L
C H E N H UA N C H A N G
-
,
A K ( 1 9 04 A D
Chin Shih of
Secr e tary of t he Gr and Secr eta riat,
.
IN
P
ARTI AL
.
.
R
OF
PHILO SOPHY
IN TH E
FAC ULTY
OF
)
TH E REQUI REM ENTS
FU LF ILM EN T O F
TH E DE G REE O F DO C TO
.
P O LITIC AL SCIEN C E
Y
C O LUM B IA U NIVE RSIT
CO
Y
TH E FAC U L T
PYR I G H T
OF
C O L U M B IA U N I
19 1 1
,
N CE OF
YO RK
P O L I TI C AL SC I E
V R
E
Y
SI T
,
NE W
TH I S B OO K
N O F GRATITUDE AN D A FFEC TIO N
TO TH E M EM O RY O F M Y FATH ER
A s A TO KE
I DE DI CATE
C H E N C H I N C H U AN
‘
-
fi
fi
WHO
SU
FF ERED POVERTY
,
M A N Y B I I I E R D I SA
' '
IN O
M IG
fi
'
.
PPO NTM NT
RDER THAT
HT L EAD
A DVE RSITY AN D
I
E
S
H I S SO N
’
F
TH E Sc H O LAR s LI E
F O RE W O RD
DR C H E N
H U A N C H A N G the
of Th e E c o no m ic
P rinc ip l es o f C o nfu c ius an d H is Sc h o o l has seen some ser
vice as a mandari n i n one o f the metropol itan O ffices i n
Pekin g ; he i s deeply versed i n his native l iterature O f w hich
the s o called C onfucian classics have o ccupi ed h im for many
years ; he is a personal friend and has been a pupil of
Kan g Y u w e i one O f the ori g inators of the modern C hinese
refo rm movement and himsel f a profound connoisseur of
C hi nese l iterature
Thus armed he came to N e w Y ork
about five years ago t o study E n glish and take courses
i n political economy at C olumbi a U n iversi ty Kan g Y u
wei s mo ral success amon g the masses O f C h ina was largely
due to the fact that while bein g tho rou ghly convinced O f
the néc e s s it y O f reform i n social and political l i fe he con
tinned to be an ea ger adherent of C onfucian pri nciples
D r C hen proves a d isciple worthy of his g reat teacher
H i s enthusiasm for the g reat sa g e and h i s doctrine coul d
no t be surpassed ; western read ers w ill find i n h is book the
representation of C o nfucianism from the purely C onfuci an
ist po int O f view by an autho r who i s a C on fucianist h im
self and has had the advanta ge o f si ftin g h i s i deas throu gh
the methods o f western scienc e
FRI E DR I C H H I RTH
P ro f es s o r o f C h ines e C o l um b ia Univ e rs i t y
-
.
,
au t h o r
,
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-
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,
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’
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R
N E W YO K O CTO
,
B ER
15,
mm
.
.
P RE F A C E
p resentin g the economic teachin gs o f C o nfuci anism
D r C hen has adopted the same order of arran gement that
has become usual i n E n g lish t reatises o n pol itical economy
Th e dan g er which this plan i nvo lved of creatin g the im
p ressi on O f a more systematic exposition O f e conomic p ri n
c ip l e s than is to be found i n the sacred w rit in gs
is much
more t han o utwei ghed by t he l ar g e number O f clear antici
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
the
accepted
economic
teach
in
s
of
to
ay
wh
ich
s
d
p
g
it reveals I ncidentally i t enables the author wi th h i s
w i de acquaintance w ith the best E n gl ish e conomic l itera
ture to brin g out many i nterestin g contrasts be t w een C hin
e s e civili zation and the civil izati o n of the O ccident
H is
discussions of such i nstit utions as the family marri ag e
p rivate prope rty and the posi tion O f w oman have an i nterest
and value quite apart from thei r relation to th e main pur
pose o f hi s study
N 0 one can read these pa ges w i thout becomin g convi nced
that C onfucianism i s a g reat economic as well as a g reat
moral and rel i g ious system and t hat i t contains most i f
not all O f th e el ements necessary t o the solution o f the
seri ous p roblems that confront C hi na to day That these
problems may be speedily and happily solved and that D r
C hen may t ake the p rominent and distin guished part i n th e
reformat ion o f h i s co un t ry for wh ich his hi gh character
and unusu al attainments so w ell fit him i s t h e earnest h O p e
O f hi s America n friends
H E N RY R SE A G E R
P ro fe s s o r o f P o lit ic al E c o no m y
U N IV R TY O C TO R 1 5 1 9 1 1
C UM B
IN
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OL
IA
E
SI
,
BE
,
.
A U TH O R S P RE F A C E
’
follow in g treatise includes a discussion of the eco
nomi c principles o f t he C hief discipl es of C onfucius i n suc
c e s s iv e dynasti es
as well as o f the teach in g s O f the Master
himsel f and briefly fo r purposes O f comparison O f the lead
ers of other sch o ols e g tho se o f Kuan Tz ii L ao Tz u M O
Tz iI Shan g Yan g and H s ii Hsin g I t w as d eemed best to
combine w i th the d i scussion O f econom i c theo ry some con
siderat i o n of econom i c histo ry C onsequently the co nd i
tions out o f wh ich the theories arose and to wh ich they w ere
to be applied have usually been described Th e canoni cal
wri tin g s were taken as p rimary sources and the historical
w ritin g s as seconda ry I n connection w ith every theo ry
and instituti on considered th e attempt has been made to
throw l i ght upon its ori g i n and earl iest development B e
cause o f the wealth O f mate rial only the most important
or most i nterestin g h istorical facts Since the H an dynasty
have received attention Althou g h some i n fo r mation i n
re gard to cond i ti o ns i n C hina to day i s g iven i t was not
thou ght desirable to g o ve ry much i nto detail because
these cond itions are i n process o f revolutionary C han g e
and many questi ons are st i ll u nsettled
Th e treatise is therefore essentially a study of the O l d
reg ime i n C hina It i s a su rvey o f the C hinese thou ght
and C hinese institutions wh ich developed independently o f
th e O ccident Althou gh my arran gemen t O f the materi al
fo llows that which has become conven tional amon g western
writers and my understand in g O f the O ld t e xts wa s g rea tly
helped by western t h in k ers I have been very ca reful no t to
read i nt o the w r i tin g s O f the ancient C hinese ideas d rawn
from modern w estern economists All my statem e nts are
based upon the w ords or the spi rit O f the wo rds O f the
TH E
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xi
A U TH O R S P R E F A CE
’
ori g inal t e xts and are in harmony w ith the who le system
Of C onfucius as revealed by a c o mparat ive study o f the
various so urce s I n supp o r t o f my interpretation numerous
quotat io ns and references a re g iven Th e Co nfucian wri t
in g s may b e compared to a g re at m o u ntain containin g rich
mineral resources I am i n t h e p o sit ion o f a miner ex
tractin g a particular o re and contr ibutin g it to t h e world s
pro duct i on A S the miner does n o t create t h e ore i tself
but t hrough h is labor i n e xplorin g di gg in g and refinin g
ma k es it available fo r human use SO I have tr i ed t o add
somethin g to h uman knowled g e My task has been so
t
t
reat
hat
I
have
doubtle
s
made
some
mis
akes
but
I
have
s
g
This
e arnestly t ried to be accurate i n all my statements
is the fi rst a t tempt to p resent t h e eco n omic principles O f
C onfucius and his s ch o ol i n a systematic f o rm i n any l an
At some fut ure t ime I i ntend t o translate this book
g ua g e
i nto C hinese
I am under heavy O bl i g ations t o many persons My
my former
g reatest indebtedne ss is t o Kan g Y u wei
teacher fro m w ho m I O btai n ed a gene ral View of C onfucia n
ism F ro m my American friends especially amon g the
—
professors and students of C olumbi a U n iversity e a
Professors John B ates C lark E dw i n R A Sel i gman
—
r
F riedri ch H i th and W arren B C atl in I received many
i deas and secured assis tance i n various ways My g reat
est o bl i gations h ow ever are to D r and M rs B M Ander
son J r w h o correct ed the g reater part o f my manuscript ;
to P rofessor Henry Ro gers Sea g er who made numerous
suggestions and co rrections th rou ghout the whole book ;
and to Professor Henry R aymond M ussey who read all
the proof Sheet s
C H E N H UAN C H AN G
CO U M B
U V R TY N W Y RK t h
th
n t h d ay
f th
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-
L
IA
m o n t h,
C o nfu c
NI
i
two
us,
E SI
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t h o u s an d
( A ug u s t
30 ,
O
f
o ur
1 91 1
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e
h u n dr e d
A
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s ev e
an d
s ix t y -
.
s e ve n
o
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tw o
y e ars
f
a ter
C O N TE N TS
V O L UM E
R E W O R D B y P o fe s s o r F ri e d ri c h
P R E FA C E
B y P ro fe s s o r H e n ry R
A U TH O R S P RE FAC E
FO
H
r
.
.
I
i th
r
Se ag e r
.
’
PA R T
I
I N T R O D U CTI O N
B OOK I
C O N F U C I U S A N D H I S SC H O O L
.
C H A P TE R
if
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L
II
.
Th e F u nd a
III
.
IV
.
e of
f i
m t
Co n
I
uc u s
f i
d H i D i ip l
W it i g f C f i
fC
f i i m
H i t i l M v m nt
r
n
.
C o nc e
pt
s Of
o n u c u s an
s o
s o r ca
B O O K II
e n al
o
s
u c us
sc
es
o n u c an s
s o
e
e
Co n
R E L A TI O N O F E C O N O M I C S T O O T H E R
SC I E N C E S
V
.
Ec o no
VI
.
E c o no
VII
.
E c o no
V III
.
E c o no
B O O K I II
IX
X
XI
.
.
Ec o no
,
Ec o no
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Ec o no
mi
mi
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th
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c s an d
c s an
c s an
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d P li t i
d E t hi
Sc
o o
i
e nc e s
in G e n e ral
gy
cs
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PL E S
fP g
G E N E R A L E C O N O M I C P RI N C I
mi D v l pm t
mi O g i t i
d th
mi P l i i
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e o
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r
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on
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D
C
hi f C
ivi i
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au s e o
s o ns O f
E c o no
re s s
ro
mi
1 19
1 39
cs
“
xiii
1 68
II
PA R T
C O N SU M P T I O N
B O O K IV
C H A P TE R
XI I
X III
XI V
XV
XV I
G e n e ral P r
.
ppi
if
i ip l
nc
C O N SU M P TI O N
.
es Of
C o nsu
h ih
i
xp
E xp
dit
mp t i
on
R c an d P o o r
n e s s fo r B o t
Ha
D f e re n t W ay s o f G e t t n g P l e as u r e
e n d t u re
G e n e ral St an d ard O f E
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P ti
ar
c u l ar
en
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III
PA R T
P R O D U C TI O N
B OOK v
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T
re e
F A C TO R S O F P R O D U C TI O N
.
F ac t o rs
—P p
L ab o r
o
an d
N at ur e
of
i
pi t
P ro d uc t
i
on
u l at o n
Ca
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V O LU ME
PA RT
II
III
P R O D U C TI O N
B OOK VI
XX
.
XXI
X XII
X X III
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B ran c
A gr
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B R A N C H E S O F P R O D U C TI O N
es Of
P ro d u c t
XXV
.
.
on
in G e n e ral
c ul t ur e
I n du s t ry
Co
mm
e rc e
B O O K V II
X X IV
i
G e n e ral P r
P
ro
fit s
W ag e s
i ip l
nc
.
D I STR I B U TI O N
es Of
D
i t ib t i
s r
u
on:
R e n t , I n t e re s t
and
xv
C OAUQEV YS
B O O K V II I
CHA
P TE R
X X VI
X XVII
X X V III
X X IX
XXX
X X XI
,
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Th e Ts
i
ng
i
T e n Sy s t e
p ly
Ex l i
fth
G v
m tC
G v
m tC
G v
m tL
M o no
SO C I A L I STI C
.
o
c us o n O
Rul
e
i
P O L IC IE S
P
m
4 97
C las s
ng
o
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o n t ro l O f
o
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o n t ro l o
o
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o an s an d
De
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i
f m th
ro
and an d
f G ra n
P
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Su
pp ly
mi
if
P A RT I V
B O O K IX
P
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xp
e nd
it
.
FIN AN CE
P U B LIC F IN A N C E
u re s
Ta at o n in G e n e ral
D re c Ta e s
I n d re c Ta e s
i t x
i t x
P A R T Y]
C O N C L U SI O N
X X XVI
A PP N D X
A PP N D X
,
I
C o n c l us
E
I
I
E
I
II
N DE X
i
on
Tab l e
L I St
Of
C
hi
Ch
th
iti i
Of Au
ro n o l o gy
ne s e
or
es
n
Engl
ih
s
an d
c
F
i
5 34
e ld
5 43
5 52
5 68
5 86
e
'
PUB LI C
A GE
C
hi
nese
PA R T I
I N TR O DU C TI O N
P RI N CIP LES
TH E E CON O M I C
4
b i ng I f we
e
.
OF C ON
m e asu re t h e gr e atness
are t o
FU CI US
h i stor i c
O f an
p
er
I c an s ee only o n e st and ard appl i cab le fo r t h e pur
pose : t h e e ffect i veness of t h at pe rson s in fl uence ac c o r d i n g t o
i ts d i mens i ons du rat i on an d i ntens i ty I f t hi s st and ar d b e
F o r even
appl i ed C on f uc i u s w as o n e of t h e gre at e st of m e n
at t h e p resent d ay afte r t h e lapse O f mor e th an two t h ousand
ye ars t h e mo ral soc i al and pol i t i c al l i fe O f ab out o ne t hi rd
O f man ki nd c ont i nues to b e unde r t h e full i n fl uence O f h i s
m i nd
s o n age ,
’
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1
.
C onfucius
has i ndeed been the maker O f the C hinese peo
ple but he hi mself d id not sprin g from an uncivilized w o rld
Th e date O f the beg innin g o f C hines e h ist o ry is unknown
but it is certain that C hina has existed as a natio n for at
least s ix thousand yea rs Th e fi rst legendary empero r
P aO H s i or F u H s r I S placed 2 4 0 2 years before t h e C o n
—
fuc ian e ra ( 2 9 5 3 2 8 39 B
After the period O f the F ive
E mpero rs came the per iod o f the Th ree Kin g s of as many
dynasties and it was durin g the C hou dynasty the las t O f
thes e th ree that C h in es e civilizatio n reached maturity I t
was afte r lon g perio d s O f SO called sa g e rulers who were
re g arded as t h e head s of both rel i g io n and government at
the hi ghest devel o pment o f C hines e civilization under t h e
C hou dynasty and in the most cultured state o f t h e Duk e
of C hou that C onfucius appeared C onfucianism the new
rel i g ion founded by C onfucius i s therefo re n o t t h e rel i g io n
O f a primi tive tribe but the rel i i o n of a civil ized p eopl e
g
W hile th is was the general sta ge of deve l opment preced
ing the advent of C onfucius i t must not be ima g ined that
actual conditions durin g h is t ime w e re so perfect as to make
the work of a reform er unnecessary Th e age of C o n
fu c ius was quite remote fro m tha t o f t h e sa ge ruler s
W ith
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-
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p
C o nfu c ius u n d s e ine L e h r e
4 e t s eq
Th e A n c ie nt H is t o ry o f C h ina, p p 2 4 2 3
1
,
.
-
.
.
.
,
q
uo t e d
i
in F r e d r
ih
c
H irt h
’
s
F
LI E O F C ON
FU CI US
5
the be g innin g o f Pin g W an g s rei g n ( 2 1 9 B K or 7 7 0 B
the C hou dynasty had practi cally fallen and all the
emperors o f the E astern C hou l ine were w i thout real power
I t was the age O f feudal ism E ach feudal estate was an in
dependent nat ion each p ri nce o f each nation fou ght fo r i ts
sup remacy and the p ower O f the p ri nces was g reater th an
that O f the empero r D urin g C onfucius time the power o f
the prince i n each state had g enerally fallen i nto the hands
o f a few noble famili e s and the go vernm e nt h ad b e come a
form O f oli garchy Somet imes th e private O fficials O f thes e
families took publ ic affai rs into thei r ow n hands Th e con
fusion and d iso rder b rou ght about by the rulin g class ex
tended over the whole empi re whil e the common peopl e
who were not sufficiently educated to help themselves were
enti rely ne glected
Although the g r e at mass O f the pe ople i n C onfucius t ime
was uneducated there was a middle clas s wh ich had edu
cat e d i tself
Since C hi na had be en civili zed for so lon g a
time the people w ere naturally develo p ed to so me e xtent
D uri n g the peri od O f the E aste rn C hou dynasty althou gh
the power o f the imperial g ove rnment decl ined the intel
l ectual g rowth o f the p e opl e i ncrease d
Th e g reate r im
po rtance acquired by the d i fferent i ndependent states w ith
the d imini shin g p ower O f th e emperor g ave rise to much
peaceful diplomatic i ntercourse as w ell as to many h o stile
mili tary expeditions and these fo rm s O f contact had an edu
cat ive influence upon a considerable class o f the peopl e
F u rther as th e pol it ical power was Sh i ftin g from class to
class and from person to person w ithi n each state some
noble famil ies had been ruined and some common peo ple
had risen Th us the pro fession O f learnin g w as also sh i fted
1
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We
use
in t h e
w
nam e ,
Co n
the
e s t e rn
f i
f
o rm s
c
uc u s ,
h
B
.
ro no lo
is
K
.
gy ,
Ku n g
‘
and
as
A
.
in
F u Tz ii
K
B
.
.
v id
c o n u s on
The
Ch
to a o
C
.
i
f i
ne se
wi t h
f m
or
t he
C
f
he
o
t
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
6
RIN CI PL E S
OF C ON
FU C IUS
an d more w idely d iffu
a stru ggle
every one had absolute freedom O f mov e m
d O f speech
I t w as a condition very favorable to t h e development O f the
minds O f the pe opl e
B ut
Such w as the time i n wh ich C onfucius was b o rn
the bi rthplace O f C o nfucius was n o less important than h is
t ime His fam i ly had settled in the state of L u which was
the s ta t e O f the Duke O f C h ou A s the Duke h imself re
mained w i th the imperial gov e rnmen t h e g av e t h e admi n
is t rat io n O f h is es tat e ov e r t o h is s o n w h o conducted i t ac
c ordin g t o h is fath e r s pri n ciple s an d under h is di rection
L u had becom e t h e c e nt e r O f C h i ne s e civili zati o n
Abou t
C onfuci us tim e L u althou g h subord inat e t o t h e g reat stat es
in mili t ary fo rce w as supre m e in art li terature ph ilos o phy
an d morali ty
Amon g C onfucius ancesto rs was C h éng T an g t h e
founder O f t h e Y in dynasty ( 1 2 1 5 1 2 0 3 B K o r 1 7 66 1 7 5 4
B
Afte r t h e fall O f th i s dyn asty W e i Tz ii brother
O f t h e fallen empe ro r was enfeo f
fed by C h o u C h éng W an g
in t h e dukedom o f Sun g Th e tenth anc e stor of C onfucius
r es i gned h is dukedom to his youn ge r brother and thus it
pas sed out of the di r e ct l ine of C o n fucius F ive genera
t ions later K un g fu C hi a the s ixth ancest o r O f C onfucius
i nvented the surname o f K un g from h is adult desi g nation
i ndi catin g s e paration from t h e house of the d uke in con
formity w ith t h e anci e n t cu s tom O n account of some
po l itical trouble the g reat g randfather O f C onfucius fled
from Sun g to t h e state of L u and became mayor in the city
O f F an g
C onfucius father Sh u li an g H O was mayor in
the city O f Tsou an d d isting uished himsel f as a brave soldier
Since o n reachin g the age of sixty four he had no hei r who
co uld be his succ es sor he w as obl i ged t o marry a youn g
Y
e
n
C h en g tsai who became t h e mother of C onfuci us
irl
g
Th e year of C onfucius bi rth acco rd in g t o the C o mm e n
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F
FU C I US
LI E O F C ON
7
taries O f Kun g yan g and Ku lian g was the twenti e th year
but the be g innin g
O f C hou L in g W an g s rei g n ( 5 5 2 B C )
O f the C onfucian era i s dated one yea r later ( 5 5 1 B
C )
on account O f a mi stake made by Ss iI ma C hien the g reatest
histori an
H is bi rt hday acco rd in g t o th e present C h inese
calendar is the twenty firs t day O f the ei ghth month H is
bi rthplace i s i n the p resent d istrict O f K iih fe u Shantun g
provi nce K un g was hi s family name ; C h iu hi s personal
name ; and C hun g n i h i s adul t d esi g nation Th e w ord C o n
fuc ius has come from three C hinese w ords K un g F u Tz ii
E u Tait meanin g master
He
C onfucius w as powerful i n b ody and k e en i n mi nd
stud ied unde r many masters an d i n many places b e comin g
a many s ided and versatile man
Th e g reates t se rvice O f C on fucius to hi s contempo rari es
was as a teacher O penin g h is school at the age of tw e nty
tw o he tau ght continuously to the time o f h is death W hen
he was th irty five a noble o f one O f the l ead in g famil i es O f
L u o n his death b e d ordered h i s tw o sons M éng Y i t z ii
and N an kun g C hin g shu to become pupils O f C on fucius
and th es e two noble pupils undoubtedly increa s ed h is infl u
en ce W hen at th is time he wi sh ed to vi sit the imperi al
—
capital N an kun g C hin g shu advised the Marquis O f L u
to furnish a carria ge two h orses and a se rvant fo r h im and
h imsel f accompan ied h is teacher D urin g th is vi si t a ve ry
si gn ificant i nte rv iew occurred between C on fucius and L ao
Tz ii the ea rl iest philosopher O f the C hou dynasty then
keepe r o f the imperial a rch ives and late r re garded as the
founder O f Taoism C on fucius consulted th is learned man
concern in g th e rites questioned C han g H un g a h i gh im
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H e b eg an t o
45 5
2
(
10 4 -97
B
.
w it
r
C )
e
t he
,
H is t o ric al
R
e c o rd
in 448
,
and
fin
ih
s
it in
ed
.
C an o n ic al I n t e rp r e t at io n
o
f t h e Ts
‘
i
ng
Dy nas t y
,
vo l . x
xxi ii
,
ch
.
i
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
RI N CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU C I US
perial O fficer about mus i c and stud ied many other thin g s
After his return home h is pup i ls increased in n umber
O ne year later on account O f a civil war C onfucius w ent
to the nei ghbor i n g state O f C h i Th e Marquis O f C h i w ished
to confer upon him a territo ry but th i s was o bj ec ted to by
a court ier named A n Tz iI As h e could no t hold a go od
to
O ffice there C onfucius returned at the ag e of f o rty t w o
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After his return he d e voted himsel f e xclu s ively to t e ach
—
At fo rty ei ght
ing and w riti n g for a period of ten years
he prepared the C ano ns o f P o e t ry O f H is t o ry O f R it es and
O f M u s ic
Many pupils n o w came to him from remote re
i
i
n
ions
B
ut
he
a
O
anx
ous
o
secur
pol
itical
power
w
s
S
t
e
g
order to refo rm t he C hinese wo rld that he eve n consider e d
accepti n g t h e i nvitations of the rebels At fift y O n e wh en
Kun g Shan F u j ao w h o held the city O f F ei in rebell io n
against the min ister of Lu invited h im t o come C onfuciu s
w as dis p o sed to comply
He said that i f any one would
e m fl o y hi m
he mi ght creat e a new dynasty O f C hou in
the E ast Te n years later at sixt y one he als o c o nsidered
acceptin g the i nvitatio n O f Pi Hsi w h o rebelled w it h t h e
city O f C hung mou a g ainst the mi nister O f Tsin Altho ugh
he di d not go to s e e thes e t w o rebels at all and refuse d their
invitations it is clear that his love and faith were d ire cted
much more toward the g eneral publ ic than toward any per
sonal ruler
Th e po l itical career o f C onfucius althou gh not an im
po rtant part O f his li fe is pr o o f O f his practical talents At
fift y two he was appointed ma g istrate O f the city of C hun
g
tu b y the Marquis O f L u H is administration was very suc
c e s s fu l
and the princes O f n eig hbori n g states took i t as a
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Th e C h in e s e C las s ic s
I b id
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,
p
,
32 1
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,
vo
l
.
i pp
,
3 1 9 20
-
.
.
F
LI E OF C ON
FU C I US
9
model A t fift y three the Marquis appo i nted h im M i nister
o f the I nterio r and then M inister o f Justice A court ier
O f the state O f C h i wh ich was j ealous O f its nei g hbo r L u
warn ed h is p rince that the i ncreasin g i nfluence of the latter
state under the admini s tration O f C onfucius would endan g er
the balance O f powe r H is pri nce therefore i nvited the
Marquis O f L u to c o me t o a friendly meetin g i n o rder to
catch hi m and make h im pris o ner C onfucius accompani e d
h is pri nce as substitute for the pr i me min ister H e defeated
the treacherous plot throu g h h is Speeches and th rou gh a
Show O f mil ita ry force SO that C h i was obl i g ed to apolo g ize
and as a mar k O f friendshi p to restore the former conquests
which i t had made from L u At fift y five C o nfucius
st ren gthened the rul in g h ouse by hav i n g the walls O f the
ci ti e s O f the noble famil ies pulled down Reach in g the
he i ght O f civi l g reatness h e became at fift y Six the actin g
prime mi nister W i thin seven days h e o rdered the e x e c u
ti on O f a g reat dema g o gu e Shao c h éng Mao as bein g dan
ro u s to the publ ic wel fare
e
h
i
W
ith
i
n
three
months
s
g
mo ral i nfluen c e p revailed over the wh o le state But t h e
nei ghborin g countries be gan to fear that under C onfucius
refo rmation L u would ove rtop and subdue them all TO
preven t th is the M arquis O f C h i above re ferred to sent
ei ghty beautiful dancin g g i rls and o ne hundred and twenty
fi ne horses as a g i ft to the prince o f L u for the purpo se O f
bri n g in g about a separatio n betwe e n h im and C onfucius
Th e result was the demo ralization O f the g ove rn ment as
both the prince and the real prime min iste r neglected thei r
dut i es Co nfuci us lost h is i nfluence and soo n left h is native
count ry fo r travel
C onfucius travels w ere i n the nature O f missi ona ry w ork
He a imed to establish h is kin gdom i n the actual present
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C f t h e H is t o ri c al
.
R
e c o rd ,
ch
.
x lv n ,
on
whi h t hi h p t
c
s
c
a
er
is b as e d
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
10
RIN CIP LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
world through the influence O f a governme nt He was no t
a narrow patriot H e presented himself for o fficial employ
ment b efore seventy t w o princes and eve n in t h e barbari c
state o f C h u But he was not able i n any case to real ize
his purpose He was satirized by many o f h is c o nt em p o r
aries who felt the world to be evil and kept al o of from it
Th e
C onfucius declaration is at once sane and pathetic :
“
b ird and beast sai d he sorrow fully cannot be i n the
s ame society w ith us I f I do not associate w ith my fello w
m en with whom shall I associate ? H ad the world been
”
This w as the
pe rfec t I would not care to chan ge i t !
Spi r i t of C onfucius : to love the w o rld t o se rv e the worl d
and to busy himsel f restlessly in his mi ssion
U pon four di fferent oc casions durin g his travel s ; his l i fe
was placed i n j eopardy F i rst at fift y sev en h e w as im
prisoned by the people of the ci ty O f K uan g fo r five day s
H i s pupils were fearful but he said : A fter the death of
W en W an g was not the cause o f truth lod ged h e re in m e ?
I f God had wi shed t o let th is caus e O f truth perish th e n I
his successor who later must di e should n o t have been
place d i n such a relation to that caus e B ut SO lon g as God
do e s not let the cause o f truth perish what c an the p e ople
of K uan g do to me ?
A g ai n at fift y ei ght when w ith
h i s pup i ls he was performin g reli g ious ceremon ies under the
sh ade O f a large tree Huan Tu i the mi nister O f w ar O f the
state O f Sun g who w ished to kill him had the tree cut
down Then his pupils warned him to g o away at once
Go d has p roduced
said he the vi rtue that is in m e
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1
C l as s ics ,
2
i p
vo l .
,
f i h
t
wh m G
t
i b tw
f
d mi t
h
Con
ru l e r s
uc us
o
o
s ix c en u r e s
no t a
e re
O
e
s uc
.
334
.
in d e n t ifie s
od
een
.
,
h ad
i
him l f wi t h
n t ru s t e d
t h e in s t ru ct io n
"
him l f d W e
th
I b id pp
an o
se
er
.
i
t h e l n e O f t h e g re at s ag e
se
an
n
.
,
.
W an g ( 6 7 3
2 1 7- 8
.
o
-
f m en
5 84 B
.
.
In
al l t h e
h e do e s
TH E E C O N O M I C P
12
RI N CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
he now finished them and also the C an o n o f C h ang es Th e
Sp ring and A u t u m n was w ri tten at the age O f seventy t w o
What he wrote was v e rv much the sam e as what he was
teachin g to his three thousand pupils particularly the C an
ons of P o e t ry H is t o ry R it es and M u s ic Those w ho g rad
rites music archery charioteerin g
u at e d i n the s ix arts —
—
writing and mathematics which w ere all p rescribed co urses
for each person were s e venty two in number H is best stu
dents were those w h o sp e ciali zed in m o rality o rato ry poli
tics and l iterature There wer e m any speci al students
Therefore the number O f his foll o wers amo unted t o s ixty
thousand
C onfucius was already an o l d m an whe n h e finished h is
w ritin gs ; they were the product O f his most mature w isdom
H e now felt that h is w o rk w as d o ne O n e mo rnin g h e go t
up early and as h e w alked back and fo rth befo re h is do o r
with his hands behi nd his bac k d ra gg i n g his sta ff he s an g
the fo llow in g words :
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i m
m
m
m
Th e Tai M o u nt a n
u s t c ru
b le !
Th e s t ro ng e s t b e am
u s t b re a !
Th e
u s t fad e !
s e st m an
wi
k
days later the death of Th e Perfect Holy Man
took place He was s e venty four years O l d ( 4 7 9 B
Th e hi ghest hono rs were bestowed upon him after his
death Th e M arquis O f L u came t o pass eulo gy upon him
H e was buried in what is now called the F orest o f K un g
to which the trees were ori g inally brought from d i fferent
states by his pupils H is pupils stayed there unti l the end
o f three years mournin g but Tz iI kun g ( h i s pup i l ) alo ne
built a house ne ar hi s tomb an d l ived there fo r three years
more Some O f his pup ils and some o f th e people of L u
Seven
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A c c o rd
is t h e
e le
i
ng
t o the
v th d
en
ay O
p
re s e nt
f t he
Ch
s e c o nd
i
ne s e
m
o nt
c ale n d ar,
h
.
t he
c o rr e s
p
i
o n d ng
d at e
FE
LI
OF C ON
FU C I US
I
3
mo re than one hundred families in all moved to the Vi cinity
O f h is tomb and formed what was called the V illa g e of
K un g Th e peo ple sacrificed to h is tomb for many g enera
tions and the C o nfuci an scholars also practised d i fferent
ceremoni es about i t H i s house was then converted i nto a
temple i n which hi s clothes hats harp carria g e and b o oks
were sto red Th e fi rst emperor who came to w orship h im
was Han Kao Ti ( 35 7 A K or 1 9 5 B
W hen n ew
pri nces and g overnors fi rst came to th e state they always
w orship e d h im before they t o ok up th ei r O fficial duties
Since 5 0 4 A K the descendants O f C onfucius h ave b e en a
pe rmanent nobil ity Th e p resen t duke O f hi s descendants
is i n the seventy sixth g en eratio n from h im I n 6 1 0 A K
A
H
a
M
in
T
i
first
o
rdered
the
I
mperial
U
n
i
n
(59
g
versity and all the g overnment schools i n each d istrict to
worsh ip C on fucius Since that time the sch o ol houses have
been at the same time C onfucian church e s and they have
been established th rou ghout the whol e empi re
I n co nclusion then w e may say that C onfucius was a
reat
ph
ilosopher
a
reat
educato
r
a
reat
statesman
and
a
g
g
g
reat
musician
but
above
all
that
he
was
th
e
founder
f
a
O
;
g
z
reat
rel
i
ion
his
i
s
well
stated
by
kun
when
h
e
T
i
I
T
g
g
g
says : C ertainly God has endowed h im unl imitedly as a
reat
sa
e
and
mor
over
h
i
s
abil
ity
is
various
e
Y
u
O
g
J
g
pupil O f Co nfucius said F rom th e bi rth O f mankind till
no w
there never has been one so comple t e as C on fucius
and the same statement i s also g iven by Tz iI kun g and
M encius ( 1 80 2 6 3 A K o r 37 2 2 89 B
I n th e A na
l e c t s C onfucius by tacit impl ication compares h imsel f w ith
God and i n the Doctri ne O f the M ean
C on fuci us is
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C las s ic s
2
C l as si c s
C las s
I b id
.
,
i
,
,
vo l .
i p
vo l
I I,
.
c s , vo l .
p
.
429
.
2 18
pp 94 —
6
i p 36
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1
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TH E E C O N O M I C
14
P RI N CI P LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
Th e C h in e s e worshi p him no t
called the e qual o f God
from any superstitious idea b ut on the philo s ophical g roun d
that the individual possessed O f t h e most complet e s i n cerity
and tha t when t h e sa ge is beyo n d
is reg arded as divi ne
”
Although
our kno wled g e he i s wha t is called divine
C onfucius died about twenty five c en turies ago t h e C hinese
believe that his fundamental teachin gs will remai n true fo r
ever Thi s is bec ause o n the o ne hand the teachin g s based
on the doctri ne O f the mean never gO t o extrem e s ; and o n
the other bein g subj ect to the doctrin e o f chan ges they
easily adapt themselves to the envi ronme nt C onfucius is
“
In fact t h e
called by Mencius Th e Sa g e o f Times
teachin g s o f C onfucius are based on t h e nature of man
and as lon g as w e are human bein gs no matter i n wha t age
o r i n what reg ion we may l iv e w e can learn fro m him
H ence the C hinese believ e that there has been no other m an
so g reat as C o n fuciu s
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1
1
C las s ic s ,
vo
l
i
4 18
,
p
.
C las s ics ,
v o l . II,
p
.
4 90
C las s ics ,
vo l . I,
p
.
393
.
.
.
.
.
II
C HA P TE R
F U N DA M E N TA L
TH E
C O N C E P TS
CON FU CI US
OF
H A V I N G review e d the mo re impo rtant facts O f C onfuci us
l i fe w e pass now to the fundamental concepts O f the whol e
There are two g eneral classes O f
C onfuci an ph ilosophy
these concep ts one class based on th e law O f variety and the
other o n the law o f unity ; the one chan g eable w ith the needs
the othe r unchan g eable rooted in the nature
O f the times
o f man O f the firs t type are th e pri ncipl e O f the Th ree Sy s
tems and the pri nciple O f th e Thr e e Sta ges ; O f the second i s
the p rinciple o f love wh ich i s to be practised on the basi s O f
rec ip roci ty
’
,
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I
TH E T
.
H RE E SY STE M S
is l i k e a g reat physician and his teachin gs are
l ike prescriptions Just as the g reat physic i an never g ives
a si n gle kind o f med icine as a rem e dy fo r all diseases s o
C onfucius neve r g ives a sin gle form O f teachin g as the l aw
o f all a ges I n the Sp r ing an d A u t u m n he sets forth the
principl e of the Th ree Systems and we meet th is p rinci ple
i n all his writin g s Th e Three Systems are represented by
the Three Dynasties H sia Y i n and C hou and he ma k es
everythin g i n th ree d i fferent fo rms F o r example the ne w
year be g ins with eith er the first month o r the second o r the
th i rd ; the new day be g ins e ither i n th e mornin g o r i n the
m iddle between mornin g and midn i ght o r at mid ni ght ; the
principal colo r i s either black o r wh ite o r red There i s
not a cert ain fo rm but the one is as go od as the othe rs
H ence the p rinciples o f the Three Dynasties are as i n a cycle
C onfucius
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IS
TH E E C ON O M I C P
16
RI N CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
the one succeeds the other whenever the f o rmer p rin c ip l
does not wo rk well Th e fundamental concep t is that all
human c i v il i zat i on and soc i al l i fe are necessarily chan ged in
order to reform the ev il of t h e past and meet the need o f
Any g ood th in g must come t o a period O f
t h e present
decay and b ecome an evil C ivilizati o n may run throu gh a
lon g course to the ori g i nal p rinciple and then start a gai n
althou gh such a principle may no t take exactly the ori g inal
form O r i n di fferent places di fferent civil izations and in
s t it u t io n s may exist at t h e same time
-
,
.
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
II
TH E T
.
H RE E
STA G E S
A principle more important than the Th ree Syst e ms i s the
Three Sta ges
I n the firs : o f these t h e D isorderly Sta ge
primitive civil ization is j ust arisin g from chaos and the
social mind is still v e ry rud e Th e re is a s harp di s tincti o n
be tween one s own co untry and all o ther civil ized countri e s
Hence attention is paid mor e t o c o ndition s at hom e t han
abroad and except the g reat powers the small countri es
are neglected I n the s e co n d the Advancin g Peace Sta g e
there is a disti nction o n ly between all the civil ized co un
tries and t h e barbarians Th e limit O f civil ization is
broader and the fri endship O f nation s is closer ; b y the equal
ri ght even the small countries can have their representat ive s
I n the third the E xtreme P eace Sta g e there is no dis
tinct i on at all Th e b arbarians become civilized countries
and Obtain the same t i tle i n the d iplomatic ci rcle W hethe r
the nations are rem o te or near s mall o r g reat t he whole
world is as one uni t and t h e character of mankind is O n
the hi ghest plane
Th e principle O f the Th ree Sta ges illustrated by the inter
national relation is established in the Sp ring an d A u t um n
.
,
,
,
.
’
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
-
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
1
,
1
I t is
k w
no
v
the
e ry
i
s t ran ge
i
.
h
l vi w
n t e rnat o n a
t at P ro
e
o
f
J m
f i
esso r
f C on
a
es
L e g ge
u c u s at al l .
pp
a
He
are nt ly
s ay s :
-
do e s
Co n
no t
f i
uc us
FUN DA M E N TA L
C O N C E P TS O F C O N
FU CI US
17
B ut w e can find thi s pri nciple i n all C onfuci us writin g s
whatever the subj ect F o r example i n pol itics despotism
’
.
,
,
,
,
constitutional ism and anarchism are three sta g es ; i n re
lig io n polytheism monism and athei sm are three sta g es
Th e three sta ges can be subdivided i nto nine ei ghty one
and so on I t is simply the theo ry of pro g ress o r evoluti on
B ut w e must remember th is princi pl e i n order to understand
that the teach in gs o f C onfucius althou g h sometimes appar
ently i nconsistent are all fi tt e d t o d i fferent sta ge s and that
w e must not ma k e the mistake of applyin g the theories of
the l o w sta g e to the advanced sta g e
Th e A dvancin g Peace Sta g e is also called the Small Tran
quilli ty and the E xtreme Peace Sta g e the Great Similarity
Th e marked difference between these tw o sta g es i s described
by C on fucius himself I t is a most impo rtant p assa g e an d
.
,
,
-
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
m k
d p
p vi i
d t
ti
M i d dl Ki
a e s no
en
e
Th e
H ea e n
‘
v
na
en
o ns
e
He
.
ngd o
B e y o n d it
’
.
i t
k wi
fo r t h e
s on
ro
,
m
w
n e r c o u rs e o
ne
m lt i t
Th e
‘
’
n d ee d o
,
u
o n ly
e re
f
f h is
no ne
ude
ru d e
o
and
wi t h t h
h C hi w
c o u n t ry
su c
t
f G re a
St at e s
i
q i t mi
’
A ll
‘
,
b arb aro u s t r b e s
him
as t o
na
.
in
e r an d
o
u n de r
( C h in es e
.
i pp 7
Thi
l di g
t at m
t i
C
f
m d m y p vi i
i t
f hi
th
t y
wit h t h
d w
mpi l t h I t
d i d p d t
ti
;
ti
l L w
f C
ly
f i v f m t h Sp i g d A t m
I C
m
f i t im C hi w d ivi d d p i t m y t i
Th
f l di g
b
w
d th t t l
mb f ti
ti
t w lv
w
v
h d d Th f h i
t C hi
b t L
t y w
ly wit h
L
h d i t
d i d p d t
Si
ti
th
w hy
ti
h ld C f i k w thi g b t t h m Th
ti
f G
w
ll d Th m l t i t d
t St t
d Th M i dd l
Thi w
i t t i l i t y d t h t m M i d dl
Ki g d m
th
t
w
Ki g d m w l i k t h t m C h i t d m B y d t hi t h
f
ly
k w
t hi t im
d
t ib
C hi
d b b
th
th
whi h C f i l iv d B y t h t m
Thi w
di ti
d
H v
lly m
ld
hwv C f i
A ll
d
t t h wh l w
d it i l d d
f g
t t t b t l ll t h
ly t h m l ti t d
t
ly t h
m t im
d t
v
t ib
A lt h
b b
gh it w
w ld
h t m v y
ld
v m
C hi
I
f t C f i l w y k p t h wh l w ld i
ti
l t t
h i mi d
C las s ics , v o l
fuc iu s h as
o
na
on
er
o
as o
a e
a
n
uc u s
un r e
a
s
na
o ns
e re c a
n
o
un
an
ar aro u s
ne s e
na
o na
s
n
u
ru
con
e
e a e n,
es
r
or
.
”
,
.
o
un
e
on
n
an
e
o na
ac
,
u
as
er
,
re a
e
so
e r o ne
o n uc u s
a
e
c an
a s
es
ee
e
use
u
n
en
e
e
u
en
e
e
e re
ne
e
a so
co
er
ne
er
o e
a
.
er
o e
e
.
e se
ne s e
u
.
o ns
?
.
o
co u
s
n a,
e re
e
s a e s,
see ,
na
er
s,
e an
re a
e o
o
e
e
ar as
on
n
e nu
an
on
e
n er
e
e
an
,
co u n r
.
er
a ou
a es
so
o ns
an
er
o n uc u s
o n uc u s
u
nu
n
.
e s,
r
u u
on
.
s
an
o a
so c e
o
o
as n o
re a
c
e r,
e
a
no
n
e
na
o
e o
s ea
co
an
s c o un r
er
o u
.
s uc
e,
ar aro u s
on
no
e
s a e
an
n o
r s en
er
r n
u
n e rna
e
e
e
u
c an
e
e
no
e
n e rc o u rs e
e
nu o u s
e
u
s
an
co n
e
as
e
o re ,
on
e
on
nc u
e re
.
or
ro
e
ou
as
er
as
en
o ns
en
e
uc u s
s
.
as
s
“
”
e
s
na
n e rc o u r s e
o ns ,
o
en
as
na o n s
na
n
s o ns
na
e,
n
u
ro
o n uc u s
’
e r o ne
nc e
en
e
e
s
s
an
o
ea
10
.
,
an
er
o na
n
.
or
a
on
.
e
e
e an
or
a
n
TH E E C ON O M I C P
18
we must quote it fully
C onfucius says
.
RI N CIP LE S
I n the
OF C O N
E volution
FU CI US
of
C ivilization
,
W h en t h e Gr eat P ri nciple [ of t h e Gre at Si m i l ari ty ] p rev ai ls t h e
w h ole world b ecome s a repu b l i c ; t h e y elect men of t alents v i r
tue an d abi l i ty ; t h ey t al k ab out s i ncere a greement and cult i vate
un i ve rs al pe ace Th us m e n do no t re ga rd as t h e i r p aren t s o nly
t he i r own p arents nor tre at as t h e i r c h i ldren only t h e i r own
A c o m p e t e nt p rov i s i on i s s e cured for t h e aged t i ll t h e i r
c hi ld ren
d e at h em ployme nt fo r t h e m iddle aged and t h e me ans o f grow
ing up to t h e youn g Th e w i d o we rs w i dows orp h ans c hi ldless
m e n an d t h ose w h o are d i s ab led b y d ise ase are all su ffic i ently
m ai nt ai ned
E ac h man has h is r i gh ts and e ach w o m an h e r
i nd i v i du al i ty safe guarded Th e y p ro d uce wealt h d i sl iki ng
t h at i t s h o uld b e th row n aw ay up o n t h e ground b ut not w i sh
Di sl iki n g i dl e
ing to k eep i t for t h e i r own gr at i ficat i on
ness t h ey l abo r b ut not alone w i t h a v i ew to t h e i r own ad
v ant age In t hi s w ay sel fis h sch em i ngs are re pressed an d find
no w ay to ari se Ro bb er s filc h e rs an d re be ll i ous t rai tors do
not ex i st H ence the outer d oo rs r e m ai n open and are not
s h ut Thi s i s t he stage of w h at I c all t h e Gre at Si m i l ar i ty
N o w t h at t h e Gr e at Princ i ple h as no t yet bee n develop e d t h e
world is i n h er ited th ro u gh fam i ly Eac h one regards as h is
par ents o nly h i s o w n p arents an d t re ats as h i s c h i ld ren only h is
own c hi ldren The we alth o f each and hi s l abo r are o nly for h i s
self i nterest G re at m e n i magi ne i t i s t h e rule t h at t h e i r estate s
s h ould des cend i n t h e i r o w n fam i l i es Th e i r obj ect i s to make
th e w alls o f t h e ir c i t i es an d su b urb s st ron g and t h e i r d itch es
an d m o ats secu re
R i tes and j ust i ce are re garded as the th reads
by w h i c h t h ey see k t o m ai nt ai n i n i ts correctness t h e re lat i o n
be tween rule r and m i n i ster ; in i ts gene rous regard t h at b e
tw e en f at h e r an d son ; i n i ts h armony t h at be tween elder
bro t h e r and youn ger ; and i n a commun i ty of sent i ment t h at
b et w e e n h usb and and w i f e ; and i n ac c o rd an c e w i t h t h em t h ey
re u l ate c onsu m pt i on
d i st rib ute l and an d dwe ll i n gs d i st i n
g
gu i s h t h e m e n of m i l i t ary abi l i ty an d c unn i n g an d ac h i eve
th e i w o rk w i t h a v i ew t o t h e i r own adv ant age Th us i t i s
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
-
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
-
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
-
.
.
.
,
,
,
r
.
TH E E C O N OM I C P
RIN CI PLE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
abil ity are chosen by the people so that t h e p e o pl e the m
se lves are the soverei g n and the relatio n b e twee n rul e r and
subj e ct does not ex ist Man an d woman are not bound
by the t ie of marriag e so that t h e relation s between
husband and w i fe b e tween father an d son and betw een
brothers do not ex ist Th e o nly relation th at r e mai ns is
friendship There is no fam i ly s o that t here is n o inh e ri
There is n o
t ance no private pro perty n o selfish schem e
class s o that the only classificati o n is mad e e i ther by age
or by sex ; but whether o l d middle a g ed o r youn g whether
man or woman each satisfies h is needs Th e Great P rin
so that everyone i s
c ip le of the Great Similarity prevails
naturally as g oo d as every one else and the disti nction of the
five moral constants is go ne E ach h as o nly natural love
t oward others
re g ardless of artificial rites and j ust ice
Speakin g of the Small Tranquillity C onfucius g ives six
superior m en as examples but for the Great Simil ari ty h
doe s no t mention any o ne becaus e it h as never existed I n
the C an o n o f H is t o ry C onfuci us take s up Yao and Shu n
to represent the sta g e of Great Similarity as they did not
hand down thei r thrones t o thei r son s y et he doe s no t men
tio n them here Th e pri nciple o f the Three Sta ge s is the
principle o f pro g ress ; w e must look fo r t h e golde n age in
the future ; the E xtreme Pea ce o r the Gre at Similarity is
the goal
an d
,
,
.
,
“
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
-
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
III
.
L O VE
Both the Three System s and the Three Sta g es come
under the l aw of variety in accordance w ith extern al c o n
d it io ns ; the law of unity is based on the i nn e r nature o f
man I t is the principle o f lo ve F rom the reli g ious point
o f view the unity is called God ; fro m the ph ilos o ph
ic al point of view it is called Yu an ; fro m the ethical
~
.
.
,
’
,
F U NDAM EN TA L C O N C E P TS
O F C ON
FU CI US
21
poi nt o f view i t i s called love
These th ree names are
based o n the same p ri nciple because i t is a uni ty Th e un ity
o f the universe is noth in g but l ove Th e cement of the
universe is called God o r Yu an and that of s ociety i s called
love Co nfuci us says L ove i s man and M enci us repeats
the same words I f w e put i t i nto n eg ative form any one
wh o does not con fo rm to t h e p rinciple of love is not a man
1
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
2
.
,
.
IV
R E C I PR O C I TY
.
There
is a questio n as t o how we should practice the pri n
A fte r C on fucius sai d to Ts en g Tz ii hi s
c ip l e o f love
”
“
pupil
My d o ctri ne i s that o f an all pe rvadi n g unity
Ts en g Tz u explai ned to other pupils that the un i ty i s simply
faith ful ness and re cip roci ty
C onfuci us h imsel f says :
“
F aith fulness and recip roci ty are not fa r fro m the w ay
W hat you do not w ish when done to yoursel f do not do to
W e can s ee there fore that faith ful nes s and
reciprocity both make up th e uni ty but faith fulness is in
cluded i n the principle o f reciprocity W hen Tz ii kun g
“
asked
I s there one wo rd wh ich may s e rve as a rul e o f
”
practice fo r all one s l i fe ? C on fucius said
I s not reci
?
procity such a w ord W hat you d o no t want don e to your
sel f do not d o to others
Statin g th is g olden rule posi
t iv e ly C onfucius says :
Th e man who p ractices the p ri n
c ip l e o f love w ish in g to establ ish h imsel f s eeks also to e s
t ab l is h others ; w ishin g to develop h imsel f he seeks als o
to develop others To be able to take one s inmost sel f for
‘
'
-
.
,
-
,
,
‘
-
3
.
.
,
,
,
,
-
.
,
’
,
” 5
.
,
,
,
,
,
’
.
1
Se e
King
Vi
w d Ch i m
i t i g Th w
‘
or
na n
e
.
C l as s i cs
C las s
I b id
5
.
I b id
,
.
,
e an s
en
”
i
,
vo l .
cs , vo l.
p
p
pp
,
.
394
.
.
30 1
.
.
4 0 8, 4 1 5
Go d ,
o rd
b e ne
v
,
0
.
.
1
Le g g e
w
l v
ii p
an d al s o t h e
i p 4 5;
i pp 69
,
.
4
o l en c e
is
an d v o l
70
.
.
’
s
i
t rans l at o n
o rd
o
e.
,
.
Yii an,
485
.
is
o b s c u re
.
t h e gr e at an d
Th e
or
ig
TH E
E C O N O MIC P R IN CIP LES
C ONF U CIU S
OF
j ud g in g o f o th e rs may b e called t h e art o f applyin g the
”
Thi s principle make s e gotis m and
p ri nciple o f love
altruism into one and the s ame th in g and makes one re gard
others as onese l f I n short the principl e o f love is the end
and the law o f re ciprocity is t h e means Th is is the unity
o f C onfuciani s m
t he
,
1
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
1
C l as s ic s ,
vo l .
i, p
.
194.
III
C HA P TE R
WRI TI N G S
C ON FU C I US
or
I
W RI TI N G S
.
OF C ON
D I SC I P L ES
H 1s
AND
FUCI US
WE have sai d that the work of C onfuci us i s no g reater
than h is w ri tin gs L e t us now consi der what hi s w ritin g s
are Since they are called the H oly B ible and are the
oldest and best l iterature of the C hinese they occupy the
fi rst department of th e C hinese l ibrary Th e study of them
is very difficul t ; many g ood scholars spend in g thei r whole
l ives study thorou ghly merely a part of them ; yet thei r
p ri nciples can never be exhausted Th e w ri t i n gs on the
subj ect o f the C onfucian B ible therefore are most numer
ous B ut we shall g ive the essen tials i n the most condens e d
way
.
1
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
i
S
1
J m
a
nce
the
C
i
L e gg e
es
i
s t an d n g
hi
nt o
f the
o
w
th
w
o rd
ne s e
e
n at u r e
h t t h w i ti g
i him l f i
id
f m th
( Cf p
g
t
a
e se
c us
n
r
as s a e
.
the
are
co ns
s
se
s
ro
A nno t at io n
o
i
B b le
fo r
s t r an s l at e d
c,
o n uc u s
o
re
ar
t
’
a e
as
e re
n
r
as
e
o
e re
”
s
een
f
e sso r
ns
ne
re
ne
een
s un
uc
us
.
e c au s e
,
,
o n e
q
k
-
e
on u
a
an
sen
er
co n en
e
A dj u n c t t o t h e Sp r ing and A u t u m n,
Ku ng y ang 1 4 t h y e ar o f Du e Ai ) A n
e
f
b y P ro
h h b m h mi d
f C
f i w i t i g It m t b
t
d d
d d
d ivi
ly i pi d b
f
C
g
h v b d ivi ly t d pp i t d
d t
C l as s
o rd
i
mi
w as
uo t e d
.
in
ac c o u nt
.
P i ty i w hi h C f i
p
p i
mp l t i
f hi w iti g
i
d
ivi g d ivi pp v l i t h f m f
i b w m
d
i g d w
f m ab v d t mi t ti g i t l f i t y ll w j d wi t h
ld
d p
w d
m t g iv t t h l i g i a d w i t
lp t
it w
i g f C f i i t h mi d f t h C hi
p p l t h m l aim
li g i
a d B ib l
p
f
d h
t
th
th
t
l v l
f th w it i g
f C
p p l w h a pt th m B t t h
d
h t y
i i
i
t b
g
iv
s
re
an
as
n
o
or
n
s
o
a
eo
F
in t h e A dj u n c t t o t h e C an o n o f il ial
re s e n t e d as
r e o r t ng t o
Go d t he c o
en
n
ro
s scu
o
nc u s
o
u re
u
o n uc u s
s ac re
e
n
rec e
o
s no
c
ne
a
e
an
on
n
cce
as e
n
e
.
o n s uc
s
er
o
u
n
o
a s or
o
e
.
o
ne s e
o ns
re a
o
n
a ue
n
,
e
se
e
re
e
or
e
s ee
ou
,
as
n
ran s
e
arac e r
a
ro
e
on
o
n o
e
e
re
eo
e
ra n
o
o
a e
on
e
e
co
n
sa
e
o ssess
r
n
n s
r
s
a re
es
o
o n u c us
c
s
r
c
or
o
e
on
P R I N C I PL E S
TH E E C O N O M I C
24
O F C ON
FU CI US
All the d i fferent w riti ng s of Co nfuci us h imsel f are call e d
B ibles B ut as the word is not ord inarily used in t h e plural
”
i n E n g lish we are obli g ed to adop t t h e word C ano n
O ri g inally the C hinese called them C h ing wh i ch mean s
B ible W e shall revi ew them acco rd in g to thei r or i g inal
order as follows
1 Th e C an o n O f P o e t ry contains thre e hund red and five
poems E xcept t h e first two poem s o f Th e O de s o f Pin ”
they were all w ri tte n by d i fferent authors in the C h o u
dynasty ( about 6 3 1 4 7 B K or 1 1 82 5 98 B
but they
are edited by C onfucius acc o rdin g t o his own p rinciples
H ow m any corrections have b e en mad e by him we do no t
know b ut w e are s ure tha t he must hav e chan ged the or i g i
nal words i n some way Th e poems are divided int o thr ee
kinds : the F éng spi rits of d i fferent nations ; t h e Ya po li tics
o f the imperial g overnment ; the Sung prais e s in the tem p l e s
B ecause p ol itics is concerned w ith g reat and s mall qu e s tions
the Ya is d ivided up ag ain into Small Ya and Great Ya
Hence th is C an o n has four parts All the p o em s are t h e
expressio n of huma n nature ; the description narrati o n o r
criticism o f s o cial an d poli t ical conditions Th ei r charact e r
i s s omewhat l ike tha t o f a new spaper and they serve as a
comparative study o f pol itical science Th i s C ano n is als o
a son g boo k as all the p o ems can be sun g i n harmony w ith
music
2
It
Th e C an o n o f H is t o ry has twenty ei g ht b o oks
covers the h istory o f C hi na from Y ao ( 1 8 0 6 1 7 0 7 B K
o r 2 3 5 7 2 2 5 8 B C ) to Duk e M u o f C h i n ( 1 0 8 7 0 B K
o r 6 59 62 1 B
and g ives all the most i mportant doc u
ments o f this per iod Thes e documents were w ritten by di f
fe re n t authors and edited by C onfucius
B ut the lab o r
C onfucius put on th is C anon IS evidently g reater than that
put on the C an o n o f P o e t ry Th e System o f Y ao t h e
Tribute o f Y ii
the Great Model and the C ode o f
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WR I TI N G S
OF C ON
FU C I US
A N D H I S DIS C I P L E S
25
are apparently th e w orks of C onfucius himself b e
cause thei r s tyle is d iffer ent from that o f the other docu
ments and similar to the style of C onfucius This C ano n
i s a study of histo ry and political science
T
h
e
C
a
has
seventeen
boo
k
s
and
describe
n
o
O
R
i
e
s
n
t
s
3
f
the details o f the ei ght rites These ei ght rites are : ( 1 ) c ap
p in g fo r the i nd ication of maturi ty ( 2 ) marria g e ( 3 ) fun
eral ( 4 ) sacrifice ( 5 ) d istri ct d rinkin g ( 6 ) game o f arch
e ry ( 7 ) d iplomatic intercourse and ( 8 ) visitin g o f the em
r
e
o
r
b
the
ri
nces
hes
e
ei
ht
rites
are
th
e
rules
ove
rn
T
p
y
p
g
g
ing the five soc ial relat i ons : Th e rites o f cappi n g and mar
riage g ove rn the relation o f husband and w i fe ; the rites of
funeral and sacrifice that o f father and son ; the rit e s o f
d istrict d rinkin g and archery that o f senio rs and j unio rs ;
the rites o f d iplomatic intercourse and visiti ng of the em
e
ro
r
that
o
f
ruler
and
minister
F
o
r
the
relati
on
o
f
friends
p
there are the thi rd b ook o n s o c ial intercourse the t wel fth
b o o k on feast in g and the fi fteenth b o ok on th e rites of enter
taini n g g reat o fficials by a prince M oreover throu gh all
the d i fferent rites there must be t w o pa rt ies host and g uest ;
hence the relatio n o f friend to friend i s w ithi n all the ri tes
Such ri tes a re the old customs and mann ers but they are col
l e cted and prescribed by C on fucius Th is C ano n is no w
miscalled Yi L i
ince
the
son
s
are
all
i
n
the
h
i
T
e
a
n
o
M
u
s
S
C
n
c
o
4
g
f
C an o n o f P o e t ry and the d i ffe rent uses o f musi c are pre
scrib e d in the C an o n O f R it es there was no need to have a
canon fo r musi c l ike the oth e r F iv e C ano ns B ut there
must ori g inally have been a C an o n o f M us ic thou gh d i f
fe re n t i n form from the others havi n g not es instead o f
words U n fo rtunately i t was lost d urin g t h e Han dynasty
T
afte
r
6
6
A
K
or
A
herefore
w
e
enerally
8
(
3
5
g
spe ak only o f the F iv e C ano ns
a
n
e
h
n
o
h
a
s
Althou
h
Pao
H
si
fi
rst
d
re
w
e
T
C
C
n
o
g
g
5
f
P0 ,
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P R I N C IP LE S
TH E E C ON O M I C
26
OF C ON
FU C I US
the ei ght tri g rams and W en W an g multiplied them into
sixty four hexa g rams the text of this C anon is v i rtually
the ex clusive work of C o n fucius I t is d ivi ded int o two
parts and has sixty four books Th e first t w o bo oks of
the first part refer t o h eav e n and earth respectively ;
those o f the second part to the relation between hus
band and w i fe ; the last t w o books o f thi s C ano n are
called Success and F ailur e
Heaven and ear t h are
the basis of the u n iversal system and husband and wi fe
that of the social system As the world never comes to
the sta g e of perfection and everythin g must hav e an e n d
this C anon ends at the book of F ailure Th e thought is
mystical ; the wo rds are fi gurativ e ; the illustrati ons are math
“
Th e word chan g es has thr e e distinct meanin g s
e m at ic al
easy chan g eable unchan geabl e ; and the principles of this
I n fact the C an o n o f
C anon have these three qualities
C h ang es is the doctrine of evolution and we may adopt t h e
word evolution instead of chan g es
6 Th e Sp ring an d A u t u m n
Th i s C anon was ori g i
nally the annals of L u but C onfucius chan g ed them i nto
the present form I t covers the period of t w o hundred
and fo rty two years ( 1 7 1 B K 7 1 A K o r 7 2 2 4 8 1 B
and reco rds the events durin g the re i g ns o f twelve
dukes F or th e preparation of this C anon C onfucius sent
fourteen pupils to get t h e s acred book s from one hundred
and twenty nations I t is an inductive work w ritten entirely
by C onfucius himsel f This C anon i s the most important
o f all h is works I t is not historical in character ; the words
drawn from history are b ut the fi gures by which C onfucius
“
has illustrated his princ i pl es
I shoul d like to convey
my i deas as pure theories said he but it is deeper truer
clearer bri ghter to represent them throu g h the actions of
men
He claims the ri ghts of a kin g represents his kin g
dom under the name of L u and g ives numerou s law s alon g
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PRIN CI P L ES
TH E E C O N OM I C
28
OF C ON
FU C I US
i nductive method as follow s : Ther e may be those w h o
w rite something w i thout t h e kn owl e d ge of i t I have no
such fault Hearing much and selec tin g what is goo d and
usin g it ; s ee ing much and selectin g what is g ood and w rit
ing it do w n : this way of g ettin g knowled g e is seco n d only
F rom thes e t w o passages
t o havin g knowled g e by bi rth
i t seems tha t he is mo r e in favo r of induction tha n of de
duction
W e must understand however that since C o nfucius w as
not a h i storian but the founder of a rel i g i o n his w rit i n gs
are not o f a histori cal but o f a re l i g ious charact e r All
the data g iven i n h is w ritin g s althoug h o fte n true are
primarily fi g urative illustrations o f hi s o w n idea s and h e
d id not n e cessarily re gard them as facts I n t h e A nal e c t s
he say s
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I c an desc rib e t h e c i v i l i z at i o n of t h e H s i a dyn asty but t h e
state of C h i cannot su ffi c i ently prove my w o rds I can de
scrib e t h e c i v i l i zat i on o f t h e Y i n dyn asty b ut t h e st ate o f Sun g
cannot su ffic ie ntly p rove my words It i s b ecaus e o f t h e in
If t h ose were
s uf
fic ien c y o f t h e i r l i te ratu r e an d sc h ol ar s
suffic i ent I could adduce t h e m i n suppo rt o f my wor ds
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2
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,
.
Th is
passa g e i ndicates that C o nfucius himself fails to find
historical data o n which to base his doc trines and tha t t h e
description s o f the ancient civilizatio n g iven by h im are
“
s imply from h is own mi nd I n t h e Doctri ne o f the Mean
and i n the E volution of C ivil ization
C onfucius g iv es
p assa g es s imilar to the abov e s o that w e are assured tha t
he creates the ancients out o f h is o w n mind M oreover
,
”3
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,
” 4
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,
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C las s ics ,
I b id
I b id
4
Li
p
p
.
,
.,
Ki
,
.
.
vo
l
.
i p
,
.
20 1 .
158
.
42 4
bk
.
.
vu ,
p
.
368
.
,
WR I TI N GS
OF C ON
FU C I US
A N D H I S DI S C I P LE S
29
when Mencius was asked by Pei kun g Y i about the arran g e
ment o f di g nities and emoluments determined by the C ho u
dynasty he repl ied Th e particulars o f that arran g emen t
cannot be learned fo r the p rinces disli k in g them as inj u r
ious to themselv es have all made aw ay w ith the records of
them
W e can see therefore t h at i n C onfuci us time not
only the civil izatio n o f the Hsia an d the Yi n dynasties h ad
n o authenti c h istory but also that of the C hou dynasty was
w ithout complete reco rds How much more doubtful were
the th in g s beyond these three dyn asties t o wh i ch he refers ?
Y e t C onfucius describ e s many matters wh ich refer not only
to th e Th ree Dynasti es but also to the le g endary periods
When w e compare hi s w ritin gs w ith those o f other schools
w e fi nd no a g reement amon g the d ifferen t w riters as to t h e
facts because they all util ize the ancient k in g s as fi gures
to po rtray thei r own theories C huan g Tz ii ( a pupil of the
d iscipl e of C onfuci us who however turned t o Taoism ) is
such a w riter o f the extreme type and C onfucius is one o f
th e moderate type M o Tz ii a youn g pupil o f C on fucius
and later the founder o f the rival sch ool o f M oism sai d
B et ween two philosophers thei r wo rds condem n each
other and thei r actions O ppose each other Y et they both
say I transmit from the ancients the p rinciples of Yao
Han F ei Tz ii ( d ied
Shun Y ii T an g W en and W u
1
A
K
o
r
2
B
the
reatest
ph
ilosopher
o
f
the
3 9
g
33
L aw School fo rmerly a C onfucian said
C onfucius and
M o Tz ii both speak o f Yao and Shun but what they select
o r rej ect is d i fferent Y e t they b o th claim to be the true
r e p resentatives o f Y ao and Shun As Yao and Shun cannot
be alive a gain who can be sen t to determi ne the t ruthful
?
z
ness o f C on fucius and M o T ii
Han F ei Tz ii l ivin g
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,
C las s i cs
2
Bk
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vo l
,
xx v
.
11,
p
.
37 3
.
3
.
Bk 1
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
3
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
near to the age o f C onfuci us yet failed to ass e r t whether
the thin gs ascribed by C onfuciu s t o the ancient kin gs wer e
true or not ; how can we assert such th in gs t o day ? It i s
evi den t that C onfucius create s them himself
Th e reason C onfucius uses the n ames of the ancient kin gs
to father his theories is told by himsel f whe n h e says t o
I humble mysel f in order t o avo id dan ger and
Ts en g Tz ii
refer to the ancient kin g s i n o rder to borrow authority
O n the o ne hand h e escapes dan g er from the pri nces and
on the other he w ins t h e confi dence of the people M ore
over as C hi na had a g lorious histo ry lo ng before his time
and he was a g reat scholar it was natural for h im to utilize
historical materials fo r h is o w n purpos e B ut at bottom
all his w ritin gs are t h e fru it o f h is own mind and fo r his
own rel i g iou s t e ach in gs
a
Som e people think how e v e r tha t C onfuciu s was
transmitte r and n o t an o ri g i nator bel ievin g i n and lovin g
the anci e nts and quote th is phras e from h is o w n w ords in
the A nale c t s
B u t these words s imply express the char
ac t e ris t ic mod es ty o f t h e C hi ne s e a quality wh ich C onfuciu s
shows in extrem e form Ye t he w as no t always s o modes t
somet imes con fess in g that h e w as an ori g inator I n the
“
A dj u nc t t o t h e Sp ring an d A u t u mn he said
A sa ge is
never born to do nothi ng ; h e must produce someth in g in
order to show the mind o f God I am the wooden ton gued
”
bell and m ake laws for the world
I n the A dj u nc t t o t h e
”
C an o n o f F ilial P ie t y he said
I am the law makin g lord
C onfucius was the real creato r of h is n e w rel i g ion althou gh
incidentally transmittin g some elements from th e ancien ts
,
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1
1
3
A dj u n c t t o t h e C an o n
C l as s ics ,
Cf
.
(
1 898
R
A
.
vo l.
e s e ar c h
D ) by
.
i p
,
on
.
o
f
e
f
Filial
P ie t y
.
1 95 .
the
Kan g
R
o r m at i o n
Yu w e i
-
.
o
f
C o nfu c iu s
,
p b li h
u
s
e
d in
2 449
WR I TI N GS
II
OF C ON
W RI TI N G S
.
OF
FU C I US
A N D H I S DI S C I P L E S
TH E DI SC I P L E S O F
CON
1
3
FUC I US
do not g ive all the teachin g s of C o n
fu c iu s
SO i f we w ish to learn his teach in g s besides study
ing his ow n works we must study also the w ritin g s o f h is
disciples F o r they are very closely related to each other
and both to g ether make up the rel i g ion of C onfucianism I f
w e ne g lect the w riti n gs o f h is disciples and take up o nly
h is own w rit in gs i t means that w e omi t a g reat part of h is
teach in gs and that therefo re we canno t understand h im
so well o r do h im j ustice
W e shall now po i nt out the names o f the w ritin gs o f h is
di sciples callin g them Records and C o m mentaries i n o rder
to d istin g uish them from the C anons o f C onfucius
Th e F ive C an o ns
.
,
,
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,
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,
,
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,
,
,
.
1
R e c o r ds
.
C o m m e n t aries
an d
is a reco rd o f the monolo g ues and
conversations o f C onfucius and h is d iscipl e s I t w as w ritten
by h is discipl e s C hun g kun g Tz ii y u Tz ii hsia and others
2 Th e C an o n O f F il ial P ie t
T
his
may
have
been
w
ritten
y
by the pupils of Ts en g Tz ii an d it serves as the gateway to
the F ive C ano ns
R
T
h
e
twelve
eco
rds
and
the
ommenta
ry
of
C
3
Mournin g
Th e se R eco rd s are the complements to the
twelve books o f the C an o n O f R it es wh ich were w ri tten by
the pupils o f C o nfucius Th e C ommentary expla ins the
mourn in g system prescribe d i n the C anon itsel f and i n the
Reco rd and w as w ri tten b y Tz ii hsi a alone
Both th es e
Records and the C ommen tary are now contained i n the
1
.
Th e A nal e c t s
This
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o
i
e
R
t
s
f
.
E
l
e
i
d
a
T
r
s R e c o rd
4
Té Th e numbe r o f i ts
’
.
.
thi rty n ine books now
i
es
R
t
f
o
.
I t was compiled by
ori g inal books is d isputed
.
Tai
I t has
-
Yo u ng e r Tai s R e c o rd
5
Tai Sh éng
.
.
’
,
second cousi n o f
O
f
R it es
.
Tai Té
.
I t was compil e d b y
Thi s has fo rty n ine
-
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2
3
RIN C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
b o o ks now but its ori g inal number is als o di sputed I t is
now called the R e c o rd o f R it es (L i Ki )
There was ori g inally a compilatio n entitled Th e R e c o rds
which in
o f t h e S e v e n t y Dis c ip l es and Th e ir F o l l o w ers
cluded all the boo k s written by the disciples of C o nfuc i us
even the A n ale c t s and the C an o n o f F ilial P ie ty Th e num
ber o f boo k s w as t w o hundred and fou r B ut the scholars
o f t h e C an o n o f R it es took many book s o ut o f it and
fo rmed a particular e n c y c l o p ae d ia o n the s ub j e c t o f rit e s
Th e E lder Tai and the Youn g er Tai both g rea t scholars o f
the Rit es durin g the rei g n of H an H s iian Ti ( 4 7 9 5 0 3 A K
or 7 3 4 9 B
comp iled these two Re co rds and they are
later called t h e R e c o rds o f R it es
6 Th e Appendix of the C an o n o f C h ang es was w ritte n
by the disciples of C onfucius and is now cont ained i n t h e
C an o n O f C h ang es j ust after the sixty four books o f th is
C anon
C
o
e
n
t
a
I
n
o
rder
to
understand
a
K
u
n
m
m
r
n
s
7
g y g
y
the principles of the Sp ring and A u t u m n nay i n order to
understand the p ri nciples o f C onfucius at all it is necessary
to study Ku ng y ang s C o m m e n t ary F earin g the i nj ury
w hich the pri nces would do t o his w ri tin g s
C onfucius
omitted all detailed expla n ation in the Sp ring an d A u t u m n
and such explanation i s g iven by this C ommentary which
records the oral teachi n g s o f C onfuci us I n fact it is t h e
keystone of C onfucianism I t and the C anon are no w co n
t ain e d i n a sin gle book
8 Ku liang s C o m m e n t ary is also a commentary on the
Sp ring an d A u t u m n and a reco rd o f the oral teachin gs o f
C onfuc i us
This C ommentary is inferi or to that of Kun g
yan g I t also is compiled with t h e C anon i n a si n gle b o o k
Th ese two C ommen taries w ere w ritten by the d isciples of
Tz ii hsia
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,
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Th e A n n o t at io n
1 82 A D ) i s
e ry
1
.
.
v
v
o
f Ku ng
al u ab l e
iv
Yang g e n b y H o H s
an d re l ab l e
-
i
.
i
u
—
( 6 80 7 33,
o r 129
WR I TI N GS
OF C ON
FU C I US
A N D H I S DI S C IP L E S
33
were seven s eparate b ooks
each o f th e m supplementin g respectively the Six C an o ns
and the C ano n o f F il ial P ie t y Th e C anons are the w arp
the A dj uncts the woo f Some scholars say that they we re
w ri tten by C onfucius himsel f Si nce they appeared i n the
F ormer H an dynasty and thei r i nterp retati ons a gree w ith
th e C anons and the Modern L iterature School they are very
valuable because they g ive many oral teachin g s o f C o n
fu c iu s
W e are sure that they were w ri tten by his d isciples
althou gh many statements were added to them by the C o n
fuc ian s o f th e F o rmer Han dynasty
I n character they
were reli g ious mystical and prophetical U nfortunately
they were p roh ibited by several em pero rs and burn e d e n
t ire ly by Su i Yan g Ti ( about 1 1 5 6 o r 6 0 5 A
TO day
the r e i s only a coll ection o f thei r fra gments
T
h
e
d
u
n
e
A
c
t
s
e
n
v
S
9
j
.
Th ey
.
,
.
.
.
2
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
-
.
,
,
.
2
.
I n d ep en d e n t
Wo rks
Th ere
is another ki nd of w ritin g which is not the reco rd
o f the wo rds o f C onfucius nor th e commenta ry on h is
works Such a kind is called t e n philosophy I t is a name
f
iven
to
the
works
either
O
the
founders
o
f
d
ifferent
g
schools or o f the most prominent followers o f any school
There are some o ri g inal and independent thou ghts in such
w ritin g s Amon g the C onfucians the most impo rtant wor k s
o f this kind are those o f Mencius and Hsun Tz ii
1
M eng Te n i s the work of Mencius himsel f and has
seven books
2 H s u n Te n is the work o f Hsun Tz ii ( 2 1 8 339 or 3 34
2 13 B
and has thi rty two books
Althou gh these two books are the independent works of
th e authors they are exponents o f the pri nciples o f C o n
fu c iu s
There fore they are not the exclusive products o f
,
,
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
-
.
,
-
.
.
,
.
,
1
H is t o ry
o
f Su i
,
ch
.
xxxn
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
34
M encius and H sun
C onfuc i us
RI N CIP LE S
OF C ON
and form a part
Tz u
,
o
FU C I US
the reli g io n
f
o
f
.
I II
CON CL
.
U SI O N
Pass i n g throug h the C h in dynasty and the F ormer Han
dynasty to the t i me of L iu Hsin ( d i ed 5 74 or 2 3 A
all the C onfucian literature remained the same as the o ri g
inal wo r k s of C onfucius and hi s disciples U nfortunately
when t h e pol itical u surper W an g Man g cam e to power
1
1
2
or
B
there was also a rel i g ious
C
( 5 5 5 74
3 A
usurp er named L iu Hs in At t hat time books were scarce
L iu Hsin in 5 4 5 ( 7 B C ) succeeded his father L ia
Hs ian g as the revi ewer in t h e imperial l ib rary B oth he
and his father were g rea t scholars ; but he under such
favorable conditions mad e many corruptions in the whole
C onfucian B ible in o rder to sat isfy h i s literary purpose and
the pol it ical purpose of W an g Man g I n 5 6 0 ( 9 A D ) h e
was made by W an g M an g t h e N ational Teacher H e
—
chan g ed the o rder of the Six C an o ns the C an o n o f
C h ang e s first the H is t o ry secon d the P o e t ry thi rd e t c
Since he had n o way t o destroy the B ible he chan g ed t h e
ori g inal text somewhat an d put some spurious words state
ments chapters and books into it Then h e w rote o r com
p iled many books fo r the i nterp retation o f his spuriou s
B ible H e found an i n g enious pretext t o help h im There
h ad been a burnin g of l iterature by the C h i n Dynasty ( 339
A K or 2 1 3 B
but the existence o f the C onfucia n
l iterature w as not a ffected Yet L iu Hsin prete n ded that
the existin g C onfucian literature was not complete o n ac
count o i th at fi re and that h is spurious books were the only
‘
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
-
-
.
,
.
,
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.
,
.
.
,
1
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
~
.
,
,
.
.
‘
.
.
.
.
.
,
the
i
imp i
er
as s st ant
.
i
m
an g
i
( 4 7 3 5 44,
-
or
.
h
.
.
.
.
h ii
i
P
N arrat io n t h e B io g r ap h y o f N o t e w o r t hy Wo m e n e t c
o f t h e g re at e s t au t o r t e s in t h e M o d e rn L t e rat u re
,
vi w
e
i
e
n
h
e
r
e
r
A
D
e
B
t
c
e
t
o
b
a
C
8
)
79
and h is s o n , L iu H s n, w as h is
al l b rary in 5 26 ( 2 6 B
ark o f N arrat iv e s , t h e N e w
H e w as t h e au t o r o f t h e
L iu H s
1
i
,
.
.
He
w as
o ne
TH E E C ON O M I C P
6
3
RI N C IP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
since some still remai n and s ince there are many collectio n s
of the fra gments of the Modern L iteratur e a most careful
W hil e
St udy has d et erm in e d W hat t h e t ru e C a no ns are
every word c a nno t b e m ad e o ut s t ill t h e F ive C an o ns are at
least n ine t y p e r ce n t auth e ntic
—
Both these two classes o f books t h e C an o ns o f C o n
fu c ius and the R ecords C omm e ntari e s an d the i n depe n dent
—
works of h is disciples are sources fro m which w e h ave
learned the principles o f C onfucius In addition to thes e
authorities we use many interpr e t ation s sugg ested by the
C onfucians of d i ffe rent ages from the Han dynasty t o the
pr e sent day and informati on suppl i e d by di fferent p h il o s o
r
h
t
n
from
hou
dy
asty
to
the
F
ormer
Han
dynasty
e
s
h
e
C
p
But these nee d not be mentioned here Th e details of dis
t ing u is h ing the Moder n L iteratur e from t h e Ancient L itera
ture are very compl e x and w e have n o t space t o d iscuss
them here W e have been very careful t o base this study
on the works o f t h e S ch o o l o f Mod e r n L it e rature t o leave
o ut entirely spurious passag es and books and to present the
pri nciples o f C onfucius w ith all possible accuracy
I t shoul d be noted that the influence of the writin gs cited
above is exceedin gly g reat N early all C hinese institutions
are based upo n them Th is appears from a consideration
o f the g reat events in C hinese history i n thei r chronolo g ical
o rder Th e abol ition of t h e feudal system the abol ition of
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
1
.
,
.
,
.
.
.
.
f
,
k
i w d i ff d d
p t d Th p p l
d him
Th
f h w
d th
gh him b l i v d Li H i
i ly t g pp t f Li H i
d
b t y
f C
f i
D pi t t hi h w
i t y d f m him w l
t a th
g
m f th
l t
hi g f C f i H i hi f w k whi h
m i
th
A
t ti
t ti
f th C
f
f P t y th A
o rg e d
boo
re a
co ns c o us
so
e
o
f L iu H s
an
,
uc u s .
s
o
e
a n are
e
e
su
s,
o ra
e ac
nn o a
R
e
o r er
re a
as a
e
n
s
on
o
u
or
e
s
ea r
an o n o
C an o n o f i t e s t h e A nn o t at io n o f t h e
‘
A nn o t at i o n o f t h e O flic ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u
the
,
R
e
,
e c o rd
o
f
on
o
e arn
e
or
e
s
c
nn o a
R it
es ,
e
as u n
e
ro
c
eo
e
.
e ra e r
a
an
,
o n uc u s .
o
e
e re o re
an
s n,
u
o
ac c e
s n.
u
e
e
an
u se -
e re
ro u
a s ro n
es
n
on
t e
o
an d t h e
.
k
ih
R
F
Th e b e s t b o o fo r it is t he
als e B ib le o f t h e Sc h o o l
e s e ar c h o n t h e
o f H s in
ub l s e d in 2 44 2 ( 1 89 1 A D ) b y Kang Yu w e i
1
,
p
-
.
.
.
WR I TI N GS
O F C ON
FU CI US
A N D H I S DI S C I
PL E S
37,
h e red ita ry o fficials th e electio n system the educational sys
tem the adoption o f the calendar of the H si a dynas ty the
th ree years mournin g the d istributi on of th e publ ic land
all th e se were the products of C onfucius himself Th e
theories of these w ritin g s are called by the C hinese canon
ical p rinciples and they are of value not only for study
but even mo re i n thei r appl icatio n to practi cal a ffai rs
Therefore even a sin gle word o r a sin gle phrase may be o f
reat
importance
i
n
the
solutio
n
o
f
problems
of
the
day
g
F o r example the C h inese want constitutional gove rnment
but they refer to C onfucius fo r th e suppo rt o f thei r demand
C onfucius is the chief authority and it i s the habi t o f the
C hi nes e to seek from these w ritin g s sanction o r g u idance
i n the determ ination o f impo rtant qu e s t ions I t i s n ec es
sa ry t o bear these facts i n mind i n order to understand the
si g n ificance o f the quo t ations from th ese w ritin g s no matte
how sho rt o r how fi gu rative they may be
I t should be noted also that C on fucius was not primarily
an economist H e was a g eneral ph ilosopher interested in
many thi n g s Throu ghout al l his w ritin gs there i s scarcely
a sin gle book treatin g exclusively o f economic subj ects B ut
there are many passa g es and chapters re ferri n g to e conomic
li fe and g ivin g e co nomic principle s W hen we comb ine
thes e two classes o f w ritin g s w e find that economi c pri n
c ip le s are quite abundant
B ut the d ifficul ty i s that they are
scattered throu gh all the w ritin gs and i n such a chaotic way
that they are not easily collected and arran g ed Moreove r
when there is an economic principle i t is generally mixed
up w ith someth in g else Therefo re i n brin g in g to gether
t h e economic teach in g s o f C on fucius fro m these w ritin g s
we shall arran g e them i n the order of mode rn economists
That is t o sav th at while materials are old the a rran g ement
is quite new
Fo r the inte rpretation o f these w ritin g s w e shall so far
,
,
,
,
’
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
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r
,
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,
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,
‘
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,
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.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
3
RI N CI P LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
as possible p ick out the bes t fro m amo ng t h e many old
scholars B ut i f we are n o t satisfied w ith the old int e rp re
t at io n we are obl i ge d to m ak e a ne w o ne accordin g to t h e
Therefore wh ile the author does not pretend
o ri g inal texts
to any ori g inality he doe s claim to hav e discovered some
n e w truths co ntai ned in the ol d t e xt s
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
IV
C HA P TE R
H I STO RI C A L M O V E M E N TS
C O N F U C I A N I SM
OF
C O N F U C I A N I SM
is t h e name of the n ew rel i g ion fo u nded
by C onfucius Th e word C onfucianism i n C hi nese is called
I n which m ay be appl ied both to the reli g ion o f C o nfucius
and to h i s followers Since Co nfuc i anism has been made
the state rel i g ion and practically every C hi nese has been a
C onfuc i an the word I n i s used narrowly as equivalent to
scholar o r litterateur b ut i n its o ri g inal sense it si g nifies
simply those who b el i eve th e teachin g s of Co nfucius
Amon g the whole body of I n there are still many d i fferent
classes C on fucius sa i d to Tz ir hsi a : You shall be a g reat
man o f I n and shall not be a small man of I n
Hsun
Tz ii class ifies the people as these
the common people the
common I n th e re g ular I n and the g reat I n I n the time
of Hsun Tz ii C on fucianism d id not yet rul e the whole
C hi nese people so that the heathen o f C onfucianism were
called commo n pe ople B ut even w ithi n the l imi t of I n
there were still varyi n g d e g rees F o r the gove rn in g of h is
pe ople C onfucius sets fo rth the C onducts o f J u
as the
C on fucian cree d
C onfucian ism is the new r eli g ion o f C hina but what was
.
,
.
,
,
1
,
.
,
’
-
.
” 2
,
3
-
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
m tb
fp i
py t h p l
l i ty
d i
ig
d p pl h v
S v
d m
l ii p 5 3
i
Cl
Ch i
l i p
89
i
Cl
L Ki b k xxxviii pp 4
4
‘
J m
a
Legge
es
n re a
o
s.
o
as s c s
as s c s
,
vo
an
n
e re
o
,
.
vo
,
eo
.
.
,
1
.
,
.
,
.
e ar
a e
e
to
mi d th
d mi i t
k th
in
r e s t s an
n
at t h e
n s e rs
se e
e
0 2-
10
.
”
Bk
.
viii
in
l aw
.
.
’
z
us
ac e o
e
o c cu
nese
‘
We
s ay s :
.
i
i hi
Ch i t i
ki g
t th i
l ip
l t e rat in C
r s
a
an
e r
na
n
s.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
0
4
RI N CI PL E S
OF C ON
F U C I US
her old reli g ion
Her old reli g ion was polytheis m and
had no spec i al name Acco rdin g to the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f
—
o
f
there
were
four
classes
sp
iri
ts
the spi rits of
Chon
heaven of earth of t h e dead and of all m ateri al thin gs
but above all there w as a Sup reme God F or the communi
cation between the sp i rits and men rose t h e priesthood
which was a body o f scholars They d ivided thei r p ro
1 ) astrolo gy ( 2 ) the alma
fe s s io n int o six d e pa rtments
nac ( 3 ) the five elements ( water fi re woo d m e tal and
earth ) ( 4 ) milfo il and to rto i se ( 5 ) miscellaneous foretell
ing ( dream interp retin g devil drivin g prayer
6
( )
physical laws ( the features of g eo g raphy of cit ies o f build
ing of human bein g s of animals o f thin g s
Th e
H is t o ry o f H o n puts these s ix professions i nto the class
of ma g ic but they were really a mixture o f ma g ic and
science wh ich is unintelli g ibl e an d fo rgotte n t o —
day
U nd e r this old reli g ion the whole empi re was ruled by
superstition C o nfucius was a g reat rel i g ious reformer who
swept away the o l d and established the new H e d id n o t
like to talk about extrao rdinary th in gs and sp iritual bein gs
to the duties due
To g iv e one s s el f earnestly sai d he
to men and w hile respectin g sp i ritual bein g s t o keep aloo f
”
I n C onfuci anism
from them may be called w isdom
there is no praye r C onfucius bein g very sick Tz ii l u h is
pupil asked leave to pray fo r him Th e master said
My prayin g has be e n for a lon g time
I n other wo rds
he had no need o f prayer Th e C an o n o f P o e t ry speaks of
”
seekin g for much happ iness by yoursel f
which M enci us
explains as meanin g C alamity and hap p i ness are i n all
?
,
.
1
,
,
,
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,
,
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,
,
,
,
,
,
,
-
-
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
2
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,
.
.
3
.
’
,
,
,
,
,
4
.
,
,
-
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
6
,
,
Chs
3
4
.
xviii
C l as s i c s ,
1m
“I b i d
.
,
p
,
vo l .
.
xxvu .
vo l .
,
2
i p
,
.
20 1 .
6
19 1 .
iv
,
pt
.
Ch
11 ,
p
.
43 1
.
I b id
.
,
p
.
20 6 .
.
xxx
.
H I S TO
RI C A L
M O VE M E N TS O F C ON FU C IA N I SM
4
1
cases o f man s own seekin g
C onfuci us frees all ma nkind
from supernatural powe r and lays stress on the i nde p endent
cultivation of one s ow n personal ity Any ind ividual who
has reached the h i ghest standard o f the means and harmo n y
can fix the Heaven and E arth and ca n nourish all thin g s
In fact such a reli g ion not only was ne w to C hina i n an
ci ent times but is also new i n the W estern W orld to d ay
where it is o nly now appearin g in such fo rms as the E thical
C u lture Society thou gh w e find its essenti als also i n the
teachin g s o f A ristotle and of the sto ics
C onfucianism is a reli g io n of the hi ghest development
so we must not think Co nfucius unrel i g ious I n the C an o n
o
n
e
onfucius
said
T
h
sa
es
took
the
spi
ri
tual
C
h
a
s
C
e
g
f
g
way to e stabl ish rel i g ion and hence the world submitted
to them
To combine g host and spi ri t said C onfucius
“
is th e g ood form o f reli g ion
Th e sa g es framed d is
t inc t ly the nam e s o f g h o st and spi ri t to constitute a pattern
fo r the black hai red race ; and all the multi tudes were filled
with awe and the myriads of the peo pl e constrained to sub
All th is shows that C onfucius reco g nized the
mission
usefulness o f the old rel i g ion and so d id no t destroy i t e n
I n his w ritin gs we still find some o f the old ele
t ire ly
ments B ecause he knew that the world could not attai n the
final sta ge a t once he d id not car ry his ideal too far and
thi s was one reason why C on fucianism was accepted as the
state rel i g ion o f C h ina F rom th e beg innin g o f C hinese h is
to ry the old rel i g ion h ad been combined with politics and
the sa g e rulers had been the h eads o f both government and
church ; but ever since the n e w rel i g ion arose C o nfucius
’
.
.
,
’
.
,
,
2
.
,
-
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
”
” 3
.
,
,
.
,
-
” 4
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
C l as s ic s ,
3
p
Vi
Ki ng
ro n o u n c e d
im
t ao s
‘
’
Lz
,
vo
p
.
l
.
ii p
,
2 30
s h én
.
t ao
1 98 .
.
Th e
,
bk
.
xxi pp
,
two
w
H e nc e ,
.
.
Ki
’
.
2 20
—
22 1 .
o rd s
t he
I b id
“
Jp
s
vo
pi i t
r
l
.
u al
i p
,
.
w ay
a an e s e c al l t
38 5
hi
,
.
hi
li g i
in C
e r re
ne s e
on
h
ar e
S en
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
4
R I N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
com i n g from an ordinary family has been Th e Th roneless
Kin g and reli g ion has been separated from pol itics—the
reat
sa
e
was
not
necessarily
to
have
a
crow
n
g
g
We must not th i n k however that Co nfucianism was to
b ecome a state reli g ion w ithout a struggle fo r s upremacy
In t h e peri ods of Sprin g and Autum n ( 1 7 1 B K 7 1 A K
or 7 2 2 4 8 1 B C ) and of W arrin g States ( 1 4 9 33 1 A K
or 4 0 3 2 2 1 B
reat
philos
phers
w
ith
creative
e
ius
o
n
g
g
were numerous and each fou ght for his o w n doctrine s
Accordin g to the H is t o ry o f H an there w ere nine sects
1
onfucianism
2
aoism
C
T
pi
ri
ualism
the
old
t
S
( )
( )
(3)
(
rel i g ion ) ( 4 ) Th e School of L aw 5 ) Th e School o f
L o g ic ( 6 ) Moism ( 7 ) Th e School o f D iplomacy ( 8 ) Th e
Schoo l o f Generalizat i on ( 9 ) Th e School of A g riculture
Th e most powerful of these w ere C onfucianism Taoism
and M oism Yang C h u w as a g reat discipl e of L ao Tzii
and he made Taoism a re li g io n o f ex tre m e egoi s m whil e
Mo Tz ii establ ished his own school which was one o f ex
treme altruism Y an g was like E picurus and M O was l ike
Jesus D urin g the time of M encius the doctrines of Y a ng
and M o ruled the whole e mpi re and endan ge red t h e exist
ence of C onfucianism A l ittl e later however as society
would not accept the doctrine of Taoism now mad e e x
t re m e l y e g o istic by Yan g C h u t h e only rivals w ere C o n
fu c ian is m and Mo ism
At the end of the C hou dynasty and
the be g innin g of the H an dynasty t h e names o f C onfucius
and M o Ti h ad equal promin en ce and a l i fe and death
stru ggle b etween the t w o comin g rel i g ion s was now goin g
on
L et us consider the fate of C onfuci anism
After the
death of C onfucius his pupils s cattered over the whol e em
pire Some became teachers and ministers i n the g overn
,
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Ch
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xxx
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C l as s i c s ,
vo l . 11 ,
-
3
.
PRI N C I P LE S
TH E E C O N O M I C
44
OF C ON
FU C I US
B ibl e served not only as a rel i g ious boo k but also as a l e gal
,
co de Th e whole C onfucian school i n this dynasty may be
styled the canonistic school D urin g the L atter H an dy
nasty ( 5 7 6 7 7 1 or 2 5 2 2 0 A D ) especially t h e moral in
fluence produced by C onfucianism was t h e bes t in C hinese
history Personal hon o r and personal l iberty were t h e firs t
considerations ; and durin g the decay o f this dy n asty t h e
students fi g htin g ag ainst the bad g overnment sacrificed
even thei r l ives Th e moral standard of society as a whol e
was very hi gh I n fact t h e H an dynasty although not
follow in g t h e best principles o f C onfucius p roved the ap p li
c ab il it y o f C on fucianism to practical as well as theor e tical
problems
A fter t h e Han dynasty C onfucianism fell i nt o a period
of decline Tsa o Tsao the founder of t h e W ei dy nasty in
1
2
1
A
D
o
penly
decreed
o
f
fi
cial
employm
t
of
b
a
d
6
0
e
n
7
(
)
men an d destroyed t h e mo ral infl u enc e t hat C o nfucianism
had e xerted Durin g the W ei and the Tsi n dynasties ( 77 1
86 7 o r 2 2 0 3 1 6 A
Tao ism was powerful ; and d uri n g
the Southern and t h e N orther n dy nasties and t h e Su i and
the Tan g dynasties ( 86 8 1 4 5 8 o r 3 1 7 90 7 A D ) B uddh is m
prevailed C onfucianism although remai nin g nominal ly
the state rel i g ion had lost its supre macy N evertheless t h e
overnments
especially
thos
the
N
o
rthern
W
ei
the
f
o
e
g
N orthern C hou and the Tan g dynasti es d id apply some
C onfucian pr i nciples to political and eco nomic problems so
that the people still enj oyed some of its benefits There was
only one scholar H an Yil ( 1 3 1 9 1 37 5 or 7 6 8 82 4 A D
who fou ght for Co nfuc i anism and a g ains t Taois m and
B uddhism Han Yil not a deep philosopher but the g reat
est w riter since the Han d ynasty g ave a death blow t o
Taoism and B uddhism by attackin g them from the economi c
standpo int But the popular study o f this period was l iter
ature in the narrow sense and the C o nfucian philosophy
.
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H I S TO
R I CA L
M O VE M EN TS O F C O N FU C IA N I SM
45
was the study of but few Then came the age of the F ive
Dynasties ( 1 4 5 8 1 5 1 1 o r 90 7 960 A D ) which fo r C o n
fu c ian is m was worst of all
But such a decli ne had to come to an end and durin g the
Th e
Sun g dynasty there were many g reat C onfucians
1
h
1
1
1
o
r
1
1
0
2
0
0
reatest
of
these
was
u
H
si
1
6
8
C
(
75
3
g
A
who was the M a rt i n L uther of C onfucian ism and
whose i n fl uence i s s till stron g at th e present t ime H e how
ever was a one sided reformer who emphas ized the ethic al
teach in gs o f Co nfucius an d omitted hi s reli g ious vi ews ;
lai d stress on i nd ividual character and ne glected social
wel fare I n th is dynasty there was a g reat statesman named
Wan g A n sh ih ( 1 5 7 2 1 6 37 o r 1 0 2 1 1 0 86 A
who tri ed
to chan g e the whole of society by economic reforms Th ere
was also a school called Y un gch i a ( about 1 7 1 4 1 7 7 5 o r
1 163 1 2 24 A
that advocated material wel fare as well
as moral cultivation B ut both failed to overcome the ge n
eral infl uence o f publ ic O pinion and the schol ars usually
paid much attention t o philosoph ical controversies and fo r
o
p
ractical
probl
ems
Passin
throu
h
th
e
an
and
the
t
Y
il
g
g
g
M in g dynasties the lea rn in g was not d ifferent from that o f
the Sun g dynasty althou g h i n the M in g dynasty there was
W an g Shou j en ( 2 0 2 3 2 0 7 9 or 1 4 7 2 1 5 2 8 A D ) wh o was
rival to C h u Hsi F o r this peri od ( 1 5 1 1 2 1 94 o r 960 1 64 3
A D ) the whol e C on fucian school may be styl ed the ph ilo
sophical school
In the present dynasty be gi nnin g i n 2 1 9 5 ( 1 644 A
C on fucianism has been i n the period o f renaissance
There
w ere three g reat C on fucians at th e b e g inn in g o f th is d y
nasty : Ku Y e n w u ( 2 1 6 3 2 2 32 o r 1 6 1 2 1 6 8 1 A
H uan g Tsun g hsi ( 2 1 6 0 2 2 4 6 o r 1 60 9 1 69 5 A
a nd
W an g Eu ch ih ( 2 1 7 8 2 2 30 o r 1 6 2 7 1 6 7 9 A
They
d id not b elon g to any pa rticular school but were g reat in
many l ines Then came the school o f the canonists F i rs t
.
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TH E E C O N OMI C P
46
RI N CI PLE S
FU CI US
OF C ON
1
2
1
1
6
8
2
o
r
2
2
0
about
8
A
they
turn
d
from
e
73
(
7 37
the learn in g of all the medi aeval an d modern dynasties t o t h e
school o f Ancient L iterature of the L atter Han dynasty
they went
Second ( about 2 3 7 2 2 4 2 5 o r 1 8 2 1 1 87 4 A
back to the school of Moder n L iterature of the F o rmer H an
dynasty and n e w thoughts sp ran g u p Kun g Ts i chi n
2
2
1
born
i
n
o
r
A
D
and
W
ei
Y
u
an
died
n
i
4
79
)
(
3 3
(
2 4 0 7 o r 1 8 5 6 A D ) were t h e representatives of this move
ment I n the p resent day the g reatest exponen t o f C o n
fu c iu s is Ka ng Y u wei the personal adviso r o f T6 Tsun g
i n the pol itical reforms o f 2 4 4 9 ( 1 898 A D )
W e may roughly sum up the h isto rical movements o f
C onfucianism under six head s : ( 1 ) t h e school of the doc
trine o f Great Similarity emphasizi n g l iberty hand e d dow n
from Tz ii y u Tz ii ss ff to M encius ; ( 2 ) t h e school of the
doctrine of Small Tranquillity em phasizin g g overnme n t
handed dow n from C hun g kun g t o Hsun Tz ii L i Ss ii
applied it t o the government of the C h i n dynasty ( 33 1 o r
22 1 B
and i t h as lasted to t h e p r e sen t day ; 3 ) t h e
theolo g ical sch o ol d raw n from the whole B ible an d espec
ially from the
Great M odel o f the C an o n o f H is t o ry the
Tun g
C an o n o f C h ang es and th e Sp ring an d A u t u m n
C hun g shu and L iu Hsian g w ere consp ic u ous represent a
t iv es but this s ch o ol was practically ended after the H an
dynasty ; ( 4 ) the ethical school the ch ief element of C o n
fu c ian is m and hi ghly developed i n the Sun g and t h e M in g
dynasties ; 5 ) the historical school based on the C an o n o f
H is t o ry and the Sp ring an d A u t u m n
Ss ii ma C hien and
other g r e at h isto rians were the representatives ; ( 6 ) the
school of l iterary research and scientific study s e t forth
by C onfucius and popularly, but narrowly appli ed i n t h e
present dynasty
So far as w e can see we hav e not yet come t o the bes t
principles of C onfucius There have been many cause s
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H I S TO
R I CA L
M O VE M E N TS O F C O N FU C IA N I SM
47
for this but the infl uen ce of the government on rel i g io n
has been the most important one W ith a fe w exceptions
the m ind of the g reat mass o f students has been controlled
by the di rection o f the government and this has g reatly
hampered the natural development o f C onfucianism A s
soon as the C hi nese shall have established a constitutional
n
overnment
and
secured
perfect
freedom
o
f
thou
ht
C
o
g
g
fu c ian is m must ente r on a new l i fe
Then we may hope to
have the sta g e o f Great Similarity fo r the whol e worl d
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B OO K I I
R E LA T I ON O F E C ON O M I C S T O
OTH E R S C I E N C ES
C HA P TE R V
ECON OM ICS
I
.
AND
O TH E R SC I E N C E S
F
IN
G E N E RA L
OF E C O N OM I C S
DE I N I TI O N
equivalent of t h e E n glish term e conomics m
admi nis terin g w e alth
C hinese is
Such a term explains
itself and calls for no definition L e t us however trac e
the ori g in of the term I t occurs first i n the Appendix of
“
the C an o n o f C hanges as follows : That wh ich enables men
to l ive collectively is wealth Administerin g wealth fo rm u
latin g rules and prohibitin g t h e people from doin g w ron g
”
thi s is called j ustice
Appendix
was
Since the
w ritten the C hinese have usually used th e term adm in is
terin g wealth fo r the art of pol itical ec o nomy and also
for the sci ence o f eco n omics B ut the modern Japanese
has adopted another C hinese term c h ing c h i for t h e word
economics ; and Herbert A Giles has put th is term c h ing
c h i i n his C h in e s e E n lis h Dic t io n ar
for
pol
itical
econ
y
g
o my
Th e term c h ing c h i however has a very bro ad
meanin g and i s not a good equivalent for the word e c o
n o m ics
I t generally means statesmansh ip and covers the
whole field of governmental action I t thus belon gs t o
politics rather than to economics I t w ill b e well there
TH E
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1
Vi
Ki ng
,
p
.
381
,
.
E C ON O M I C S A N D O TH E
R
SC IE N C E S
49
fore to ke ep the old term administerin g wealth a s the
e quivalent o f economics s ince i t i s much more accurate and
comprehens ive than th e term c h ing c h i
As w e have taken the scientific term from the C onfucian
text let us also adopt its definition Th e term administer
covers th e whole field of economics
F o rm u
in g w ealth
l ati n g rules
and p rohibitin g the people from doi n g
w ron g refe r respe ctively to the eth ical and po l itical l i fe
All three o f these asp ects of l i fe sh ould be d i rec ted by the
p ri nciple o f j ustice and their relations w ill b e s t at e d later
B ut w e must r e membe r that the obj ect o f admi ni sterin g
wealth i s man O u r reason for administeri n g w ealth is
simply that men are l ivin g collectively and nee d weal th to
suppo rt them Man i s o u r end and wealth o u r means
F rom thi s w e ge t as a definition : E cono m i cs i s the science
administerin g wealth accord in g to the principle of j usti ce
for the sake o f men who live collect ively
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II
GE N E
.
RA L R E L A TI O N
TO O T
HER
SC I E N C E S
F rom the above quoted passa g e from th e Appendix o f
-
the C an o n o f C h ang e s w e can understand not only the
meanin g o f economics but also its relati on to other sci
e nc e s
admi nisterin g wealth is
Since the ch ief obj ect o f
man and man l ivi n g coll ec tively when w e administer
wealth we must deal w ith the whole body o f men Thus
eco nomics is very close to sociolo gy All the soci al sci
e n c es relate to man so they all are also connected w ith eco
n o m ic s
B ut there are two g roups most closely related to
economics that is the mo ral and the pol itical sciences W e
“
cannot administe r wealth i n soci ety without fo rmulatin g
rules as to what is ri ght and what is w ron g Th e way to
“
fo rmulate rules is throu gh moral teach in gs and under
this he ad in g come the sciences o f lan g ua ge ed ucati on eth ics
and rel i g ion We cannot administe r wealth in a society
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TH E E C ON O M I C P
0
5
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
wi tho ut prohibitin g the people from d o in g wron g
This
we must do by political o rg anizations an d i n this g roup
come the sciences o f pol itics and law All o f these sciences
—
—
economics ethics and pol itics are par t o f the science
o f j ustice and they form a s in gle g roup B ut of them all
economics comes first and is the most import ant If w e
cannot maintain our economic l i fe we do no t care to fo rm u
late our rules and mo ral science is useless ; we d o not
fear the prohibitio n of w ron g do in g and political science
is w ithout f o rce I f there is t o be any ethics o r pol itics
”
“
there must be ec o nomic l i f e before them Th e Appe ndix
therefo re tell s us not only the close connectio n of economic s
w ith other s ciences but also the relat ively h i gh e r impo rtanc e
o f economics
“
I n t h e Great Model contained in the C an o n o f H is t o ry
there are ei ght o bj ects of government : Th e firs t is called
food ; the second co mmod ities ; the thi rd sacrifices ; t h e
fourth the ministe r of works ; the fifth t h e minister o f edu
cation ; the s ixth the minister o f j ustice ; t h e s eventh the
”
entertainment o f g uests ; and the ei ghth the army
Th ese ei ght obj ects o f go vernment are simply the e i g ht
obj ects of huma n activities W e can understand their rela
tion to each othe r from thei r order F i rst o f all foo d is
mo st important t o satisfy hun ger ; and this wor d i ndicate s
a g ricultural li fe Th e word commodities include s all other
economic goods amon g which money holds a pro m i nen t
place and indicates commercial and i ndustri al l i fe Thes e
“
two words foo d and commodities represent the whole
economic l i fe and they stand fi rst before any other human
activi ti e s A fter the material wants are satisfied reli g ious
worshi p be g ins Then comes in the minister of works to
impro ve the physical envi ronment ; the minister of education
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C l as s i c s
,
vo l .
iii
,
pt
.
11 ,
p
.
32 7
.
C HA P TE R
EC ON OM I CS
I
.
AND
VI
SO C I O L OGY
B A SI S
E C O N O M I C S A S TH E
O F SO C I O L O GY
econo mics is t h e sci en ce which admi nisters w e alt h
within huma n society we Shall c o n sider fi rst the r e l atio n b e
twee n e conomics an d sociolo gy In o rd e r t o und e rs t and this
relation we must first rais e t h e question How d o es society
co m e t o exist ? F or the answer to thi s question t h e A p
n
e
d
i
x
h
has
ive
n
t
stateme
n
t
quoted
abov
at
wh
ich
e
e
T
h
p
g
en abl e s m e n to l iv e collectively is w ealth
Ther e for e
sociolo gy is dependent upo n economics I f ther e w e re n o
we alth m e n could n o t l iv e collectively an d ther e would
b e no society B efore many men can l iv e collectively m an
must live ind ivi dually Th e i ndividual m an ca nno t l iv e
w i th o ut wealth but can l ive w ithout soci e ty b e cause he can
n
e
e
o
e
w
e
lth
from
natur
instead
o
f
m
T
h
e
refor
c
t
a
e
e
g
momi e s precedes sociolo gy
F o r the explanatio n o f t h e fundamental caus e o f t h e
formation of c o oper ative g roups Hsu n TziI g ives a good
sociolo g ical th e o ry and i t answers the quest ion as t o why
society comes to exist H e say s
SI N C E
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'
-
,
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w ate r an d fire h ave b re at h b ut w i t h out l i fe Th e h e rb
an d wood h ave l ife b ut w i t h out k nowl e d g e
Th e bi rd an d
b e ast h ave k nowled g e b ut w i t h out j ust i ce M an h as b re at h
l ife k nowled g e an d als o j ust ice ; h en c e h e i s t h e n o b l e st b e i n g
i n t h e w o rld Hi s st re n g t h is not e q u al to t h at o f t h e b ull
an d hi s runn i n g i s not e q ual to t h at o f the h o rse ; y e t t h e b ull
?
an d h o rse are su bj e c ted t o h i m
It i s b e c ause m an
h
W y
Th e
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52
E C O N O M I C S A N D SO C I O L O G Y
53
i s ab le to b e s i al an d t h e y a not H ow i s m an ab le t b e
soc i al
It i s b y t h e p i n i p le of i nd i v i du al i g h t H ow an
t h e i nd i v i du al r i g h t b e re al i zed
By j ust i e Th e e fo e
j ust i e an d i nd i v i du al i g h t m ak e m n h a mon i ous Si nce
men a h a mon i ous t h e y fo m one un i t y Si nce t h e y form
one un i ty t h ey i n e ase t h e i st en g t h In eas i n g t h e i r
st en gt h t h e y b ecome stron g Si nce t h e y a st on g t h e y
con q uer t h e n atu al t h i n g s H en e t h e h use an b e secu ed
t h e i safety H en e t h ey a an g e t h e fou se as ns m aster
f
ld un i ve s all y I t i s f no ot h er
al l t h i n g s an d b enefit t h e w
c ause t h an t h at m an p ossesses r i g h t an d j ust i e Th erefore
w h en m an i s b o n h e c annot g t alon g w i t h out s i et y But
if so i et y d i d not d i st ib ute t h e i nd i v i du al i g h t j ustl y men
would q u a el If t h e y we e to q u a el so i ety would b e d i s
o de l y I f soc i et y we e d i so de l y men would b e d i sun i ted
I f men we e d i sun i ted t h e y would b e we ak I f t h e y we e
we ak t h e y could not con q ue n atu al t h i n g s H en e t h e h ouse
ould not b e se u ed f t h e i s afet y All of w h i h me ans
t h at r i tes an d j ust i e c annot b e le ft out f a moment
oc
re
r
o
.
r
c
c
e
r
c
re
r
r
r
r
or
r
r
cr
.
re
c
.
c
.
o
,
r
o
e
rr
r
r
rr
r
r
r
r
r
c
,
.
,
r
r
.
r
c
.
,
,
,
c
,
r
.
.
.
oc
r
c
,
or
.
c
,
,
r
r
or
r
r
c
rr
,
,
r
or
,
.
.
,
r
.
cr
,
r
.
r
r
,
c
.
r
c
.
,
c
.
c
1
or
.
Acco rdin g to the theo ry o f Hsun Tz ii s ociety i s based on
legal ri ghts and le gal ri ghts are based o n ethical j ustice
B ut the reason men form a society i s simply because they
want to unite i n order to conquer the natural th in gs throu g h
thei r collective activi ties Therefore the stru ggle betwee n
men and animals is the ch ief cause fo r the fo rmation o f
society H avin g society they are stro n g enou gh to con
quer these th in g s otherw ise they cannot ; and so men sur
—
vive throu gh bein g social a foreshadow in g o f th e pri n
c ip l e o f
natural selection i n explainin g the development
o f sociality I ndeed i n men s economic needs is found th e
p rimary cause o f the formation o f society
Pan Ku ( 5 8 3 6 4 3 A K o r 32 92 A D ) says
,
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’
.
,
.
-
-
.
.
.
I m i t at i n g t h e m anne r of h e aven
‘
Bk
.
ix
.
an d
.
e a t h em b rac i n g t h e
r
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
54
OF C O N
FU CI US
mo ral c onst ants m an w h o i s w i se su b t i le
is t h e m o s t i ntell i g ent b e i n g o f al l t h e s p e c i es
an d p u re
H is
H is fin g e r n ai ls an d h i s teet h c annot su p p l y h i s w ant s
H e h i msel f h as no fu r n o r
u nn i n g c annot e s c ap e d an g e rs
fe at h er ag ai n s t h e at an d c o ld H e must ensl ave n atu ral
t hi n g s i n o rde r to p ro v i de fo r h i s n o u ri s h m ent Trust i n g t o
i nt e ll e c tual p o wer an d not to p h y s i c al s t ren g t h h e i s t h e
n o b le b e i n g Th e re fo re if men d i d not love e ac h o t h e r t h e y
I f t h e y we re n o t soc i al t h e y c o uld n o t
c o uld n o t b e s o c i al
c o n q ue r n atu ral t hi n g s I f t h e y could n o t con q ue r n atural
t hi n g s t h e i r nou ri s h ment wo u ld b e i nsu ffic i ent W h en t h e y
the
g at h e r to g et h er b ut t h e i r n ou r i s h ment i s i nsu ffi c i ent
w arri n g s p i ri t arise s Th e g re at s ag e fi rst su p e rex c ellentl y
p rac t i ses t h e v i rtues o f res p e c t defe rence an d un i ve rsal love
so t h at t h e m ass o f p eo p le love an d fo ll o w h i m If t h e p eo p le
foll o w h i m an d fo rm a so c i et y h e i s t h e rule r I f t h e p eo p le
come an d g o to h im h e is t h e ki n g
n ature
o
the
RI N CIP LE S
f
fiv e
,
,
,
.
,
.
r
.
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
1
.
,
Accordin g to the theory of Pan Ku society is based on
love B ut why Sho ul d men love each other and form a
?
This i s s imply because m e n have t o conquer
soci e ty
nature for thei r nourishment Here Pan Ku g ives the sam e
reason for the formation o f society as that w h ich is g ive n
b y H sun Tz ii namely economic utility B ut Hsu n Tz ii
mentions the house because he emphasizes the struggle for
s afety wh i le Pan Ku mentions nourishmen t ,becaus e he em
h
a
s
i
z
e
s the stru
le
for
subsistence
Yet
thei
r
fundament
l
a
p
g
g
po i nt i s the same
Th e social constitution is establ ished not always acco rd
ing to the i dea of the sa es , but mostly throu h the b istori
g
g
c al development of actual conditions
And this actual c o n
d i t i o n i s b ased on econom i c causes namely the struggle
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
.
,
H i s t o ry
ru l e r
w
o rd s
:
”
in
go
of
H an
the
C
an d
ch
,
hi
.
ne s e
“
ki
xxiii Th w
.
l an g u ag e
ng ,
”
w ang
e
are
.
o rd
b ot
In
hp
the
,
i
so c e ty
”
an d
ro n o u n c e d
C
hi
ne s e
c
the
w
o rd
c h i n , an d
t he
arac t e r s ,
t he
h
E C O N O M I CS A N D SO C I O L O G Y
for ex i stence
n
a
ii
y
(
I n his
.
1 32 4 1 37 0
-
55
on F eudal ism L iu
A K o r 7 7 3 8 1 9 A D ) says :
E ssay
C hun g
-
.
.
.
.
In t h e b e g i nn i n g m an i s b o rn at t h e s ame t i me w i t h ot h e r
t h i n g s Th e ve g et ab le ki n g dom i s w i ld an d t h e an i m al ki n g
M an c ann o t fi g h t w i t h h i s h and an d eat w i t h
d o m i s c ruel
h i s mout h as c an t h e b e ast H e als o h as no fe at h e rs as h as
t h e bi rd H e i s un ab le t o b e sel f su p p o rt i n g an d sel f p ro te c t
H s un T il h as s ai d t h at h e must b o rr o w some m ate ri al
in g
t h i n g s from o uts i de fo r hi s use G ene rall y i f h e b o rrows
some m ate ri al t h i n g s from o uts i de st ru g g le o r w ar must ari se
I f t h e w ar i s c e aseless h e must c ome t o o n e w h o c an de c i de
t h e d i s p ute an d must o b e y hi s d i c t ate Th o se w h o are t h e
w i s e men must h ave a g re at num b e r o f su bj e c ts W h en t h e
w i se men tell t h em w h at i s r i g h t an d t h e y do not c o rre c t
t h emselves p un i s h ment must b e used to i ncre ase t h e i r fe ar
In t hi s w ay t h e rule r t h e le ade r l aws an d p ol i t i c s ari se
Th e re fo re t h e men o f t h e ne i g hb or h o od o rg an i ze t h emsel v es
i nt o a s o c i et y But w h en t h e s o c i et y i s fo rmed t h e d i v i s i on
i s s h ar p e r an d t h e w ar must b e g re ater W h en t h e w ar i s
g re ater m i l i t ar y f o rc e an d p e rson al v i rt ue are m o re i m p o rt
an t
I f t h ere are t h ose w h o p ossess t h e g r e ater v i rtue t h e
le aders o f v ari ous so c i et i es w i l l c ome to t h em an d o b e y t h e i r
d i c t ate i n orde r to k ee p t h e i r m em b e rs p e ac e ful H en c e t h e
cl ass o f feud al l o rds ex i sts ; b ut t h e w ar i s st i ll g re ate r I f
t h e re are t h o se w h o p o s se s st i ll gre ate r v i rt ue t h e feud al
l o rds w i ll c o me t o t h em an d o b e y t h e i r d i c t ate i n o rder to
k ee p t h e i r te rri to ry p e ac e ful H en c e s o me s o rt o f le ad i n g
I f t h e re i s a m an
p ri n c e s e x i st ; b ut t h e w ar i s st i ll g e ate r
w h o se v i rtue i s g re atest o f all t h e le ad i n g p ri n c es w i ll c o me
to h i m an d o b e y h i d i c t ate i n o rde r to k ee p all t h e p e o p le
Th en t h e w h o le wo rld i s un i ted i nto one
Th e re
p e ac e ful
fo re t h e re must b e fi rst t h e m aste s of t o w n s t h en t h e m ag i s
t ates o f d i st ri c t s H av i n g t h e m ag i t rate s t h en c o me t h e
fe u d al lo rds H av i n g t h e fe ud al l o rd s t h en c ome t h e l e ad i n g
H av i n g le ad i n g p ri n c es t h en ari se s t h e e m p e ro r
p ri n c es
F r m t h e e m p e ro r to t h e t o w n m aste r if t h i v i rtue h as
.
,
.
.
,
,
-
-
.
’
z
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
s
,
,
.
,
r
.
,
s
,
.
.
r
,
r
,
s
.
.
,
.
o
,
.
,
-
,
e r
RI N C IP LE S
TH E E C ON O M I C P
6
5
OF C ON
FU CI US
i m p s ed t h e m i nd o f t h e p eo p le t h e p p le ce t ai nl y p
a
f
t
t
h
e
i
t
i
t
f
ter
t
h
e
i
de
t
h
i
n
h
ld
i
n
t
h
e
i
r
fi
e
a
g
y
p
p
t h g h h ed i t a y i g h t Th e e fo e feud al i s m i n t t h e
i de a f t h e ag es b ut nl y t h e ne ess i t y o f t h
n di t i n
s
re
eo
,
o s er
r
or
s
o
,
r
er
ro u
r
r
r
c
o
s
,
c
o
,
o
,
r
.
su
r
o
e co
o
.
Accord i n g to Hsun Tz ii society is bas e d on j ustice ; ac
cord i n g to Pan Ku on love ; and accordin g t o L iu C hun g
—
on
n
e
cessity
T
h
ese
three
theori
es
le
al
ethi
cal
and
n
a
ii
g
y
—
are correct althou gh they are from d i fferen t
h istorical
points of view But why does society come to e xist ? O n
th i s p oint they g ive the same answer M an is physically
wea k er than other animals I f he wants t o con quer other
thin gs o r enslave them or borrow them fro m outsi de h e
must make himself stron ger I f h e wants t o ma k e h imsel f
stron ger he must c o operate w ith his fellows I f he c o
operates w ith his fellows such a society must be based o n
j ustice love and necessity t o avo id war and keep peace
Therefore society is the result but economic l i fe i s t h e
cause Had the human bei ng had no eco n o mic needs so
c iet y would not exist
W hy do men regard social j ustic e
and observe i ndividual ri ght ? W hy d o men love each o ther
and restrain the warri n g Spi rit ? W hy do men m ake war
a g ainst each other before society is formed and why is the
war still g reater when t hat society is larg er ? W hy d o t h e
warlike animals s ubdue their passions and come to t h e arbi
trato r obey the law of the ruler and keep peace amon g
?
themselves I t is simply for thei r o w n i nterest B ut thei r
own interest is nothin g g reater t han the economic interes t
In a word society is an organization carryin g on the stru g
l
e
for ex i sten ce i n collective form E thics and law re
g
lig io n and politics love and hatred peace and war j ustice
and inj ust i ce all of them are the results of economic causes
Indeed e conom i c interest is the basis of everythin g A c
co rdin g to L iu C hun g y u an war conti nues amon g the d if
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
—
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
‘
,
,
.
.
,
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,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
-
,
E C O N O M I CS A N D S O C I O L O G Y
57
s izes of soci eties and it ceases only i n the unificatio n
of the whole world I t is the doctrine of g reat uni fo rmity
of C onfucius B ut i n the past the world from the C hi nese
o
int
o
f
vi
ew
was
fictitious
i
n
the
present
the
worl
d
is
th
e
;
p
real one By the appl ication o f g reat uni formity to the
real world the whole world w ill be e qualized into a si n gle
economic unit and i ndustri al ism instead of militarism w ill
do minate the globe I n short worl d economy is the sol u
tion o f th e problems o f world sociolo gy and it i s the step
to the sta g e of Great Similarity
e re n t
,
”
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
II
.
E C O N O M I C S A S TH E
B A SI S
OF
RE L I GI O N
As reli g ion is a g reat force in social l i fe w e may ask
how i t comes to exist Th e answer to th is questio n is g iven
by C onfucius who says :
,
.
,
fi rst de v el o p ment o f rel i g i o n b e g an w i t h fo od an d d ri n k
P ri m i t i ve p eo p le ro asted m i llet an d p i e c es o f p o rk on h e ated
stones ; t h e y e x c av ated t h e g ro und i n t h e f o rm o f a j ar an d
scoo p ed t h e w i ne from i t w i t h t h e i r t w o h ands ; t h e y fas h i o ned
a h andle o f c l ay and st ruc k w i t h i t an e art h en d rum
Si m p le
as t h i s e c on o m i c l i fe w as t h e y y e t seemed t o b e ab le t o ex
p ress b y t h ese t h i n g s t h e i r reve ren c e fo r s p i r i tu al b e i n g s
Th e
.
,
.
,
,
l
.
Th at
i s food and d ri nk follow heaven and earth and wo r
ship follows food and drin k Thi s means that immed iately
a fter the creation o f heaven and earth as soon as there is a
man there must be econom i c l i fe ; and that the reli g ious l i fe
comes next Th e Great M odel there fore puts sacri
fic e s
next only to food and commod ities
I ndeed eco
nomic satisfaction i s the cond ition necessary fo r the d e
v e l o p m e n t o f rel i g ion
,
,
.
,
,
”
.
,
,
,
.
l
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
vn
,
p
.
368
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
5
RI N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
RI GI N O F M A N
Since econom i cs and soc i olo gy are interdependent we
s h ould study the sociolog i cal teachin gs of C onfucius in
III
.
O
,
o rder the better to understand h is e conomic teachin gs
Amon g all his soc i olo g ical teachin g s there i s noth in g more
impo rtant t h an the doctrines of the fathe rhood of God
W ith these doctrines as a
an d the b rotherhood o f man
bas i s there arise the pri nc i ple o f universal love t h e pri n
and the principle of i ndividual
c ip l e of universal e quality
independence W e may desi g nate thes e doctrines by a
phrase—the ori g in o f man O ne cannot understand the
foundations o f soc i ety until he knows the ori g i n of man
b ut he cannot think of the ori g in of man u n til h e satisfies his
economic wants
W e have already sa i d that the wo rd Yn an is similar to
the wo rd G o d and that they are d i fferent o nly fr om di ffer
ent points o f v iew However we shall discuss them mor e
fully and take up the doctrine of Yilan first Th e wo rd
Yilan i s the first wo rd o f the Sp ring an d A u t u m n and
i t is the chief pri ncipl e of C onfuci us philosophy O r
d in arily one says th e first year o f t h e rei g n of s o and s o
b ut C onfucius says y nan year i nstead of the fi rst year
Ho Hsiu comments : Yiian is the infinite breath ; fro m
which the immateri al th in gs arise and the material thin gs
are separated
I t creates heaven and e arth and it is the
”
b eg inn i n g of he aven and earth
Th is i s the theory of
c reation in C onfucianism Th e M any Dew dr o p s o f t h e
Sp ring an d A u t u m n says :
O nly the holy man can relate
the myriad of thin gs to one and subj ect them to the Yii an
Yn an means the ori g in
Yil an is the root o f
eve ryth in g upon which the ori g in of man depends W here
i s the ori g i n of man ? I t preced e s heave n and earth Th e
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
’
.
,
,
’
.
,
.
,
.
.
.
1
.
.
,
.
.
‘
W ri t t e n
b y Tu n g C
h
un g - s h u ,
bk
.
xiii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
60
W e now come
R I N CIP LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
the doctrine of the fatherhood of Go d
iang s C o m m en t ary
proper stated very clearly i n l
which says
to
’
,
,
fe m ale alone ann t g i ve b i t h ; t h e m ale al ne anno t
h
T
ve
bi
t
h
l
ne
c
a
nn
t
i
ve
bi
t
h
t
h
ee
mus
t
d
a
n
G
a
d
i
g
;
g
un i te to g et h e t h en t h e i s a bi t h Th e e f e we m ay all
th
n
fG d
an y ne e i t h er t h e son o f h i s mot h e
But
d i n g to h i s so i al p os i t i on t h e h n ab le p e son t ak es
a
t h e h on ab le des i g n at i n w h ile t h e c mmon p o p le t ak e t h
Th at some n i s alled ki n g i s s im p l y b e ause
m m n one
t h e p eo p le me to h im
Th e
r
r
er
r,
o
o
o
o
r
r
o
c
r, o r
o
c
cco r
o
or
co
o
o
c
,
o
o
or
.
e
e
c
e
,
r
o
,
.
or
e so
o
,
r
e
.
r
.
c
c
1
co
.
This
is the doctrine of the trinity i n the C on fuci an rel i g ion ;
it means that the unio n of father mother an d God g ives
birth to everyone Th e M any De w dro p s o f t h e Sp ring an d
A u t u m n s ays :
There n e ver has b ee n a bi rth w ithou t t h e
influence of Go d God is the father of everythin g
Th e doctri ne of the brotherhood of m an has already bee n
included i n the d octrine of t h e fatherhood of God B ut w e
may quote two passa ges Show in g this doctrine separ ately
C onfuc i us says :
All w ithin the four seas are b rothers
A gain he says : A holy man is able t o make the whol e
world as one family and the M iddle Kin g dom as one per
Therefore from C onfucius point of vi ew t h e whol e
son
wo rld is but a s in gle family and all the m e n are brothers of
th i s same family
Th e best explanation for the principle o f un iversal lov e
i s g iven b y C han g Tsai a g reat C onfucian in the Sun g dy
nasty ( 1 5 7 1 1 6 28 o r 1 0 2 0 1 0 77 A
He says
,
,
,
.
” 2
.
.
.
.
,
’
.
,
,
,
.
,
-
:
-
,
.
v i rt u e o f H e ave n i s c alled o u r F at h e r an d t h e v i rtue of
Eart h i s c all e d o u r Mot h e r
Alt h ou gh we are sm all b e i n gs we
Th e
,
.
1
3
‘
3rd
Q
y e ar o
uo
Li
ted
Ki
,
by
bk
.
k
Ch
g
T fih i
Cl
vii p 37 9
f Du
z
,
u an
e
.
2
.
as s ic s , v o l
s a,
-
.
,
B k lx x
.
.
i p
,
.
2 53
.
.
E C O N OMI CS A N D SO CI OL O G Y
51
t h e i r m i xtu re an d st and fi rmly i n t h e m iddle Th erefor e
t he f ull b re at h of H e aven an d E art h i s o ur bo dy an d t h e st ron g
sp i i t o f H e aven an d E art h i s o u r m i nd All people are o u r
b ro t h e rs and all t h i n gs are o ur c omp an i ons Th e great rule r
i s t h e h e i r of o u r P arents an d t h e gre at m i n i ster i s h i s stew ard
To re sp e ct t h e sen i or s of t h e w o rl d i s to h onor o u r olde r
b rot h e rs and to p i ty t h e weak i s to h elp o u r youn ger br ot h e rs
Th e h oly men are t h ose w h o possess v i rtue e q u al to t h at o f o u r
P ar ents an d t h e w i se men are t h e le ade rs of ou rselves All
t h e unfo rtun ate per sons o f t h e world t h rou gh p h ys i c al we ari
n e SS old ag e seve re Si c k ness t h e b ro t h e rl e ss c h i ldless w i dow
e rs an d w i d o ws
are c al am i tous an d h elpless b r ot h e s of o ur
ow n
ar e
.
,
,
r
.
.
,
.
,
'
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
r
,
l
.
As to the pri nciple of universal e qual ity w e may look
at i t fro m t w o aspects F i rst from the rel i g ious aspect not
only the founder o f a reli g ion i s th e son o f God but every
one is the son o f God O n this po int C onfuci anism i s more
democratic than C h ristianity because the C onfucians never
“
say that C on fucius is the only be gotten son of God
“
Mencius says : Th e holy man and w e are the same i n
”
kind
Th e C onfucian rel i g ion g ives full freedom o f
thou ght to every b ody and promotes everybody to th e hi gh
est posi tion equal to God Th e C onfucian church has
never had such a head as the pope and the C hi n e se empero r
i s not the hea d of the church Throu ghout th e whole o f
C h inese histo ry no blood has ever be en sh ed o n account
o f rel i g ious controversy I n a wo rd C hina enj oys com
l
e
t
rel
i
i
ous
freedom
e
p
g
Second from the pol it ical aspec t not only i s the em
r
e
o
r
d
u
the
son
o
f
G
o
b
t every one i s the so n o f God
p
“
I n C onfucianism there is no such th in g as the d ivine
ri ght theo ry F ive h und red and seventy one years b e
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
”
.
2
.
3
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
”
-
.
‘
C o rre c t io n
C l as s ics
,
of
vo l .
t h e Yo u t h ,
ii p
,
.
40 5
.
ch
.
xvii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
62
RIN CIP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
fore C onfucius C hou W u W an g cut o ff the head of the
C onfuc i us
E mpero r C hou and put it on the top o f a fl ag
said that the revolution of W u W an g was in accordanc e
with the will of God
Menciu s als o sai d t ha t the act
of Wu W ang was no t that of a reg ic ide b ut s imply t h e
execution o f an outcast
F rom 34 3 t o 3 5 0 A K ( 2 0 9
20 2 B
C ) C hina had as g reat a revolutio n as had F rance
in 2 34 1 A K ( 1 790 A
By this g reat revolution the
common people beg an to rul e the emp i re Hen ce C hin a
has b e en at the sta g e o f democracy since thi s r e volutio n
although i n many res p ects s h e di d not chan g e the mon
archical form Th e G en e ral Dis c us s io n in t h e Whit e Tig er
P alace says : Th e nomin ation Th e So n o f God [ em
ro
r
e
is
merely
hono
rable
title
I
ndeed
hin
has
a
n
a
C
]
p
been the most democratic country of t h e w orld w ith the
exceptio n of the really consti tutional states at t h e prese nt
time
Th e best illustration o f the principle o f i nd ividual inde
n
e
n
e
e
d
ce
i
n
i
o
i
h
i
t
e
is
iven
the
e
a
D
s
u
s
i
n
t
h
n
n
r
l
c
s
e
W
G
p
g
Tig e r P alac e I t says
,
.
,
1
.
,
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2
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,
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,
,
3
’
,
,
”
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,
,
,
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.
s h ould a f at h e r b e exe c uted fo r ki ll i
son
Amon g
al l t h e l i ves g i ven b y H e aven an d E art h t h at of m an is t h e
no ble st
All m e n are t h e c h i ld ren o f G o d an d are me rel y
b o rn t h rou g h t h e b re at h of fat h e r an d m o t h e r Th e e m p e ro r
s h ould n o u r i s h an d tea c h t h em
H e n c e t h e fat h e r h as n o
ab s o lute p o w e r o v e r hi s son
Why
n g h is
?
,
”
.
,
.
.
’
.
Th i s
is
ve ry i mportant p ri nc i ple of C o nfucius U nless
w e underst and i t we m i ght make the mistake o f thi nkin g
that i n accord ance w ith t h e teach in gs o f C onfucius a father
h as the powe r of li fe and death over his son and the son has
no independence But th is is not the case I n a family
a
(
.
,
,
'
.
Vi
‘
Ki ng
W ri t t e n
,
p
.
.
2
2 54 .
b y P an
Ku
i n 6 30 ( 7 9 A
.
C l as s i c s ,
bk
.
i
,
v o l . 11 ,
‘
.
p
1 67 .
.
Bk
.
v
.
E C O N O M I CS A N D S O C I O L O G Y
63
one i s the so n o f h is father ; i n a state h e i s the citizen of
the empero r ; i n the universe he is the son o f God Th e re
fore accord in g to the C an o n o f H is t o ry the punishment
fo r th e unkind father is equal to that fo r the un duti ful son
and no member o f th e family is res p ons ible for the crime o f
any othe r member
B ut w e shoul d consider also
Thi s is personal l iberty
personal respons ibility Co nfucius puts g reat emphasis o n
the cul tivation o f personal ity Th e Great L ea rn in g says :
“
F rom th e empe ro r dow n to the mass of th e people all
must consider the cultivation o f perso nal i ty the root o f
everyth in g b es ides
Ts en g Tz ii says : O ne cannot b e a
studen t w ithout breadth o f mi nd and vi g o rous endurance
H i s r e sponsibility i s heavy and h is way i s lon g H e as
sumes universal love as his ow n responsibil ity —is i t not
?
heavy O nly w ith death does his w ay come to an end ;
?
is i t not lon g
Thi s is the type o f stud en t fro m th e C o n
fu c ian standpoint
A fter M encius L u C h iu y ifan ( 1 6 9 1
1 7 4 3 A K o r 1 1 4 0 1 1 9 2 A D ) and W an g Shou j en d is
t ingu is h e d thei r school o n the basi s o f personal liberty and
personal responsibil ity Th e t each in g s o f L u C hi u y iian
are as follows : E ven i f I d o n o t know a s i n gle wo rd I
must t ry my bes t to become a man glo riously
While
above is heaven and below is earth man l ives i n th e middle
U nless h e is abl e to become a man h is l i fe i s o f no use
I nde ed the C onfucians put a g reat deal o f emphasis o n
personal responsi b il i ty since man is the son o f God and is
i ndependen t
,
.
,
,
,
,
1
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,
” 2
‘
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.
” 3
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,
-
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-
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,
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”
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,
,
,
Iv
P O SI TI O N
.
N ext
WO M AN
or
to the o ri g in o f man the most important quest ion
is the position o f woman Since m an and woman are the
,
.
‘
C f C l as s i c s
.
’
C l a s s ic s
,
vo
vo
,
l
.
l
i p
,
iii
.
.
,
pt
39 5
.
ii pp
,
.
—
3
39 2
.
3
.
I b id
.
,
pp
.
2 10 - 2 1 1 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
64
RI N CIP LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
two component parts of society h e r positio n is very im
portant not only for the social li fe b ut als o for t h e e c o
nomic l i fe Therefore w e shall study her positio n from the
point of view o f C onfucius
F irst accordin g to the teachin gs o f C onfucius t h e pos i
tion of woman is equal to that of m an F rom the emperor
to the common people the wi fe of each is h is equal The re
fore the word w ife mean s equal A n d t h e C an o n o f
C h anges even says that w ith the repressi o n of the o ne for
the satis faction of the other m an is place d below w o m an
i n relativ e positio n
H enc e the rela t io n of husband and
w i fe is called br o thers by C onfuciu s A n d t h e C an o n
”
L
also
says
ov
of P o e tr
:
e your bri d e as your broth e r s
y
Fo r the equality of m an and woman C onfuc iu s p re
“
scrib e s the rite of pe rsonal receivin g as a necessary
ceremony for marriag e t hat is t h e bride g r oo m must go t o
the bride s home to receive her pers o nally Th i s rit e is
necessary fo r all classes not ex ce ptin g ev e n t he em pero r
I n the C an o n o f P o e t ry and the Sp ring and A u t umn there
are many condemnations of those who do no t obs e rv e thi s
rite C onfuci us was asked by D uke A i of L u i f to wear a
crown for the e xercise of personal re c e ivin g would b e
too ceremonious C onfucius answered h im b y sayi ng that
an empero r must pay respect to h is w i fe
I ndeed the rit e
of personal receivin g is to i ndicat e the principl e o f re
spect for woman M o Tz ii attacked C onfuciu s on this poi nt
b y sayin g that one is as respectful and humble as a s e rva nt
to his w i fe ; that the ceremony of takin g her to the carria ge
is l i ke the service due to one s parents ; and th at all t h e
,
,
,
.
,
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-
,
,
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,
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,
,
1
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,
?
3
.
,
”
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,
,
’
.
.
,
,
.
’
.
?
,
.
’
Ki ng
Vi
,
p
.
2 38 .
v p 3
l iv p t i p
xxiv pp 64
Cf L i k i , b k
.
C l as s ic s ,
‘
Li
Ki
,
vo
bk
.
.
.
,
,
,
20
.
.
.
,
2
B u t it is
.
.
-
54
6
.
.
i
n c o rre c t l y t ran s l at e d .
E C O N O M I CS A N D SO C I O L O G Y
65
ceremonies o f marria g e are as solemn as those of sacri fi ces
F rom the arg ument of M o Tz u we know clearly t h at C o n
fu c iu s raised the positio n of woman very hi gh
A nother example i llustratin g the equal ity of man and
woman is that the mar r ied woman preserves her ow n name
after marria g e W e s h all see that C onfucius reg ards the
name of anyone as very important as it i dentifies the
r
o
n
il
and
i
s
dearer
even
than
l
i
fe
I
f
anyone
can
a
s
t
e
p
y
not have h is own name i t means that he loses h i s p e r
Thi s
s o n al it y and cannot leave any mark upon the world
i s the worst of calamities E uropeans and Ame ri cans are
proud o f the hi gh pos i t i on of thei r women but the married
woman must g ive up her ow n name and adopt the name
o f her husband b ein g known as M rs So and s o This
means t h at s h e cannot keep her i nd ividuali ty and is merely
a dependant of her husband ; whereas amon g the C hinese
the married woman has h e r ind ivi dual name I n the
Sp r ing an d A u t u m n C onfucius always g ives the name o f
the women themselves such as P o chi Sh u ch i C h i chi
I t shows that woman do e s not
C hun g t z ii C h en g f en g e t c
lose her indi vidual i ty a fter marria g e and that Sh e i s equal
to man
Second we Shall consider the separat i on of the t w o
sex e s Th is was an old custom and was reco g ni zed by C o n
fu c iu s
Details of R it es says
Th e
1
.
,
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?
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,
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,
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-
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-
,
,
‘
-
-
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,
,
,
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.
,
.
wom an s h ould not Sit to g et h e r i n t h e s ame ap art
m e nt
nor let t h e i r h ands tou c h i n g i v i n g an d re c e i v i n g
A s i ster in l aw an d b ro t h e r in law d o not i nte rc h an g e com p l i
ments ab out e ac h ot h e r
W h en a y oun g lad y h as b e e n
en g ag ed
no m an s h ould enter t h e d o o r o f h e r ap artment
unless t h e re b e some grave oc c as i on [ suc h as g re at s i c k ness
or de at h o r ot h e r g re at c al am i ty ] W h en a m arr i ed aunt or
s i ster o r d au g h te r retu rns h o me on a v i s i t n o b rot h er of t h e
M an
an d
.
,
-
-
-
-
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
‘
B k.
,
xix
,
2
.
Se e i n fr a
.
R IN C IP L E S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
66
OF C O N
FU C I US
at w i t h h
fam i l y h uld it w i t h h on t h sa m m at
f m t h e s am e d i s h E ven fat h e an d d a g h t h l d n t
u p y t h e s am e m at M an an d wo m an w i t h ut t h e i nte
do n t k no w a h ot h e s n ame
f t h e m at h m ak e
nt i n
U nl t h e n g ag ement h a b een a e p ted t h re s h ould b e no
o m m un i c at i n
affe t i on b etween t h em
e
er
s
o
s
ro
r
.
o cc
u
.
cc
s
e
e ss
r
c
’
.
e
,
1
c
or
o
c
e
o
r
o
o
r,
ou
s
er
,
c
o
o
ve
er
or e
e
.
i nce h uman nature is un i versally the same the social
l i fe of t h e F a E ast cannot d i ffer very much from that of
t h e West The efore the separation of t h e two sexes was
not t h e o i g i nal plan i n C hina I n the C an o n o f P o e t ry
t h e e a many po ms describ i n g a social l i fe qui te l i k e
th at of the W est to day W e may select two stanzas from
S
,
r
r
.
,
r
.
re
r
,
e
-
.
two poe m s for ex amples
Th e Ts i n
Th e
.
an d t h e
We i
h i b
one reads this way
,
N o w p r e s e nt t e r r o ad
L ad e s an d g entlem e n
i
s h e e ts o f w ate r
.
c arry i n g fl ow e rs of v al e ri an
A l ad y s ay s Sh all we g o to see
A g entlem an re p l i es I h ave al re ad y b ee n
But let u s g o ag ai n to see
Be y o nd t h e We i
Th e g round i s la rg e an d fit fo r p le asure
So t h e g entlemen an d l ad i e s
M ak e s p o rt to g e t h e r
P resent i n g one anot h e r w i t h sm all p eon i e s
A re
.
,
,
.
.
.
,
2
.
ot h e r reads as follows
Th e
on a fin e m o rn i n g ;
Th en [ t h e b o y an d g i rl ] p ro c e ed t o g et h e r
I lo o k o n y o u as t h e fl owe r o f t h e t h orn y m all o ws
Yo u g i ve m e a st al k o f t h e p e p p e r p l ant
[ Th e
g
i rl ] g oe
s o ut
.
3
‘
Li
Ki
,
bk
C l as s i c s ,
.
i pp
l iv
vo
,
.
.
,
—
77 8
pt
.
.
i p
,
.
14 8.
3
I b id
.
,
p
.
20
7
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
68
R I N C IP LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
Althou gh the separation o f the two sexes h as r ai se d the
stan dard of moral ity it has ret arded ec o nomic d evelopment
Montes q uieu says
.
,
“
s o c i et y o f t h e fai r sex s p o i ls t h e m anne rs an d fo rms t h e
t aste ; t h e des i re of g i v i n g g re ater p le asure t h an ot h e rs est ab
l i s h es t h e em b ell i s h ments o f d ress an d t h e des i re of p le as i n g
t h an o urselves g i ves ri se to f as h i ons Th i s
o t h e rs mo re
fas hi on i s a su bj e c t o f i m p ort anc e ; b y e ncour ag i ng a t r i fli n g
t u rn of m i nd i t cont i nu all y i nc re ases t h e b r anc h es o f i ts c o m
Th e
.
,
m e rc e
I
.
F rom th i s statem e nt o f M o ntes q u i eu we may understand
why the econom i c conditio n of C hina has been st at i o nary
for so l on g a t i me Th e chief reason fo r i t is that t he
C h i nese woman has b een separated from the man so tha t
,
.
,
social li fe i s dry and comm ercial development sl o w Set t ing
aside the quest i on of r i ght and w ron g woman is in
deed the sp i ce o f soc i ety and the pro moter of econom ic
p ro g ress B ut the ancient C hi nese altho u gh they mi ght
have real ized the economic advanta g e o f letti ng woma n
share society with man were afrai d of the mor al d is ad
vanta ge her possible l o ss of chastity
We must understand ho w e ver that the separati o n o f
the sexes does not mean that woman is no t the equal of
man O f c o urse in a patern al s o c ie t v woman inevi
tably su ffers many disadvanta ges But as far as t h e
separation is concerned woman is e qual to man Th o u gh
wo men cannot j oi n the s o cial gatherin g s of men and
so
lose a g re at amount of social pleasure on the oth e r
hand men cannot share the social g atherin g s o f w o me n
an d they t o o
su ffer the l os s of such social pleasure O n
this p o i nt man never c an have more pri vileg es than w o m an
.
,
,
-
,
,
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,
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,
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,
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-
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
,
,
,
,
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,
‘
Sp i ri t
So n s
,
of
1 90 6 .
,
L aw s ,
vo l .
i p
,
.
318
.
Bo hn
’
s
i
L b rary , G e o rg e
B e l l 8:
E C O N O M I CS A N D S O C I O L O G Y
69
alt h ough h e b elon g s to the more fo rtunate sex and may
enj oy some thi n g s wh ic h w oman cannot have Thus the
fundamental p r inciple of equal i ty i s not altered b y the
separation
Th i rd we shall see that C onfuc i us has sanct i oned the
social intercourse o f man and woman Accord i n g to hi s
t s ing l ie n system du r in g the w i nte r f rom t h e tenth month
to t h e fi rst men and women should wo rk to gether at
weavin g i n the same stree t from evenin g to midni ght This
is an e xtremely unusual example of th e commin g lin g of the
sexes and t h e promot i on o f social i nte rcourse Mo reover
du rin g t h ese fou r months whenever men an d women have
any d i ssatisfact i on the tw o sexes may s in g to g et h e r to ex
press thei r d iscontent This a ffords g reat freedom o f soc i al
contact o f the t w o sexes
A g ain accord in g to the pri nciples o f Sp r ing an d A u t u m n
the q ueen and p ri ncess must have teachers and nurses Th e
teache rs w h o are selected from the old g reat o ffic i als l o o k
a fte r the i r conduct Th e n urses who are selected from the
w ives of the g reat o fficials l o o k after the i r phys i cal wel
fare
A s s o o n as the
This principle i s qu i te si g nificant
old g reat o fficials can be selected as t h e teac h e rs o f the
quee n an d princess the separation of men and women i s
destroyed Therefore s e paration i s not the ideal o f C o n
i n c i us but only a n ecessa ry custom fo r the t im e be in g
F ou rth the p olitical ri ghts o f woman are g iven to her by
C onfucius an d these ri ghts are i nd i cated in the i nstance o f
hold i n g o ffice Th is principle is one o f the most valuable
thi n g s mentioned in the Sp ring and A u t u m n U nder the
i f the women have no
t s ing t ien system o f C on fucius
ch i ld ren at t h e ag e o f fi fty they are to b e g iven clothes and
fo o d b y t h e g o ve rnm e nt : an d they are to b e app o i nted
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
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,
,
,
1
.
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,
,
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,
,
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,
?
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,
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,
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,
,
,
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.
,
‘
’
Th e A
n n o t a t io n o f
3o t h y e ar o
f Du
k
e
Ku ng
Hs
i
-
y a ng
an g .
,
1 st h
y e ar
o
f Du
k
e
H s ii an
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
7
RI N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
commissioners for the c o llect i on of poet ry from the p eople
Th i s s h ows t h at C onfucius t h in k s that w o men are qual ifie d
to hold g overnment o ffice Since the c o mmiss i on of c o l
lee t i n g poetry i s e q ual t o the imperial commissi o n of to d ay
i t i s q u i te d i fferent from inferio r servi ce M o reover i t
i mpl i es t h at the ed ucat i on of women s h ould be very h i gh
ot h erw ise they could not take th e o ffice and could not
understand p oetry Thi s principl e w i ll have g reat im
portance i n the future
F i fth we may learn that the absolute indep endence of
woma n is the final sta ge of the doctrine of C onf u cius W e
have already seen that in the Gre at Similarity there is no
marria g e but we shal l dis cuss this m o re fully her e Th e
sta g e o f Small Tranquill i ty accepts all the pr e sent ins t it u
tions but that of Great Similarity does no t Th e fu n da
mental di ffere nce be tween these two stag es is the inde p e nd
ence of wo man and it fo rm s t h e b asi s fo r the changes from
Small Tranquill i ty to Great Simil arity
Therefore i n the
Small Tranqu i llity C onfucius me nt i o ns all t h e f amily r e l a
tions such as father and son brothers husband and w i fe
But i n the Great Similarity h e does n o t mention th em at
all and says that men do not reg ard as th e i r parents only
their own parents nor t reat as thei r ch i ldren only thei r o w n
ch i ldren
H ere C onfucius does not use the wo rds husband
and w i fe but us e s the wo rds man and w o man
E ach
man has his ri ghts and each w o man her ind ividual i ty safe
are the two fundamental bases of Great Similar
g uarded
i ty But how can this be ? I t i s s imply that they have to
abol ish the i ns titution of marria e
g
What C onfucius means by each wo man has her ind i
”
v id u al it
i s th at she is not the w i fe of any
y safe g uarded
man Sh e h as h er i ndiv i dual pe rsonal ity and i n all thin gs
1
.
.
-
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
-
,
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,
,
,
,
,
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,
,
,
,
”
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,
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,
,
‘
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.
.
,
‘
15t h
y e ar o f D u
k
e
H s u an
.
E C O N O M I CS A N D SO CI O L O G Y
1
7
depe nds upon hersel f Sh e does not lose any i nd ividual i ty
on account o f sexual relations to man W hen she loves a
man i t is si mply l ike the act o f shakin g hands or dancin g
wi th a man and Sh e does not become the prope rty of ma n
Kan g Y u wei i n the fi fth book of his B o o le o n t he Gre at
S im il arit y has g iven a very g ood explanation o f th i s pri n
c ip l e
H is theo ry i s someth in g l ike th is Th e insti tut i on
o f marria ge i s chan ged to a le g al a g reement of love and
t h e names o f husband and w i fe are abol ished Such an
a g reeme nt must be l imi ted to a ce rtai n len gth o f time W hen
i t expi res the co ntractin g part ies may either di ssolve im
mediately or renew it successively until the end of thei r
l i fe o r d issolve first and renew it a gai n i n later times I n
fact there is perfect freedom fo r them to do what they want
in acco rdance with thei r true love Th e time l imit of an
a g reement i s not lon ger than one year no r shorter than o ne
month
I f th e tie o f ma rria ge i s d estroyed howeve r the func
tions of the family must b e h anded over to the state Th ere
fore the sixth book treats o f the su b stitution of the state for
the family In the Great Simila rity the state is a world
republ ic All the people a re cared fo r b y the state As
soon as a wom an is pre g nant s h e must g o to the sc h ool o f
o teach t h e c h i ld b ef o re he i s
r
estatory
educat
i
on
i
n
orde
t
g
b orn At t h e age of twenty t h e c h i ld s educat i o n i s c o m
o
l
e
e
and
he
i
s
independent
and
may
h
is
own
a
After
t
d
w
g
p
y
house o f old age until
t h e ag e o f S i xty h e can l i ve in the
he d i es Indeed t h e state i s t h e l arge famil y for everyb o dy
O nly in th is way c an w o m an ge t ab s o lute inde p endence
Apart from t h e d o ct ri ne o f G reat Sim il arity g iven b y
C on fucius t h e anc i ent C h inese never tal k ed O f t h e ab ol it i on
.
.
,
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,
-
,
1
,
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
'
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,
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,
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‘
Thi
s
t h e au t
h
bo o
k
or a
h as
pi
du l
no t
p b li h d y
h m
ip t
been
c at e o
ft
u
e
s
e
an u s c r
et
,
.
b ut
Kan g
Yu
-
wei
ki
n d ly s e n t
2
7
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
of ma rria ge Th e only excepti o n t o this was L i eh Tz ii a
philosop h er in the peri od o f W arrin g States H e describes
a U topian state called E xt reme N or th w h ere everyth in g
i s very happy and pleasant As t o the soci al relati o ns he
n
h
ives
the
followin
four
se
tences
old
and
youn
:
T
e
g
g
g
l i ve equally ; there is no ruler no r minister Th e men and
women ramble to g ether ; there is no matchmaker nor e m
n
i
m
t
T
his
s
a
picture
somewhat
like
that
of
the
a
e
e
g g
Great Similarity
In conclusio n the pos ition of w o m an is this : funda
mentally woman is the equal of man B ut in the Dis o r
d e rly Sta g e the separati o n o f the two sexes is advisable ; i n
the Advancin g Peace Sta ge social i ntercou rse between the
sexes is suitable ; in t h e E xtreme Peace Sta g e t h e ab s olute
indepe ndence of woman is most l o vely and j ust All th e se
are harmo nious w ith the doct r ine of the Th ree Sta es o f
g
C onfucius
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
” 1
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
.
1
Bk
.
v
.
VI I
C HA P TE R
EC ON OM I CS
I
AND
B A SI S
E C O N O M I C S A S TH E
.
P O L I TI C S
OF
P O L I TI C S
orde r t o understand the relation b etween economi c s
and poli tics let us ta k e the System of Yao the fi rst b o ok
of t h e C an o n o f H i st o ry w ri tten by C o nfucius to represen t
hi s pol itical p ro g ram Acco rd in g to this t h e whole g overn
ment is d ivided into nine departments Th e first one is the
depa rtment o f water and earth the i nteri o r depa rtm e nt as
si g ned to the prime mi nister ; the second that of a g riculture ;
the thi rd that o f education ; the fourth that o f j ustice ; the
fifth that o f labo r ; the sixth that o f natu ral r e sources
c h ar ged w i th t h e forests the animals and the mines ; the
seventh that of reli g ion ; the ei ghth that of music ; the
ninth that o f communication the med iato r between the em
r
r
and
the
people
f
the
n
ine
departments
none
is
e
o
O
p
fo r personal service to the empero r show in g th e principle o f
democracy and none fo r t h e preparation of w ar i nd icati n g
the princ i ple of p e ace But fou r d epartments out o f the
—
—
ni n e th e fi rst the se cond the fifth and the sixth are
charged w ith economic functions F ro m the sec ond book
of th e C an o n o f H is t o ry it appea rs that the functions of
comme rce are included i n the first department
Ther e
fore th e whol e g overnment i s i n lar g e part a to ol fo r eco
nomic d evelopment Indeed i f there were no economics
there woul d be no pol i tics : th e g ove rn ment exists chiefl y for
IN
”
,
,
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,
,
,
,
,
,
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,
?
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,
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,
,
Se e i n fr a
,
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
74
RI N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
conomic reasons It is n o t a military but an i ndustr i al
soc iety
In the A nal ec t s also there is a chapter Show i n g very
clearly the relat i on between economics and pol itics When
Yen Yuan C onfucius best pup i l mod estly puts h is q ues
tion with reference to the go vernment of a state he really
as k s h o w the g overnment of a unive rsal emp ire should b e
adm i nistered Th e answer of C o nfucius i s
e
.
,
.
,
,
.
’
,
,
,
.
Ado p t t h e cal e n d ar of t h e H s i a d y nast y R i d e i n t h e st ate
c arria g e o f t h e Yin dy n ast y Wear the crown of the C h ou d y
nast y Imitat e t h e mus ic o f Sh ao an d Wu B an i s h t h e tun e s
of C h éng an d k e e p far fro m s p e c i o us t al k e rs Th e tu n es o f
C h éng are l i c e nt i ous ; s p ec i ou s t al k e rs are d ang e ro u s
.
.
.
.
.
,
I
.
Th i s
chapter has been hi ghly praised by all schol ars throug h
all a ges but none has understood the mean i n g of i t I ts
exact meanin g is simil ar to that of t h e last ch apte r o f
the Great L earnin g
Th e sub j ect o f th at chapter i s the
h
o
n
f
overnin
of
the
state
the
equaliz
i
n
the
w
le
a
o
d
g
g
g
world and there are only two ways to real i ze suc h a
purpose namely admi n i ster in g wealth and employ i n g the
b est men This chapter has exactly these two pr inc i ples
Keepin g far from spec i ous talkers is the neg ative form
of stat in g t h e pri nciple of emplo yin g the b est men All
the fou r posi tive rules are economic princ i ples Th e cal
endar of Hs i a i s m o st seasona b le ; to adopt it means to
k eep t h e a gri cultu ral wo r k s i n the best t i me Th e carria ge
of Y i n i s most economical and lastin g ; to ride i n it means
to promote comme rce b y mean s of economical and l asti ng
t rans p o rtat i on
Th e crown of C hou is most beautiful ; to
wear i t me ans to raise the standard of workmansh i p These
t h ree t h i n gs calendar carri a ge and crown refer to a g ri
.
,
”
.
,
,
,
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.
.
.
.
-
.
.
,
,
‘
C l as s i c s
,
,
vo l .
i pp
,
.
2 97-
8
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
7
RI N C IP L E S
FU C I US
—
of the stat pol itics
OF C O N
the Marquis as k s about is the busines s
e
But what Mencius discuss es i n h i s answer is the bus i ness o f
the p eople—economics It seems that M enc i us d o es no t
answe r d i rectly t h e question of the M arquis But he re allv
answers h i m from the fundamental po int o f view F o r the
bus iness of t h e people i s the ch i e f busi ness of the s t ate ; and
i f a ruler can attend to suc h b usiness earn e stly he w ill
r n t h e state well
ove
In
short
bes
i
des
economics
there
i
s
g
no pol it i cs and true politics is eco nomics
.
.
.
-
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
P O L I TI C S A S TH E PR O M O TE R O F E C O N O M I C L I F E
W h i le econom i c forces f o rm the basis o f pol i t i c al
II
.
or
pol itical org anization in turn p romotes ec o n omi c
development M encius says : W ith o ut the g re at pri n
c ip l e s of g ove r nment and its various activi ties
w ealth w ill
not b e su fficient
Therefo r e t h e economi c needs are the
causes for t h e existence of g overnment and a good g overn
m ent is also the cause o f succes sful econ omic l ife
Th e simplest reason fo r the econom ic development of a
ood
overnment
is
iven
in
the
Great
ommentary
C
g
g
g
i
n
i
n
z
a
a
t
o
,
g
.
,
” 1
.
,
,
.
W h en a ruler attac h es i m p o rt an c e to t h e st ate h e loves t h e
W h en h e loves t h e p eo p le p un i s h ments and p enal
p eo p le
t i es are j ust W h en p un i sh ments an d p en alt i es are j ust t h e
When p e o p le are p e ace ful we alt h is
p eo p le are p e ace ful
su ffic i ent W h en we alth i s su ffic i ent all p u rp o ses c an b e
re al i zed
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
2
.
Jud g in g f rom this reasoni ng economic d e velopment is b ased
o n le g al
development When leg al d e vel o p ment co mes
to t h e sta ge of j ust punishments and penalti es t h e p e ople
can en ga ge pe acefully in di fferent occupations and the p ro
duct i on of wealth may be su ffici ent This is the type of
,
.
“
,
,
.
C l as s i c s ,
’
Li
Ki
,
ii p 483
xiv p 6 7
vo l .
bk
.
.
,
,
.
.
.
E C O N O M I CS A N D P O LI TI CS
77
patriarchal government B ut even i n the d e mocratic go v
e r nm e n t of modern time economic development i s still based
on leg al j ustice I f there were no good law there co ul d not
be g reat i ndustries There fore good gove rnment is n ec
essary fo r econom i c developmen t and pol itics paves the
way fo r economics
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
VERN M E N T
Since p ol itics paves the w ay for economics we should
study the p oli tical teach ing s of C on fucius i n o rder to under
stand the backg roun d for his economic principles Th ere
fore we Shall study first h is principles o f government i n
l
eneral
and
then
hi
s
system
of
instruction
i
n
part
ic
u
ar
g
I f we take th e s e as illustratin g C onfu ci us poli tical views
we shall unde rstand the economic principles i n his mi nd
II I
GE N E
.
R A L PRI N C I P L E S O F
GO
,
.
,
.
.
,
’
,
.
1
.
I m p e rial D e m o c rac y
Ac c o rd in g to C onfucius the external form o f government
i s monarchi cal but the fundamen t al principle of i t is demo
cratic Th e four parts o f th e C an o n o f P o e t ry all be g i n
w ith W en W an g who represents th e type o f constitutional
monarchy Th e C an o n o f H is t o ry be g ins w ith Yao and
Shun who represent the type o f republ ic
Th e Sp ring and
A u t u m n be g ins w i th W en Wan g and ends w ith Yao and
Shun
These are enou gh to Show that i n the ideal g overn
ment of C onfuci us the soverei g n powe r is in the hands of
th e peo ple O f course C onfucius teach es the p eople to be
loyal to thei r rul er ; but what he means by a ruler i s the
man who h as the b est ch aracter and talents Th e Great
L ea rn i n g
o
ives
a
very
od
definition
o
f
the
p
triarch
l
a
a
g
g
“
r
n
ove
ment o f C on fuci us It says : L ovi n g what the
g
people love and hat in g what the p eople hate : th is i s he who
is called the pa ren t o f the p eople
As s o on as th e people
turn away from thei r ruler he i s no lon ger t o be a ruler but
a sin gle fellow I f he is a bad man accord in g to the
,
,
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,
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,
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,
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”
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,
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,
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
7
R I N C I PL E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
i n g he w i ll b e executed b y the peo ple of the
w h ole world Tyrann i cide S re c o g n ix e d as a g reat deed
b y all g reat C onfucians because they do no t recogni ze the
G reat L earn
,
1
I
.
,
ty rant as a ruler
C onfucius h i msel f has the rev o lut ionary idea ; i n the
Re voluti o n
C an o n o f C h ang es he g ives a b o ok entitl e d
He s ay s f H eaven and earth are rev o luti o nary so that
t h e fou r seasons complete thei r functio n s Th e revolutio ns
of T an g and of W u w ere in acco rdance w ith the will of
Great indee d is
Go d and i n response t o the w ishes of men
w h at takes place in a time o f r e v o lution
W hen C o n
fu c ius reads the P o e t ry about the r e v o luti o n chan g in g t h e
Yin dyn as ty to t h e C hou dynasty he exclaims : I f there
were no revolution what could ma k e the em p eror and
p ri nces ta k e precautio n and what could make the common
?
people k eep up thei r ambition
F rom this exclamatio n
we know that C onfucius do e s not reg ard the kin g as s acre d
an d that he g ives the commo n people the ri g ht of bein g
kin g Th e reason C o nfucius i s som e tim e s in favor o f im
r
i
l
i
a
r
e
s
m
o
abs o lute monarchy is be cause for the time
p
be i n g he wants to d o away w ith feudal ism ; but his fu n da
mental idea is democracy
Th e principle o i democracy i s m o st cl e arly s e t forth by
Menc i us as follows : Th e pe o ple are t h e most im p o rtant
elemen t ; the state is the next ; and the r u ler is t h e l e ast
The refore to g a i n the mass o f peopl e is t h e way t o becom e
empe ror ; to ga i n the e m mro r is the w ay t o become a pri nce
of a feudal state ; and to g ain the prince is the way to become
a g reat o fficial
By this statement M enci u s means that
.
”
.
,
,
.
‘
.
,
,
,
” 3
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
-
” 4
.
‘
C l as s i c s ,
Vi
‘
Ki ng
H i s t o ry
,
vo l .
p
of
C l as s i c s ,
i p
,
.
374
.
25 4 .
.
H an ,
vo
,
l
.
11 ,
ch
pp
.
.
xxxvi
483 4
-
.
.
E C O N O M I C S A N D P O L I TI CS
79
the empe ro r should h old h i s place b y popular consent and
the pri nce should b e ap p o i nted by the emperor and the
i
nce
t
h
e
appo
intive
overnor
reat o fficial by the prince
S
g
g
of the provi nce took the place o f the hered itary pri nce o f
t h e feudal state the last t w o t h i n gs have b een real i zed in
C h i na : b ut the first never has b e en reali zed except in the
n e g at i ve fo rm o f revolution
But that the sovere ig n power
i s i n t h e h ands of t h e people i s t h e fundamental concept of
the C on fucians
,
,
.
,
.
.
1
.
2
F or
S t at e G o v e r n m e n t
.
overnment
o
f
the
feudal
state
o
nfucius
ives
C
g
g
the followi n g general principles : To rule a state of a
thousand chariots there must b e reverent attention to bus i
ness and si nceri ty to the people : eco nomy i n expenditure
and love fo r the people ; and the employment o f the people
at the p roper seasons
These pr i nciples a re the th eo ries
o f C onfuci us pol itical e c o no m v U n d e r such a govern
ment t h e pe ople a re encou ra g ed to wor k and enj oy thei r o c
cupat i ons to care fi rst fo r pu b l i c and t h en fo r pri vate
w el fa re
t he
,
,
,
,
” 2
.
’
.
,
,
,
.
3
.
L o c al G o ve rn m e n t
By the t s ing l ie n s y stem f C o n fucius a villa g e is a
un i t o f po l it i cal d ivision w h i c h c ns i sts o f ei g h ty families
I n a villa g e the peopl e elect ag ed an d vi rtuo us men called
pat r i arc h s and eloquent an d st ron g men called j ustices
Th e offi cial ran k o f the p at ri archs i s equal to that o f the
su bo rd inates o f the educational department and that o f the
j ustices is equal to that o f t h e common people who are em
ployed about the g ove rnment offices Both o f them rece ive
dou b le sha res o f l and and r i de on horsebac k They are
the pe o ple th em selves : b u t at t h e s ame t ime they are o th
o
.
,
o
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
‘
C l as s i c s ,
vo
l
.
11 ,
pp
.
3
—
54
9
.
worm
,
vo
l
.
i p
,
.
140
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
amon g the people Therefore thei r ad m i n i stration is
so e ffic i ent in detail as t o extend from the mornin g to the
midni ght from the field to the town from the man t o the
woman and from the ph y sical t o the i ntellectual and m o ral
l i fe These numerous thin gs can be don e only by the system
of self government
c ial s
.
,
,
,
,
.
-
.
4
.
F re e d o m
o
eech
S
f p
In an imperial democracy the g ov ernment is really ruled
by public O pi nion and the way to ge t public opini o n is by
freedom of speech i n the form of poetry Accordin g t o the
from the tenth mo n th
t s ing t ien system of C onfuci us
to the fi rst month the pe o pl e live in town I f they
have any cause fo r dissatisfactio n men and women
sin g to gether to express thei r d isc o ntent i n the form of
poetry Those who are hun g ry sin g about their food ;
and those Wh o are tired about their b usiness I ndeed
thei r economic conditi o ns are thei r princ i pal subj ects They
have how ever the absolute freedom o f choos in g any
subj ect referri ng either to themselves or to the court an d
t
h
h
e
overnment
principal
th
in
i
style
i
n
wh
ich
h
s
t
e
T
e
g
g
reproof is cunnin gly insi nuated Th e authors o f the poe t ry
f
ive
no
o
f
f
ence
but
the
hearers
o
it
are
warned
g
Men at the ag e o f s ixty and women at that o f fifty i f
they have no children are supported by the go vernment
and are appointed commissio ners for the collection o f
po et ry I n the first month when the pe ople are ab o ut to
l e ave the tow n for the field the co mmissi o ners rin g o ut t h e
wooden ton gued b ell alon g t h e ro ads i n order to collect
poetry from the p e ople F rom the villa ge the p oetry is
transferred to the town ; then to the c apital o f the feudal
states ; and at last i t comes t o t h e imperi al go v e rnme n t
After the Grand Music master arran ges the p oetry accord
ing to its sty le and tun e it is pre s e nt e d t o t h e em p e r o r
,
,
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,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
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,
,
,
,
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,
,
-
.
,
-
.
-
,
.
E C O N O M I C S A N D P O L I TI C S
Th e refore
81
even i f the empero r does not go out o f the d o o r
he understands all the g rievances o f the empi re ; and even
i f he does not come dow n from the pal ace he knows abou t
the four quarters Hence poetry forms the basis o f go v
,
,
,
.
e rn m e n t
.
I n the C an o n o f P o e t ry the three hundred and five p oems
a re the remainder o f ancient poetry edited by Co n fu c iu s fi
The i r funct i ons are equal to those of newspapers ; b o th are
the description of daily l i fe of the people and the expres
s i on o f publi c opinion That the p oetry had fulfil led such
functions shows that there had been free dom of speech
,
.
.
a
r
o
l
s
M
5
v
.
U nder the
.
L aw
system p e ople can live su fficiently
well so that they can understand what is hono r and what
i s dishono r As their virtue has been refined they b e come
moderate i n thei r concern for wealth and are complaisant
toward o thers Hence there i s no d ispute no r l i ti g at i on
Men are g overned not by the legal code but by the moral
law Such a society is hi gher than the s o called l aw go v
erned society because there is sel f respec t w ithout the need
o f law Th e le gal code must b e l imited to a certa in num
ber of acts and th e people may escape the l aw wh e n it does
not literally s p eci fy the act : b ut the mo ral law is unl imi ted
and is a matter o f spi rit rather t h an letter L eg islation is
en fo rced by external power a fte r t h e deed is d o ne and pre
vents only the b ad act wh i le mo ral law is en fo rced b y iii
ternal consc i ence N o t onl y d o es i t prevent the bad thou ght
b ut it also makes th em go od The refo re C on fucius s ays
In hearin g l iti g at ions I am l ike any one else W hat
is necessa ry however IS to cause the people to have no
l iti gations
A gain C onfucius says :
t s ing t ie n
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
-
-
.
-
,
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
,
”
.
I f th e
o
e
p
ple b e
,
by l aws
le d
‘
C l a s s ic s
,
,
un i form i ty
an d
vo
l
.
i p
,
.
25 7 .
be
sou gh t to
be
TH E E C O N O M I C P
82
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I U S
v n t h m by pun i s h ments t h ey w i ll t y t av oid t h e pun i s h
s nse f s h am e I f t h ey b e led by v i rtue
m en t b ut h ave
m i ty b s u gh t to b e given t h em by t h e ules o f p
a d un i f
l
h
f
m
t
y
i
ll
h
v
e
sense
s
h
e
m
e
v
e
w
i
l
t
a
a
d
w
a
h
i
t
p
y
be m e go d
I n f act i n t h e g ove nm e nt system o f C onfuc i us t h e e i s
muc h leg islat i on b ut mo e emphas i s i s la i d on t h e moral
t h an on t h e legal side
IV
SY STE M O F I N STR U C TI O N
Th e system of i nstruction i s the fountain of democ acy
in t h e pol i tical system of C onfucius Th reason we u se
t h e wo d inst ucti on i nstead of education i s b e cause t h e
fo mer i s b roader i n sens e than the latter W e may divide
the word instruct i on into t h re g reat b ranch e s namely edu
c ation eli g i on and elect i on They are all to g ether the
s ame st eam E ducation i s one s ource and reli g i on i s the
ot h er w h ile elect i on i s t h fl ow I n C o nfucian i sm eli g ion
is eally includ ed i n educat i on b ecause the word educat i on
itself me ans i ntellectual education while the word reli g i o n
means ethical educat i on F o the conven ience of our read
s
ho wever we may put rel i g i on in a separate sect i on i n
o de to ma k e a compa i son between C hina and the W es t
Th only th i n g we should remem b er is that t h system of
inst uct i on i s a w h ole
Accord i n g to the pol i tical system of
C onfuc i us the t s ing t ie n system an d t h e instruction sys
tem a e t h e two g eat e s t th i n gs and they must g o to gether
alt h o u g h the fo me
precedes the latter Ther e fo re if we
a
e
e
o
i
n
to
study
the
econom
i
c
system
o
f
onfucius
C
g
g
p
sented b y t ing t i n we Should know somet h i n g abo ut h i s
system f i nst uct i on
i
g
e
e
no
,
n
e
or
r e
o
e
.
,
ro
r
o
e
o
co
o
o
e
,
r
,
n
,
r
or o
1
.
r
,
r
,
r
,
.
.
r
e
.
r
r
r
.
e
,
r
.
,
r
,
,
.
,
e
,
.
r
,
r
,
,
r
.
er
,
,
r
r
r
.
e
e
r
.
,
'
r
r
r
,
,
r
.
re
,
r
s
o
e
r
1
A fte r t h e
r
,
.
.
Un iv e rs al ly F r e e E d uc at io n
peopl e can
ma
C l as s i c s
k e t h ei l ivin g and t h us sati sfy
l i p
46
r
,
vo
.
,
.
1
.
TH E
84
E C ON OMIC P R IN CIP LES
OF C ON
FU C I US
latter i s called g reat learn i ng Th e lo west age fo r the g re at
learn i ng i s fifteen and the h i ghest i s twenty Th e subj ect s
of study are the d i fferent c i vil izations o f the ancients an d
t h e social and pol i tical instituti o ns of the present Th e
says :
Record o f E ducat i on
.
.
,
.
i
i
i
E v e ry y e ar ne w studen ts m ay e nt e r t h e m p e rial u n ve rs t y ,
an d e v e ry altern ate y ea r t h e re is a c o m p ar at v e e xam in at on
i
x am i n at i on i s to
i
.
s e e w h eth e r
At t h e e n d of t h e first y e ar t h e e
t h ey c an read t h e texts intell i g entl y an d w h at t h e i nd i v i du al
t ast e of e ac h is ; in t h e t h i rd y e ar w h et h e r t h ey are rev e re n tl y
an d w h at com p an i ons h i p i s most
attent i ve t o t h e i r wo rk
p l e a s ant t o t h e m ; i n t h e fift h y e ar how t h e y ext end t h e ir
i n t h e seven t h
s tud i es an d s ee k t h e c om p a n y o f t h e i r te ac h e rs
y e ar h o w t h e y c an d i scu s s t h e su bj ects of t h e i r s tud i e s an d
Th e y are now s ai d t o have m ade s o m e
s e l e ct t h e i r f r iends
s m all accom p l i shme n ts
In t h e n i nth y e ar w h e n t h e y k no w
t h e d i fferen t rel at i ve su bj ect s an d h ave g ai ned g e n e ral in
t e l l ig e n c e e st ab l i s h in g th e mselve s firml y s o t h at t h e y c anno t
b e mov e d t h e y are sa id t o h av e made some g re at ac c o m
,
,
,
,
,
,
“
.
.
,
,
,
p l is h m e n t s
l
.
In every one of these five examinations the students a re
exami ned from two points of view : one is kn o wled ge and
the other is character To balance mental and mor al trai n
ing is the C hinese syst e m of education handed d o w n from
C onfucius
In fact the education al sys tem o f C on fuci u s
has been part ially carried out in di fferent periods
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
2
.
S o c ial R e lig io n
an d
F re e d o m
O
f
B e lie f
I n the C hinese lan g ua ge the word reli g ion is not ex
ac t l y the same as i n E n l ish
h
i
n
se
w
rd
h
T
o
i
a
e
C
e
h
o
C
g
means instruction ; hence it s t ands for educat i o n as well as
fo r rel i g i on
But the word C hiao in the rel i g i o us sense
o f the C h i nese me ans moral teachin gs ; som e times i t in
,
.
"
.
l
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xvi pp
,
—
.
83 4
.
E C O N O M I CS A N D P O LI TI C S
85
eludes even the whole of civilization Therefore what the
C h inese call reli g io n i s mo ral social and philosoph i cal rather
than spi ritual As t h e wo rd C h iao means bo t h educatio n
and reli g ion an educat i onal i nstituti on i s a church as well
Acco rd i n g to M enci us the o b j ect of all the
as a sch o ol
schools of th e Th r ee Dynasti es is to illustrate the h uman
relati o ns
E ven i n the present d ay in the C onfucian
Il
C h u rches over the whole empi re there is a hall called
lustrat in g H u m an Relat i ons H all
and t h e C hinese call
t h e C on fucian C hurch by the name of Holy Temple o r
This i s the reason why
C ivil Temple or School House
unde r t h e ts ing t ie n system there i s no church because t h e
rel i g ious funct i o n i s abso rbed by educati on Th e patriarchs
althou g h the teachers o f the school a re li k e th e pastors o r
fat h ers of the church But what are the subj ects o f thei r
?
serm ons Acco rd in g to Mencius the most i m p o rtant teac h
i n g s of th e schoo ls are th e fil ial and fraternal dut i es : and
the i r results are that the g ray hai red men d o not need to
ca rry any bu rdens o n thei r backs o r on thei r heads alon g the
Therefore we can see that th e C hi nese rel i g ion
roads
has been d i rected toward man mo re than toward Go d I n
d eed the rel i g ion o f C on fucius is based on s o c iolo gy rathe r
than on th eolo gy Hence C hina has g iven full fre e d om o f
beli ef to th e people since spi ritual wo rsh ip has not been
the essen t ial o f the C h inese rel ig ion
In mod ern t im e s th ere is a con fl i ct betw een rel i g ion
and scie n ce b ut th is can never b e t h e case i n C on fucian ism
C o n fuciani sm i s based on sci ent ific principles
When C o n
fu c iu s teaches T u l u what knowl e d ge is he says :
Wh en
you know a th in g to hold that you know it ; and when you
d o not know a th in g to allow that you d o no t know it —thi s
is kn owled g e
I n the Sp ring an d A u t um n to leave out
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
1
.
,
,
-
-
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
-
2
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
.
z
-
.
,
,
”
3
.
‘
C l as s i c s ,
H ei di
,
vo l . n ,
vo l .
i p
,
.
p
.
24 2 .
15 1 .
vo
l
.
11 ,
pp
.
1 3 1- 2
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
86
RI N C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
the doub tful po i nts is a g reat p rinciple W i t h s uch a
sc i ent i fic nature C onfucianis m d iffers fr o m all other re
l ig io ns and i s a rel i g on of the hi g hest type
O n t h is ac
count t h e C h i nese can i denti fy reli g ion w ith educati o n and
c h u rc h w i th scho o l ; and there w ill never be any confl ict
b etwee n sc i ence and C onfucianism because C o nfucianism
i tself i s also a sc i ence
In modern t i mes there is als o a c o nfli ct between rel i g i o n
and p ol i t i cs b ut t h i s is no t the c ase i n C on fuc ianism
Th e R oman C athol i cs h ave a pope w h o assumes p o liti c al
power as an emperor and the eccles iastical b o dy f o rms a
spec i ally favored class exercis i n g pol i tical priv i leg es over
and a gainst the common pe ople Th i s is an unn atural a nd
unj ust th i n g Therefore conflict between church and s tate
arises an d E uropean and Amer i can statesmen separate
church from state H ow i s th i s i n the rel i g io n o f C o n
fu c ius ? He d i d not choose a special s uccessor an d n o o ne
dared to call h i mself the only successor o f C onfucius I n
fact C onfucianism is a d e mo cra t ic rel i g i o n and h as no
such monarch i cal i dea C onfucius d i d not d is tin g uish h is
followers f rom the common pe o ple and they never fo rmed
such a s p ec i al class as the p riesthoo d Therefore the C o n
fu c ian s never go t po l i t ical privil e g es
Although the stu
dent class always has more acce ss to the go vernment than
t h e common people i t i s through educatio nal qualifications
and not throu gh rel i g i ous privilege Theref o re si nce t h e
C onfuc i ans have never t aken any pol i tical po w er fr o m
t h e state t h e state has no trouble wi th the C on fuci an re
l ig io n at al l an d there is no need to separate i t fr o m the
st ate
Mo re o v e r C h ri st i an i ty i s a si mple rel i g ion and has n o th
.
,
.
,
,
.
‘
,
.
,
.
,
,
-
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
the st ate But C onfuci ani sm i s a com p lex reli g ion and has
ve ry m uc h to d o w i th government ; hence it can never
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
88
R
I N C I P L E S O F C ON
FU C I U S
democ ratic and no ar istocracy is allowed Th e R e c o rd o f
E ven the eldest son o f the empe ror b y h is
R it e s says :
leg i t i mate queen is only as an o rd i nary student I n the
wo rld there is now h ere s uch a th i n g as b ein g bo rn no b le
In the Sp ring an d A u t u m n C onfuc i us denies the hered i tary
r i g h t o f aristocracy and g ives educational elect ion as a sub
"
Th i s was at that t i me a r e vo lut ion ary i de a i n
s t it u t e f
soc i al li fe ; i t w as realized b y the rec o mmendat i o n of
Acco rd i n g
Tun g C h un g shu ( 4 1 2 A K or 1 4 0 B
to the R oyal R e g ulat i on s t h e s o ns o f t h e empero r the
princes and the o ffic i als are t o study at the same universit y
with the students ch o sen from amon g the c o mmon people ;
an d the i r classes are to b e divide d up not by ranks but by
a g es H sun Tz ii says : E ven amon g the sons o f the em
r
r
r
h
e
o
p
inces
and
the
reat
o
ficials
i
f
they
were
not
t
e
f
p
g
q u al i fied to ri tes and j ust i c e they should b e put down to the
class of com m on peo p le ; even amon g the sons of commo n
people if they have g oo d education and characte r and are
q u al i fied to r i tes and j ustice they should be elevated to the
cl ass of m i niste rs and no b les
I n s h ort unde r t h e sys
tem of C onfuc i us the r e is no distinct ion of classes ; and e d u
c at i on is the only determi ni n g force in soc i al stand i n g We
may say that th e re is an educational aris tocracy b ut such
an a r i stocracy is un avo i da b le unless human characteristics
b e eq u al b y b irt h Th e only thin g that human power can
d o i s to ma k e education un i versal and f ree i n o rder to g i ve
e v e ryone e q u al O ppo rtun ity ; and th is i s the way of C o n
i n c i us
Th e way C onfucius combines poli tics with education is
so m e th i n g l ik e th i s : the b est students of the loca l schoo l are
e l ected an d t ransfe rred to the district school ; the best of the
.
.
,
.
” 1
.
,
,
,
-
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
3
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
” 4
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
‘
8
L i Ii i , b k
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
.
ix p
iii p
,
,
.
.
4 38
2
.
2 33 .
‘
hi
T
Bk
rd
.
ix
y e ar o
.
f Du
k
e
Y in
.
E C O N O M I C S A N D P O L I TI C S
89
d ist rict sch oo l t o the provinci al colle ge ; and the best of the
p rovincial colle g e to the n ati onal un i versi ty E ve ry three
yea rs the feudal pri nces send t h e b est studen ts from t h e i r
n ational universi ties to the empe ro r an d let them study at
Th e b est students o f the impe rial
t h e impe r ial uni ve rsity
un i versity are called complete sc h ola rs
I f t h ei r conduct
and capabil ity are equal t h ey are d istin guished b y archery
Th en t i tl es are con fer red u pon the m
In this way the stu
d e nts promote themselves b y thei r capa b il ity ; an d the em
r
o
r
appo
i
nts
o
fic
i
als
b
y
the
exam
i
nation
o
f
thei
r
e
h
t
f
e
p
m e r it
Th is s y t e m may b e called educational election
Th e system o f educational electi on m ay also be called a
system o f rep resentat i o n Since the students elected from
the common people b ec ome h i gh o fficials the d i fferen t in
s t it u t io n s are really t h e places where the representatives
o f the peopl e are elected As the elect i ons are held i n sch ools
and the representatives are confined to t h e body of students
education is the exclusive qual ification Th e educational tes t
ta k es the place o f un ive rsal su ff ra ge But ch oo sin g ed uca
t i on as a qual ification is much b ette r t h an c h oo sin g anythin g
else especially when education i s un i versally free A l
thou gh there is no popular vote th i s s h o uld not b e far from
popular sent i ment b eca u se t h o se chosen are t h e b est stu
d ents
Since t hey come f rom d i ff e rent pol i tical d ivi sions
alt h o u g h the re i s no le g al respons ibi l ity b etw e en them and
the i r native local iti es they s h o uld b e re g arded as the rep t e
s e n t at ive s o f the people as a wh o le
Th e G re at C o m m e n t ary
o
o
f
a
h
e
o
s
k
s
thus
the
elect
i
on
o
f
t
C
a
n
o
o
r
e
n
H
i
s
t
p
f
f
y
I t lets the w i se me n have the i r w ay to come up
stu d ents
It
an d co o pe rate w it h t h e i r ruler in t h e g o ve r nment
,
.
,
,
,
.
“
.
,
.
,
1
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.
,
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,
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.
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
‘
’
A m zo t al io n
W ri t t e n
e s t au t
Ku ng
b y P ro
h ity
or
of
on
f
-
y a ng
e s so r
Eu
t h e C an o n
o
,
15 t h
y e ar
f the C
of
hi
H i s /o ry
‘
.
o
n
f Du
k
e
H s uan
d y n as t y , t h e
,
etc
.
o l d e s t and
gre at
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
9
RI N C IP L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
shows that a ruler alone should n o t cont rol the go vernment
Th is is the way to g ive the g reatest importan ce to the
people
What we have mentioned is the i deal system of C o n
B ut
fu c iu s and i t has been essentially carri ed into e ffect
the system of representation was also a fact of the an c i ents
although it may n o t hav e been so perfect as the C on fuci ans
describe Th e Official Sys t e m o f C h o u s ays : L e t the p eo
ple elect the vi rt uous to be thei r leaders outside and let
them also elect the able t o be their go verno rs i ns i de
me ans the centr al go vernment o u t o f thei r pro
O utside
“
vince and i ns ide means the lo c al government the word
leaders meanin g representatives I n ancient times the stu
dents were at the same t ime the farmers so that the farm e rs
could easily elect the students amon g themselve s Th e
C an o n o f P o e t ry tells h o w the pri nc e g oes to the field to pre
side over the el e ction : N o w I go t o the south lyi n g acres
where some are weed in g and some g ather the earth abou t
the r o ots Th e millets loo k luxuriant A nd i n a spac i ous
restin g place we elect our eminent students
F ro m th is
poem we can understand that the farm ers outside o f the
school still had the ri ght to choose thei r representat ives al
though the electi o n was cont rolled by the government
H istorically the system o f representation was chan ged
from el e ct i on by the people into selec tion by the g ov ern
ment t h at is c i v i l se rvice co mpe titive examinat i ons E ven
b y th i s chan ge the g raduates w h o passed e x ami nati o ns
st i ll h ad the qual ificat ions of represen tatives because t h e
numb er of g raduates was propor t ionate to t he p o p ulatio n
and the amount o f taxation o f thei r native province So
C h in a had the representativ e system
B ut the g reat
troub le was th at C hina d i d n o t devel op a le gal o rgani
.
.
.
.
,
.
,
” 1
.
,
,
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,
,
.
-
,
,
.
.
2
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
-
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
‘
Ch
.
xn .
C l as s i c s ,
vo l .
iv
,
pt
.
11 ,
p
.
37 7
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
9
R I N C IP LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
U nder the in fluence of C onfucius t h e C hi nese g overn
ment has b een that of imperial democ racy an d everyon e
h as t h e chance to b e pri me m i ni ster altho ugh it i s not nec
,
,
,
essary t h at everyone should have the ambition to be em
u se
In
hina
linen
prim
mi
nister
and
W
hite
ho
e
r
o
r
e
C
p
du k e and m i nister have bec o me pop ular terms
L i nen
and white house i ndicate the poor con dition s from whic h
t h ey a r ise to the hi ghest o ffice I ndeed C hin a has bee n the
most dem o crat i c country of the world i n this p o int E ve n
in the U nited St ates a republican g overnment it i s di th
cult fo r one to hol d an elective publ ic o ffice n o matter ho w
h i gh o r how low unless he is an acti ve memb er o f o ne o f the
two g reat part i es Th is means that many g ood men are
excluded from the g overnmen t and it tends t o make m e n
lose thei r personality and to de ny them the opportun ity
for showin g thei r political abil ity in renderin g publ ic ser
vice Although the f o rm o f the American g overnment is
republ i can it i s very tyrannical in this respect ; o r at least
i t is something o f an aristocracy H o w much wo rse are the
monarchical g overnments of the wo rld ! All the m o dern
E uropean co untr ies and Jap an are o nly n o w d o in g aw ay
w i th a ristocr acy ; and i n most o f them the no bility is
st i ll a g reat element i n thei r go vernmen t But C h ina had
l arg ely destroyed the n o bil i ty w ith the election system o f
t h e Han dynasty ( 4 1 8 A K o r 1 34 B
and has ex
t in gu is h e d i t enti rely since th e C h m Sh ih examinati on o f
the Su i dynasty ( 1 1 57 A K or 6 0 6 A
I n the p resent
d ay all the t i tles of nobilit y are merely nomi nal ho no rs and
h ave no p olit i cal power what e ver attached to them
Th e
only materi al g ain they bri n g is t h e hered itary salary re
c e iv e d in the form o f
ven
the
memb
rs
of
the
n
i
E
n
e
o
f
s
e
p
i mpe ri al fam i ly have n o pol itical p ower unless they are o ffi
ci al s
Any student poor in th e economic sense studyin g
qu i etly and even lab orin g har d may expect to become prime
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E C O N O M I C S A N D P O LI TI C S
93
minister and carry out his p ri nciples H e does not need
to spend his time energy and money i n sel f advertisement
I f the ruler should always b e as g ood as C onfucius re
qui res the system of educational election w ould be p erfect
B ut s ince the ruler is not always good and the wo rl d has
b een pro g ressive C hi na is goi n g to chan g e her absolute
to a constitutio nal g ove rn ment As soon as she shall h ave
a constitutional g overnment she will have a party gove r n
ment And as soon as s h e has a party g overnment she
w ill h ave party elections and modern ar i st o cracy w ill g row
i n C h ina But as the educational electio n i s a system
pecul iar to the C hi nese they should kee p the best o f thei r
ow n and adopt only the best of thei r nei ghbors systems
w ithout thei r defects By extend in g the pri nciple of popular
su ffra g e to j ust the ri ght point C h ina w ill have a g over n
mental system wh ich surpass es the most san g uine ho p es o f
American civil service reformers
Th e electi on syst e m o f C onfucius is the ch ie f weapon fo r
the destruction o f class interes t s Th is w as apprec i ated b y
t h e phys i o crats Th ey hold up as the ideal o f political g o v
not Sw itze rland o r E n gland but C hina because
e rn m e n t
i n oth er count ries one d id n o t find ind ividual i nterest com
In E n gland the p o l itical system g i ves
ing to the front
too much p o wer to the merchants : on th e other hand de
m o c rac y g ives too much p ower to the lower classes and
a r i st o cr acy too much power to the h i gher cl asses I n
Th is
C hina alone no one cl ass tends to be come dom i nant
view o f the phys i oc rats i s ver y t rue I t i s d o u b tless t rue
that Quesnay was theo r izin g and used C h ina as a mod el
because i t was far aw ay and h e knew l ittle ab out it b ut in
th is instance h is th eo ry was j ustified b y the facts
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1
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tp
ih
l
zé
a
h
i
n
l
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m
l
e
fi
r
s
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b
s
i
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h
e
D
o
t
i
s
e
d
e
C
e
d
t
e
s
p
Q
p
m ér i de s d a C i l oy e n i n 1 76 7 an d re r n t e d in O e u vr e s E c o n o mi q u e s c l
P h i l o s o p lu q u e s d c Qu e s n ay e d O n c ke n 1 888
5 6 3 660
‘
CI
'
.
u e s n ay s
,
pi
’
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,
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pp
-
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V III
C H A P TE R
ECON O M I CS
I
.
ETH I C S
AND
B A SI S
E C O N O M I C S A S TH E
OF ET
HICS
the C o n fu c ian system there are two g reat p ri nciples
O n e is called love or humanity ; t h e other j ustice or ri g ht
e o u s ne s s
I t may be interestin g t o notice that accordin g
to t h e C hinese etymolo gy the wo rd l o ve is formed from
t h e word denotin g man or o thers and the w o rd j ustice
from the word denot i n g self Th us the prima ry mean i n g
of the word love is a relat i on b e tween persons ; and that
o f the w ard j ustice is an aspect of the s e lf
W e l o ve others
b u t we j ustify ourselves
H ence we should strictly contr o l
ourselves accordin g to the hi ghest standard o f morali ty and
treat others l iberally accord in g to the o rdinary level of
human nature C on fucius s ays : Th e superio r man rea
sons about theoret i cal principles from the standpoint o f
h i mself b ut lays down practi cal laws fro m t h e capa b i l iti es
of t h e people
Therefore r eg ard in g ourselves C o n
fu c iu s puts eth ical teachi n g a b o ve econom i c life —in som e
cases l ife i tself should be sacrificed for the sa k e o f v i rtue ;
b ut re gardin g society as a W hole he puts eco nomic l i fe b e
fo re ethical teachin g
Th e b est i llustrat i on o f t h is princ i pl e is g i ven in the
A nal e c t s
When C onfucius went to Wei Jan Y u acted as
drive r of h is c arriag e Co nf ucius observed H ow numer
‘
o u s are the
e
O
l
said
ince
th
ey
are
thus
n
a
n
u
S
p
p e
j
IN
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1
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”
s
,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xxix p
,
.
3 33
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
9
RIN C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI U S
other hand he allows the lowe r class to make profit and
thin k s that they oug ht to do so H ence for the g overni n g
of soc i ety C onfuc i us takes up the eco nomic l ife of the p eople
for the fi rst considerat i on Th e Great L earni n g describes
the e ffects of a good g overnment as follows : Th e com
mon people find pleasure in what they call the i r ple asure
and fi nd profit in what they call thei r pro fit
We are sure
that C onfucius i n the pro g ram o f h i s reformation feels
that economic bet term ent i s the first i tem
U nfortunately s ince the C onfucians of the Sun g dynasty
did not who lly understand the pr i nc i ples of C onf ucius and
thought that he did not approve even talkin g about p rofits
the teach i n gs of C onfucius failed to be cons i dered of g reat
importance in the prac t i cal wo rld and the C hinese su ffered
a g reat deal throu gh ne e d of economic reforms They m ade
such a g reat m i sta k e because t h ey m i sunde rstood the s tate
ments of Mencius and Tun g C hun g shu Mencius tells the
Kin g H ui of L ian g : W hy must your Maj esty use th at
word profit ? What I am prov ided w i th are counsels c o n
cernin g the principles of love an d j ustice and these are my
only topics
Tun g C hun g shu tells the Princ e of Kian g
tu : Th e man o f perfect virtue is thus : follow i n g s tr i ctly
j ust i ce not fo r the sake of p ro fit ; d iscussin g thorou ghly
Th is sim
pri nciple not w ith the expectation of success
ply means virtue for vi rtue s sa k e These t w o statements
g i ven by Mencius and Tun g C hun g shu are q uite g ood in
themselves b ut they do not mean that the econo m i c problems
should b e ent i rely left out They have thei r own w rit in gs
an d we can find t h e i r economic pr i nc i ples even from the
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1
C las s ic s
C las s
3
‘
i
,
cs ,
C las s ic s
H is t o ry
,
l
.
vo l
.
vo l
.
vo
o
i p
p
ii p
364
.
,
11,
,
f Ho n
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.
131
126
ch
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.
l vi
.
,
E C O N O M I C S A N D E TH I C S
97
q uot at i ons of th i s t eat i se They are tal ki n g to the ki n g
and the p i nce and such men of course a e forbidden b y
We neve expect to use
C on fucius to tal k about profits
the same prescript i on fo every bo dy ; w h y should w e apply
?
those statements to every one
N e i ther C o nfuci us nor
Menc i us n o Tun g C hun g shu nor any g reat C onfuc i an b e
r
r
.
,
r
,
,
r
.
r
,
'
r
,
-
,
fore the Sun g dynasty has ever said that the common people
should not tal k about profits M o r eove r t h e C onfucians
of the Sun g dynasty d i d not d i st i n g u i s h the public profits
f rom private p rofits and left t h em b oth out o f cons i der at i on
Th i s has b een a g reat o b stacle to the econom i c development
of C h ina
H A R M O N Y O F E C O N O M I C S A N D E T II I C S
II
Th e reason the C onfuc i ans of t h e Sun g dyn asty fe ar to
tal k ab out p rofit i s b ecause they ma k e t h e d i stinct i on b etw een
p rofit and j ust i ce too sharp and thin k the y are necessa r i ly
opposed to each ot h e r But true C onfuc i an ism harm on i zes
i ce
t
A
econom i cs an d et h i cs an W
ro t w u
u
s
j
p
t rue profit i t h olds i s j ust i ce and t h e i mmed i ate p rofit
w h i c h O pposes j ust i ce is in the lon g ru n not a pr o fit at all
Th e essent i al o f t h ese t w o wo rds profit and j ust i ce i s the
same t h i n g b ut exp ressed i n d i fferent terms
As C o nfuc i us l i ved i n t h e st ag e o f feud al i sm and gene r
ally tal k ed w i t h princes he d i d not l ik e to ment i on the word
p rofit b ut used t h e word j ust i ce for i ts su b stitute Since
p ri nces as we k now g ener ally c are fo r profit b ut not fo r
j u st i ce ; fo r wealt h b ut not for vi rtue : why should C onfucius
?
h
r
tal k to t em a b out p ofit i nstead o f a b out j ustice
But i f
C on fuc i us o nly says to them that j ust i ce is good and d o es
n o t say that j ust ice is a profit they will not b elieve him and
w i ll no t p ract i ce j ustice There fore C on fuc ius p oints out
ve ry cle arly t h at u s t ic e i s a re al p rofit and t h at t o
t h e i mmed iate p r fit i s only a su i c i dal p o l i c
Th i s p ri nc i ple IS t us set ort 1 m the Great L e arnin g :
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°
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o
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per i o r m an w i ll fir st tak e p ai ns abo ut h i s o w n v i rtue
V ir tue i s t h e ro o t an d we alt h o nly t h e re Su lt I f h e
m ak e t h e ro ot hi s se c o nd ary o bj e c t an d t h e result h i s p r i m ary
h e w i ll o nly wran gle w i t h h i s pe o ple and t e ac h t h em rap i ne
H e n ce t h e c oncentrat i o n o f we alt h i s t h e c ause o f dri v i ng t h e
p e o p le aw ay an d t h e d i ffus io n o f i t amo n g t h em i s t h e w ay
to c o llec t t h e pe o ple And h ence
t h e we alt h go t by im
p o pe r w ays w i ll t ak e i ts de p artu re by t h e s ame
Th e
v i rtu o us m an b y m e ans o f hi s we alt h mak es h i s pe rson al i ty
Th e v i c i ous man ac c umul ates we alt h at
m o re d i st i n gu i s h ed
t h e expense o f hi s l i f e N e ve r h as t h e re b een a c as e o f t h e
s o v e re i gn l iki n g l o ve an d t h e p e o p le n o t l iki n g j ust i c e
N ever
h as t h er e be en a c ase w h er e t h e pe o ple h ave l ik ed j ust i c e an d
t h e affai r s o f t h e s o ve re i gn h ave n o t b een c arr i ed to com
l
t
r
h
e
r
i
And
neve
t
h
e
b
een
c
se
w
h
e
e
t
h
e
wealt
h
o
n
a
s
a
r
e
a
p
i n su c h a st ate c o lle cted i n t h e t re asu ri es an d arsenals d id
n o t c o nt i nue i n t h e s o ve re i gn s po ssess i o n
T he
su
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the explanation tha w
u n iar
c
s
rofit
but
ustice
i
t
quotes
from
M
n
H
sien
e
t
ii
:
g
p
j
yp
i
ét i s b ette r to h ave an o ffice r w ho steals than to have one
w h o collects unj ust i mposts from the people
I ndeed los
ing wealth is better than los i n g j ust i ce
Th e conclusion of the
Great L earni n g is th is
Fo r
-
,
,
”
.
,
.
W h en h e w h o p res i des ove r a st ate o r a f am i ly mak e s we alt h
h is c hi e f b us i ness h e m ust b e unde r t h e i nfluence of some
m ean f ellow
H e m ay c o ns i de r t h i s fell o w go od ; but w h en
s u c h a p e r s o n i s e m pl o yed i n t h e adm i n i st rat i on o f a st ate o r
f am i ly c al am i t i es f ro m n atu re and i n j u ri es f rom men w i ll
be f al l i t t o get h er And alt h o u gh a go o d m an m ay t ak e h i s
pl ac e h e w i ll n o t b e ab le t o remedy t h e ev i l Thi s i llust rates
t h e s ay i n g t h at a st ate doe s not t ak e t h e pe c un i ary p ro fit as a
re al p o fit b ut t ak es j ust i ce as a re al p r o fit
,
.
,
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,
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,
r
Th e
l
,
.
s ame principl e i s also g i ven b y Mencius
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
i pp
,
.
3 7 5 38 1
-
.
.
W hen he
TH E E C O N O MI C P
100
R I N C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
selves on t h e g round o f t h e teach i n g s o f C onfuc i us and
would use C onfuc i us word fo r thei r pret e xt Therefore
C onfuc i us does not use the wo r d pr o fit very often but u s es
t h e word j ust ice fo r i ts subst i tut e Th i s i dea i s very well
expla i ned b y Adam Sm i th H e says :
,
’
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,
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.
Th o s e
p i n c i pl e s o f t h e h u m an m i nd w hi c h ar e most b enefi c i al
t o s o c i ety are b y n o m e ans m ar k ed by n atu re as t h e m o st
h o n o ab le H un ge r t h i rst an d t h e p ass i o n fo r s e x are t h e
m
r ts o f t h e h um an spe c i es
o st eve ry exp re s
e
t
upp
yet
l
o
a
a
s
g
In t h e s ame mann e r t h at p r i n
s i o n o f t h ese e x c i tes c o nt e m p t
c ip l e i n t h e m i nd w h i c h p ro mpts t o t ru c k b ar te r an d e x c h an ge
t h o u gh i t i s t h e fo und at i o n o f arts c o m m e rc e an d t h e d i v i
s i o n o f l ab o yet i t i s n o t mark ed w i t h anyt h i ng am i ab le
Th e pl ai n re as o n fo r t hi s i s t h at t h ese p ri n c i p les are so st ro n gly
i m pl anted by n atu re t h at t h ey h ave n o o c c as i on fo r t h at add i
r
t io n al f o rc e w h i c h t h e we ak e r p ri n c i ples [ e g
ene
o
s
i
ty
g
]
ne e d
r
r
.
,
,
r
,
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,
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r,
.
.
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,
1
.
M oreove r soc i al profit is harmonious w ith social j us t i ce
w h i le i nd i v i dual p rofit i s not always harmon i ous w it h in
d i v i dual j ust i ce C onfuci u s says : R iches and honors ac
qu i red b y i nj ust i ce are to me as a floatin g cloud
He
reco n i zes that the re are s o me i ndividual profits w it h out
g
t h e p rinciple of j ustice Yan g H u was a bad o fficer at
t h e t i me of C onfuc i us b ut Mencius quotes his words as fol
lows : H e w h o see k s to b e rich w ill not be b enevol ent
H e w h o w i shes to b e benevolent w ill not be rich
M enc i us t h i n k s that the re i s sometimes a contr ad i ction b e
tween econom i c g a i ns and eth i cal pr i nc i ples H ence C o n
fu c iu s spe ak s of the super i or man as one w h o when he sees
And hence the R e c o rd o f R it es
g a i n t h i n k s of j ust i ce
L t
f A d m S m it h p 3
Cl
i
l i p
Cl
i
l ii p
4
Cl
l i p 3 4
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.
,
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0
1
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.
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2
2
.
sa y s : When y o u find wealt h w i thin your reach do not
m
t ry to ge t It b y i mp rope r means
,
.
H O I C E B E TW E E N E C O N O M I C L I F E A N D E TH I C A L L I F E
E ven t h ou gh the econom i c pr i nc i ples are finally h a rmon
i ous w i t h t h ose o f e t h ic e s unde r some c i rcumstances eco
nom i c l i fe cannot exist alon g w it h et h i cal l i fe H ence
we s h all see h o w C onfuc i us ma k es a c h oice b etween t h ese
two th i n gs
When Tz u k un g as k s C onfuc i us ab o ut gove rnment C o n
fu c iu s says :
Th e req ui s i tes of g o v e rnment are t h at t h e re
b e su ffic i ency o f food su ffic i ency o f sold i ers and t h e fa i th
“
of t h e people
I f it cannot be helped
Tz u k un g says :
and one of t h ese must b e d ispense d w i th w h i ch of t h e t h ree
s h ould b e fo re gone first
Th e sold i e rs
says C o n
fu c iu s
Tz u k un g a g ain asks :
I f i t cannot be h elped
and one o f the re m a i nin g two must b e d i spe nsed w it h wh i ch
?
of t h em s h ould b e foregone
P art
C on fuc i us answe rs :
wit h t h e food F rom o f old deat h h as b een t h e lot of all
m e n : b ut i f the people have no f ai t h i n t h e i r h e arts t h e r e is
no stand in g fo r any o ne
Th is d i alo g ue is ve ry impo rtant an d v e rv i nterestin g ;
the q uest i ons and t h e answe rs are b ot h ve ry g o o d Th e
wo rd f o o d i ncl u d es all ec o nom i c l i fe : t h e w o rd sold i e rs al l
mil i t ary fo rces an d e q u i pments : an d t h e wo rd fa i t h all re
l ig io u s an d et h i c al li fe
So far as we h a v e seen C on fuc i us
emp h as i zes ec o nom i c li fe as t h e fi rst t h i n g i n society And
even i n t h i s d i alo g ue h e puts fo o d b e fore t h e other two
B u t w h en t h e ec o n o m i c l i fe an d eth ic al l i fe cannot b o th b e
p rese r v e d econom i c l i fe must b e s ac rificed Th is seems
a fo ol is h p o l i cy
M o reover
an d an impract i ca b le theo ry
i t seems c ontr ad i cto ry to h i s own p rinciple t h at eco nomic
III
C
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‘
I i
.
Ki
,
bk
C las s ic s
,
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.
i p 6
l i p
vo
.
,
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,
2
.
.
2 54
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
10 2
RI N C I PL E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
life should come b efore eth i cal l ife I n re al i ty however
there is g reat h armony here I n the primary sta ge when
the people do not k now much abou t faith and their imme
diate need i s food i f yo u tal k t o them on any subj ect such
as reli g ion or eth i cs b ef o re they can sat i sfy the i r hun ge r
they will not l i sten to you F ood therefore must co me b e
fore all other thin g s I n the advanced sta ge when they
have built a society as hi gh as a state they mus t know some
thi n g a b out faith and faith is the stron g est social tie I f
the gett i n g of f o o d were their s o le aim or escapin g from
death the i r hi ghest ideal they would do anythin g in any w ay
for the sa k e of their l o west self W it h out faith t h e world
would b e a wilderness ; no o ne would trust others and every
one would be an enemy to o thers So ci ety could n o t ex ist ;
and at last not even the individual could e xist O nly the
stro n g est would survive In the b e g innin g the people would
sacrifice thei r fa i th to escape death ; but ultimately they
would fall to gether into death because they had no faith
A g reat teacher like C onfucius must prefer faith to food
O r in other words he must choose to die with faith rather
than to live w i thout it F ood is the primary means of build
ing up society but faith is the final end i n mai ntain i n g
it These two th e ories of C onfucius are not co ntrad ict o ry
Hence this policy is not only honest but also w ise N o r
is it impracticable
To show that the ethical l ife should be preferred to the
economic l i fe Mencius cites this concrete case and sho ws
that every one has such conscience H e says
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,
,
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We des ire fis h and we also des i re b e ar s paws I f w e cann o t
h av e t h e t w o t o get h er we wi ll let t h e fis h go and t ak e t h e
be ar s p aws So we des i re l i fe and we also des i re ri gh teo us
n e ss I f we c annot k eep t h e t w o to get h e r we w i ll let l i f e go
an d c h oo se ri gh te o usness
We des i re l i f e i ndeed b ut t h e re is
t h at w hi c h w e de s i re m o re t h an l i f e an d t h e refo re we w i ll n o t
’
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
10 4
RI N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
wa rds not p rope r to g ive it i s cont rary to ki ndness
A gai n when he spea k s o f Y i Yin he s ays that Y in would
ne i t h e r h ave g iven no r have taken a sin gle s t raw i f i t were
Th erefo re he w ants the
cont rary to j ust i ce and pr i nc i pl e
people to act i n the pro per way not only i n the i r ta ki n g b u t
also i n t h e i r g ivin g ; fool i sh g eneros ity and unwise alms are
not app roved b y Mencius
But the p rinciples g overn i n g the takin g of wealt h are
mo re i mportant than thos e governin g the g 1v 1ng of i t b e
cause hum an nature i s more o ften too coveto us r ath e r than
too l i b eral F o r the ta k in g o f wealth M enci u s g i ves th i s
ral p r i nc i ple : if there be n o t p r o per
ene
round
f
r
ta
ki
n
o
g
g
g
i t a s i n gle bamb oo cup o f ri ce may not be received from a
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,
,
,
,
?
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-
,
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,
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,
-
,
c e s s iv e
Therefore
3
.
ta ki n g of wealth no matte r
t he
,
,
ho w
di fficulty h owever i s t o determ i ne what
is p ro per an d what i s not O n this p o i nt there i s no cer
ta i n rule But we may refer to concrete cases and take
them as examples Whe n Menc i us was i n C h i the k in g
sen t h im a present of 2 0 0 0 taels of fine gold and he refused
i t But h e accepted a present of 1 4 0 0 taels w h en he was in
Sun g and accepted one of 1 0 0 0 taels when he was in H sieh
C h en Ts i n his pup il asked h im i f there w e re not someth i n g
w ron g i n one of the t w o cases But M encius said that they
are all r i ht
When he w as in Sun g he was a b out to take
g
a lo ng j ou rney
It is a custom o f th e C hi nese t o present
a t raveler w i th a travelin
present
e
efore
the
mes
h
r
T
g
s age o f t h e prince was the send in g o f such a p rese n t W h y
Th e g reatest
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C l as s ic s
2
[ In d
p
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,
vo l
36 2
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.
ii p
,
.
32 8
.
3
/ li i l
'
p
26 0
.
E C O N O M I C S A N D E TH I C S
10
5
should he have decl i ned t h e g i ft
Whe n h e was in Hs i e h
he was apprehensive for h i s safety and ta k in g measures
fo r h i s protect i on Th e messa g e w as I ha v e hea rd that
you are ta k in g measu res to p rotect you rsel f and send this
\ Vh y should he h ave de
to help you i n p rocurin g arms
But w h e n he w as i n C h i h e h ad no o c
c l in e d the g i ft ?
c as i on for money To send a m an a g i ft when h e h as no
5
Ho w i s i t po s s ib le t h at a
o b r ib e 1
m
?
Th ese are concrete
supe r i o r man s h ould accept a b r ib e
cases s h ow i n g t h e p ri nciples of accept i n g and decl in i n g
wealt h
Th e re is a most i nte restin g d i scussion b etween Mencius
an d Wan C han g h i s pupil about the acceptance of wealth
Th e point of Mencius i s that when the dono r o ffe rs h i s g i ft
on a reasona b le g round and i n a manner in acco rd ance w it h
prop r i ety even C onfucius would have received it
H e re
now says Wan C h an g i s one w h o stops an d ro b s people
outs i de t h e city g ates H e o ffers his g i ft on a g round of
r eason an d in a p rope r manne r —w ould it b e r i ht to re
g
c e iv e i t when so acqui red ?
Th e answer of Menc i us i s of
Th e p ri nces o f the p resent d ay
cou rse ne gat ive
pur
sues Wan C han g ta k e from t h ei r peop le j ust as a ro bb er
despo i ls h i s vict i m Yet i f t h ey put a g ood face o f pro
r
i
t
r
r
r
n
r
i
on
thei
i
fts
t
h
e
supe
io
I
e
m
a
e
e s t h em
c
e
c
p
y
g
ventu re to as k you t o expl ai n thi s
H e re \ V an C han g al
lu d es t o M enc i us h i msel f M enc i us ans w e rs :
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"
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“
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hi n k t h at i f t h e e s h uld a i se a t u ly i m p e i al
f
h
n
h
d
h
e
w
ul
lle
t
i
n
es
p
esent
put
t
t
n
d
a
a
d
g
p
y
t h m al l t
de at h O would h e adm n i s h t h em an d t h en i f
t h y d id t h an ge t h i w ay put t h em t de at h ? Indee d
t
all
wh
t ak es w h at d
s t p pe ly b el n g t
v
h im a
bb
f
mb l an e t t h e t m s t
p us hi n g a p i nt
Do
vo u
e re i
o
t
o
e
no
e ve r
ro
c
?
e
c
co
o
,
o
r
,
r
e
r
o
c
o
o ne
o
C las s ic s
no
oe
e r is
,
vo
o
l
,
o
o
‘
,
s,
e r
so v
r
r
e
r
c
r
re s e
ii pp
,
.
2 15 - 6
.
,
ro
r
o
c
o
u
o
o
TH E E C O N O M I C P
106
RIN C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
i ns i st i ng n t h e m st efined i d a of i gh teousness W h en
C on f uc i us w a i n office i n L u t h e offic i als st u ggled to get h e
I f t h at
fo t h game t ak en i n h unt i ng an d h e d i d t h e s am
st u ggl i ng f t h e c aptu ed game w a p pe h w mu h m o e
m ay t h g i fts o f t h e p i n es b e ec i ved !
an d
r
o
o
e
s
r
r
e
,
or
r
r
r
e
0
.
,
e
r
r
ro
s
r
c
o
r,
.
r
c
1
e
Accordin g t o the reasonin g o f M encius we may receive a
f
f
i
ft
o
ered
on
a
reasonable
round
and
in
a
proper
m
nner
a
g
g
and need no t p ush the idea of abs o lute j ustice to the ex
treme F o r i nstance we may rCCgiv e donations from a
trust in a proper way and need not re gard the trust as a
robber Alth o ugh the trust may take what does not prop
erly b elon g t o it w e cannot call it a robber because the
whole structure of present soci ety is no t an ideal society
U nder present cond itions we cannot j ud g e e very o ne ac
cordin g to t h e ideal s tandard W e s h ould need to chan ge
the condi tion itself first Th i s is the explanation of M encius
and it may be also the principle o f C on fucius
,
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V
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T
H RE E
R
DO C T I N E S DI
RE C TL Y O PP O SE D
To E C O N O M I C
M O TI V E
C onfucius
has very many teachin g s o n the subj ec t of
ethi c s but w e shall leave them o ut e nti rely and ta k e up
only three doct rines which are d irectly agai nst the economic
motive Th e first is the doctri ne o f fate ; the second is t h e
doctrine of name ; and the thi rd is the do ctrine of soul All
are very im p ortant teach in g s of C onfucius
,
,
.
.
.
I
D o c t rin e
.
o
a
t
F
e
f
In order to understand the d o ctrine o f f ate we must ask
fi rst what is meant by the word fate H ere is a definitio n
Th at which is done w ithout man s
g iven by M encius :
doin g is from Heaven That which happens w ithout man s
causin g i s from fate
These t w o words Heaven and
,
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’
’
.
.
1
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
ii pp
,
,
3 79 383
2
-
.
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I b id
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,
p
.
35 0
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
108
RI N C IP L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
his natu re to fate H e says : Th e super io r man proclaims
t h e doctri ne of fate as a b arri er a g ainst material wants
As the h uman w ants roo ted in natu re are very numerous
an d never can be completely cont rolled b y anyth i n g he pro
cl ai ms t h e f ate w h i ch i s in H eaven and b eyond the p o we r
of man in order to p revent unlawful ambition and to lesse n
unl i mited desi res M encius g ives the s ame p r i nciple H e
says :
.
” 1
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,
,
,
.
.
t h e m o ut h to des i re sweet t astes t h e e ye t o des i r e b eau
t i ful c o l o rs t h e e ar t o des i re p le as ant sounds t h e nos e to de
s i e fragrant o d o rs an d t h e f ou r l i m b s t o des ire e ase an d c o m
fo r t : t h ese w ants a e o f h um an n atu re But t h e re i s f ate i n
c o nne c t i o n w i t h t h e m
an d t h e su p e r i o r m an d o es n o t s ay o f
h i s pu rsu i t o f t h em It i s my n ature
Fo r
,
,
,
r
,
r
.
,
” 2
.
,
M enci us rec o g nizes what human nature i s but he teaches
m e n to respect fate and n o t t o excuse t h e i r pursu i t of g rat i
fic at io n on th e pretext of nature
Th e re fo re t h e do ctrine
of f ate is an eth i c al te achin g d i rectly modi fy in g the e c o n o
m i c wants
F rom the doctri ne o i fate sprin g two p olici es Th e first
pol i cy i s ne g at i ve pass i ve ta k in g everyt h in g when i t comes
but n o t runn i n g r i s k s to ge t it Th is i s pr i mar i ly for the
wea k en in g of econom i c wants and especially so in the in
d i vi d u al case F or the individual himself i f h e ta k es the
n atur al co urse and do es not try t o get anyth i n g by imprope r
m eans f rees h i s mind from phys ical desires and enj oys
“
a g re at amount of happi ness It is said in the Appendix of
the C an o n O f C hang es that a sa g e rej oices i n Heaven and
k n ows fate hence he has n o anxi et i es This is the view
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”
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3
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,
1
2
3
Li
Ki
,
bk
C l as s ic s
Vi
xxvii p 84
l
p 4 89
,
p
.
,
vo
,
Ki ng
.
.
.
11,
354
.
.
2
.
.
E C O N O M I C S A N D E TH I C S
109
o f optimism I f one does not bel ieve i n fate he will b e the
slave o f pass i on and the hunter of fortune Therefo re
Th e su p e r i o r man l i ves i n safe ways in
C onfucius says :
orde r to w ait for fate w h ile the mean man wal k s i n dan
ro u s paths i n orde r to catch l uc k
e
g
But we must not m i sunde rstand and thin k that the pass i ve
pol i cy excludes the principle of sel f help \ V h en one d i es
i n the d isc h a rg e of his duties i t i s a reg ula r fate ; but when
one d i es of hi s own fault i t i s not a re g ula r fate There
fo re M enc i us says that the one who k nows fate w i ll not
stand b eneath a p rec i p i tous w all f Th e refo re acco rd i n g to
t h e p r inciple of r i tes t h ose w h o d i e e i t h e r from an u n
re ason ab le
attac k w h i c h they do not w isely escape or
th rou g h t h e f all of some dan g e rous th i n g o r by d rown i n g
throu gh h eedlessness should h ave no condolence o ffe red
fo r them
Indeed i f anyone does not help h i msel f f ate
neve r can h el p h i m and h e would be puni shed b y his ow n
fault F ate is t h e final cause wh i ch operates afte r man h as
t ri ed h i s b est b ut not a me re ch ance fo r t h e ca reless man
Trust i n God and k eep you r powder d ry i s the real mean
in g o f w ai t i n g fo r fate
Th e onl y d i ffe rence b et w ee n those
w h o reco g n i ze fate and t h ose w h o do not is t h at t h e fo rme r
d o eve ryth in g mo rally le gally re ason ab ly and t h at t h e
l atte r do t h e oppos i te t h i n g But fa t e does n o t m ak e men
do noth i n g M encius s ays : Th e supe ri o r m an pe rfo rms
t h e l aw o f ri g h t an d t h ere b y w aits s i mply fo r fate
Th e second pol i cy i s p os i t i ve act i ve t rust i n g o ne s o w n
p rinc i ples an d d i sre gard i n g all c i rcumst ances
Th i s is
p r ima rily for t h e fulfillment of eth i cal dut i es and espec i ally
.
.
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,
“
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”
1
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-
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,
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’
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,
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,
3
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,
,
,
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,
“
”
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,
,
,
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"
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'
,
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.
l
C l as s ic s
C l as s
3
Li
i
,
cs ,
Ki
,
vo
bk
C l as s ic s
,
i p 396
l
p 45
ii p 3
l ii p 4 96
vo
.
vo
l
.
,
.
.
11,
,
.
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,
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0
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1
.
1.
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 10
RIN CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
so in the s ocial case In the social relations and conditions
it is usually very di fficult fo r men to carry out their ethical
pr i nciples ; and there is fate B ut w e sh o uld b e true to our
nature and should not discoura ge o urselves by s ayin g
Th e spirit Of C onfuc i us is that al
that t h e re is a fate
thou gh he knows the impracticable nature o f the times yet
H e makes h imsel f
w ill he b e str ivin g to do somethin g
re s p onsible for the betterment o f the world and exhausts all
“
h i s mental pow ers This is the pri nciple of establ ish
ing fate
Th e active pol icy is not to disre g ard fate but to beli e ve
it and such a belief makes the character of man very stron g
W hen Co nfuci us was i n the state of W ei he l ived w i th
Yen C h o u y u a wo rthy of W ei But M i Tz ii an u n
worthy favo rit e o f the court informed C onfucius throu gh
his pupil that i f he would lod g e w ith him he mi ght obtai n
a p os ition as a minister Th e answer o f C onfucius was
that there is fate M encius comments as follows : C o n
fu c ius went into o ffice accordi n g to propriety and retired
from it according t o ri ghteousness In regard t o his o h
taini n g o ffice or not obtainin g i t he said : There is fate
When C onfucius was informed that Kun g p o L iao an o ffi
cer o f L u slandered Tz u l u to C h i sun the prime minister
C o nfucius said :
I f my principles are to be carried out it
is fate I f they are to fallo to the g round it is fate W hat
”
can Kun g p o Li ao do to fate ?
Th erefore the doctrine
of fate makes man believe firmly his o w n principles and
not move o n account of an yt hin g outside of h imself E ven
—
the question of l ife and death cannot a ffect h im h 0 w
.
,
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,
1
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,
2
,
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”
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,
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,
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‘
-
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,
,
-
,
,
,
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,
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3
’
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,
-
,
-
-
,
,
,
,
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,
1
‘
-
,
,
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,
1
2
3
4
C l as s ic s
pp 4 89 490
l i p
9
l ii p 365
l i p
89
vo l
.
C l as s ics ,
vo
.
C las s ic s
vo
,
,
C las s ic s ,
vo
11,
,
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,
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,
-
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2 0.
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2
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PRI N C I P L E S
TH E E C O N O M I C
1 12
b ut t h at
OF C ON
F UCI US
s h ould m a k e h i s name for h i mself A gai n he
says : W h en we have establ i s h ed our persona l ity and d if
fused o u r p ri nc i ples so as to m ak e our n ame fa m ous i n
future a g es and thereb y g lor i fy our parents : th i s is the end
F ro m this statement we know that C o n
of fil i al p i ety
fu c iu s re g a r ds t h e name as t h e final aim of eth i cal l i fe
It i s sa i d b y Ss ii ma C h i en that establ i sh in g a name is the
h i ghest of conduct
Th e doctr i ne of name i s to ma k e the eth i c al motive
stron g er t h an the economic mot i ve and to ma k e people
d i sregard the i r eco n om i c condi t i ons through attachment to
v i rtue C onfuc i us says :
he
.
,
,
,
” 1
-
-
.
,
.
-
2
.
,
.
h no s a w h at m n w ant But i f t h ey a h
t ai
d i n an i m p ope w ay t h ey s h uld n t b e h eld
P ve ty
w h at m n h ate But even t h ou gh t h ey b
a d low est ate a
f all one w h o d s t des ve t h em t h ey s h uld n o t b e ev aded
I f a supe i m an ab andon t h e v i rtue f l ve h w an h e
m pletely m ak e hi s n ame ? Th su p e i
m a d s n t even
f
t h e p a e f a s i ngle m al a t nt a y to t h e v i tue f
l ve In m m ents f h aste h cle aves t i t In t i mes f d an
h e l av es t it
g
R
i c h es
an d
r
re
r
r
o
ne
n
e
e
no
,
o
,
re
oe
.
o
.
er
o
c
o
e
o
.
er,
o
c e
Th i s
,
r
co
o
e
.
o
n
r or
c
,
r
o
o
e
s
o
,
,
co
o
e
r or
or
.
re
o
,
oe
c
o
,
r
r
.
o
o
3
o
.
i s the ethical teach in g which directly op p oses
e c o no
m i c wants What we must cl in g to is the vi rtue of love
an d i t i s the means by which t o ma k e our name complete
Th e refore we must cleave t o t h e v i rtue of love and must not
p refe r r i c h es to poverty Th i s i s the way of mak i n g a name
Si nce des i re for riches and h atred of poverty are very
stron g h uman m o t i ves how can C onfucius ma k e men in
d i ffe rent to t h ese two co nd i tions and c areful for the i r n ame ?
In orde r to preach the doct r i ne of name not only are ethical
t h eo r i es needed b ut also his torical facts Hence C onfucius
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
1
2
3
Sac r e d B o o ks
H
i
s
t o ry
C las s ic s
O
,
O
.
f th e
f H an
vo l .
,
i p
,
ch
.
.
E as t ,
l
1 66
xii
.
.
vo l .
iii p
,
.
466
.
,
E C O N O M I C S A N D E TH I C S
1 13
ives
these
facts
to
show
that
a
name
i
s
i
ndependent
o
f
g
riches and that i t is much more last i n g and impo rtant He
says
.
,
Th e Du k e C h i n g
of C h i h ad a t h o us and te ams e ac h o f f o u r
h o rses but on t h e d ay of hi s de at h t h e peo ple d i d not p rai se
P o y i an d Sh u c h i d i ed o f h unge r at
h im fo r a s i n gle v i r tue
t h e foot o f t h e Sh o u yan g mount ai n but t h e people d o w n t o
t h e p resent t i me p rai se t h em
It i s c e t ai nly n o t on ac c o unt
of m ate r i al we alt h b ut merely o n account o f pe rs o n al d i t inc
t i on —i s n o t t h at s ay i n g i llust rated b y t h i s ?
‘
,
,
,
‘
-
-
.
-
,
,
r
.
,
s
,
1
r i ch prince cannot l ive lon g er than the day of h i s death
and all h i s riches cannot be o f any use to h im ; but the t w o
starved men can live forever by their names Th is is p roof
that the name has much more value than riches and man
should not deceive himsel f when he makes a cho ice b e
tween them
Therefore C hi a Y i ( 3 5 2 384 A K or
2 0 0 1 6 8 B C ) says :
Th e c o ve t e o u s man d ies for the sake
o f wealth but the heroi c man d ies for the sake o f his
name
So me people would say that the doctrine of name is based
on selfishness an d that it is not the hi g hest pri nciple o f
ethics Th i s mi ght b e somewhat true b ut we must d iscuss
it further To ca re for the name may b e a fo rm o f s e lfis h
ness but we never can ge t aw ay f rom selfishness in that
sense no matte r how perfect t h e ethical principle
Th e
h i ghest p ri nciple i s that v i rtue i s for vi rtue s sake C o n
fu c iu s says :
Th e determ i ned sc h o lar and the man o f vi r
tue w ill not see k to l ive at t h e expense o f i nj u ri n g their
vi rtue but w ill sacrifice e ven t h ei r l ives to p rese rve thei r
v iru e complete
Th i s is the hi ghest type o f man
B ut
Th e
,
.
,
-
.
.
.
.
-
.
.
,
” 2
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
’
.
,
"
3
.
‘
2
8
C l as s ic s
,
vo
H is t o r ic al
C l as s ic s
,
l
.
R
vo
l
.
i p
.
.
.
e c o rd ,
i p
.
.
3 15
ch
29 7
.
.
.
l
xxxi v
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 14
R I N C IP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
when we as k why they sacrifice thei r l iv e s to preserve their
vi rtue complete it must be explained that i n this way they
sat i sfy the i r ethical wants I t is a fee li n g that they cannot
w i thstand and for the s atisfaction of this feel in g they sacri
Th i s may be selfishness but how can
fic e even thei r l ives
we ge t any b etter than this ? In fact man i s a l iv i n g crea
ture w ith feel in g s and wants and he never can be an ab
unless he is
s o l u t e ly unselfish man from this point of view
not a man
Si nce men are g enerally very anxious to make profit C o n
i ncius cannot w eaken such an eco n omic i nterest w ith o ut
arousin g the ethical interest ; hence h e preaches the doctrine
of name as a substitute for p rofit H uman nature is so
wea k that it does not w ant to do good unless there is s ome
r
n
ai
n
either
in
the
form
of
profit
o
in
that
o
f
name
C
o
g
fu c iu s says :
I n the whole world there is o nly one man
who loves what is proper to humanity w ithout some per
sonal obj ect i n the matter or who hates what is co ntrary
to human i ty without bein g apprehensive of so me evil
A g ain he says : Th e philanthropist practices the virtue of
humanity easily and naturally ; the w ise man practices i t
for the sake of advanta ge which it brin g s ; and t h ose who
fear the g uilt of trans g ression practice it by constrai nt
We should not expect all men to b e ph ilanthropists p ractic
ing vi rtue w ithout aimin g at any advanta g e and we should
If
g ive some reward t o anyone who practices this vi rtue
we tau ght the people not to make profit and denied them
also the interest of makin g a name i t would be too cruel
and unj ust and human society would n o t pro g ress at all
Therefore C onfucius establ ishes th e doctrine of n ame in
orde r to d raw the p e ople away from the economic wo rld to
the ethical world and to g ive them ethical g ain instead of
econom i c ga i n
,
-
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
-
.
,
,
.
,
” 1
.
,
.
,
,
,
-
,
,
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
it x ix
,
pp
.
2
33 3
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 16
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I U S
tion H ow can a name do any good to the ro t ten b ones
Such a doctr i ne is extre me E p i curean i sm and it is di rectly
a ga i nst C onfuc i an i sm But i t was swept away b y M encius
?
1
.
,
.
.
D
o
t
r
i
c
ne
3
.
o
o ul
S
f
th i rd principle d i rectly a gai nst the economic mo t i ve
i s the doc trine of so ul W ith the word soul we must in
In the Gr e at L earni ng soul i s also
e lude its synonyms
called brilliant vi rtue i n the Doctrine of the Mean it
“
i s called the nature of H e avenly endowment
the vi r
“
“
tuo ns nature and sinceri ty ; i n the E volution of C ivili
“
“
z at io n
intell igent spi rit ; in the Appendix of t h e C ano n
o f C h an e s
M
essential
spiri
t
i
n
n
T
e
Menciu
e
n
s
)
g
g
(
“
“
the
i t is called the sp irit of the g reatest an d stron gest
o
o
d
conscience
the
ood
mind
ori
i
nal
mind
t
h
e
g
g
g
and mind
Accordin g to C onfucianism we can look at
soul from t w o points o f Vi e w F rom the ethical V i ewpoint
there is the soul of the l ivi n g which is the best part of the
mind F rom the reli g ious vi ewpoint there is the soul o f
the de ad which is apart from the bo dy It is the same s o ul
on ly i n d i fferent times of the l i fe I f we can keep our soul
here in the ethical way w e shall preserve it hereafter as the
essential spi ri t shinin g i n Heaven ; if we cannot k ee p it
ri ght it will be d issolved and chan g ed
To contrast it w ith the econ o mic motive w e shall d is
cuss the doctrine o f soul only from the eth ical point of view
O n this acco unt the teachin g s of M enci us are best fitted to
our purpose He usually employs the word mind instead
of the word soul but its meanin g is the same He first
po ints out that the spiritual wants are j ust as stron g as the
phys i cal wants To illus trate this princi ple he indicates
that the senses of the mouth the ears and the eyes all have
standards of taste of sound and of beauty W hy should
Th e
-
.
,
.
,
”
,
”
,
”
”
,
”
”
”
,
,
,
”
,
”
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
?
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
1
C f C l as s ic s
.
,
vo l
.
ii pp
,
93 7
-
.
.
Vi
King
,
P 35 4
E C O N O MI C S A N D E TH I C S
1 17
the mi nd alone have no standard at all
Th e standard of
the mind is one o f reason and j ustice Therefo re reason
and j ustice satisfy the needs of our mind j ust as the best
foods satisfy th e need s of our appetite
N o w M encius i s g o in g to show that the soul i s more im
po rtant than the body He says :
?
.
,
1
.
,
.
Th e re
is
t h e pe rson w h i c h a m an d o e s not love and
But some p ar t of
as h e l o ves all s o h e must nou r i s h al l
t h e pe rson i s no b le an d some i gn ob le ; som e gr eat an d some
small Th e gre at must not be i nju red fo r t h e sm all n o r t h e
nob le fo r t h e i gnob le H e w h o nour i s h es t h e l i ttle be lon gi n g
to h i m i s a l i ttle m an an d h e w h o nou ri s h es t h e gr e at i s a
i
r
s
e
t
n
of
only
e
a
t
i
n
a
n
d
i
n
ki
n
a
n
T
h
m
a
d
r
a
m
e
g
g
g
c o unted me an by ot h er s be c ause h e nou r i s h es w h at i s l i ttle t o
t h e ne glect of w h at i s gre at
no
p ar t
o
f
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
?
What he means by the noble and g reat part o f the person
is the soul ; and by the i gnobl e and small part th e b ody
A man should love both his soul and his b ody and he
should nourish them b oth B ut he should nourish the soul
more than the body H e who cares more for the b ody is a
“
l ittle man What M encius calls th e man of only e atin g
an d d rin ki n g
i s what we may call the ec onomi c man who
c ares o nly for the bo dy Acco rd i n g to t h e pri nciple o f
Menc i us t h e ch ief o b j ect o f man is the soul and not the
body and he should su b j ect the ec onom i c l i fe to the eth ical
o r spi r i tual li fe
Th e quest i on ar i ses as to how h e can m ak e the soul more
i mpo rtant than the body o r in other words how h e can use
t h e soul as the maste r o f the whole b od y Why does not
?
a
eve ry one t ke mo re ca re for h i s soul than for hi s b ody
To answe r th i s question Mencius g ives a very g o o d principle
wh i ch i s t h e k ey t o t h e et h i c al rel i g i o n o f C onfucius He
says
.
,
,
.
.
.
”
.
,
,
.
.
.
.
,
.
C las s ic s
,
vo
l
.
ii pp
.
.
40
5 7
-
.
i
Ib d
pp
.
4
16-
7
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 18
RI N C I P L E S
OF C O N
F U C I US
s e nses o f h e ar i ng an d se e i ng do n o t t h i n k an d are o b
W h en t h e extern al t h i n gs come
s c u r e d by exte rn al t h i n gs
i nto c ont act w i t h t h e senses w h i c h are also o nly t h i ngs as a
matte r o f cou rse t h ey le ad t h e m aw ay To t h e m i nd b elongs
t h e offi c e o f t hi n ki ng By t h i n ki ng i t gets t h e r i gh t v i ew of
t hi ngs ; by negle c t i ng to t h i n k i t f ai ls to do t hi s B o th t h e
senses an d t h e m i nd are w h at H eaven h as gi ven to us I f a
m an c an fi r st est ab l i s h t h e su p rem acy o f t h e n o b ler p ar t o f h i s
t h e i n f er i o r p ar t w i ll not b e ab le t o t ak e i t f o m
c o nst i tut i o n
h im
It i s s i mply t h i s w h i c h mak es t h e great m an
Th e
'
,
.
,
.
.
.
.
r
,
1
.
.
F rom this statement w e know that the superi o rity of the
m i nd o ve the senses is that the mind c an think abo ut any
,
r
-
thi n g and the senses cannot Although bot h are the e n
dowments of Heaven the one is nobler than the other Th e
mind i s like the soverei g n hav i n g the full powers o f will
and reaso n i n g wh i le the senses are l ike the ordinary o fficials
Th e
p erform i n g their functions only in a pass ive way
senses are mater i al thin gs themselves and o f course they are
subj ected to the material t hi n g s outside B ut the mind is
the s o ul which has the power o f thinki ng and is independen t
of anythin g I f a man can make his sou l supreme ho w can
the senses snatch i t away ? But h o w can he establish the
?
supremacy of the soul
Simply by thinkin g and th i nki n g
i s su fficient to ma k e a g reat man I t is said i n the C an o n
O f H is t o r
n
a
th
t
the
e
f
fect
of
thinkin
is
perspicaci
ty
that
a
d
y
g
pe rspic ac i ty becomes the qual ity of the h oly man
There
fore th i n k in g i s the way o f establ ishin g the soul and e s
t ab lis h ing the soul i s the w ay of controll i n
economic
wants
g
In fact the doctr i ne o f soul i s an ethical teachin g but i t is
practiced i n the econom i c l ife Hence accordin g to C o n
fu c ian is m we can live i n the economic world and yet w e
c an be h oly men
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
?
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
1
2
C las s ic s
vo l
,
C l as s ics
,
,
11,
.
vo l
.
iii
p
,
.
4 18
pt
.
.
ii pp
,
.
326
-
7
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
120
k n w t h e use f
f at h a d fu s
fl ax
o
o
e
n
e rs
r
RIN C IP L E S
an d
OF C ON
F UC I US
s i l k but c l o t h ed t h em selves w i t h
,
.
l at e r s age s t h en aro se and men l e arned t o mak e use o f
Th ey m o ld e d t h e met als i nt o ar t i c les an d f as hi o n e d c l ay
fie
i nto po ttery By us i n g fire met als an d eart h t h ey bu i lt t o w e rs
w i t h str uctu r es on t h em an d h o uses W i t h w i nd o ws an d d o o r s ;
t h ey t o asted gri lled bo i led an d ro asted t h e i r f o ods ; t h ey p ro
d u c e d m ust an d s au c es ; t h ey de alt w i t h t h e fl ax an d s i l k so as
Th ey we re t h us ab le t o
t o f o rm l i nen an d s i l k en f ab r i c s
n o u i s h t h e l i v i ng an d to g i ve bu r i al t o t h e d e ad t o serv e t h e
n
ll
h
sts
t
h
e
s
i
i
ts
In
t
h
e
e
t
hi
n
s
t
h
e
pe
ple
r
d
a
s
o
a
o
d
G
o
g
p
g
s t i ll f o l l o w t h e ex am p le o f t h at e ar ly t i m e
Th e
r
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
r
,
.
,
,
1
.
F ood clothes and housing are the three most important
th i n gs in economic l ife B ut they never can be made by the
,
.
human hand until the d e v e l o p m e nt of techn ique Th e util i
z at io n of fire is the most important o f all
and the moldin g
of metals and b akin g of eart h come next Then thes e
crafts can be used for the purpose of g ettin g fo o d clothes and
houses After the eco nomic l i fe has been satisfied the re
lig io us l i fe b eg ins
Th i s i s the ori gin o f c i vil izat i on b ased
on econom i c development
I n the A p pendix of the C an o n o f C h ang es j ust after
t h e fi rst para g r aph spea k in g about
administerin g wealth
wh i ch has been p artly q uoted a b ove there are thirteen para
r
administerin g
g aphs poi ntin g out the h i sto rical facts of
we alth b y the ancient emperors Th e whole chapter is
r eally an outl i ne of the ec o nomic develo ment o f C h ina
p
Th e o rde r o f para g raphs i s chronolo g ic al and everyt h i n g is
t raced b ac k to th e ag e of i nvent i on and discovery
Th e fi rst emperor t h e Appe n d i x
ment i ons is P ao H si
It s ays :
-
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
2
,
.
.
,
.
.
1
Li
Se e
Ki
,
bk
.
s u p ra,
vii pp
p 48
,
.
.
.
369 370
-
.
E C O N O M I C DE VE L O P
ME N T
12 1
An c i ently w h en P ao H s i h ad c ome t o ule t h e wo ld l o o ki ng
up h e cont e mpl ated t h e b ri ll i ant f o m s ex hibi te d i n t h e s ky ;
h e su v ey ed t h e p atte rns s h o w n o n t h e
an d loo ki n g d o wn
e art h H e contempl ated t h e o n am e nt al appe arance s o f bi rd s
N e ar at
an d b e asts an d t h e d i ffe rent poss ibi l i t i es o f t h e s o i l
h an d i n hi s own per son h e found t h i n gs fo r c o n s i d e at i o n
F o m t hi s h e
an d t he s ame at a d i st an c e i n t h i n gs i n gene ral
d ev i sed t h e e i gh t t ri grams i n o r d e r t o s h ow f ully t h e at t r ibutes
o f Sp i r i tu al an d i ntelle c tu al l i f e an d t o c l as s i f y t h e n atu r es o f
t h e m y ri ads o f t hi n gs H e i n v e nte d t h e m aki n g o f nets o f
v a i o us ki nds by k n i tt i ng s tr i n gs bo t h fo r h unt i n g an d fis h i n g
r
r
,
,
r
,
r
,
r
.
.
,
r
,
,
r
.
,
,
,
.
.
r
.
,
By h i s name and invent i ons we may k now that the age o f
Pao Hsi was i n the h untin g and fish i n g sta ge and also in
th e pastoral sta ge
Th e C hinese really have no accu rate k nowled g e about t h e
ea rliest histo ry o f C h i na b ut i t i s said that the rei g n o f
P ao H si lasted one hund red and ten years and t h at the
fifteen re i gns wh ich follow ed all adopted t h e name o f P ao
H s i It i s ce rtain that the pe ri o d b etween Pao H si and
Sh en N un g must have b een ve ry lon g
Since Sh en N un g
was a g reat inventor the Append ix mentions h im next
It says : H e fash ioned wood to fo rm the s h a re and b ent
.
1
.
.
.
.
.
“
.
,
.
P
m fP Hih
m ig i fi
m
ki h
m t i im l S h
m w ld m t h h w t h
f kit h
ll d b y t h
i v t
k y H i l
m f
d
F
F
H i
m
h
m
bj g ti g
d m t i at i g
d
f
w ld m t h t h w t h i v t f t h d m t i t i
im l
A t t h t t im
by m
b th h
f d i ff
ti g
d fi hi g w
t
Th
i gh t t i g m w t h fi t i v t i
f w iti g
F
x mp l
p
h v ;
th ;
th
t
d ;
fi ;
wi d ;
wt
m t i ; d
l ly
m h Th y
i gh t h t
I
th
C hi
ll d p k
i gh t d k m
h g
l g
th y
g
p m
i g
Th l t t
th t t h
f t hi g
m
ph m
h g i
h w t h m t t h p p l Thi
h
p t w d
d
fi t
i vi li t i
Th e n a
an d H s i d o
1
n
en o r
u
s
es
e an s
a
e,
e
.
e
a
as
o
r
re
an
n
o r
c
ua e,
e
.
er
to
za
s
o n.
o r
o
n
en o r o
s
n
an
ra
s
e re
e
es
n
are
e
are c a e
a
er
e an s
e
o
o
n
a
e n,
at
e
as
e
e
an
s uc
es
ca
on o
en
on
e an s
o
o
r
re a
e
ua :
a
e
.
arac e r s
,
ena
s
e
an
ua
n
o
w as
n
t
e
e
as
an
.
e re n
n
or
.
un
.
o
a na
o un a n
e an s e
e no
e
eo
c
na
I
e ar
re
a
e
tc
e
e re
rs
an s
,
n
e
a er
.
ca
c
ea en
re s e n s
e
o
e
n
un
n
ar s
a
u
e an
a so
s
e
ao
.
ou
e
e
.
c an c e
n
s
a na
er
co o
su
e
so
uc
.
an
e
e
as
s
an
en
c
e an
a
c
u
.
a
e
ao
o
o
ou
ne t s
e
an
e an s
are
rs
st e
an
ne s e
e
s
er
un
o
n
ar
TH E E C O N O M I C P
122
RIN C IP L E S
OF CON
FU CI US
wood to make the plough handle Th e advanta ges of
plough i ng and weedin g w ere then tau ght t o the whole em
pi re
Th e ag e of Sh en N u ng was thus the beg innin g o f
the ag ricultural sta g e
Thi s age was also however the be g innin g o f the primi
t i ve commercial sta g e Th e Append i x says : H e caused
markets to be h eld at midday thus b r i ngi n g to g ether all
the people and assemblin g i n one place all thei r c o m m o d i
ties They made thei r exchan ges and reti red everyone hav
ing g o t what he wanted
This w as a very important ad
“
vance o f civilization Since the Appendix does not men
tion mon e y it would seem that the exchan g es of this period
were mostly in the form of barter
Acc o rdin g to the historians the reig n of Sh én N un g
lasted one hundred and twenty years A fter seven s ub s e
qu e nt re i gns Huan g Ti ar o se H is rei g n lasted one hun
d red years ( 2 1 4 7 2 0 4 8 B K or 2 6 98 2 5 99 B
After
two hundred and forty one years came the E mperor Yao
whose rei g n lasted ninety years and the E mperor Shun
whose rei g n lasted fifty years Huan g Ti Y ao and Shun
were the three g reatest e mperors and they w ere i n the his
t o ric al periods ; hence the Ap p endix
mentions them as a
whole It says
-
.
.
1
.
,
,
“
.
,
,
.
,
”
.
.
,
,
.
.
,
-
-
.
.
.
-
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
Afte r t h e de at h o f Sh en N ung t h e re arose H u an g Ti Yao an d
Th ey c arr i ed t h ro u gh t h e nec ess ary c h an ges o f m ater i al
Sh un
t hi n gs so t h at t h e peop le w o uld not ge t t i re d of t h em Th ey
t rans f orm ed t h e econ o m i c c o nd i t i ons mi rac ul o usly i n o r de r to
m ak e t h e m fit t h e people
Th ey we re h armon i zed w i t h t h e
p r i n c i ple o f t h e C an o n o f C h anges : w h en t h e cou rs e o f an y
,
,
.
.
,
.
1
Th e
ivi
i v
f m
f m
d
n e,
s
ro
o
e ry
m
na
an d
e
e t al ,
w
t
h
m
f S en N u n g
N ung
c l e ar
t he
o
h
at
e an s
a
ou
er
.
as
o ne d
e s
we
are w as
i
so
m ig ifi
e
n
s
A s h e w as
c all e d
sco
e re r
no
a e o
o
a
a r cu
e re
oo
.
ivi
D
m
it
F m
E p i ally
t i l i at i
Sh én
c an c e .
v
f g i lt
k w th t th w
m d fw d
h e w as t h e d
f hi
lth
h
gh t h
o rd
“
f m
ar
h as
al s o
ne
u re .
as t h e
e an s
ar
s
u
e r,
ec
z
on
TH E E C O N O M I C P
124
RIN C I P L E S
O F C ON
F UCI US
the peaceful g raceful orderly and industrial soc i ety o f
that t i me and it ta k es dress first as a si gn to mar k t he
d ist i nct i on between this age and the a g es previous
h
e
T
hey
discovered
the
means
of
navi
ation
2
T
g
( )
“
Append ix s ay s f They cut op e n tre es to form boats
and cut others lon g and thi n t o make o ars
They
could n o w reach the m o st distant parts and t h e who le empire
was b enefited
I n the mak i n g of the b oats and oars they
made u se of metal
T
v
h
hey
disco
ered
the
me
ns
of
transp
rtat
i
n
a
o
T
e
o
(3)
Appendix says : They used oxen in carts and yoked
horses t o chariots thus provi din g fo r the carria ge of wh a t
was heavy and for distant j o urneys thereby benefitin g
the whole empi re
After
n
a
vi
ati
on
and
transportation
had
been
de
(4 )
g
v e l o e d there was need o f protection fo r the cit ies
H
ence
p
the Appe ndix says : They mad e the system o f double
ates
and
the
warnin
of
the
clapper
as
a
preparation
g
g
a gainst the approach o f maraudin g vi sitors
5 ) F or the refinem ent of the food they made the pestle
“
an d mortar
Th e Append ix
says : They cut w o od an d
fashioned i t i nto pestles ; they d ug i n the g round and formed
mortars Thus the myriads o f the people received the bene
fit arisi n g from the use of the pestle an d mortar
As the
Appendix takes them as a g re at i nvention amon g all
ot h e r great thin gs we can see how much importance the
C h i nese ascr i be to rice
( 6 ) Si nce society was now h i ghly develo ped and the
do ub le gates and clapper were not su fficien t fo r protection
“
there was need of good weapons Th e Append ix says
They b ent w o od by means of stri n g so as to form bows
and s h arpened wood so as to ma k e arrows Th e utility of
bows an d a rrows was to produce a feel in g of aw e over the
Th ese t h i n g s see m mo re m il itary than economic
e m p i re
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
”
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
”
.
,
.
.
.
”
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
”
.
,
E C O N O M I C DE V E L O P M E N T
12 5
but they really are for economic purposes be cause they are
fo r the protection o f wealth
T
hey
chan
ed
the
form
of
shelter
h
A
T
e
7)
p
g
i
x
e
n
says
:
I
n
the
hi
h
st
antiquity
they
made
thei
r
d
e
p
g
homes i n w inter in caves and i n summer dwelt in the O pen
country I n subsequent a ges for these the sa g es substituted
houses w ith the ridge b e am above and the proj ectin g roo f b e
low as a provision a gainst w ind and rai n
A
s
we
shall
see
the
hi
nese
always
cons
i
de
r
the
8
C
( )
“
funeral as a part of economic l i fe ; the Append ix men
tions the i nventio n of co ffins as follows :
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
”
.
,
,
1
W h en t h e anc i ents b u ri ed t h e i r dead t h ey c ove red t h e bo dy
t hi ck ly w i th p i ece s of wood h av i n g l ai d i t i n t h e o p en c o unt ry
Th ey rai sed no mound ove r i t no r pl anted t rees aro und i t ; no r
h ad t h ey any fix e d pe r i o d fo r mou rn i n g
In su b s e q u e nt ages
t h e s ages su b st i tuted fo r t h ese pract i c es t h e i nne r an d o ute r
,
.
,
,
.
i ns
cofi
,
.
far
as
the
phys
ical
needs
had
been
sat
i
sfied
there
(9 )
should be mental and le g al development and the most im
T
h
o
rtant
thin
was
the
complete
invention
of
w
ritin
e
p
g
g
Appendix says
So
.
,
.
“
In t h e h i gh est ant iq u i ty go v e r nment w as c arri ed o n s uc c e s
fully by t h e use o f k notted c o rds t o p rese rve t h e m e m o ry o f
t h i n gs In su b se q uent ages t h e s ages su b st i tut e d fo r t h e s e
w r i tten c h aracte rs an d b onds By me ans o f t h ese t he d o i n gs
o f al l t h e o ffic i als could b e re gul ate d an d t h e aff ai rs o f al l t h e
e
d
r
e
ple
ccu
tely
x
m
i
n
a
a
a
o
e
p
s
,
.
,
.
.
,
2
.
was the last t h in g i n the e conomic development o f
ancient C hina
Th i s
.
1
2
Se e
Vi
i
n
fra
King
.
,
pp
382 5
-
.
.
126
TH E E C ON O M I C P
R I N C IP L E S
'
O F C O N F UC I US
of Huan g Ti Yao and Shun was i n the a g ri
cultural sta g e Throu gh the improvements o f nav i g ation
and t ransportation it belon g ed also to the sta g e o f primitive
commerce But what made this ag e a great advance w as
that i t had reached the beg innin g of the primitive in
Th e ships and oars the carts and chariots
d u s t rial sta g e
the g ates and clappers the pestles and mortars the bows
and arrows the ridge b e am s and pr o j ectin g roo fs the d if
fe re n t co ffins and the tablets wh i ch were to be written all
these thin g s requ i red some ki nd of s k illed labor And
a b ove all there was the sil k i ndustry I t chan ged the
face of the whole society and distin g uished the social order
by the system o f dress It marked a g reat advance not only
in the economic development b ut also i n the social and
pol i tical o r g an ization
L ookin g at the whole chapter o f the
Appendix w e
can see it i s really a hist o rical treatise on C hi nese economi c
“
development
Appendix
O r since the w riter of the
would be interested in the g eneral develo pment of C hinese
civilization as a whole and not i n the economic develop
ment particularly w e may better say that i t i s certa i nly an
economic interpretation of history F ro m its beg innin g t o
i ts end it mentions thi rteen th in g s ; and except four thin gs
—
only namely the ei ght tri g rams the double g ate s and
clappers the bows and arrows and the w ritten characters
—
and bonds all o f them are absolutely essential to economi c
civil i zation Moreover even amon g those four thin g s the
dou b l e gates and clappers and the b o ws and arrows are
mainly fo r the protect ion of economic l ife ; and the d if
fe re nt forms of wri tin g from the ei ght tri g rams to t h e
w ritten characters and bonds are partially for the develop
m ent of economic li fe
In sho rt economi c development is
t h e principal factor of civil i zation wh ile w ritin
t
i
s
the
mos
g
i m po rt ant tool to promote civili zat i on
Th e
age
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
”
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
‘
,
,
.
,
,
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
128
RIN C IP LE S
OF CON
FU CI U S
of practical use and inventin g the compl e te art icles
for the benefit of the whole world there are no ne g reater
Hence the C onfucians call all the g reat
than the sa g es
inventors by the name o f sa g es It says ag ai n :
i
z at o n
,
,
” 1
.
,
.
Th at
w hi c h i s ante c e d ent t o t he m ate ri al f o rm e x i sts we s ay
as a p r i nc i ple an d t h at w hi c h i s su b se q uent t o t h e m ate r i al
f o rm ex i sts we s ay as an art i cle Trans f orm i ng an d s h ap i ng
i t i s w h at we c all ch an ge C arry i ng i t o u t and p utt i ng i t i n
op e rat i o n i s w h at we call su c cess Taki ng t h e result an d set
t i ng it fo rt h fo r all t h e pe o p le o f t h e w h o le w o rld i s w h at w e
call t h e b us i ness of l i fe
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
2
.
This
passa ge is simply an explanation of the proc es s of
i nvention I t t races b ack to the be g inning when ther e i s
merely a principle w ithout anythin g existin g and c omes
down to the end when the art ic l e is util ized i n the business
of li fe By these four passa g es we can understand per
fec t ly that the C onfucians take technical i nvention as the
bas i s of economic development and the economic develop
ment as the basis of all civilizat i on
What C onfuc i us d i scusses in the E volut i on o f C ivili za
“
tion and what the Appendix narrates is the economic
development of t h e earl i est C h i na B ut we should l i k e to say
somethin g about the economic pro g ress m ade about the
t i me of C onfuc i us Th e C hou dynasty as w e know w as
the per i od of matur i ty of the C h i nese civil izat i on I n the
b eg i nn i n g of th i s dynasty ( about 5 7 1 B K or 1 1 2 2 B
there were two g reat statesmen ; the Du k e of C h ou and T ai
Kun g Th ey b ot h were very e fficient i n develop i n g C hinese
econom i c civ i l ization But T ai Kun g espec i ally after he
withd rew f rom t h e imperial g overnment and came to his
feud al st ate C h i devoted all his attent i on to economic
de v elopment and made C h i the chief state for i ndustry
.
,
_
.
_
,
,
.
.
.
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
‘
.
,
,
"
‘
,
,
‘
,
1
hi
King
,
p
.
37 3
.
2
1b id
.
,
I)
.
37 7
E C O N O M I C DE V E L O P M E N T
1 29
and commerce in the C h inese w orld Th is was the fi rst
t i me that C hina rose to the sta ge of national economy ; and
even be gan to reach that of i nternational economy
L ater C h i decl ined ; but Kuan C hun g o r Kuan Tz u
i
h
i
h
B
K
o
r
B
minister
of
raised
6
C
died
C
44
(
93
a gain to the chi ef state of i ndustry and co m merce and its
prospe rity lasted until the end o f i ts political li fe ( 33 1 A K
or 2 2 1 B
I n the period of Sprin g and Autumn ( I 7 l
—
—
B K 7 1 A K or 7 2 2 4 8 1 B
there were many in
d us t rial and commercial states besides C h i ; hence economi c
civ i lization in the t ime o f C on fucius was hi ghly developed
This period was really in the sta g e of international economy
or wo rld economy O f course what the ancient C h inese
called world was simply the C h i nese world But we must
understand that the territory o f the lead i n g states of th is
period was really equal to that of the l ead in g E uropean
states i n modern times Therefore the re i s no reason why
we should not call it world economy In t h e period o f “far
rin g States ( 1 4 9 33 1 A K or 4 0 3—2 2 1 B
the whol e
C hinese world was d ivided up into onl y seven states an d
economic development w as st i ll h i g h e r Th is pe riod w as
the most dynam i c i n the whole h isto ry of C h i n a an d i t
m ar k ed the sharp distinction b etween ancient and modern
C hina
Such a dynamic condit i on was ended at t h e b e
1
o
f
2
r
i
nnin
the
Han
dynasty
b
out
A
K
B
a
1
o
0
4
4
g
g
(
Ta k in g C hinese h isto ry as a w h ole we may d i vide the
economic sta ges as follows : F rom the standpo int o f the re
lation o f production to consumption the period f rom the
b e g i nnin g o f C hinese h i sto ry to the beg i nnin g o f the C ho u
dynasty was t h e st ag e o f sel f s u ffic ing o r isolated economy :
that from that pe ri od to t h e pe ri od o f Sprin g and Autumn
was the sta g e o f l o c al o r v i ll ag e economy : and t h at from
that pe riod t o t h e p resent d ay w as and i s the st ag e o f na
t io n al e c o n o m v
O f c o u rse such a d ivis i on is very rou gh
.
.
‘
,
,
‘
‘
.
.
.
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
‘
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
-
.
.
.
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
-
.
.
.
.
1 30
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N C I P L E S
'
O F C O N F UC I US
I f we want to g e t a finer d i v is i on we may say that t h e
pe r i od p reced i n g t h e ag e of Spr in g and Autumn was an
c i ent economy ; that t h e per i od cover i n g the age of Sprin g
and Autumn an d t h at of Warr i n g St at e s w as a trans it i o nal
pe riod ; and that the period from the C h i n dynasty ( 33 1
or 2 2 1 B C ) to the present was modern economy F ro m
t h e pol i tical p oint of view the pe r i od preced i n g the C h in
dynasty was feudal ism and t h at after that dynasty was ab
solute mona rchy ; and from the econom i c po i nt of vi ew the
former per i od w as marked b y t h e government ownersh ip
of land and the latter period b y i ts pr i vate owners h ip
Th ese are the only g eneral statements we can ma k e
I f we w i sh t o ma k e a general comparison b etween C h in a
and E u rope we may say that C h i na p assed throu gh the pas
to ral sta ge in a short period but has stayed i n the ag ric ul
tural sta g e for a very lon g t i me ; and th at E ur o pe had
stayed in the pastoral sta g e for a very lon g time but passed
t h rou gh t h e ag ricultural stag e in a short per i od We d o
not w i s h to go into the details of h i sto ry b ut we may p ic k
out some features of the present day i n order to show som e
of the mo re strikin g contrasts between the C hinese and
the E u ropean economic civil i zations
F i rst we may ta k e up foods I n the wes tern world
stea k s an d cho p s are the principal meats b ut thei r coo k in g
i s q uite s i mple because they are merely b u rned b y fire
M i l k i s a common dri n k an d b utter is used as oil Th ese
foods are q u i te s i milar to those cons umed by the Hun s
desc ri bed in the H an dynasty In C h i na the people h ave
m uc h mo re v ar i ed food and their cuttin g season i n g and
coo ki n g are much finer an d more complex M il k i s not a
co m mon drin k in C h i na and the C hinese do not use b utter
b ut pe anut oil
Second we m ay t ak e up the su b j ect of dress
In
t h e weste rn wo rl d wool i s t h e pr i ncipal m aterial fo r
,
‘
‘
,
.
.
.
‘
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
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,
.
,
,
.
,
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,
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,
,
,
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,
,
.
.
,
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 32
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
there have been many g ood bu i ldin gs they h ave been de
stroyed durin g the revolutions of d i fferent dynasties
,
.
II
T
.
H E O RY
OF
PR O G RE SS
F rom different w ritin g s w e may i nfer the the o ry of pro
,
T
h
ress
of
onfucius
ere
is
no
better
example
than
C
h
e
t
g
principle of Th e Th ree St ages as pointed out above for
proof that C onfucius believed in p ro g ress But the prin
c ip l e of Th e Three Sta g es i s very g eneral and it can be ap
pl i ed to every case I f w e wish to ge t a specific theo ry
about econom ic pro g ress w e may com e to the t s ing t ien s y s
tem and see how C onfucius expects that g eneral pr o g re ss o f
every ki nd w ill result from th i s system O n thi s specific
po i nt his theory of pro g ress is periodical and c an be meas
u re d b y the len g th of one year
three years ni ne years
ei ght e en years twenty seven years and th i rty years A c
cordin g to his theory pro g ress can be real ized within th ree
years and it can be complet ed w ithi n thirty years I t comes
from the t s ing t ien system and we shall take the inter
E
r
i
n
of
Pan
fro
m
his
con
o
mic
H
istory
t
a
t
K
u
e
o
p
U nder the t s ing t ien system in the culti v ation of three
years the people have a surplus o f fo o d su fficient fo r one
yea r Hence the sense o f p ri de and shame is developed
and quarrels and l iti g atio ns do not exist Therefore every
three years an examination of m eri t is g iven to the o fficials
I f there were any o f the princes who
C onfuc i us says :
would employ me i n the course of twelve months I sh o uld
have done someth in g cons iderab le I n three years the work
woul d be accomplished
I n sayi n g that the work wou ld
b e accompl i shed i n three years he refers to the t s ing t ien
system F rom h is po int of v i ew t s ing t ie n i s not only a
.
1
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
-
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
” 2
-
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
” 3
.
,
.
1
’
3
Se e
,
su
p
r a,
H is t o ry
C las s
i
cs ,
O
pp
—
.
1 6 20
f H an
vo l
.
i p
,
ch
,
.
.
.
xxiv
2 67
.
.
E C O N O MI C DE VE L O P M E N T
1 33
theo retical system b ut a practical one ; and t h e pe r io d of
three years is t h e fi rst step o f pro g ress I n nine years
after three exam i nations have b een h eld the undeservin g
o fficials are deg raded and the deserv i n g promoted The re
i s a surplus o f food su ffici ent fo r t h ree years ; and the im
provement of the occupations of the people is called ad
vancement
I n e i g h teen years there are two periods o f
advancement and such a cond i t i on is called pe ace ;
the surplus o f food is su fficient fo r six years I n twenty
seven years there are three peri ods o f advancement and
this i s called ext reme pe ace ; the surplus of food i s s u ffi
cient fo r n i ne years Then vi rtue pre v ails and the govern
ment i s perfected C on fucius says : I f a true k in g were
to ar i se i t would still requi re a g eneration and then the
b enevolent government would be complete
H e means
t h at the completi on o f the t s ing t ie n system requires th i rty
yea rs Ku ng y ang s C o m m e n t ary says : I f the system of
tit h es [ the whole system of t s ing t ie n] shall prevail the
p raise of peace will arise
Althou gh the tendency of t h e t s ing t ie n system i s to level
the whole soci ety into a static cond i ti on the re i s at the
same t i me a dynamic p r inciple In eve ry per i od o f n ine
yea rs i t requi res a total i mp rovement in al l the d i fferent
—
occupations that is amon g all the a g r i cultu ral an d in
d u s t r ial o c cupat ions no stationary cond i tion i s allowed
Suc h an i mprovement i s called b y the n ame o f advancemen t
two step s o f advancement are called by t h e name of peace ;
t h ree steps o f advancement extreme pe ace It is p e culi ar
en o u g h that the name o f pe ace o r ext rem e p e ace is ass i gned
for t h e advancement o f t h e occupations o f the p e ople ; it
means that we c an o b t ai n the sta g e of peace only b y the
imp ro vement o f p ro d uctive powe r Th e refo re fo r the in
,
.
,
,
.
,
“
.
,
”
”
,
.
,
”
.
,
“
.
,
,
”
1
.
“
’
-
.
,
,
,
”
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
‘
L l as s irs ,
'
vo
l
.
i p
,
.
.
26 7 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 34
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
the t s ing t ien system doe s no t g ive anyone an
advanta ge ; it is a static model But fo r society as a whole
advancements are necessary ; and i t is the dynamic p rinciple
This is the theory o f pro g ress o f C onfucius
H is theory of pro g ress however is based on m any
phases Some of them have bee n discussed ab o ve and the
others will be discussed later I f w e want t o sum up his
whole theory of pro g ress i n a few w o rds it w ill be
I Th e Abolitio n o f W ar A peaceful society is
n e cessary for i ndustrial de v e l O p m e nt
I I Technical I nvention It is the bas is o f economic
pro g ress and is also t h e basis of all oth e r
pro g ress
I II Th e C ontrol of N ature
I t makes man t h e
rival and the assistant o f Heav e n and E art h
IV Th e Ts ing Tien System E veryon e has an e qual
shar e of the mo st impo rtant part o f the mean s
of production
V Th e U n i versally F re e E ducation I t g ive s
every o ne equal opportu ni ty for intellectual and
moral develo pment
VI Th e E lection System I t makes a rep resenta
tive go vernment based o n the e ducatio n al
syst e m
VII Th e Great Similarity I t abol ishes such social
i nstitutions as state family and private pro p
d iv id u als
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
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,
.
.
1
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.
,
2
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.
f’
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.
4
.
.
.
5
.
.
.
6
.
.
.
,
e rt y
1
Se e infra
7
.
2
3
Se e
s up ra,
pp
1 19 - 1 28 .
.
Se e infra
.
7
Se e
su
Se e
su
p
ra,
p
r a,
pp
pp
—
87 93
-
.
.
.
1 8 20
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 36
RI N C I P L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
the E xtreme Peace Sta ge i s that
i n which everyone in the world c o nducts himself like the
superior man and all the b a rbarians become civ i l i zed
n nature so that it w ill be per
Therefore chan g i n g hum a
fec t ly g ood i s the final aim of C o n fucianism
But h o w can we go about chan g in g human nature ?
Si mply by means of those seven thin g s j ust ment i o ned above
but the chief thi n g is e conomic p rosperity
M enc i us is
the ch ief representative of those w h o ad v o c at e that human
nature is g ood yet he still says that i n goo d years the
children of people are mos t of them g ood whil e in bad
years the most of th e m ab andon themselves to evil Th ere
fore the human nature chan ges to either good or evil in
accordance w ith the economic condi t i on I f there is e c o n o
mic prosperi ty equally dist r i b uted to everyone the nature
o f the pe o ple must be good Mencius says : When a sa ge
overns
the
world
he
will
cause
pulse
and
rain
to
be
as
g
g
abundant as water and fire I f puls e and g rai n are as
abundant as water and fire how shall the people be other
?
than v i rtuous
Theref o re i f we shall come to the hi gh
est devel o pment o f the economic world we shall come als o
to the hi ghest develo p ment of the ethi cal wo rld Th e former
is the cause and th e latter is the e ffect H ence C onfucius
re g ards ec o nomic p ro g ress as the means and m o ral per
fe c t io n as the end
I f w e understand this we have the
g eneral view of his theory o f pro g res s
Besides economic prosperity as a g eneral condition C o n
fu c iu s has a speci al device for chan g in g human nature
As
we h ave seen C onfucius makes universally free education
a necessary insti tution ; it is really a most impo rtant fo rce
fo r modi fyin g human natur e But th e education al system
of C o n fuc i us be g ins not only i n the school age of a ch ild
the
Sp ring
A u tumn ,
an d
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,
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,
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1
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,
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” 2
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,
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,
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,
.
,
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,
l
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
11,
p
.
40 4
2
.
[ b id
'
)
P 4 63
E C O N O M I C DE VE L O P M E N T
1 37
but even before h is b irth Th is is a pecul iar doctri ne of
C onfucius and i t is known as g estato ry education
Acco rdin g to E ld e r Tai s R e c o rd o f R it e s the first thi n g
There
i n g estatory ed ucation i s the cho ice of the mothe
fo re when the parents choose the w i fe of thei r son they
must select her from amon g those fam i lies which have had
a hi gh standard of moral i ty for all g enerations There are
five women who are not to be ta k en i n marria g e : ( 1 ) the
dau ghter of a rebell ious house ; ( 2 ) the dau ghter o f a dis
orderly house ; ( 3 ) the dau ghter o f a house wh ich has p ro
d u c e d criminals fo r more than one g eneration ; ( 4 ) the
dau g h ter of a leprous house ; ( 5 ) the dau ghter who has lost
her mothe r and has g row n old
When a woman is pregnant the rules are as follows
While sleepin g she should l ie on her b ac k ; while sittin g or
standin g the b o dy should be in an upri ght position and the
we i ght evenly d istributed Sh e should not lau gh too loudly ;
n o r eat food o f b ad flavors
no r anyt h in g which i s not cut
p rope rly ; no r s i t down on anyth in g w h ich is not placed prop
erly Th e eyes should not see b ad colors the ears should
not hear bad sounds and the mouth should not utter bad
words Sh e s h ould read good poetry and tell good stories
B y this means the child will be phys i cally morally and
mentally excell ent \ Vh e ne ve r a woma n is pre g nant she
must be ver y watch ful in rega rd to t h e thin gs by wh ich
the mi nd i s a ffec ted I f s h e i s a ffected b y g ood thin g s
t h e c h ild w i ll b e g o od ; i f b y b ad thin g s he w ill be bad
These are the rules o f g estato ry ed ucation
Th e mo thers
o f W en Wan g and o f C h en g Wan g are g ood examples of
such ed ucat ors
When a ch ild is b o rn mor e over he rec eives the family
educat i on fo r a lon g t i me b efo re h e g oes to sc h ool Th ere
.
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,
’
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r
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,
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1
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,
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,
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‘
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,
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Bk
l
x x
x
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 38
RIN CIP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
fore C onfucius says : W hen a child is trained completely ;
his education i s j ust as str o n g as h is nature ; and wh e n he
practices anything perpetually he w ill do i t naturally as a
permanent habit
If
Th i s is C onfucius plan for chan g in g human nature
every generation o f the world would p ut i t in practice h u
man nature would so o n b e perfec t It is the same principle
as that man should control nature i n the economic world
Man must control nature not only without him but also
within him so that prog ress w ill be c o mpl e t e and continuous
,
,
” 1
.
’
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
1
Bk
.
x l viii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
140
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
have the whole wo rld in vi ew from the b e g innin g
Amon g all the ei ght su b j ects the cult i vat i on of the p ers o n
ality is the root of everyth i n g F rom this po i nt C onfucius
regards the i ndividual as the unit B ut s m c e rIt y of thought
is i n turn the root o f cultivatin g the person al ity
Havin g understood the whole outline of the Great
we come now to see how C on fuc i us re gard s the
L earnin g
whole world as an economic unit W e have already seen
that C onfucius ascribes very much importance to econom i c
l i fe But in the Great L earn i n g he does not say a s i n gle
—
r
word about economic li fe until the last chapte namely
the equalizat ion o f the whol e world I t is not for the
cultivat i on of the personal ity n o t for the reg ulation of
the family not for t h e g ov e rnin g of the state but for the
e qualization o f the who le w o rld
that C onfucius g ives h is
economi c princi p les H e feels that the whole world is the
economic un i t and that the econo mic l ife can never be
confined to any particular per s on fam ily or state Th e
stude n t c an never study e conomi c s completely unless he
takes the world as a whole A nd the world can neve r
b e equalized unless the economic l ife o f the whole world i s
equal This is a spec i al concept of C onfucius
Th e economic principles g iven i n the
Great L earnin g
are conspicuous above all the other econom i c p r inciples g i ven
in other C onfuc i an books Th e reason is s i mply that the
G reat L earnin g
sim p lifies the principles for equal izin g
—
the world into only two th in g s namely employin g the best
m e n and adm i nisterin g wealth
H ence everyo ne knows
that a part of the Gr eat L earnin g is devoted to the prin
c ip l e s of economics
W hat we w ish t o emphasize i s how
ever that C onfucius has the world economy in his mind
and that he thin k s about the world as an economic unit
But we must understand that the economic pri nciples
of t h e G reat L ea rnin g are ve ry general Alth o u gh they
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,
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,
,
”
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”
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
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”
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,
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,
,
,
.
.
E CO N OMIC O
R GA N I Z A TI O N
14 1
are gi ven in the chapter on the equal i zat i on of the world
it does not mean that they are fitted only for world economy
I ndeed they can be applied to either a person a family o r
a state
All other economic pri nciples g iven i n the Great L earn
ing
are quoted i n other places and we shall quote here
only one the fundamental principle o f world economy ;
namely the principle of reciprocity I t i s stated i n a meta
h
i
l
sense
as
follows
o
r
a
c
p
.
,
,
,
.
”
,
,
.
,
W h at y o u do not l ik e ab ove do not pl ac e b elow ; w h at you do
not l ik e b elo w do not pl ac e ab ove ; w h at you do not l ik e i n
f ro nt d o n o t s h i f t to t h e b ac k ; w h at you do not l ik e i n b ac k
do not tu rn t o t h e f ront ; w h at you d o not l ik e on t h e ri gh t do
n o t b est o w o n t h e le f t ; w h at y o u do n o t l ik e on t h e left
do
—
no t b e s to w on t h e r i gh t
t hi s i s w h at i s c alled t h e p ri nc i ple
w i t h w h i c h we are as w i t h a m e asu ri n g s q u are to est ab l i s h
t h e l aw o f j ust i ce
,
,
,
,
,
,
-
,
,
1
.
principle of recip roc i ty as stated i n the second ch ap
ter is one of the fundamental concepts o f C onfuc i us But
there i t i s d iscussed from t h e pu rely mo ral po int of view
H ere we must consider i t from t h e econom i c an d pol itical
poi nt o f view Th e p r inc i ple i s t h e same b ut i ts appl i ca
tio n i s a l ittle d i fferent Ta ki n g t h is principle as the b asis
o f world economy i t develops commercial p o l icy and in
It i s the golden rule o f the b usiness world
t e rn at io n al law
and we cannot say th at t h e re i s no moral standard fo r
ol
itics
and
d
iplomacy
p
Th e economic system of C on fucius is not national ism but
cosmopol itan ism
Befo re C on fucius economi c theo ries
were mostly l ik e the doct rines of the mercantile school and
too k the nation as the un it T he ch ief representat ive was
Kuan Tz fi who was the most succes sful ministe r fo r the
Th e
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
1
C l as s
i
cs ,
vo
l
.
i pp
,
37 3 4
-
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
14 2
RI N CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI U S
real ization of mercant i l i sm and of state socialism : He was
t h e first one to have a complete econo mic system which we
can see to day But w e have no room to deal w ith his
economy and the on ly reason we men tion him is t o contrast
him w i th C onfucius
-
.
,
.
e
P
a
c
e
f
Th e most important pr i nciple for internat i onal relat ions
is the doctri ne o f peace
Th i s doctrine is based not only
on the principle o f humanity but also on that o f util ity
C onfucius s ays :
Talkin g about s i ncere a g reement and
cultivat i n g universal peace are what are called the advant
a g es o f men F i ghtin g plunderin g and killin g each other
are what are called the cal amities of men
I n t h e Sp ring
an d A u t u m n C onfucius records a b out four hundred wars
within the period of two hundred and forty two years and
condemns them all for war is contrary to the principle of
humanity Therefore M encius says that i n the Sp ring an d
A u t u m n t here are no ri g hteous w ars
H e holds that m il i
tary force is used only as a p unishment by the supreme au
t h o r it y t o its subj ects but that the independe n t states have
no ri ght to en g ag e i n such punitive war a gainst one an o ther
F o r the condem nation o f war Mencius g ives many pas
s ages in very stro n g lan g ua g e H e says
I
D o c t rin e
.
o
.
.
,
.
,
,
” 1
.
,
-
,
,
.
,
.
,
2
.
,
.
Wh n ntent i ns ab ut te i t y a t h e g ound n w hi c h
t h ey fi gh t t h y sl au gh te
men t i ll t h e fields a filled w i t h
t h m W h en s me st u ggle f a i ty i s t h e g ou nd on w hi c h
t h ey fi gh t t h ey sl au gh te m n t i ll t h e i ty i s filled w i t h t h em
Th i s i s w h at i s all d le ad i n g n t h e l and to dev u h u m an
De at h i s not n u gh f
fl es h
su h a c i me Th e f e
t h se w h a s ki l f ul i n fi gh t ing s h o uld suffer t h e hi gh est
pun i s h m nt
e
co
o
o
.
or
r
re
r
or
r
,
c
r
c
c
e
“
e
o
re
r
e
,
e
rr
o
.
o
o
r
”
e
.
o
Li
Ki
,
r
c
,
3
.
bk
C las s ics
or
re
o
e
1
o
,
.
vn,
vo l
.
p 38
ii p 4 78
0
.
,
.
.
.
3
I b id
.
,
p
.
30 5
.
.
re
or
,
TH E E C ON O M I C P
14 4
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
l ess glory to the rule r M enci us describes the su fferin g of
the people on account of w ar as follows : Th e rulers of
those states rob thei r p e ople o f their time so that they can
not plough and weed their fields i n order to supp o rt thei r
parents
Th eir parents su ffer from cold and hun g er
Brothers w ives and children are separated and scattered
abroad
I n fact the evils of war are the interruption of
production the les senin g of c o nsumption and the destruction
of t h e family I t is only pe ace that can cure these evils
Th ird it saves the e cono mic waste In the preparation for
w ar
C o nfucius condemns not only actual war but also the
preparation fo r it Preparation for war is a g reat waste of
wealth and a heavy burden upo n the people Th erefore
the doctri ne of peace is based pa rtially on ec o nomic prin
.
,
.
.
,
,
” 1
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
c ip l e s
,
.
Abolishi ng war and chang in g the military society into an
industrial one i s the common w ish o f C o nfu c io us and his
best pupil Yen Yii an Th e P ark o f N arrat ive s tells us
that when C onfuci us went up to the N un g Mountain Tz ii
l u Tz ii kun g and Yen Y iian accompanied h i m and C o n
Tz iI
fuc iu s asked them each t o tell his individual wishes
In said that he w ished t o raise an army and to attack the
enemy so that he was sure to tak e the terri tory for a thous
and m i les Tz iI kun g sai d that he w ished to wear a white
arment
and
a
wh
ite
cap
to
persuade
the
two
armies
under
g
the wh i te swords i n order t o take away the calamity o f the
two nations Yen Yiian sai d :
2
.
,
'
,
-
,
,
'
.
,
'
-
.
,
.
i s h to h ave a w i se ki n g a s age ule an d to b e m e h i s
m i n i ste
I s h all c ause t h e c i ty w alls to h ave no need t b e
p ai ed t h e d i t h es and mo ats to h ave no fo to oss e
t h em an d t h e swo ds an d spe a s to b e melted for t h e m aki n g
o f ag i cultu al i m pl m ents I s h all cause t h e w h ole world t o
I
w
r
or
r.
r
c
,
e
r
r
C las s ic s
o
.
,
1
co
r
r
r
,
v o l . II,
e
pp
.
1 35
.
-
6
2
.
Bk
.
xv
.
cr
re
ov r
E C O N O MI C O
R GA N I Z A TI O N
14 5
h ave n calam i ty o f w a f t h ousands o f ye a s U nde su h
n
a
an Y
to
fi
h
t
n
i
ly
And
h
w
a condi t i on h ow
a
?
g
g
g
T i g to m ak e a bi t at i on c h ee f u l ly ?
z
r
o
u
c
,
‘
or
r
o
r
.
c
o
r
c
'
r
r
o
I
r
He
Then Tz fi l n asked what the w ish of C onfuc i us w as
sai d : Wh at I wish to do is the plan of the son of Yen
I wish to carry my clo thes and hats and to follow h im
This conversation shows clearly the common wish of C o n
fuc iu s an d Yen Y iian
Th e a im o f Tz u l u is but that o f
a soldier ; that of Tz u kung is b ut that of a diplomatist ;
but that of Yen Yiian and C onfuc i us i s that of the hi ghest
s t ates manship and the plan of a s ag e Th e most im
po rtant sentence is the swords and spears are melted fo r
the ma k i n g o f ag ri cultural implements
Thus one woul d
turn the instrumen ts for kill in g men into instruments for
nourishin g m en and chan g e t h e sold i ers to farm ers ; i n
sho rt the mil itary society would be ent i rely destroyed an d
an i ndustrial soci et y would b e universally and permanently
established Th i s is the ideal of C onfuci us
Th e evils of feudal ism w i th i ts constant wars impres s ed
C onfucius pro foundly and led h im to the vis i on o f a world
s tate and world peace Plato s ideal state on t h e other
Th e sp i r i t
h and is a small c i ty state eve r ready for w ar
o f the C h inese people unde r t h e i n fl uence of C on fuc i us
teach i n g s i s such t h at they are more nea rl y ready than
an y weste rn p eo ple for t h e real i zat i on o f th i s lo fty visi on
-
.
.
,
.
-
.
-
.
,
“
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,
,
,
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,
,
,
’
-
.
,
-
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,
.
'
.
,
1
.
F A M I L Y A S T H E S M A L L EST O RG A N IZ A TI O N
Wh i le t h e w h ole world i s the lar gest economic or g an i z a
t i on the fam i ly i s t h e smallest one and the one h av i n g
closest ec on o m i c relation to the ind ividual As lon g as
there is a family the i nd i vidual never can make his ec onomic
I]
TH E
.
.
,
.
.
1
t he
In t h e
i
s e c o nd
d et a ls
o
bo o
f ho w
k
t he
o
f
w
Kang
o rl d
is
Yu
to
-
wi
e
be
'
s
Bo o k
i
un t e d
o n t he
are gi
v
G r e at S im ilari t y
en
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
146
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
F U CI US
l i fe ab solutely i ndependent Th erefore the f am i ly l ife is
very i mportant in a ffect i n g the economic l i fe Whenever
we use the term fam i ly we mean that th ere are at least t w o
h
h
h
r of production is
t
enerations
alt
ou
e
pr
i
ncipal
fa
to
c
g
g
only of one g enerat ion F or example a f am i ly means hus
band and w i fe B ut it may have either old p arents or
youn g ch i ldren or b oth H ence i t may i nclude t h ree g en
e rat io n s at the same t ime
But i n any case i t must have
two g enerat i ons i f it has ch i ldren Therefo re we may con
s i der the fam i ly as an economic or g an i zat ion from two
—
points of view namely the relat i on of h us b and and wi fe
and that of father and s o n
Th e happy l i fe of the family i n C onfucius mi nd is g iven
in the Doctr i ne o f the Mean
It fi rst quotes from the
C an o n o f P o e t ry as follows :
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
’
”
.
,
vi g i wi t h wif d hi l d
I li k t h m i
f l t
d h p ;
Wh
th
i
d m
th
g b
Th h m y i d l i g h t f l
d
d i
Th
m k y f mi ly h pp y
y
A d
j y pl
wi t h y wif
Lo
n
un o n
e
s
en
e re
ar
e
us
n
us c
e
on
u es
o
c o n co r
s
s
a e
ou
an
e
e
o ur
an
ar s
a
on
u
an
e r s,
ro
en
a
a
e as u r e
en o
re n,
c
ur ng
.
,
o ur
an d
e
c
hi ld
re n
.
it quotes from C onfucius who g i ves to t h is p oem the
followi n g appreci ation : I n such a state of thi n gs parents
h ave enti re complacen ce
Th e poem i tself mentions only
wi fe and ch ildren and b rot h ers But C onfucius adds to
them the parents i n o rder to make the h appy l ife of the
family complete This i s what C onfuci u s th i n k s a happy
fam i ly
Then
,
,
1
.
,
,
.
.
Wife
Acco rd i n g to the soci al system of C onfucius the relat i on
o f hus b and and w i fe i s the startin g poi nt H e always puts
t h e m atr i m on i al s i nificance at the be innin
of
all
h
is
w
rit
g
g
g
1
.
R e l at io n
o
H
a
n
u
s
b
d
f
an d
,
-
.
1
C l as s ic s
,
vo l.
i pp
,
.
396 7
-
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
148
RI N C I P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
who is the second hus b and of his mother
Th e f act that
C onfucius allows the woman t o marry a second husband
under some circumstances shows t h e p rac t ic alit y of C o n
It is C h eng Y i ( 1 5 84 1 6 5 8 A K o r 1 0 33
fuc ian is m
1 1 0 7 A D ) who first says that a woman should not marry
a second husband even i f she sho uld die i n hun g er B ut
thi s is not the teach in g of C onfucius
1
.
’
‘
-
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
.
D
i
b
o
r
v
ce
( )
Having understood the pr oc e edin g of marria ge we now
come to the subj ect of d ivorce Acco rd in g to E ld e r Tai s
R e c o rd o f R it e s ther e are seven g rounds fo r divorcin g a
wi fe : ( I ) d isobedi e nce to parents in law ; ( 2 ) not g ivi n g
bi rth to a son ; ( 3 ) adultery ; ( 4 ) j eal ousy of her husband s
attention s that i s t o the other inmates o f his harem ; ( 5 )
leprosy ; ( 6 ) talkat iveness ; 7 ) thievin g B ut there are
three considerations which may overrule these g r o unds
1
( ) havin g no family for her return ; ( 2 ) havin g passed
throug h the three years mo urnin g for his parents ; 3 ) his
condition formerly p oor and mea n and now rich and honor
able
But these rules are entirely appli e d only to the classes
of the g reat officials t h e students and the common people
Th e prince can div o rce h is w i fe o n six other g rounds but
not b e cause s he h as no s o n And the emp eror c ann o t
d ivorce the empress on any g round but simply separates
from her These rules are adopted even in the L aw C o de
o f t h e Ts in
D
the
present
dynasty
n
a
s
t
g
y
y
Because the emp ero r the prince and also the g reat o ffi
c ial s have not so much freedom o f divorce as tho se below
them they do not c o nsummate the marria ge upon the date
of marria ge W hen the wi fe comes in she l ives apart from
the husband After the period of three months she is pre
sented to the ancestral temple and be g i ns to be called w ife
,
’
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,
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-
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,
,
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’
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
,
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,
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,
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,
l
Ch
.
xxxi
.
Bk
.
l
xxx
.
E C ON OM I C O
R GA N I Z A TI O N
149
Th i s
pe riod is j ust lon g enou gh fo r the examination into
her character and for her special trainin g I f the parents
in law and husband cannot g e t alon g w ith her she can re
turn to her family a vi rg in and can marry another w ithout
any trouble Thi s is fo r the benefit o f both s ides althou gh
the men ge t mo re advanta ge But the studen t and the com
mon peopl e have more freedom o f d ivorce so that they con
summate the marri a ge th e same n i ght Th is was an old
custom
A s to the thi rd reason for the prohibition o f d ivo rce that
one should not d ivorce h is w i fe i f his cond iti on formerly
was poo r and mean and is now rich and honorabl e th is
provi sion is v e ry j ust But as a matter of fact d ivorce i s
enerally
caused
by
economic
condi
tions
I
n
the
n
a
o
n
C
o
g
f
P o e t ry there is a poem a gainst the corrupt custom of
d ivorce Th e people of Wei loved new w ives and aban
d o ne d the old ones
There fore the p oe t spea k in g for the
d ivorced w i ves made this a subj ect fo r sati re W e should
like to quote a few l ines o f thi s po em wh i ch refer to t h e
economic aspect of the a ffai r
.
-
,
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
,
.
Wh e t h e r
I
e
x
Fo r
e rt e d
m
pl
y o u h ad
my l f
se
e rl y ,
to
e n ty
b e ge t t
f id
I w as
o r no t ,
a ra
i
ng
m
o ur
.
mi gh t
e an s
be
e
xh
au s t e d
ag e ,
w k d h d wi t h
wh y m
mp m t p i
And I
or
No w
en
Yo u
ar
e
ar e
co
e
o
o so n
s
F e as t
i
Yo u
t
wi t h y
hi k f m
n
o
e
fo r
e
xi
s t e nc e
i
ng o u r o l d
.
an d y o u are o ld ,
.
t
wif
p vi i
o u r ne w
ng
s t ru g g l e
ar e ab u n d an t
e an s
o ur
y o u in t h e
du r
as
a
e,
ro
o n ly
s on
Dis app rovin g
i
p v
ag a n s t y o u r
o
e rt y .
1
such a d ivo rce C onfucius puts this poem in
this C anon to serve as a wa rn in g
,
.
1
C l as s ic s
,
vo
l
.
iv
,
pt
.
i pp
,
.
55 8
-
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 50
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
I t i s true that i n the C onfucian wri tin g s there i s no
statement about d i vorce i ssued t o the woman Thou gh this
is not wholly j ust i n a paternal society it must b e so I n
ancient time the D isorderly Sta ge if w oman should be al
lowed to have the ri ght to divorce her husband the paterna l
fam ily co uld not b e establ ished and social l i fe would be dis
orderly Th is i s the reason a woman cannot divo rce her
husband Han F e i TziI however speaks of T ai Kun g as a
d ivorced husband of an old woman This shows that i n
anc i ent times even lon g bef o re C onfucius a wo man di d
have t h e r i ght to divorce her hus b and I t mi ght have be e n
that a woman could d ivorce her husband if her husband
a g reed to it but that there was no le g al g round for her
doin g so Th e L aw C o d e o f t h e Ts ing Dynas t y says
that if the husb and and w i fe are n o t harmonious and both
wish to be separated they may be allowed to do
Therefore in the present day the woman i s le g ally allowed
to divorce her husb and w i th h i s con sent
However when we say that the C onfucian writ i n gs have
no statement about d ivorce issued to the woman w e are s i m
ply referrin g to the ordi nary case I f in the unusual case
a woman shall have the absolute ri ght to d ivorce her
husband Th e G en eral Dis c us s io n in t h e Wh it e Tig e r
P alac e says : I f the husband should either violate the so
c ial relations or k i ll h is parents in law
or break d o wn the
most i mpo rtant laws i t w o uld be the g reatest of disor der
In such cases the eth i cal relation between husband and wi fe
Ac
i s cut o ff an d the w i fe may divorce her husband
cord i n g to the L aw C o d e o f t h e Ts ing Dyn as t y when ever
the eth i cal relation between hus b and and wi fe is cut o ff
they must be separated and are not permitted to remain in
un i o n F rom th i s po i nt we can see that the C h i nese re
,
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,
,
,
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,
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"
'
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,
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,
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,
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-
-
,
,
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,
,
” 2
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,
‘
,
,
,
,
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l
Ch
.
,
x
2
.
Bk
.
x
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
152
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
F UCI US
Pattern of t h e F am i ly says : Th e son of the g reat o ffi
Th e w i fe of the s tudent n o uris h es her
c ial h as a nu rse
Therefore the w i ves of students and com
c h ild h e rself
mon people must nourish their ow n children althou gh t h e
empress the princess and the noble lad i es may hi re nurses
Th i s i s the c h i ef wor k o f woman
Th e C an o n
Second she must take charg e o f t h e food
n
r
P
says
It
will
be
hers
neither
to
do
wron
o
o
t
:
o
r
e
g
f
y
to do good O nly about the spi rits and the food w ill she
Th e C an o n o f C h ang es says : Sh e doe s
h ave to discuss
not h i n g of her own initiative but stays at home for the
preparation of food
These two passa g es are su fficient
to i ndicate the principal work o f the h o us e wi fe
Third she must take char g e of th e clothes
Accord in g
to the Pattern of the F amily when a g irl reaches the age
of ten she ceases to go out from the h o me Her governes s
te aches h e r to handle the hempen fib re s to deal w ith the
cocoons to weave silks and form fillets and to learn all
woman s wor k in order to furnish g arments
In ancient times all from the empress to the w ives o f
t h e common people had to ma k e clothes for thei r husbands
Th e R e c o rd o f R it e s tells us that the emperor must b e per
s o n ally a fa rmer and the empr ess a weaver
This has thre e
s ign ific an ces : F irst
it i ndicates reli g ious piety because the
empe ror and empress person ally furn ish the materials fo r
t h e food and clothes used for sacrifices
Second it i ndi
cates political democracy b ecause it ma k es the emp eror and
emp ress not entirely di fferent from the f armer and weave r
Th i rd i t ind i cates economic producti v ity because it ma k es
even t h e empe ro r and e m press pro duce m aterial th i n g s
.
” 1
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,
,
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,
,
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.
,
“
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” 2
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,
” 3‘
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,
”
,
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,
,
,
,
’
4
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,
,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
1
2
3
Li
,
Ki
,
x p 4 76
l iv p t ii p
g p
37
b k x p 4 79
bk
C l as s ic s
Vi
Li
Kin
Ki
,
.
vo
,
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,
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,
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,
1
,
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,
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30 7
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E C ON O M I C O
R GA N I Z A TI O N
I
53
is a silk wo rm s house F rom the wash in g of the
seeds in the stream gatherin g o f the leaves from t h e mul
berry trees feedin g th e wo rms to the present i n g o f the
cocoons to the empress all the processes of wor k are done
by the honorable lad ies Then the empress rinses some of
them th rice i n a vessel be g i ns to unw i nd them and d is t r i
b utes them to the honorable ladies to complete t h e unw ind
ing
A fter th e dyei n g and em b ro i derin g have b een finished
r
r
f
o
r
ifi
a
ments
are
made
use
i
n
s
a
c
ces
This custom
g
still exists to day I n the C an o n Of P o e t ry the re is a poem
d i rected a g ai nst th e E mperor Y u and h is w ife I n criticism
o f h is w i fe it says t h at s h e leaves h e r silkworms and w e av
in g
Si nce even an emp ress must ta k e up the work of
sil k wo rm culture and weavin g it goes w ithout sayin g that
t h e women in g eneral must ta k e ch ar g e of the clothes
I n order to sho w that woman i s i n an hono rable posi tion
w h ic h is equal to that o f h e r h us b and here is a good ex
ample Thou gh we have seen that the preparation of food
is the p r inc i pal work o f woman still t h i s does not mean that
s h e is a slave in the k itchen O ne ch ief functi on o f food is
for rel i g ious sacrifices and in such sac rifices the w i fe par
t ic ip at e s in the ceremoni es w ith her hus b and
B ec ause they
are b oth equal i n the family t h e y both sacri fice to the
ancestor When a g i rl o f ten s h e w atc h es t h e sacrifices
suppl ies the l iquo rs and s auces fills the va rious stands and
d ishes with pic k les and b r i n e and ass i sts in settin g forth the
appurtenances fo r t h e c e re m o n ie s
Such an education i s
s i mply fo r the duty o f a h ousew i fe But i f a housewi fe
is requ i red t o ta k e pa rt w i t h h e r h u sb an d in s acrifice to h is
ancest o r h o w h o nor ab le i s h e r p o sit i on !
There
’
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,
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1
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-
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,
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,
?
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
Z1
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.
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1
Li
Ki
,
bk
C l as s ic s
3
Li
Ki
,
,
.
xxi pp 3 4
l iv p t ii p
x p 4 79
vo
bk
.
,
.
,
22
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,
.
.
-
,
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5 62
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 54
There
is a
RI N C I P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI U S
C onfucian
principle g ivin g respect to woman
Thi s p r1n c 1p l e is clearly ind i cated as w e have seen in the
ceremony of t h e personal rece i vi n g of the bride But there
i s another example which illustrates the respect for wo man
in regard to her economic pos ition Accord in g t o Co n
fu c ian is m althou gh a woman should wo rk for the family
she should be treated nicely and should n o t be empl o yed
only for financi al gain Therefore when a woman i s
married she n e ed not take up any househo ld wo rk until
the end of three months I f her husband causes her to
wor k w ithin this period it seems cruel to C onfucius I n
the C an o n o f P o e t ry there is a po em di rected a gainst a
man o f the o fficial family who ma k es h is w i fe sew wi thin
the period of three months I t reads as f o llows
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
h
w v f t h d l i h fib
M y b
d t w lk
h f t
th
Th d l i t fi g
f
b id
M y b
d i m ki g l t h
P tt i g th w i tb
d t hi l w
g m
Th b
t if l w m
fix
th m
S
t
o es
a
hi
n ly
e use
e
ca e
e
a
use
e
n
u
o
e
e au
e
o
a
n
e rs o
a
as
an
if l w m
o
o
a
es
s
e
m v
ed
e
o
p l i t ly t d i d t
f mi ly ]
F m h
iv
g i dl h
g h
B t it i t h
w mi d d
Whi h m k t h
bj t f
An d
e
o
as
s oo
.
ar
er
o
es
o
er
u
s
c
r
e
a es
un
e
n ar ro
e
-
su
er
n
ec
e
t he
e n t an d
h is
c o l l ar
to
us t
m i
u
pp
e r,
.
f lly
l f t [ wh
g rac e
t he
o ry
ne s s
u
,
e
a
ro
.
e
c o
o
re
os
o ar ro s
r
n
an
c
e
an
o
u
e
on
n
u
Th e b e au t
en o
co
i
mb
[o f
o r s at re
-
p in
her
en
j
sh e
ca
e
the
nt o
.
h
u s b an d
]
,
1
.
Th i s
poem descr i bes the woman beauti ful in every way as
a contrast to the work of makin g clothes and it censures
expressly the mean character of her husband It serves
as an example to ind icate that C onfucius re g ards the house
wi fe as in a respected position
Si nce the wife is e q ual to her husband and husband and
w i fe are cons i dered to be one body she shares all the various
,
,
.
.
,
,
1
C f C las s ic s
.
,
vo
l
.
iv
,
pt
.
i pp
,
.
1 63- 4 .
TH E E C ON O M I C P
156
R I N C I PL E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
and eart h b ein g endowed w ith blo o d and breath , have a
certa i n amount o f knowled ge Possessin g that amount of
k nowled g e there is not one of them but knows to love its
Th e love fo r k ind is a feel in g common to all
o w n k ind
c reatures ? and man especially develops such a feel in g to a
o
reat
extent
his
i
s
the
f
undation
upon
which
human
T
g
soc i ety is built O f course when parents g ive birth to a
son they love him B ut why do they do so ? I t is not
merely because he is their pro duct but also because he is o f
the same kind w ith them Amon g d i ff e rent sons the
father will love the one most who is most s imilar to him
self and that o ne w h o is le ast s imilar he w ill love least
Indeed the deg ree of his lo ve g iven to his sons is accordin g
to the deg ree o f s imilarity wh ich they sh o w to him I n the
case of a step—
son althou gh he is not the child o f the father
the father w ill love him i f he is si milar to him I n fact
the love for the same ki nd is the basis o f the relation b e
twe e n father and son And the o ne who can extend such a
feelin g and love all o f manki nd is called a man of g reat
filial piety Th e C an o n o f P o e t ry says : Th e l o ve o f a
fil ial son can neve r be exhausted ; it is given t o yo ur s am e
k i nd fo r ever
,
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,
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” 3
.
(b )
P ie t y
Takin g such a natural love as the basis C o n fucius e s
t ab lis h e s the doctrine of filial piety a doctr i ne that has much
to do with economic li fe In the C an o n o f F ilial P ie t y he
t h us sums up the duties of a son :
D o c t rin e
o
F
i
l
i
l
a
f
,
.
Th e
1
2
c ep
3
s
e r vi c e w h i c h
xxxv p
f i
pt i
f th
i
Cl
l iv
i
Ki
Li
,
Con
.
.
uc us
tion o
Cf
bk
“
,
’
fil i al
a
.
c o nc e
392
on
is
s o n re
.
,
pt
.
nde s hi s p arents i s
r
as
f ll ws
o
o
.
v
e ry c l o s e ly
e co n s c o u sne s s
as s c s , v o
,
ii p
,
o
.
f
ki
4 77
”
n d.
.
kin t o P ro
f
e s so r
i i
G dd
ng s
’
co n
EC ON OMIC O
R GAN I Z A TI ON
1 57
In hi s gene ral condu c t t o t h em h e m an i f ests t h e utmost re v
e rence ; i n h i s n o u ri s h i n g o f t h em h i s ende avo r i s to give
t h em t h e utmo st ple as u re ; w h en t h ey are i ll h e feels t h e
x
r
r
a
a
r
f
e
test
n
i
ety
i
n
mou
n
i
n
t
h
em
de
d
h
e
x
hibi
ts
eve
y
o
r
a
e
;
g
g
demon st rat i on o f gri e f ; i n s ac r i fi c i n g t o t h em h e d i spl ays t h e
utm o st s o lemn i ty W h en a s o n i s c omplete i n t h ese five t h i n gs
h e m ay b e p ron o un c e d ab le to se rve h i s p aren ts
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
1
.
I n the C an o n o f F il ial P ie t y there are five chapters de
scribin g respectively the d i ffe ren t duties amon g the five
classes —namely the emperor the pri nces the g reat o ffi
the students and the common people I t is the last
c ial s
chapter of the five that interests us especially Althou gh i t
is an ethical teachin g o f C onfucius i t is really o f g reat e c o no
“
mic s i gn ificance He says : Th ey follow the course of
heaven i n the revolvi n g seasons they d istin guish the ad
vanta ges a ffo rded by d i fferent soils they are careful o f thei r
conduct and they are economical in thei r expend iture in
order to support thei r parents : this is the filial piety of the
common p e ople
I t is very i nterestin g to see that C o n
fuc iu s identifies the filial piety of th e common p e ople w ith
economic e fficiency Th e first two phrases re fer to pro
duction and the last tw o to cons umpti on Althou gh the
third ph rase i s mixed w ith an ethi cal element it i s a p ro
vision fo r the control of personal expend itu re because to b e
careful for the conduct means a moral control of materi al
wants Therefore i f a man amon g the common people is
d i li gent in production and fru gal in consumption for the
sup p o rt o f h is parents it su ffices to ma k e him a fil ial son
Th is is the type for the farmer
Amon g all the pupils o f C on fucius Ts en g Ts ii i s t h e
ch ief rep resent ative o f fil ial piety He says : Th e re are
,
,
,
,
,
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,
,
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,
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,
,
,
,
” 2
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,
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‘
,
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1
’
Sac r e d B o o ks
‘
i
Ib d
pp
.
47
o
1- 2
.
f
t h e E as t
,
vo
l
.
iii p
,
.
4 80
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 58
R I N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I U S
three deg rees of fil i al pi et y Th e h i ghest i s to hon o r our
parents ; t h e second is not to d i s g race t h em and the lowest
is to b e a b le to support them
A g ain he says : To pre
pare the fra g rant flesh and g ra i n which he has coo k ed
tastin g and then present i n g them before his p arents i s not
fil i al p i ety it i s only nour i shin g them
Yet he says that
the fundamental lesson fo r all is fil i al piety and the p rac
t i ce of it is s een in the support of parents
Therefore al
thou gh the support o f parents is the lowest type of fil i al
p i ety i t is a neces sary step There may be some who can
not b e called fil i al sons because they can only supp o rt their
p arents but there never has been anyone w h o could be called
a fil ial son wi thout fulfillin g the duty of sup p ortin g his par
ents Based on such eth ical and social teachin gs the chief
economic burden of the C hines e is t h e support o f parents
Since all these teach in g s are i n the po s itive fo rm let u s
now consider the support of parents on t h e neg ative si de
When Menc i us enumerates the five thin g s wh i ch are p ro
n o u n c e d in common usa e to be u nfil ial the first four out
g
of the five are econom i c Th e first i s laziness i n the use o f
one s four limbs w i thout attendin g to the support of o ne s
pa rents Th e second is gambli n g and chess playi n g an d
b ein g fond of wine w ithout attendin g to the sup p o rt o f
one s parents Th e th i rd is bein g fond of commodities and
money and selfishly attached to w i fe and ch ildren w itho ut
attendin
i
s
to
the
support
of
one
s
parents
fourth
T
h
e
g
followin g the desi res of one s ears and eyes so as to b rin g
one s parents to d i s g race Th e fifth is bein g fond o i
b ravery fi ght i n g and quarrelin g so as to endan g er one s
pa rents Amon g the fi rst four th in gs which are economic
the first refers to production the second and the fourth
to consumpt i on ; and t h e th i rd to d i s t ribution To sum th em
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’
,
’
'
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’
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,
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,
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,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xx pp
1,
.
22 6
-
7
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 60
RIN C I P L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
the fundamental basis o f w e stern soc ie ty W henever the
son marr i es a wi fe he leaves h is parents and cleaves t o her
only As soon as the relat i on between husband and wi fe
beg ins the relation betwee n father and son bec o mes less
important
As human nature is everywhere about the same the
C h i n e se do not l o ve the i r p arents m o re th an t h e wes tern
people and the wes tern pe ople do not l o ve thei r w iv es m o re
than the C hinese Men cius says :
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
des i re o f a c h i ld i s t o w ards hi s f at h er an d m o t h er W h en
h e b e c o m es c o nsc i ous o f t h e att ract i o ns o f b eauty hi s des i re
i s towards youn g and b e aut i f ul wo m en W h en h e c o m es to
h ave a w i fe an d c hi ld ren h i s des i re i s tow ards t h em
But t h e m an of great fil i al p i ety to t h e e n d of h i s l i f e h as hi s
des i re towards h i s p arents
Th e
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
1
.
Therefore
a man turns h is heart away from his parents
not o nly when he marries but also when he becomes con
scious of the attractions of beauty There is no need to
teach a man to leave his father and his mother and to cleave
unto his w i fe because thi s is his stron gest passion E ven
in C h i na there is always a tendency this way B ut b y the
teach i n gs of Co nfucius this natural pass i on is controlled
b y the ethical doctrine Hence it has become the g eneral
sp i ri t of the C hinese that th ey should support their parents
first and above the support of their w ives and children
This is the fundament al point markin g the d i fferences b e
tween C h i na and the West
Acceptin g the teachi n g s of C onfucius the C hinese embody
them in thei r laws I n the L aw C o de o f t h e Ts ing
Dy nas t y the re i s a provision that those who purposely do
not g i ve su ffic i e nt support to thei r g randparents o r parent s
shall b e punished with one hundred blows with the lon g
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1
C l as s ic s
,
vo l . 11,
p
.
34 5
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E C ON OMI C O
R GA N I Z A TI O N
16 1
stick F o r the infliction o f th i s puni shment how ever the
complai nt must be lod ged by the g randparents o r parents
I f a son who is poo r but who does not work for the mak
in g of a l ivin g and fo r the suppo r t of h is parents causes
his pa rents to resort to suicide he shall be punished wi th one
hundred blows wi th the lon g stic k and shall be exiled for
the d i stance o f three thousand miles from home
I f the
ag e of h is g randparents o r parents is above ei ghty o r they
have severe sickn ess and there i s no othe r son attend in g to
them the son o r g randson shall not leave them at home and
o
f
to
take
o
fic
i
al
employment
in
another
place
I
f
he
does
g
so h e shall be punished w i th e i g h ty blows w i th t h e lon g
stic k and compelled to go home fo r the support o f h i s
E ven amon g c r iminals under certa i n conditions
pa rents
one m ay be saved from capital p u n i shment o r f rom ex i le fo r
the support o f h is g randpa rents o r parents
There fore
the suppo rt o f parents i s a posit i ve i nstitut i on wh i ch i s e s
t ab l is h e d not o nly by the mo ral law b ut also by the le gal l aw
Accord in g to the re gul at i ons o f the present day when
a filial dau ghter whose parents have neither son nor g rand
son serves them t ill thei r death rema i n in g unma rried for
that purpose she shall b e hono red as the fili al sons ; e g an
arch shall be b uilt fo r her in h e r local ity and h e r name shall
be dedicated i n the Templ e o f F ait h fulness R i ghteousness
F ilial ity and F rate rn i ty e t c The refore althou gh a d au gh
t e r i s not compelled to suppo rt her parents b y the punit ive
law she is encou ra g ed to d o so b y the honora ry reward
I n the P rin c ip l e o f P o p u lat io n the first ed ition Malthus
does not app rove t h e C h inese law which requi res that a son
support h is aged an d helpless pa rents He s ays : It seems
at any rate h i ghly i mproper b y pos i tive inst itutions wh ich
rend er dependent pove rty so general to weaken that d i s
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1
Ch
.
xxx
1
.
Ch
.
x vu
11
.
Ch
.
iv
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 62
R I N CI P L E S
O F C ON
F U C I US
r
ce
wh
i
ch
for
the
best
and
most
humane
reasons
ou
ht
a
g
g
H is ar gument is true B ut he looks only
to attach to it
at the si de of parents and not at the side of children A c
cordin g to the view of the C h i nese they may say that while
the parents s hould mainta i n their eco n omic independence
the sons should nevertheless support the i r parents i n order
to return somethin g for the i r k i ndness I f the sons are not
obli ged to s uppor t thei r parents althou gh it may stren g then
the econom ic mot i ve o f the parents and promote thei r desire
of savin g it weakens the econom i c motiv e of the sons and
thei r desire of working F or the economic society as a
whole i t may have n o g ai n It simply ma k es the o l d and
wea k people live in a harder way and the youn g and stron g
people in an easier way E ven thou gh it s hould be o f some
advanta g e to society it is unj ust and unki nd
Moreover accordin g to human nature at least C h i nese
nature the old peopl e are generally d i li g ent and frug al to
acquire and to accumulate wealth not only fo r thei r own
sake but mainly for the sake of the i r sons g randsons g reat
—
n
T
o
randsons
reat
reat
randsons
herefore
c
e
t
C
g
g
g
g
fu c iu s says that when the superior man is old and the
an i mal powers are decayed he g uards a g a i nst covetousness
In fact there are very few parents who l ike to be depend
ent u p on the i r sons I f they are compelled t o depend upon
them they have a sense of dis g race because none w ill feel
h
ood
i
f
he
falls
i
nto
dependent
poverty
T
really
for
e
g
t u n at e parents are those who themselves are very prosper
ous and indepen dent wh ile thei r sons are als o very ri ch and
di g n i fied an d contr i bute thei r service and honor to their
parents i n o rder t o please them Therefore the publ ic
h as no fe ar th at the parents w ill lower themselves to be a
,
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1
1
h
A s ley
C las s
i
’
s
E c o n o m ic C l as s ic s ,
cs , v o l.
i p
,
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3 13
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p
.
33
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,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 64
R I N C IP L E S
F U CI US
OF C O N
direct i ons i n everyth i n g while the w i ves of the o ther so ns
must ask d i rect i ons from her
In th i s type of fam ily wealth is acquired by the father
and i t is owned in common by all the members of the family
Therefore the father is the head of the family and the
mot h er i s the head o f the household O r the wealth i s
ac q u i red b y any one of the b rothers usually the eldest but
he is will i n g to g ive it up t o the family as a whole and re
ards
his
p
a
rents
as
the
heads
I
n
h
i
nese
h
i
story
some
C
g
fam i l i es can hold thei r property under the common owner
sh i p for n i ne g enerat i ons B ut the mana g ement of this is
very d i fficult In t h e p resent day the tendency is towards
the l im i tation of fam i ly basin g i t on the husband and w ife
only But as lon g as the institut ion of fam i ly ex ists the
C hi nese c an never separate thei r parents from the family
j ust as they cannot separate their ch ildren from i t
Moreover the marria g e of a son is usually arran ge d by
h i s par e nts before he has become a producer U nder such
ci rcumstances he has nothin g t o call his own and he and
his w ife are economically dep endent upon his parents H ow
can he b e the real head of a family ? D ur i n g th is period
his mother takes char g e of the household and h is w i fe
works merely as a student or an ass istant to her I n real
i ty i t is much better for h i s w i fe to work under h i s mother
b ecause C h inese social li fe is very complex and a youn g
woman can never understand all the a ffairs o f her new
home O f course she may own some private property such
as the dower ; but when she receives or b orrows or g i ves
anyt h in g beyond the l imit o f the family i t is pol i te for her
t o as k le ave f rom her m o ther in l aw
Since her mother
in law must treat her reasonably the as ki n g for leave is
s i mply a formal ce remony otherwise the C h inese could not
,
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-
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-
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1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
x pp
,
.
4 57 8
-
.
E C ON OMI C O
R GAN I Z A TI O N
1 65
have held such a family type fo r thousands of years A few
years later when she has more experience o r more children
or when h e r husband b ecomes economically i ndependent
she may be separated from her mother in law and mana g e
a family o f her own But even after such a separation
i t i s natural fo r her to seek d i rection from her mother in
law and to re ga rd her at least as an honorary head o f the
fam i ly I f the new family is less prosperous than the old
one the so n and his w i fe may still d raw benefit from the
latter ; i f the old family i s less prosperous than the n e w
one the son must suppo rt his parents I n short since the
son and h is wi fe o w e a g reat debt to the parents and
paren ts in law they can nev er sever the economic relation
between t h em E ven in a ve ry poo r family when the son
esta b l ishes h imsel f arran g es h i s marria g e h imsel f and
ma i ntains h i s family himsel f he still must support his
parents an d se rve them as the honora ry heads of the family
Th i s is the type of C h inese f am i ly w h i ch st ill exi sts t o d ay
Th e d i fference b etween t h i s and t h e type o f famil y o rg an i za
t i on p revalent in the West i s obvious and w i ll hel p to ex
pla i n the C hinese emphasis o u the d uties o f sons to parents
al ready d iscussed
Bas i n g them on t h e C onfuc i an doct rine th e C h inese
d raw the follow in g l aws Acco rd in g to the L aw C o d e o f
t h e Ts ing Dy n as t y ? i f g randsons or sons whose paternal
r
randpa
ent o r parent is st i ll al ive separate themselves fr om
g
thei r homes to settle elsewhere o r detach part s o f the family
possessions they shall be punished w ith one hund red blows
w ith th e lon g stic k F o r the in fl iction o f th is punishment
howeve r i t i s re q u i red that the complaint be lod ged by a
p ate rnal g randpa rent or p arent Duri n g the l i fe o f the i r
p aternal g randp arents o r p are nts no sons o r g randsons shall
.
,
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Ch
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viii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 66
RI N CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
b e allowed to d i v ide the fam i ly posses s i ons o to dwell apart
But they may split up thei r possessions i f their parents ap
prove thereof o o rder t h em to d o so I f b rothers while
i n mourn i n g fo one of thei r parents separate themselves
r
r
,
.
.
r
,
,
f rom the home to fix thei r domicile in another locality or
detach parts of the patr i mony ei g hty blows w ith the lon g
stick will be infl i cted upon them I t is however required
that a complaint be first lod g ed by a super i or or senior
f rom amon g the relations who are t o be mourned for durin g
one year or lon g er Should such separation from the
fam i ly or d ivision o f the patrimony have taken plac e i n
obedience to the testamentary d i sposi tions of a paternal
randparent
o
r
parent
i
t
does
not
fall
under
th
is
law
g
W ithin the family which holds a common possession i f
a member of the lower g eneration o r youn g er a e wi thout
g
askin g the authority of the h igh e r ge n e rat io n or older age
presumes t o use the money o r g oods o f the family pri
v at e l
he
shall
be
b
eaten
w
ith
a
small
stick
twenty
times
y
when the money or goods used amount t o ten taels Th e
number o f blows shall be p roportionately increased for
every ten taels wh i ch he shall use privately But the pun
is h m e nt is limi ted to one hundred blows
I f a member of
the hi gher generat i on or older age who has the power to
divide up the wealth of the family does not d ivi de it up
proport i onately and equally the punishment is the same
Althou gh the j unior must ask the permiss ion from the
sen i o r he has a r ight t o the common posses sions A l
t h ou g h the sen i or controls the a ffairs o f the f amily he has
no r i gh t to d i v i de up its w ealth unequ ally amon g the mem
b ers I n sho rt the head of a family is but a trustee
W h en there is any title or o ffice whi ch is g iven to the
descendant of a man it shall be fi rst received by the el dest
son or g r andson of h is w ife B ut when his property per
son al and re al i s d i v i ded i t shall be d istr i buted equally ac
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XI
C HAP TE R
EC ON O M I C
POL I CI E S
I
G OVE
.
A N D TH E
DI V I SI O N S
OF
ECON OM I C S
R N M E N T RE G U L A TI O N
economic li fe is very important t o man everyone
naturally considers first what he is t o ge t rather than what
he o ug ht t o do E ach man is concerned p rimarily about
his o w n i nterests It is because o f this fact that competi
tion arises A cc o fd ing to the theory of the lais s ez faire
economists if competition i s absolutely free everyone w ill
e
t
j
ust
what
he
o
u
ht
to
because
everyone
is
careful
e
t
g
g
g
for his ow n interest H ence these economists advocate com
pet i tion as necessary to economic l i fe and bel ieve g overn
ment i nterference Should be r e duced t o a mi nimum Th e
C onfucian doctrine is j ust the O ppos ite ; g overnment inter
ference i s necess ary for economic l i fe and competition
Should be reduced to the mi nimum
I n o rder to explain
this doctri ne we shall indicate first why compet ition should
not be absolutely free even i f it could be so
F i rst let us consider the principle o f natural selection
I n the C hinese lan g ua ge the word t ien has three meanin g s
the first is Go d ; the second Heaven ; and the th ird nature
W e now use this word only in the second and thi rd senses
C onfuc i us i s an evolutionist
He says I n its production
of th i n gs H eaven is sure to g ive addi tion to them accord
ing to the i r own quali ties
Hence when the thin g s o r men
are fl our i sh in g H eaven nourishes them ; when they are
”
ready to fall
it overthrows them
This statement s ug
g ests the pr i nciple o f natural selection
SI N C E
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C f C l as s ic s ,
.
vo l .
i p
,
.
399
.
E C O N OM I C P O LI CIE S
1 69
Mencius also says
,
,
W h en t h e go o d p ri n c i ple p re v ai ls o ve r t h e wo rld men o f l i ttle
v i rtue are su bm i ss i ve t o t h o se o f gre at an d t h ose of l i ttle
w o rt h t o t h ose o f gre at W h en t h e go od p i n c i ple does not
p rev ai l ove r t h e w o rld men o f sm all p o we r are sub m i ss i ve t o
t h o se o f gre at an d t h e we ak t o t h e st on g B o t h t h e s e c ases
ar e t h e r ule o f H e aven
Th ey w h o ac c o rd w i t h H e aven are
prese rved an d t h ey w h o e be l agai nst H e aven pe i s h
,
,
r
.
,
r
,
.
.
r
,
?
r
Heaven does not help anyone i n compet ition ;
i t simply stands on the Side o f the fe w who can help them
selves and elimi nates the many who cannot help themselves
What Heaven i s is a pro b lem transcendin g the question
of good o r evil because Heaven i s neither good no r evil
“
says
Th e Append ix
Th e cosmic processes g ive t h ei r
stimulus to all th in g s b ut have not the same anx iet y
as the sa g e
O n the natural s i de H eaven rep resents
cosmic processes ; wh il e on the social Side the sa g e re p re
sents eth ical processes These two can never be harmon
iz e d b ec ause the one has pu rpose and the other has not
In a rel i g i ous sense we may say that G o d helps th e v i r
tuo ns ; but i n real i ty we are b ound to adm i t that God does
not help anyone b ut the stron gest I f we should follow
closely t h e lais s e z faire pol icy and Should let competition
b e absolutely free the world would b e le ft to the fe w st ron g
est only Althou gh we cannot do very much a g ai nst natu re
how can we b ea r to see t h e su fferin g s o f the wea k who con
?
s t it u t e the g reatest pa rt o f man ki nd
There fo re no g reat
rel i
r
a
ious
teachers
no
r
e
t
mo
ral
ists
nor
r
eat
states
g
g
g
men let natu re alone w ithout some sort o f re g ulat ion
Since natural selection is g ood not fo r the weak but fo r
the stron g only artificial adj ustment fo r s o ciety as a whole
i s necessa ry Th e C an o n o f C hang e s says : Th e sa ge sov
There fore
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1
C f C las s ics
.
,
vo
l
.
11,
p
.
29 6
1
.
Vi
King
,
p
.
35 6
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 70
R IN C I P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
re g ulates the natural course of heaven and earth and
ass i sts the appl i c at i on of the adaptat i ons furn i shed by them
in o r der to help the people
Second let us c onsider the nature of man
Th e stron g
Ho
are never sat isfied unless they ta k e all from the wea k
H s i u says : When the rich compet e w ith the poor even
thoug h the l aw were made by Kao Yao [ the j ud g e of
E mperor Shun ] no way can prevent the stron g from press
ing upon the weak
When anyone has a l ittle power over
others he usually em ploys th at power w i thout any hesita
t i on to sacr i fice the interest of others for h is own sake if
it be allowed E veryone is loo k in g after hi s own i nterest
indeed ; but some can protect themselves and pro sper an d
some cannot although they may know the need of it per
fe c t ly
Therefore human nature bein g as it is competition
should not b e unl imited F or althou gh th e m i nority may
p rofit b y absolute freedom of competiti on the maj ority have
no free hand to ta k e part i n competition w ith the minority
and must b e overcome by them Hence self i nterest can
not be the reg ulator o f economic l ife an d g ove rnment
re g ulation is necessary
C onfucius does not abol ish competiti on b ut proposes in
stead many g overnmental reg ulations t o control c o ns um p
tion production and distr i bution W e shall mention them
b elow under these d i fferent headin gs W hat we s hall dis
cuss here is the g eneral pol icy o f C onfuci us O n this point
it i s best to r efer to the
Great M odel
Accord in g to the
G reat Model
the final end o f a government is to enable
t h e people to en j oy th e five b lessin g s and to escape the six
calam i ties Th e five blessin gs are ( I ) abundance of
wealth ( 2 ) lon g l ife ( 3 ) good health ( 4 ) love of vi rtue
C ontrasted w ith th e se are the s ix cala
5 ) good loo k s
m it ie s : ( I ) p rem atu r e de ath ( 2 ) s i ckness ( 3 ) sorrow ( 4 )
e re ig n
,
.
” 1
-
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
-
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
”
.
”
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
1
Vi
Kin g
,
p
.
281
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 72
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI U S
Th i s
form of g overnment i s the ideal of C onfucius Th e
emperor i s the parent of the people
Such a g overnment re g ulates not only the economic l i fe
of the people b ut als o many other thin gs Yet the i r e c o n o
mic l i fe i s the most important and the chief so urce of all the
five b lessin gs Th e reason why the Great Model puts
wealth first amon g the five blessin g s is tol d by t h e P ark o f
I t says that w ealth is the cause that makes the
N arrat iv e s
state prosperous men and women beauti ful moral i ty pre
vailin g and the mind satisfied
Therefo re when the sov
e re ig n concentrates i n his own hand the sources of the five
b less in g s in order to di ffuse and to con fer them on all the
people he controls all the m eans of production and dis
tr ib utes equally the benefits o f them to the people Th is re
sembles the principle o f state socialism Th e only di ffer
ence is that i n state soc i al ism there i s no personal s o v e r
e ig n wh ile i n C onfucius
mind there i s an unselfish w ise
j ust and benevolent soverei g n of perfect character Since
wealth is the first thin g amon g t h e five blessin gs an d the
fountain o f the other four blessin gs the government must
control the economic li fe of the people above anythin g els
Th e Gre at C o m m e n t ar y o f t h e C an o n o f H is t o ry says
.
?
.
,
”
.
.
,
,
?
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
’
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
Th e m o t h e rs
t h e people an d c an f eed t h em ;
t h e f at h e rs c an i nst ru c t an d c an te ac h t h em ; b ut t h e s age ki n g
i n c ludes t h e two f un c t i o ns o f f at h e r and m ot h e r t o get h e r w i t h
all t h e det ai ls
H e m ak es t h e c i ty w alls fo r t h e i r settle
m e nt ; b u i lds t h e h o uses fo r t h e i r d w ell i n g ; est ab l i s h es t h e
d i ffe re nt s c h o o ls fo r t h e i r educ at i o n ; an d d i v i des t h e l ands
an d fi x e s t h e numb e r o f ac res fo r t h e i r no ur i s h me nt
Th e e m pe ro r i s t h e p arent o f t h e people t o w h o m t h e people
o f t h e w o rld w i ll
o
g
c an
i
ve
l
i
f
e
g
to
-
.
.
,
.
F rom th i s statement w e can see that
Cl
i
l iii p t ii pp 3 8 333 343
,
1
as s c s , v o
.
,
.
,
.
2
-
,
.
emperor take s
the
2
Bk
.
iii
.
E C O N O M I C P O L I C IE S
1 73
char g e of th e economic l i fe of the people even more than
do thei r parents
C oncern in g g ove rnment interference wi th the economic
l i fe o f the people the C an o n o f H is t o ry g ives the words
o f the E mperor Yao as follows : I w ish to help the people
K un g Yin ta thus explai ns
on the left and the ri ght
th is : To establ ish a s overe i g n is for the shepherd in g of
the people Therefore when the peopl e are workin g for
the p roducti on of wealth th e soverei g n Should assist and
help them
Such a concept i on is gener al amon g the
C on fucians
To descri b e the evils which spr i n g f rom the absence of
re g ulations Pan Ku g ives an example H is statement re
fers to the age o f Sprin g and Autumn and to that o f War
ri n
tates
but
i
t
i
s
also
a
picture
o
f
the
capital
istic
sta
e
S
g
g
of the present day He says :
.
,
” 1
‘
-
.
.
,
,
.
.
.
,
,
.
Unde t h e i n fl uence f luxu y an d ext av agan e th e student
an d t h e
nd
a
m m n people all d i s e ga ded t h e
ul
a
t
i
n
g
ne gle t d t h e p i ma y o up at i n Th numb e o f f a me s
d e e as d a d t h at
f me c h ants i n e ased
G ai n w a in
uffi i ent b ut lu x u i ous g ds w e e plenty A f te t h e ag f
Du k e H u an f C h i a d Du k e W e
f Ts i n mo al h a a te
w a g e atly
upted a d s i al o de w a on f used E a h
t ate h ad a d iffe ent p l i t i al system an d e a h f am i ly h ad d i f
f
nt
ust m s Th p h ys i al des i es we e n nt lled an d
x t av agant nsumpt i n an d s i al usu p at i on h ad n
d
Th e e f e t h e me h ant t ans p ted g ds w hi h we e d iffi
ult t b t ai n ; t h a t i s an p du d a t i les w h i h h ad n
a
a
a
n
t
i
l
use
d
h
student
a
t
i
sed
w
a
y
w
h
i
h
w
e
t
n
;
p
p
t h d xy ; all f t h m p u sued t h e temp a y f as h i n
t a y t
t h e gett i n g f m ney Th h ypo i t i al people tu ned
f
m t ut h i n de t m ak e f ame an d t h e g i lty men
aw ay f
i s k i n o d e t se u e p fit W h i le t h se w h t k t h
a
r
co
o
c e
cr
s
r
r
e
n
,
c
r
,
‘
o
r
s
,
r
e re
c
o
r
e
or
o
c
r
r
r
c
o o r
o
o
s
o
r
r
or
r
r
o
1
C las s
i
cs
cr
l
.
,
.
i p
,
.
er
co
o
r
r
u
o
pt
.
o
c
.
iii
en
r
c
.
vo
,
c
or
e
ro
,
c
s
o
r
c
r
r
.
c
ro
co
c
c
e
o
o
ce
r
r
.
o
oo
ro
s
r c
r
or
e
ro
n r
r
e
c
c
u
r
oc
r
o
e
c
r
c
rc
o
s
,
o
,
or
r
c
e
.
co
r
c
o
r
s
r
,
r
r
r
o
r
oc
s
r
.
n
n
o
.
r
n
c o rr
s
cr
oo
,
r
e
.
r
o
s
re
r
o
cc
r
c
r
r
o
79
.
o
oo
e
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 74
RI N C I P L E S
O F C ON
FU CI US
st at e s by t h e d e ed o f usu rp at i on o r re gIc ide b e c am e ki n gs o r
du k es t h e m e n w h o f o und e d t h e i r r i c h f am i l i es b y ro bb e ry
b e c am e h e ro es M o ral i ty could not c ont rol t h e gentlemen
an d pun i s h m ent c o uld not m ak e t h e c ommo n people afr ai d
Am o n g t h e r i c h t h e w o o d an d e art h w o re e m b ro i de ry an d t h e
But
do g an d h o rse h ad a supe rab und an c e o f me at an d grai n
am o n g t h e p o o r even t h e c o arsest clot h es c o uld n o t b e com
p l e t e d ; b e ans m ade t h e i r f o o d an d w ate r w as t h e i r d ri n k
Alt h o u gh t h ey we r e all i n t h e s ame ran k o f c ommon people
t h e ri c h by t h e powe r o f we alt h rai sed t h emselves to ki n gs
w h i le t h e o t h e rs alt h o u g h t h e i r actu al c ond i t i on w as sl avery
an d i m p r i s o n m ent h ad no an gry appe aran c e
Th e r e f o r e t h o se
w h o w e r e de c e i t f ul an d c r i m i n al we re c om fo rt ab le an d pr o ud
i n t h e w o rld b ut t h o se w h o h eld p ri n c i pl e s an d f o llow ed
e as o n c ould n o t esc ape h un ge r an d c o ld Su c h an i n fl uen c e
c am e f ro m t h e go ve rnment
b e c ause t h e r e w as n o re gul at i on
t o c ont rol t h e e c o n o m i c l i f e
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
r
.
.
Th i s
statement represents the g eneral theory of the C o n
fu c ian s
Th ey always have the soci alistic idea in mind
Th e best thi n g is the equal distribut i on of wealth wh il e
the worst th in g i s the divis i on o f people int o the rich and
t h e poor Such a theory is not communism but rather
state social ism
I n practic e however the C h i nese g overnment very sel
dom takes up a positive policy of i nterference w ith t h e
econom i c l i fe o f the people Accord in g to h istory when
ever the g overnmen t adopted any minute measure i t failed
w i th few excep tions Th e territory of t he empire is lar g e
the term of the ma g istrate is short and the peopl e by na
ture do not like to have anythin g to do w ith the g overn
ment Therefore Since the C h i n dynasty the government
o f modern C hina h as not controlled the economic li fe of
the people as di d the government o f ancient C hina
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
‘
.
,
,
.
1
H is t o ry
o
f H an
,
c h . x c i.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 76
th i n gs
cost
RI N C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
first o f them is b ounteousness w i thout any
W hat is meant by boun
Tz iI chan g asks a g ain :
F ollow what i s the profit o f
t e o u s n es s wi thout any cost ?
t h e people and profit them answers C on fucius ; is th i s
not bounteo usness w ithout any cost ?
This statement is
most general and comprehensive and needs n o part i cular
explanation
I n the M any D e n/d r o p s o f t h e Sp ring an d A u t u m n
Tun g C hun g shu also expresses the pri nc i ple o f the l ais s e z
fair e pol i cy as follows : I f a s ag e g ove rns a state he must
follow the nature of heaven and earth and the personal
i nterest of the senses of man
Th i s is the g eneral policy
of leadin g the economic l i fe o f the people i n the natural way
Amon g all the C onfucians Ss iI ma C hien is the one who
advocates the lais s ez faire policy most stron g ly H i s theory
is based on human wants H e says
Th e
.
'
-
.
”
,
,
” 1
,
.
,
-
,
,
” 2
.
.
'
-
,
-
.
.
I
fo e t h e t i me f Sh en N ung ( 2 87 B K
838 B
t k now ; b ut s i n e t h e dyn ast i es of Y ii an d H s i a t ld
d
f b y t h e C anons f P t y an d H i t y t h e a an d eye w ant
t
ex h aust t h e fineness f s und an d b e auty ; t h e m ut h w ants
t
x h aust t h e t aste o f me at ; t h e b ody w ants to b e e asy an d
pl as ant ; an d t h e m nd w ants t b e p oud f t h e glo y o f
p w an d abi l i ty Th ese onom i w ants h ave p du ed a
f
a
a
ne
l
h
a
bi
t
n
h
ve
fixed
t
h
e
n
tu
e
o
f
t
h
e
peopl
a
d
a
a
g
v y l n g t i me E ven t h u gh we s h ould pe su ade t h em f om
af t
d
d
w i t h a fine spee h we an n t c h an ge t h e i
h abi t Th e e f e t h e b est p l i y i s t f ll w t h e e n m i c
a t i vi t i
f m an ; t h e se ond i s t
le ad t h e m n p ofit ab ly ;
t h t hi d i t
t a h t h em ; t h e f ou t h i s to e gul ate t h m ; an d
th
w
t i t fi gh t w i t h t h em
Be
r
2
o
.
or 2
.
.
l
no
o
c
o
,
oe r
o
o
o
o
o
s or
r
e
,
o
o
e
e
o
er
e
r
er
r
.
o
e
r
s
e
o rs
2
c
or
o
e
xx
.
,
vo l
r
o
.
o
or
r
r
o
o
co
o
o
o
c
o
r
e
r
.
i s t h e b asis of h is theory
.
e
c
,
c
o
,
c
s
C las s ic s
Bk
c
r
oo r
es
1
ro
c
o
.
er
Th i s
r
o
r
oor
c
ec
.
o
s
r
o
i
i pp
,
.
2
35 3
.
.
I n a word economic wants
,
.
E C O N O M I C P O L I CI E S
1 77
or sel f interest is the fo un dation upon wh ich economic p olicy
is based
Then he comes to the p rocess o f producti on and says
-
,
.
i ety depends upon t h e f arme fo t h e supply o f food ;
up n t h e m i ne f t h e development f t h e m i ne ; upon t h e
a t i s an f
t h e m anu f actur i n g o f goods ; and upon t h e m
h ant f t h e exc h an ge o f t h em H a t h i s n atu al process
anyt h i n g to do w i t h e i t h e
pol i t i c al act i on
el i gious teac h
ing
spec i al o de and meet i n g ? I t i s s i mply that every one
espe t i vely employs h i s own abi l i ty an d ex h austs h i s own
ne gy i n o de to g t w h at h e w ants Th e efo e w h en t h
ommod i ty i s h e ap i t alls fort h dem and and ai ses its pr i ce ;
an d w h en i t i s de a
i t c alls f o t h supply an d lowe s i ts p i ce
E ve y ne
espe t i vely encou ages h i s own occupat i on an d
n j oys h i s own wo k Su h a n atural t h i n g is l ik e th w ate
d i f t i n g to t h e low p lace t h ou gh d ay an d n i gh t w i t h out any
ss at i on Th e e i s n one to c all f i t espec i ally b ut i t
m es i tse l f ; t h e e i s no n to dem and i t espe i ally b ut t h e
p op l e o ffe i t t h emse l ves Is i t not t h e esult o f t h e natu al
l aw an d t h e p oo f o f t h e n atu al course ?
So c
r
r
o
r
or
o
or
r
er
or
c
s
.
r
r
or
,
r
r
,
r
c
e
r
,
r
,
c
e
r
c
r
o
r
.
c
,
r
c
r
e
,
r
,
r,
r
or r
r
,
r
r
r
e
,
c
.
.
r
e
r
r
ce
r
.
co
o
or
r
e
o
r
,
c
e
,
r
r
.
r
r
reason h e is i n favor of the lais s ez faire policy i s b e
cause he is afraid that the natural process o f production
would be interrupted i f i t were interfered w ith by th e go v
e rn m e n t
He quotes the four follow in g sentences from the
“
B o o k of Cho u :
I f there were no farmer soci ety would
be i n want o f food ; no artisan i t would be in want o f busi
ness : no merchant the three kinds o f money [ copper silver
and gold ] would d isappear : no m iner wealth would be ex
hansted and insu fficient
H e emphasizes th e last sentence b y sayin g that i f wealth
were exhausted and insufficient the natural resources of
the mountains and marshes could not be developed B y
th is h e points out t h e impo rtance o f capital Then he con
e lud es this quotation w ith the follow in g remarks :
Th e
-
.
,
,
,
,
,
”
.
,
.
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 78
Th ese
RIN C I PL E S
O F C ON
FU CI US
f ou b anc h es o f product i o n are t h e s ou ces o f
conom i c l i f e o f t h e people W h en t h e sou ces are g at
people a
i c h ; an d w h e n t h e sou ces are small t h ey
r
r
e
r
.
re
the
r
re
r
r
poo r Such sources are t h e c auses
of t h e state and of p r i vate fam i l i es
.
,
the
are
,
chme n t b ot h
e n ri
fo r t h e
,
.
Here he means th at there Should b e large produc t io n I f
production be large t h e source s o f wealth are g reat and it
is good not only fo r the privat e famil ies b ut fo r t h e publ ic
as a whole Therefore t h e n atural proces s o f productio n
Should be left free because it w ill bri n g g reat sourc e s of
We al th to society
I n re g ard to dis t ribution he s ays : Th e reaso n why ther e
are the rich and the poor is not by re ason o f takin g s ome
thin g from the o ne and g ivi ng it t o t h e other It is Sim
ply that t h e clever ge t mo re tha n s u fficient and t h e s tupid
”
t
h
e
e
less
than
they
eed
hu
h
d
ivisio
n
of
t
people
n
T
s
t
e
g
into rich and poor i s merely the r e sul t o f free competitio n
A fter describin g t h e d i fferen t live s o f rich men and t h e
various eco nomi c conditions o f g reat cities he continue s as
follows
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
~
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
Am o n g t h e common p e ople gene rally i f a m an s we alth i s
ten f old t h e people respect h i m ; i f one h und red f old t h e y fear
h i m ; i f one t h ous andfold t h ey serve h i m ; an d i f ten th ousand
f old t h ey e nsl ave t h emselves to h i m I t is t h e n ature of
t hi n gs Gene rally if o n e w i s h es to ac q u i re wealth fro m a
poo r c o nd i t i on to b e a f arme r i s not s o good as t o b e an ar
t i s an ; to b e an art i s an i s not so good as t o b e a merc h ant ;
an d t o m ak e em b ro i dery i s not s o
ood
as
to
speculate
i
n
t
h
e
g
m ark et
Th i s m e ans t h at the com m erc i al and i ndust r i al o c c u
i
a
t
n
o
s are t h e reso rts of t h e poor
p
’
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
Accordin g to this statement SSii m a C hien admits tha t ther e
is an i nequal ity of wealth on account o f free competition yet
he points out that the employmen t o f the poor depends upo n
the rich
-
,
,
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 80
RIN C I P L E S
OF C ON
F U CI US
E xcept
for a fe w laws reg ulatin g consumption for social
reasons the people really do what they please Th e fu nda
mental cause is that Since the C hines e E mp ire is very larg e
and it s g overnment is monarch ical i n form i t is impossible
for t h e g ove rnment to i nterfere closely w i th the econom i c
l ife of the people Therefore althou gh there are some law s
respectin g economic li fe the people need n o t com e i n touch
with them at all I n fact the commercial community of
the C hinese is g overned by custom rather than by law
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
III
DI VI SI O N S O F E C O N O M I C S
.
F or the d ivisions of economics i n the
C onfucian
school
there is no passa g e more comprehens ive tha n that in the
Great L earnin g
I t reads : There is a g reat principle
fo r the increase of wealth : those w h o produce it should be
—
many ; and those who consume it few Those w h o create
i t should be rapid ; and thos e who use it slow Then wealth
w ill always be sufficient
Accord in g to this g rea t pri n
there are only two th i n g s namely production and
c ip l e
consumption W hile the terms many and few refer to t h e
number o f men the terms rap id and slow refer to the pro
cess o f production and consumption Thi s is a most com
prehensive principle coveri n g the whole field of economics
This g reat pri nciple makes production and consumption
equal i n rank but recommends that production Should b e
over and above consumption This is quit e correct I f
production were j ust equal to consumption there could be
not o nly no increase of production but also n o i n crease of
consumption Th e only means o f extend in g consumption
is to produce wealth over and above the l imit of c o ns um p
t i on This is the w ay to accumulate capital and to make
wealth always su fficient Such terms as many and fe w
rapid an d slow are only comparative expressions They
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C l as s ic s
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vo l
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i p
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37 9
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E C O N O M I C P OL I C I E S
I8I
mean that the consumers should be fewer than the pro
d uce rs and the usin g o f wealth slowe r than the creation
o f i t This does not mean that the consumers should be so
fe w as to check the producers and the usin g o f wealth so
Slow as to block its creati on
Should i t mean th is i t would
b e not only i nadvisable but also impossible
Th is g reat pri nciple holds true not only i n ancient times
b ut also to day
As the words many an d fe w refer to
the number o f men thei r meanin g i s self evi dent and needs
no explanati on Th e word rapid howeve r has g reat s ign i
fic anc e
I t i ncludes all the imp rovem ents i n economic l i fe
I n Short all those th in gs wh ich can quicken the p rocess o f
creatin g wealth are embraced Therefore time savin g ma
ch ines trans portation and communication the money and
b ankin g system busi nes s org anizations e t c all are in
cluded i n the pri nciple that those who create wealth Should
b e rapid Hence this sentence covers not only production
b ut also exchan g e and distribution
Accordin g to Pro fesso r J B C lark exchan g e is only a
part of production because i t produces either form utili ty
o r place utility or time util ity D istributio n is intimately
lin k ed with production because distribution to each mem
b er is accord in g to the amount he h as contributed to the
product Indeed production conti nues up to the time when
consumption beg ins There fo re the Great L earnin g in
d ivid in g economics into two parts i nstead o f four covers
the whole g round
F ollow in g th e statement of the G reat L ea rn in g we
—
shall d ivide our treatise on the same basis that is we shall
d ivide the economic pri nciples o f C on fucius and h is school
i nto only two parts namely production and consumption
W ith in the part o f production we Shall include the prin
c ip l e s o f exchan g e and d istribution
I n the natural order
production precedes consumption F o r the convenience o f
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 82
RIN CI P L E S
O F C ON
FU CI US
our arran gement however we s hall tak e up consumptio n
first In the first place human wants are t h e basi s o f
economic li fe and the o bj ect o f production I n the second
place the part deal in g w ith productio n needs to b e much
fuller than that dealin g w ith co n sumption so that it s eem s
best to discuss the more simpl e subj ect first and then the
more complex o ne
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B OOK I V
.
C O N S U M PT I O N
XII
C HA P TE R
GE N E RA L P R I N C I P L E S
I
.
OF
C O N SU M P TI O N
H U M A N W A N TS
founders of reli g i ons turn thei r attent io n to God
“
but C onfucius turns hi s to man I n the E volution o f
he says : Man is the product of the at t ri
C ivil ization
b utes o f Heaven and E arth by the i nteraction o f the dual
forces o f nature the union o f the an imal and i ntelli gent
”
souls and the finest subtle matter o f the five elements
By th is statement he means that man is a spiritual bein g
A gain he says : Man i s the heart and mind o f Heaven and
E arth and the visibl e embodiment of the five elements
He
lives i n the enj oyment o f all flavors the d iscriminat i n g o f
By
all notes o f harmony and the enrobin g o f all colors
this passa g e C onfucius means that man is also a material
b ein g He takes the feel in g s o f man as the basis o f h is
ph ilosophy O r as C on fucius h imsel f puts it : Th e sa ge
cultivates the feelin gs o f man as the fields so that man re
ards
the
sa
e
as
the
landlord
g
g
?
N o w what are the feel in g s o f man
Accord in g to C o n
fuc iu s man has seven feel i n g s wh ich are g iven to h im by
nature and not by learn i n g namely j oy an ger sad ness
Th e last one desi re o r want
fear love hat red and desi re
A LL
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Ki
1b id
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bk
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p
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vii p
384
,
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380
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 86
RIN C IP LE S
O F C ON
F U C I US
is the strong est of all C onfucius sa ys : F o r food and
drink and sexual pleasure there is the g reatest desi r e o f
man ; ag ainst death and poverty there is the g reatest hatred
of man Thus desire and hatred are the two g rea t e le
ments i n the mind of man
In fact C onfucian i sm is more human than any other
reli g ion Mankind i s the obj ec t of i ts teachin g Huma n
feel i n g i s the field o f its work Si n ce d esi re is the stron g
est feelin g o f man n o matter how sp iritual he may be t h e
economic wants for food drink and sexual pleasure , are
the corner stones o f huma n society Therefor e hu man de
sire is the startin g poi nt both of ethics and o f e conomics
Kao Tz ii a C onfucian l ivin g i n the t im e of Mencius says
”
Th e appetite of food and of sex i s the nature of man
“
M encius says : A beauti ful woman i s what m an desi re s
Wealth is what man desires
Political di g nity is
what man desires
O f course C onfucius and h is follow
ers do not mean that man should be enslaved by hi s desires
Yet they reco g nize that the human wants are necessary to
man Therefore t h e C on fucians sinc e C onfucius never
advocated the doctrine of extin g uishin g desi res until the
time of C hou Tun y i ( 1 5 68 1 6 1 4 or 1 0 1 7 1 0 7 3 A D )
Th e true doctrine o f C onfucius is not that man Should have
no desi res but that the fewer he has the better Th e
Details o f R ites says : Desires shoul d not be indul g ed ;
This is
pleasure should not be carri ed t o excess
the true teach in g of C onfucius in re gard to human wants
It shoul d be noticed that the theory o f Malthus is for
m ul at e d upon the same basis as that o f C onfucius
Th e
two postulata made by Malthus
F irst that food i s
necessary to the existence o f man Secondly that the pas
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Ki
I b id
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p
bk
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vu ,
344
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p
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380
1
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1
,
C l as s ic s
Li
Ki
,
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v o l . I I,
bk
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i p
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p
62
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39 7
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 88
R I N C I P LE S
OF C O N
F U C I US
the one for the satisfaction o f wants and t h e othe r for th e i r
reg ulation These are the ch ief aspects of rites Ther e are
many other details but we shall study them under oth e r
sections
1
Sat is fac t io n o f Wan t s
Th e first function o f ri tes is the satisfyin g o f human
wants Thi s is poi nted out most clearly by Tsun Tz ii
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W h e re do t h e ri tes c o m e f ro m ? M an i s b o rn w i t h w ants
W h en h e w ants somet h i ng an d c an not ge t i t h e must try t o
ac q u i re i t w i t h al l hi s e ffo r t
W h en people ac q u i re t h i n gs w i t h
o u t me asu re o r l i m i t at i on
th ey must fi gh t w i th one anot h e r
Wh en t h ey fi gh t w i t h one anot h e r soc i ety b ecomes d i so rde red
I f s o c i ety b ec ame d i so rde red i t w o uld c ome t o an end Th e
anc i ent ki n gs h ated so c i al d i s o r de r s o t h ey est ab l i s h ed r i tes
an d j ust i c e to m ar k t h e soc i al d i st i nct i ons i n o r de r t o s at i sfy
t h e w ants o f m an an d t o su p ply h i s dem ands P revent i n g t h e
w ants f ro m ex h aust i n g t h e c o m m o d i t i es an d not allow i n g t h e
c o mm o d i t i es eve r t o f ai l t h e w ants t w o elements t h at h elp e ach
o t h e r an d k eep so c i ety go i n g—
t h i s i s t h e po i nt f rom w h i ch t h e
r i tes arose
Th e ref o re t h e r i tes are m ade fo r t h e s at i s f y i n g of w ants
Th e fl e s h o f gr ass an d grai n f ed an i m als t h e r i c e and m i llet
m ade s av o ry w i t h t h e five fl avo rs ar e used t o s at i sfy t h e sense
o f t aste
Th e scents of t h e sp i ce pl ants an d o r c h i ds s at i sfy t h e
s ense o f smell
Sculptu res emb ro i de r i es an d t h e d i ffe rent
c o l o r s s at i s f y t h e eyes
Th e b ell d rum fl ute sound i n g stone
lute h arp reed p i pes an d reed or gan s at i s fy t h e e ars And
t h e ple as ant room m agn i fic e nt b u i ld i n gs ru sh m at b ed c h a i r
an d t ab le s at i s f y t h e b ody
Th e refo re t h e r i tes are necess ary
fo r s at i s f act ion
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F rom what Hsun
has i nd icated w e know that the
fundamental purpose of rites is to satisfy w an t s Rites have
not g rown out o f the reli g ious o r eth ical sense but out o f
Tz ii
.
,
1
Bk
.
xix
.
GEN E
RA L P R I N CI P LE S
OF C O N S
UM P TI ON
1 89
There fore econom i c wants are at the
economic wants
basis o f civilization
A particular characteristic of C onfucius system is that
he ta k es human wants as the foundation o f h is ph ilosophy
and combines the economic and ethical elements i nto one
H e says :
S in g le pri nciple
?
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’
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i tes h ave t h e i o i gi n i n H e aven ; t h e i movem ent e ac h e
to t h e a t h ; t h e i d i st ib ut i on extend t all t h e b us i ness o f
t h e wo ld ; t h ey c h an ge w i t h t h e t i mes ; t h ey ag ee w i t h t h
v ar i at i ons o f cond i t i on an d ki ll of m a W h n t h y m
d wn t m an t h ey se ve to s at i s f y t h e h um an w ants Th ey
p a t i ed b y me ans o f we alt h e ffo ts f l ab w d s an d
a
p stu es o f ou tesy e at i n g an d d i n ki n g i n t h e b se v an e
f c app i n g m a i age f une al s a i fi i n g games of a c h e y
d i st i t d i n ki n gs p i ncely v i s i t i n g t t h e empe
an d d i pl
m at i c i nte cou se
Th e e f e
i tes an d j ust i e a g at elements f m an
Th ey a t h e i nst uments t exp ess t ut h an d to p om te h a
m ny i n de al i n g w i t h
t h e s ; an d to st en gt h en t h e un i on o f
t h e ut i cle an d ut i s t h e bi nd i n g to get h o f t h e mus les an d
b ones i n de al i n g w i t h one s sel f Th ey a t h e g e at systems
t
nou i s h t h e l i v i n g to gi ve fune al to t h e de ad an d to se ve
t h e sp i i ts an d gods Th ey a t h e g e at h annels t h u gh
f H e av en an d s at i s f y t h e
w h i c h we
a y
t t h e p i nc i ples
f eel i n gs o f m an
Th e
r
r
r
e
r
r
r
r
s
o
r
r
S
o
o
re
r
o
r
n
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,
r
r
or
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r
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r
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r
,
o
ro r ,
c
er
,
r
re
.
r
,
c
r
ro
o
r
ou
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,
re
.
rr
r
r
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.
o
r
r
,
r
o
re
r
o
c
re
r
o
o
c
e
.
re
o
r
,
o
r
c
co
or
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,
cr
,
r
,
r
e
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r
rr
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.
.
c
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?
Th is
is the most wonderful system o f C onfucius H e
brin gs h is principles from Heaven and establ ishes h is real
kin gdom upon the earth H is system i s not unhuman but
human ; not theoretical b ut practical : somewhat spiritual
.
,
,
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,
,
1
the
i
Wh at
i f ti
s at s
n s t e ad
e co n o
1
the
Li
mi
ac
o
st
Ki
,
f
f i
f w
an t s
e co no
c
Co n
on o
an
u c an s c al l r
mi
Th e
.
ter
.
bk
.
vi p
1,
388 9
-
.
it
.
m
,
es
are
s
r e as o n
is
m
imp ly l
C
f i
ru e s o
o n u c us
e re l y
f
u se s
b e c au s e
mp t i f
w d it
p
t
co ns u
he
the
is
on
or
no
r
a
or
e s,
u re
1
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
9
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
but very material ; eth i cal but at th e sam e time economic
He especially emphasizes that when the rites come down
to man they serve to satisfy th e human wants He take s
care of not only the heart and mind but also the body ;
he re gards not only the i nd ivi dual but also society and t h e
diplomatic world I ndeed he takes the economic needs as
the basis of his ethical teachi ngs and prescribes social sys
tems for the satisfaction o f economic wants Th e prin
c ip l e s of Heaven are i ncluded i n the desires o f man and t h e
social and sp iritual duties are discharged by the physical
and material means : w ithout economics there would be n o
ethics Hence h e makes economics and ethics o ne sys
tem and the satisfaction o f human wants the first funct io n
o f rites
I t is at th i s point that C onfucius establi shes h is reli g ion
di fferently from that of L ao Tz iI and that of M o Tz iI
They were the t w o g reat rivals of C onfucius ; but they were
surpassed by h im I t i s because thei r rel i g ions Taoism
and Mo ism do not sati sfy the huma n wa n ts L ao Tz ii says :
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five colo rs ma k e t h e eyes o f m an b l i nd Th e five notes
o f m us i c m ak e t h e e ars o f m an de af Th e five t astes ma k e
t h e m o ut h o f m an l o se i ts sense R i d i n g an d h unt i n g m ak e
t h e m i nd o f m an i ns ane Th e art i c les w h i c h are h ard t o b e
o b t ai ned m ak e t h e c o ndu c t o f m an h arm f ul
Th e
.
.
.
.
?
This
is exactly opposite to th e doctrine o f C onfucius O n
this point L ao Tz iI is similar to M O Tz ii Th e economic
doctrine o f Mo Tz iI depends entirely upon parsimony H e
reduces the consumption of m an to a bare l ivin g He 0 p
poses the practice of rites an d th e use o f music and make s
l i fe as uncomfortable as possible Taoism and Moism are
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Tao Té King
b l ac
Th e fiv e
1
k
s o u r,
.
i
b tter
,
ac r
ch
,
.
XII
no t e s
id
,
Th e fiv e
.
c o rr e s
s al t , s
w
e et
p
.
c o l o rs are
o nd t o
c,
d,
e,
g re e n,
g, a
.
re d ,
Th e
w whi
t e,
y e ll o ,
five t as t e s are
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 92
Th e B udd h i sts
RI N C I P L E S
O F C ON
F UCI US
d i sl iki n g t h e e x c ess e s to w hi ch t h e ev i l
des i re s o f m e n le ad w o uld put aw ay al o n g w i th t h em t h e
ac t i o ns w hi c h are i n ac co r d an c e w i t h t h e just i ce o f h e avenly
p r i n c i ples w hi le o u r C o n f uc i ans put aw ay t h e ev i l des i res
o f m e n an d w h at are c alled h e avenly p r i n c i ples ar e t h e m o r e
b ri gh tly seen Suppose t h e c ase o f a st re am o f w ate r Th e
Budd hi sts t h rou gh d i sl ik e o f i ts b e i n g f oul w i t h mud p ro
c e e d t o d am i t up w i t h e art h
Th ey do not c o ns i der t h at
w h en t h e e art h h as d amm ed up t h e st re am t h e supply o f w ate r
w i ll b e ent i rely cut o ff It i s n o t so w i t h o u r C on f u c i ans We
s e e k o nly to c le anse aw ay t h e mud an d s and s o t h at t h e pu re
c l e ar w ate r m ay b e av ai l ab le fo r use
Thi s i s t h e d i ffe ren c e
b etween Budd h i sm an d C on fuc i an i sm
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Alon g th is l ine we may make a comparison between
Th e position of St Paul
C onfucianism and C hristiani ty
i n C hristianity is more important even than that o f Men
cius i n C onfucian ism because Paul is the real founder of
W hen w e study his first ep istle t o Timothy
C hristianity
he speaks of forb iddin g t o marry and commandi n g to ab
stain from meats which God created to be received wi th
This seems
thanks g ivin g as the doctri ne of demons
quite similar to C onfucian i sm but there is a d i fference In
re gard to marria g e C o n fucius not only does not forbi d it
but recommends i t as a necessary th in g Amon g all g reat
C onfucians none has spo k en of cel ibacy althou gh a n yone
mi ght practice i t from personal choice B ut Jesus re g ards
the unmarried men as those who have made themselve s
And Paul
eunuchs for the k in g dom of heaven s sake
”
says also : I t i s good fo r a man not to touch a woman
This is really the o rt h o d o x y o f C hristianity ; hence apos
tles an d fathers of the church al ike have ever looked upon
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1
C l as s ic s
,
I Tim o t h y 4
M at t h e w
iii
vo l ;
:
3
,
pt
.
11,
p
.
40 2
.
.
19 : 12
1
.
I C o r in t h ians 7
: 1.
GE N E
RA L P R I N C IP L E S
OF C ON S
UM P TI O N
1 93
marria ge as a necessary evil and even to day the C athol ic
This i s Similar to
C hurch still clin g s to the o rthodox view
Buddhism but entirely d i fferent from C onfucianism
C oncernin g marria g e C hristianity g oes further than
C on fucianism but concern in g th e eatin g o f meat i t i s a
“
l i ttle beh i nd i t Paul says that God has created meats to
be received w i th than k s g ivin g b y them that bel ieve and
know the truth F o r every creature o f God is good and
noth in g i s to be rej ected
C omparin g such a theory w ith
that o f C onfucius it seems narrow mi nded and not very
humane M an i s also a creature o f God ; but how can w e
?
say that we may eat h is flesh w ith thanks g ivin g To say
that every creature of God i s not to be rej ected is not ve ry
ood
reasonin
f
course
we
may
and
ou
ht
to
eat
meat
O
g
g
g
now ; but w e should not base the eatin g of i t on such a
theory
C onfuci us althou g h not absta i nin g from meat enti rely
has a tendency to such abstinence I n the Royal Re g ula
tions there is a ru l e that no one should kill an imals w ith
“
out s u fli c ie n t cause
To fell a sin gle
C onfucius says :
tree or k i ll a Sin gle an imal not at the proper season i s
contrary to filial piety
And there is a su ggestion that
the tendency o f C onfucian ism is toward abstain in g from
meat b ecause there is the principle of keepin g away from
the kitchen where the victims are b oth ki lled and cooked
Menci us says : F o r the relation o f the superio r man to
an imals havin g seen them al ive he cannot b ea r to see them
d ie ; havin g heard thei r dyin g c ries he cannot bear to eat
the i r flesh Therefore t h e superio r man k eeps away from
the kitchen
Th is is the way to develop the spiri t o f
“
human ity Th e R e c o rd o f R it e s says : A superio r man
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,
?
,
,
,
” 2
.
,
”
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,
,
.
.
,
.
.
1
1
Li
A
i bk
,
C l as s ic s
,
.
iii p
l ii p
vo
,
.
.
,
227
.
1
.
14 1.
l b xd
bk
.
xxi p
,
.
2 28
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 94
RI N CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
keeps away from the ki tchen an d does not tread where ver
there is such a thin g as blood o r tainted ai r
Th e M any
D e wd ro p s o f t h e Sp ring and A u t u m n says : Sincerely lov e
the people ; and love als o even the animals and insects I f
we do not love them all h o w can it be called humanity ?
Th e reaso n the C onfucians extend thei r love to animals i s
exactly because they are the creatures o f God B ut since
C onfucianism is very practical i t does not insist o n ab
s t in e n c e from meat under e xistin g conditions
Mencius
says : Th e superio r man is a ffe ctionate to h is relatives an d
lovin gly disposed to people generally H e is lovin gly d is
”
posed to people g enerally and kind t o creatures
This
is the standard o f g ivi n g love and it i s harmonious w ith the
principle o f t h e Three Sta ges Accordin g to Ka ng Y u wei
when w e shall have a suitable substitut e fo r meat we Shall
absta i n fro m mea t e nti rely Thi s w ill b e the E xtrem e
Peace Sta g e o f C on fuci us
In shor t concern in g abstinence from meat from the
point o f view o f love B uddhism is the hi ghest but it is
impracticable Th e theory o f Paul is somewha t cruel al
thou gh it is an unavoidable fact C onfuci anism here takes
the middle g round between B uddhism and C hristianity It
embraces th e whole p rinciple o f love but practices it ste p
by step It is the golden mean
All these discussions are i ntroduced not as a comparativ e
study o f rel i g ions but merely to indicate the fact that
C onfucius combines the economic and ethical element s i nt o
one system and that this is a characteristic peculiar t o h is
reli g ion
,
1
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” 2
,
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3
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1
2
Ki
Li
,
Bk
.
1
bk
xxix
C las s ic s
,
.
xi p
,
.
4
.
.
vo l
.
I I,
p
.
4 76
.
RI N CI P LE S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 96
O F C ON
F U C I US
F rom this passa g e we can understand why the ethical
element comes into the economic field F irst man by na
,
.
,
ture has wants Second h is wants become more active
when he is a ffected by external th in gs Third his want s
i ncrease as his knowled g e increases and the latter is the
result of the comin g of thi n g s F ourth thin gs that a ffect
man are ceaseless and the wants of man are l imitless W ith
all these four reasons i f man were driven only by economic
wants w ithout any ethical consideration soc i ety would
surely become d iso rdered and the maj ori ty of the human
race would be unabl e to s at ify thei r wants
I n order to make everyone able to satisfy his wa n ts to
some de g ree it i s necessary to make eve ryon e able to re
i
l
h
u
a
s
wants
And
such
re
ulation
i
s
best
made
by
each
t
e
g
g
fo r himself E veryone has a good nature g iven by God ;
i f he can come back to himself he w ill make h is o w n mind
the master of hi s body and his passions w ill be controlled
w ithin This is an ethical re g ulatio n u p on th e human
wants but it has two obj ects O n the one hand it pre
vents the existence o f the rebell ious and decei tful heart
an d o f l icent i ous and violent disorder
This is the ethical
result O n the other hand it helps to supply the material
needs fo r the weak the few the i g norant the timid the
diseased the old and youn g the orphans and the sol itary
This is th e economic result
Therefore we may ethically
control our consumption but its e ffect w ill help the con
sumption of others and the distribution o f wealth throu gh
out the whole society
.
,
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
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o
t
l
b
o
n
r
o
c
i
a
l
S
C
( )
Th e second basis for the re g ulation of economi c wants
is the social order I n C onfucian l iterature society i s
d ivided i nto five orders ; namely emperor princes great
o fli c ial s s tudents and common people
E ach class has it s
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
GE N E
RA L P R I N CIP LE S
O F C ON S
UM P TI O N
1 97
ow n standard and re g ulates its ow n consumption F o r all
food clothes dwell i n g s furni ture decorations e t c there
are certain rules prescri b ed by law F o r example the em
r
o
r
r
has
seven
ancest
al
temples
each
prince
five
each
o
f
e
;
;
p
the g reat o fficials three ; each student one ; the commo n peo
ple have none but w orship thei r ancestors i n the ir houses
A g ai n when a son is three days old there is a ceremony of
recei vin g h im I f he is the eldest son o f the emperor o r of
a p rince three an imals are killed for th e oc casion ; o f a g rea t
o fficial two small animals ; o f a student a s in gle p ig ; o f
the common people a suckin g p ig I f he is no t the eldest
son the provis ion is d imi nished in every case one de g ree
Th e M any D ew d r o p s o f t h e Sp ring an d A u t u m n says
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,
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,
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'
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,
d i n ary pe o ple do not d are to we ar d i ff e rent c olo rs ; t h e
art i s ans an d me rc h ants d o n o t d ar e to we ar t h e t hi c k f u r s o f
f ox an d b ad ge r ; t h o se c i m i n al people w h o h ave b een p u n
is h e d b y b o d i ly pen alty d o n o t d are to we ar s i l k o r deep a u re
an d pu rple c ol o rs n o r do t h ey d are t o r i de o n h o rses
Th i s
i s c alled t h e system o f d ress
Th e
or
r
z
,
'
.
,
11
.
All these re g ulations are ancient customs and t h ey are
reco gnized by C onfucius O f course they prevent the eco
nomic development a g ood deal b ut t h ey have three essen
t ial p urposes
F i rst they have th e eth ical reason H an s E x t e rnal
C o m m e n t ary o f t h e C an o n o f P o e t ry says
,
.
,
,
.
’
.
,
1
n i ents h ave t h e appo i nted people
W h en t h ose
people w h a e ab le t o respe c t t h e old t o h elp t h e o rp h an
Th e
a c
.
o
,
Li
1
1
1
i
Ki
I b id
,
.
bk
W ri t t e n
t es
H an
.
,
iii p
x p 47
bk
,
.
r
.
,
,
.
2
.
1
.
b y H an Y
o n t he
W en
2 23
i
,
ng , o n e o
P
f t he t
He
C an o n o f o e t ry
Ti ( 3 7 3 395 A K o r 1 79
.
-
.
h
Bk
re e
15 7
o
xxvi
lde s
p f
—B
w as
.
ro
.
.
t
e s so r
an d g r e at e s
i
dur
Bk
.
vi
.
t
ng t h e
au t h o ri
re
ig
n
o
f
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1 98
O F C ON
F U C I US
d e rate i n t h e i r ge tt i n g an d d i l i gent i n t h e ir w o rking
rule r t h e rule r app o i nts t h e m to h ave
are c o m m e nd e d to t h e i
t h e ri gh t t o ri de w i t h d e c o rated c arr i age an d t w o h o rses
Th o se w h o h ave n o su c h app o i nt m ent c annot h ave t h e ri gh t ;
i f t h ey d o ri de w i t h de c o rated c arri age an d two h o rses t h ey
Th e r e f o re i f t h e people h ad no ri t e s
s h all p ay a pen alty
j ust i c e m e ri t and v i tue even t h o u gh t h ey h ave supe rfl uo us
we alt h an d luxu ri o u s t h i n gs t h ey c o u ld n o t use t h e m Th e re
f o re t h e people ri se fo r l o ve an d j ust i ce an d lo o k down o n
w e alt h L o o ki n g d o wn on we alt h t h e y do not st ru ggle fo r
m o ney
N o t st ru ggl i n g fo r m o ney t h e st ron g d o not O pp ress
t h e we ak an d t h e m any do not h u rt t h e f ew
to
be
RI N CI P LE S
’
mo
,
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r
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,
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Similar
statements are g iven by the Gre at C o mm e nt ary o f
etc
t h e C an o n o f H is t o ry and the P ark o f N arrat iv es
This i s an importan t principle o f C onfucius to raise t h e
standard o f moral ity above the standard o f l ivin g You
cannot raise the standard o f livin g unless you raise the
standard o f mo rali ty Th e moralis t can g e t all the ma
There
t e rial enj oyments but the financier can g e t nothin g
fore the people w ill stru ggle for v i rtue rather than fo r
weal th and the t w o standards w ill be i dentified
That all are bor n
Second they have the social reason
equal is a theory but that all are no t equal is a fact
There fore the superior man should occupy the hi gh position
and the common man the l o w position A gain those w h o
occupy the h i gh position shoul d enj oy hi gh l ivin g and those
who stay i n the l o w posi t ion shoul d content themselves w ith
l o w livi n g
I f the common people can use everythin g wh ich
i s used b y the rul in g class they w ill have no respect for
thei r authori ty and fi gh t for usurpation Then society will
become disordered and depend only upon force This is
especially true under a monarchical government There
fore the social scale Should have order and the d ress Should
have system Th e C an o n o f H is t o ry says : Th e carria ge
,
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
200
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
F UC I US
is to limit consumption W hy s o ? In a ncien t C hina
there was no mach inery ; ther e was no slavery ; a g riculture
was the principal occupati on ; and every kind o f work de
pended upon the two hands U nder such cond i tions h o w
could the ex istin g production be increased ? O f cour s e
B ut
C onfucius appr eciates invention and improvement
before the modern machi n e cam e t o exist ther e w as no
epoch makin g advance in the increas e o f production At
that age when everyone w as afrai d that prod u ctio n woul d
fall short of consumption who should dare t o advise t h e
people to extend consumption i n o rder to stimulate t h e
i ncreas e o f production ? Therefore the re g ulation of con
sumption although not a happy th in g was nevertheless at
that time a necessary measure fo r economic society
F urthermore the l imitation of consumption had the e ffect
o f encoura g in g pro ductio n B y production we mean both
the materi al an d immaterial production of value I f the
hi gher class can consume more tha n the lower and the lower
are j ealous of the hi gher the lower class w ill endeavo r t o
raise themselves to the h i gher scale and w ill enj oy the sam e
Accordin g t o the principles of C onfucius there is no fixed
s ocial order
but every o ne can find his o w n place by h is
contribution to Society Th e hi gher classes are O pen to
everybody ; o r anyhow a man can become o n e o f the ap
pointed people very easily I f he wants to consum e more
he has to raise h imsel f hi gher I f he raises h imsel f hi gher
he produces more value to society ; an d i f he consumes
more the a ggre gate o f material production must be larger
Therefore the re g ulation of consumptio n does not prevent
the p ro g ress of society b u t h e lps it alon g
fu c iu s
.
,
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,
F
i
i
i
t
o
c
n
a
a
o
n
i
n
n
l
C
d
c
)
(
Th e th i rd bas i s for the re g ulation of huma n wants i s t h e
financial cond it i on o f i ndividuals O n e day Tz iI l n says
'
-
.
°
GE N E
RA L P R I N C IP LE S
OF C ON S
UM P TI ON
20 1
Alas fo r the poor ! Wh ile thei r parents are alive they
have not the means to nourish them ; and when they are
dead they have not the means to perform the mournin g ri tes
for them
C onfucius g ives him the lesson as follows
,
,
.
Be an s o up an d w ate r to d ri n k w hi le t h e p arents are m ade
h appy m ay b e p ro nounced fil i al p i ety I f a s o n c an only w rap
t h e b ody ro und f rom h e ad to f oot an d i nte r i t i mmed i atel y
w i t h out a s h ell t h at b e i n g al l w hi c h h i s me ans all o w h e m ay
b e s ai d t o d i s c h arge al l t h e ri tes o f m o u rn i n g
1
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
?
A g ain when Tz iI y u asks about th e articles to b e p rovided
for the mournin g ri tes C onfucius says : They Shoul d be
accordi n g to the means o f the family
Tz iI y u ur ges
How can one family that has means and anothe r that has
?
not have th in g s done i n the same way
Where there are
means replies C onfucius let there be no exceedin g of th e
prescribed rites I f there be a want o f means let the body
be li ghtly covered from head to foot and forthw i th buried
the co ffin bein g Simply let down by means o f ropes W ho
?
M oreover the
i n such a case will blame the procedure
Details o f Ri tes g ives a general p rin c p le that the poo r
need not use goods and wealth to dischar g e the rites
E veryone knows that C onfucius has g iven very many de
tails o i rites When h e comes to economic questions how
ever h e descr ib es them most simply and convincin gly C o n
i ncius i ndee d i s a ve ry practical man
Th e principles o f
l i fe are summed up by h i m thus
'
-
,
,
'
-
.
”
”
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,
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,
,
,
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” 3
,
‘
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,
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,
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,
sup e rio r m an d o es w h at i s p o pe t o t h e pos i t i o n i n w hi c h
h e i s ; h e do e s not d e s i re anyt h i n g outs i de o f i t In a pos i t i on
Th e
r
r
.
v
fp v
1
o
1
1
E
e n at
o
e rt
Li
Ki
I b id
,
.
,
y
t he t
But
.
bk
pp
im
.
.
,
at
ii p
,
15 3
-
e o
4
.
f Co n
p
re s e n t ,
1 82
i ki g w
Am i
w
f i
uc us ,
dr
n
e r c a us e s
t
id
e re d a
at e r as a n a i o nal
.
1
.
at e r w as c o n s
n
Ib t d
bk
.
i p
.
.
78
.
dr
i
m k
ar
nk
TH E E C O N O M I C P
202
RI N CIP LE S
O F C ON
F U CI US
w e al t h an d h o no r h e does w h at i s prope r to a pos i t i on o f
In a p o o r an d l o w pos i t i on h e does wh at
w e alt h an d h o n o r
is p rope r t o a p o o r an d low pos i t i on
Si tu ated amon g b ar
b aro us t ri b es h e d o es w h at i s p roper to a s i tu at i on am o n g
b a baro us t rib es In a pos i t i on of so rrow and d i fficulty h e
d o es w h at i s p ro pe r to a pos i t i on of so rrow an d d i ffi c u l ty
Th e s upe r i o r m an c an fin d hi msel f i n no s i tu at i on i n w h i c h h e
i s not hi m sel f
o
f
,
.
,
.
,
r
.
,
.
?
may say that consumption accord in g to means i s a
very common thin g an d needs no special teachin g from
Th is mi gh t be true
W hen w e study the h u
C onfucius
man wants however we find that those who have means
w ill spend more than is proper fo r them and that those who
have no means wi ll spend more than they can bear I n th e
former case i t disturbs the social order o r at least i t must
be an economic waste In the latter case i t makes the poo r
oorer
Althou
h
the
poor
cannot
spend
beyond
a
certa
in
p
g
l imit they may still use up all they have o r borrow money
i n the expectation o f future income or come to the worst
corruptio n and robbery That i s an economi c and social
ev i l F urthermore eve n i f a m an spends what his means
allow but is not sati sfied w ith h is poor condition h is mind
st i ll su ffers g reat pa in B y the teachi n g o f C onfucius he
w ill not only maintai n h is financial condition but also enj oy
a good deal o f happiness i n l i fe Th e Details o f R ites
says : W hen the rich and noble know to love ri tes they do
not become proud nor d issolute W hen the poo r and mean
k now to love rites thei r minds do not become cowardly
O ne
,
‘
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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1
,
e
m
e
i
m
El
n
t
d
T
e
( )
Th e fourth basis for the re g ulation o f wants is the time
element Tz ii SSiI says : I have heard that when there are
-
.
1
C l as s ics
,
vo l .
i p
,
.
395
1
.
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
i
,
I)
.
65
TH E E C O N O M I C P
20 4
RI N CI P LE S
OF C O N
F UCI US
i or man does not wear Shoes o f silk and horses are not re g
These five th in g s are g ive n
u l a ly suppl i ed w i th g r ai n
” 1
r
.
examples of Show in g frug al ity durin g t imes of national
extrava gance
As C hina i s an a g ricultural country the cond ition o f the
crops is very important i n j ud g in g o f the time el ement I f
the crop fails consumption ou ght t o be cut down Th e
eleventh book of the R e c o rd o f R it es s ays : I f the year is
not g ood and fruitful the empero r wears wh ite and plain
robes rides in the plai n and unadorned carria g e and has
no music at his meals
I t says a gai n : I f the year is not
ood
and
fruitful
the
ruler
wears
l
inen
and
sticks
i
n
h
is
g
o
N
i
rdle
a
tablet
made
o
f
bambo
instead
o
f
ivory
o
g
earthworks are undertaken Th e g reat o fficials do not make
any n e w carria g e fo r themselves
Its first book says
as
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
”
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,
,
.
” 1
.
y e ars w h en t h e grai n o f t h e s e as o n d o es n o t c ome t o
m atu r i ty t h e ru le r at hi s me als w i ll not m ak e t h e usu al o ffe r
in g o f t h e lun gs [ t h at i s h e w i ll not t ak e mo r e t h an o n e ki nd
o f me at ] ; n o r w i l l hi s h o rses b e f ed o n grai n
Hi s spec i al
o ad w i ll n o t b e k ept c le an and swept n o r even at s ac ri fices
w i ll hi s mus i c al i nst ruments b e suspended on t h e i r st ands
G re at o ffi c i als w i ll not e at t h e l arge gr ai ned m i llet ; an d t h e
s t u dents w i ll n o t h ave mus i c even at t h e i r d r i n ki n gs
In
b ad
,
,
,
.
r
,
.
-
.
,
In th e Sp ring an d A u t u m n there is a principle that the
construction of any public work shoul d not be performed
durin g a bad year Th e fundamental idea is that in a bad
year all expenditures should be cut down to the minimum
Since the work of construction i s most expensive the Sp ring
an d A u t u m n takes it as an example
B ut we must under
stand that in ancient times the public work was done by
,
,
.
.
,
,
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,
1
1
Li
Ki
I b id
,
.
,
bk
bk
.
,
xv p 8
i p 6
.
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,
,
.
10
.
1
1
.
I b id
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,
bk
.
xi
,
PD
2,
4
RA L P R I N C I PL E S
GE N E
OF C ON S
UM P TI O N
20
5
forced labor ; hence i f the people w re employed in a
b ad year they woul d su ffer more severely than usual Si nce
h i red labor was establ ished in the Sun g dynasty publ ic
wo rk i s n o w advisable for the help o f the poo r i n a bad year
Thi s scheme is carried out i n order to g ive the people
publ ic employment i nstead o f alms because thus they can
rece ive wa ges
When a crop is h ad not only Should human b e ings c u t
dow n thei r consumption but the g ods also should suffer
for it Th e ni nth book of R e c o rd o f R it es s ays
e
,
.
,
1
,
.
,
.
'
,
,
:
.
i t h i ts e i gh t s a i fi es se v e t
d t h e ond i
t i on f t h e pe ple t h gh ut all t h e q u a te s o f t h e emp i e
I f i n an y q u a te t h e ye a h a not b een good t h e g ds f t h at
q a te a ex luded f om su h s a i fi es h eld i n t h e i mpe i al
st ate i n de to not i f y t h ese pe ple t h at t h ey h uld b e ve y
a e f ul i n t h e use
I f t h se q u a te s h ave h ad
f t h e i we alt h
a go d ye a
su h s ac i fi es a
pened t t h e i gods i n o d
t
ple ase t h ose p ople t h at t h ey h ould h ave en j yment
Th e C h a
w
cr
o
r
r
u
r
r
re
s
o
re c o r
r
r
s
r
cr
o
r
r
r,
r
c
o
e
re
c
r
o
r
o
O
r
r
,
er
?
o
S
,
r
o
S
.
.
o
c
o
o
c
r
,
c
r
r
o
r
o
r
c
or
,
c
ro u
o
c
By this rule the gods share sorrow and j oy w ith the people
In fact in a bad year rel i g ious expense must be cut down
C on fucius s ays that
victims lower than a man s st and
ard re q u i res should be used
Supplementin g the time element i s a consi der ation fo r the
place Th e C an o n o f H is t o ry says : L ov i n g the products
o f you r l and only
the h e art w i ll b e g o od
Th is means
th at you w ill not fall i nto temptation i f you have no des ire
fo r th e luxuri ous thin gs f rom other lands Th is seems more
eth ical th an economic
.
,
,
.
,
“
’
” 3
.
,
.
"
.
,
,
.
.
1
Se e infra
.
1
ix p 4 34
66
I b id b k xviii p
l iii p t
Cf Cl
i
Cf L i
.
1
Ki
,
bk
.
.
1
.
as s c s
.
,
,
.
,
vo
.
1
.
.
.
11,
p
.
40 3
TH E E C ON O M I C P
20 6
RIN CIP LE S
OF C O N
F U CI U S
But there i s also a real economic t eachin g on t h i s point
Th e R e c o rd o f R it es says
Wh at t h e l and does not p rodu c e w i ll not b e used by a
.
s u p e r.o r
i n pe f orm i n g t h e i tes
I f m unt ai nee s w e e t
see k to use fis h an d tu tles i n t h e i i t s
t h e dwelle s ne ar
l ak s deer an d p i gs t h e supe i m an would ay o f t h em t h at
t h ey d i d not k now t h e n atu e f t h ose us ages
m an
r
r
o
.
r
e
r r
,
or
r or
,
,
e
r
r
r
o
r
s
?
o
This
is both economic and economical O n t h e o ne hand
the rites are easily performed because they d o no t requir e
certai n thin g s from a nother land B ut o n t h e other hand
money i s saved because it spare s the unnecessary expense
of gettin g someth in g away from thei r o w n land
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
viii pp
,
.
395 6
-
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
20 8
RI N CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
he said
H a ! th is i s complete
When he h ad b ecome
Th ese utte r
r ich he said
Ha ! this is admirab le l
a u ces are not the exact express i ons of Prince C hin g but
they represent h i s feel i n g s as described by C onfucius He
sets forth Prince C h i n g as a good exampl e o f mana g in g the
household Th e essential thin g is that C hin g d id not care
much fo r g ettin g wealth because his w ants were fe w and
we re easily satisfied He was contented w ith what he had
so that he was very cheerful throu gh all the three periods
of h i s economic l i fe
E veryone ou ght to be contented wi th what h e possesses ;
t h en he may find himself rich I f h e is not contented
even i f he be an emperor he w ill st i ll find himself poor and
his huntin g for wealth w ill never cease B ut h o w can he
?
be contented
He shoul d accept his economi c cond ition
as i t i s and not extend his wants beyond h is means
In
modern times i f the mill ionaire followed the teachin g of
C on fucius there would be no suicide on account o f economic
troubles
.
,
” 1
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
?
,
,
,
.
II
.
H A PP I N E SS O F
1
.
TH E
POOR
P e rs o n al P rid e
F or the consumption
th e poor the primitive pri nciple
is th at personal pride should not b e a ffected by one s e c o n o
mic condition —that is personal ity is worthier than any
“
m aterial thin g outs i de of onesel f C onfuci us says : A
student whose mind is set on truth and w h o is ashamed of
b ad clothes and b ad food is not fit to be discoursed w i th
To respect onesel f as the most valuable o b j ect in the world
an d to pay n o attention to W
hatever one consumes th is is
Of
,
’
,
,
.
,
,
” 3
.
,
,
,
1
1
3
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
i p
,
2 66
.
.
H an s E x t e r n al C o m m e n t ary
’
C l as s
i
cs ,
vo l .
i p
,
.
1 68 .
o
f
t h e C an o n o f
P
o e t ry ,
bk
.
v
.
RI CH
H A P P I N E SS F O R B O TH
PO OR
AND
209
the fi rst step to o b ta i n the truth of C onfucius And i t is
a very simple but very e ffect i ve way to make the poo r
happy
C on fuc i us spea k s of Tz u l n whose personal name is Y u
He says :
.
,
,
-
.
,
h i ms l f i n a t atte ed ob e q u i lted w i t h h emp yet
t and i n g by t h e i d e f m d essed i n f u s f f x
b adge
—
an d n t as h am ed
ah ! i t i s Y
wh
i s l ik e t h i !
Dre s sed
e
r
s
en
o
s
r
,
r
u
o
H e h as
W h at
j
no
is
wh
go o d
s
e n t r e at y
h e do e s
en
r,
or
o
o
e al o u s y an d n o
no t
o
r
;
an y t
hi
ng
? ” 1
last t w o sentences are quoted from the C an o n o f
—
P o e t ry i n admi rat i on o f Tz iI lu \ V hen anyone is as h amed
b ecause he i s poor he may e i the r be j ealous o f t h e r i ch or
entreat them fo r somethin g But ne i ther i s g ood Th e
b est t h i n g i s to mainta i n pe rsonal d i g n i ty and d i sre g ard
material wel fare
\ Vhen C on fuc i us desc r i b es the d i fferent types o f t h e con
d ucts of t h e u the C on fucian he g ives one type as th i s
j
Th e
'
.
,
,
.
.
.
,
,
f g und ; i ts ap a t
h ave a h use i n nly
a e
ment i s ten f eet i n w i dt h an d h e i gh t ; t h e oute doo i s m ade o f
t h o ns a d b amb s a d i ts s i de d o i s s i mply an pen i n g f
t h e w all lon g a d p i nted ; t h e i nne d o i s stopp d up b y
b us h woo d an d t h e l i ttle und w i n d w i s l ik e a j a s mou t h
Th mem b s f t h e f am i ly m ay h ave t ex h an ge alte n ate l y
t h e s ame lot h es w h en t h ey g
t
Th ey m ay h ave to m ak e
n
d ay f o d se e f t w d ays D sp i te u h a ond i t n
i f t h e ule esponds t hi m h e does not l se h i s onfiden e ;
an d i f t h
ule d not es p n d h e does t ffe any fl att
Th i s i s t h type w h en t h e J t ak e t h e s m all ff e f
th e
lie f
f po v e ty
Th e J u m ay
o
o ne
o
cr
r
ro
o
r
r
n
r
oo
n
,
o
r
o
o
O
or
n
,
e
r
’
r
er
e
r
o
ro
,
o
o
c
o
ou
.
r
c
.
'
o
e
o
s
r
rv
or
r r
o
o
r
e r
o es
o
r
u
1
1
r
C las s ic s
Li
?
Ki
,
i p 5
xxxviii pp
vo
,
bk
.
l
.
,
22
.
.
.
.
0
4 5 6
.
s
e
c
c
o
,
e
o
.
,
no
c
o
o
c
r
ic
io
er
or
re
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 10
RIN CIP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI U S
F rom this passag e we can see how stron g is the character
,
o f a C onfucian N o matter h o w poor may be his shel t er
clot h in g and food he is confident o f his princ iples and is
honorable because o f h is personality This l aw i s g iven
b y C onfucius to di g ni fy his followers
Th e poor feel unhappy about thei r consumption not o n ly
b ecause it is d i fficult for them to sat isfy their physical needs
but mai nly because they cannot reach a hi gher social stand
ard and so they fear to have no s tandin g i n society To
cure such a feel ing and to raise onesel f above petty s o
c ial ambitions
i t is well to read the passa g e of Mencius
He says
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
des i re to b e h o no red i s t h e c ommon f eel i n g of men But
all men h ave i n t h emselves t h at w h i c h i s t ruly h ono rab le
O nly t h ey do not t hi n k o f i t
Th e h ono r w h i c h some m e n
c on f e r o n o t h e rs i s not go o d h ono r
Th ose w h o m C h ao t h e
It i s s ai d i n t h e
e nno b les h e c an m ak e me an agai n
Great
C ano n o f P o e t ry :
H e h as filled us w i th w i ne ; h e h as s at i at e d
us w i t h v i rtue
Sat i ated us w i t h v i rtue me ans s at i ated us
w i t h love an d j ust i ce an d h e w h o i s so s at i ated cons e q uently
does n o t w i s h fo r fat me at an d fine m i llet of men W h en a
o
o
r
e
d
eput
a
t
i
on
n
f
r
r
e
h
i
n
p
r
i
se
f
a
ll
h
i
m
h
e
d
s
a
d
a
a
c
a
t
o
g
g
not des i re t h e elegant emb ro i dered garments o f m e n
To
.
.
.
.
1
.
”
.
,
,
.
o
-
,
?
When one reads this chapter he w ill certainly find him
sel f very worthy and he will ge t from himsel f real satis
faction even truer and better than that from material th in gs
Such a theory is not b ased upon an i deal ima g inat i on b ut
“
upon real facts As Mencius points o u t
those whom
C h ao the Great ennobles h e can make mean a gai n
How
can such a temporary and uncertain honor be worth wh ile
,
,
.
,
,
,
1
at
hi t i t l w b
d iff
t t im h
T
s
e
as
o rn e
es
e ld
e re n
1
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
I I,
pp
.
by
f mi i t
hi f w y i
t he c
n s e rs o
o ur
e
1
4 9 20 .
s
a
n
f the
f mi ly
a
t h e s t at e o f
Ts
i
o
f C
n.
h
ao , w h o
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 12
RI N CI P L E S
O F C ON
F U CI US
word v i rtue comb i nes the t w o el e ments
fo rtune and bi rth i n the word nob i l i ty and counts age as
a sep arate one
Th e cl ass i ficat i on of Menc i us i s essent i ally the s ame as
that of Adam Sm i th But their theor ies are en t irely di f
Th e theory of Smith is b ased on gener al fa cts so
fe re n t
that he t h i n k s fortune i s the most i mportant of all the four
causes in g ettin g author i ty Th e theory o f Mencius is an
i deal thoug h also based on facts s o that he puts v i rtue as
the most honorable th i n g Smith s theory may be true
w h en he refe rs to the western w orld but Menc i us theory
also i s true when he spea k s o f C hina
C hina has honored
v irtue a b ove anyth in g else and th is is a pecul i ar product
o f C onfuc i us Smi th says : The re never was I believe
a g reat fam i ly i n the world w h ose i llust rat ion was enti rely
But
derived from t h e inheritance of w isdom and vi rtue
in C h i na b es i des the fam ily of C o n fu c iu s there st i ll are
many f am i l ies of h i s d i sciples and of the g reatest C o n
fu c ians of the Sun g dynasty whose i l l ustriousness i s de
r i ved ent i rely from the inheritance o f w i sdom and virtue
Althou gh the ir descend ants d o not p ossess vi rtue e q ual to
that of t h e i r ancesto rs the C h i nese confer upon them spec i al
nob i l ity in honor o f th e v i rtue of t h e i r ancestors C reatin g
t h e real nob il i ty i n honor o f virtue leavin g the descendants
o f the g reat pri nces g reat kin gs and g reat empero rs in the
b ac k g round and g ivi n g no honor at all to the mill i onaires
—
t h i s i s t h e i n fl uence of C onfucius U nder h i s i nfluence
t h e poo r really do not lose soc i al stand i n g on account o f
the i r low sta n dard of l ife i f they in themselves are worth
anyth i n g
C on fucius first teaches the poor how to mai nta i n pe rsonal
fic at io n s in t h e
,
,
,
,
?
.
'
.
,
.
,
,
’
.
’
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
” 2
.
,
-
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
1
1
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
11,
pp
We al t h o f N at io ns
,
.
2 13
vo l
.
-
4
.
ii pp
,
.
20 4
-
6
.
C ann an
’
s ed
it i
o n.
RI CH
H A P P I N E SS F O R B O TH
A ND P O O
R
2 13
di g n ity ove r and a ga i nst mate r i al wealth and second he
teaches soc i ety h o w to app rec i ate the h onor o f v i rtue over
and above t h e powe r o f fortune F ollow i n g h i s teach in g
v i rtue really holds t h e place o f h onor i n the C h i nese social
li fe Such a national spi r i t du r i n g t h e L atter Han dynasty
and th e Sun g and t h e M i n g dynast i es flou r i shed at its b est
t imes ; even at the p resent d ay i t st i ll p reva i ls ove r the w h ole
empi re I t i s t h e fl ower of C h i n a an d t h e fru i t of C o n
fu c iu s
Althou gh it may reta rd mate r i al development to
some extent i t h as b rou g h t a la rg e sum o f happ iness to
soc i ety Indeed C on fucius ma k es man far noble r than
wealth
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
.
.
,
.
.
.
P l e as u re in Tru t h
Th e hi ghest princ i pl e fo r the consumption o f the poor i s
that t h e pleasure i n t ruth should not b e a ffected by the eco
nomic cond ition ; that i s pleasure i n truth is the most e n
o
a
l
b
e
thi
n
and
t
h
ere
is
not
h
in
else
a
b
le
to
attract
the
j y
g
g
m i nd This is the h i ghest type o f l ivin g for the poor It
i s an advance over t h e p ri mitive pr i nciple F o r i f we main
tai n personal pr i de a g ai nst mate ri al wealt h w e still feel that
w e a re poo r i n somet h i n g and that the wealth i s there i n
o u r m i nds
We must ma k e a comparison b etween our im
m ate ri al r i c h es an d the mater ial r iches o f others Hence
we hold o u r hono r with some purpose and st ru ggle fo r so
c ial standi n
r
w
i
th
some
e
f
fo
t
But
i
f
we
enj
oy
the
pleas
g
u re o f t ruth and have no conce rn whateve r when w e con
sume anyth i n g w e really forg et o u r own cond i tion and
i gn ore t h e we alt h o f ot h ers H ence we live n atu rally w i th
r
r
o
reat
pleasure
and
a
ise
u
minds
f
a
r
a
b
ove
t
h
e
economic
g
wo rld Th i s i s the h app i est type of t h e l i v i n g o f C on fucians
To illust rate t h i s p ri nciple C onfuc i us g ives h i s own case
H e says : W i th co arse r i ce to e at w i t h water t o d ri n k and
m y bended arm fo r a pillow I still have pleasure in the
2
.
.
,
.
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
.
,
,
.
.
.
.
,
,
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 14
RI N CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
m i dst o f these th i n gs R iches and pol iti cal positio n a c
q u i red b y unri ghteousness are to me as a floati n g cloud
H e ta k es g reat pleasure in truth ; even in g reat poverty
he does not su ffer any pain nor is h i s pleasure a ffected
W e must understan d that he does not re gard those th in gs
as his pleasure but Simply that those thin g s have no in
fl u e n c e upon his pleasure
C onfucius g ives also the case of Yen Yuan whose per
sonal name is Hui He says
.
” 1
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
Adm i rab le i ndeed i s t h e v i rtue o f H u i ! W i t h a s i n gle b am b o o
d i s h o f ri ce a s i n gle gou rd d i s h o f d ri n k , an d l i v i n g i n h i s
m e an n arro w l ane w h i le o t h e rs c o uld n o t h ave e ndu red t h e
d i st ress h e d o es n o t allow h i s ple asu r e t o b e affe c ted b y i t
Adm i rab le i ndeed i s t h e v i rtue o f H u i !
,
,
,
.
,
1
This
is an ext reme case Show in g that happ iness can be in
dependent o f poverty Yen Y u an d id not take his poverty
as a pleasure but e nj oyed h is ow n pleasure which was not
a ffected by poverty
C onfucius does not forbi d the peo pl e t o make a l ivin g
he simply teaches them th at they should not let their happi
ness depend upon material wealth Th e creatin g of true
happiness beyond the material world and the elevatin g of
the mind to be i ndependent of physical n eeds are the essen
t ial s o f his t eachin g
Moreover the type of C onfucius and
Yen Yuan i s the hi ghest standard especially for those who
devote themselves to the study o f truth H ence they Should
find g reat pleasure i n truth and shoul d not d i sturb the i r
m i nds w i th material thin g s But for the common people
i n general to make a l ivin g is thei r duty E ven thou gh
thei r h app i ness i s a ffected b y thei r economic condi tion C o n
fu c iu s excuses them
Therefore wh ile C onfucius is anxious
.
,
,
.
:
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
1
C l as s ic s
,
vo l .
i p
,
.
20 0
,
1
.
I b id
.
,
9
.
1 88
.
C HA P TE R XI V
DI FF E R E N T
WA YS
OF
GE TTI N G
W H E N we consume anyth in g we
P L E A SU R E
pleasure ; hence
whenever we ge t pl easure out of mater i al thin g s i t i s con
sumpt i on Accordin g to C onfucius there are many ways
to g e t pleasure But we may s tudy a fe w thin g s wh ich
p articularly b elon g to C onfucius and serve as means o f
obta i n i n g pleasure
There i s a g eneral p rinciple o f enj oyin g pleasure whic h
is g iven by Men cius To e nj o y p l e as u re by one s self alone
i s not so pleasurable as to enj oy it w ith o thers To enj oy
pleasure w i th a fe w is not s o pleasurab le as t o enj oy i t w ith
many
Bearin g this general principle i n m i nd w e Sh all
kno w that the ways of getting pleasure are really g ood ways
e
t
g
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
’
.
,
.
?
,
.
I
F i rst
.
M
U SI C
C onfucius
was very fond of mus ic When h e was
i n C h i he heard the Shao the music o f E mperor Shun
and he di d not know the taste o f flesh fo r three months
“
“
I di d not th i nk he said that music could h ave been
A g a i n he sai d : F rom the
made s o excellent as th is 1
beg inn i n g o f Si n g i n g o f M usic master C hih to the end o f
t h e s i x p ieces of which Kuan C h ii is t h e fi rst one —
how
m ag n i ficently i t fills the ears
These two expressions
,
.
‘
,
,
,
.
”
,
,
” 1
,
-
,
3
‘
,
1
C f C las s ics
.
1
h
T
ey
C an o n
1
o
vo l
,
are t h e
f
2 16
,
vo l
.
ii p
t th
,
fir s
P o e t ry
C las s ic s
.
15 1
.
re e
.
i p
,
.
2 13
.
1
.
p m
oe
s
I b id
.
,
in t h e firs t
vo l
.
i p
,
an d s e c
.
1 99
On d
.
boo
k
s o
f t he
DI
FFE RE N T
WA YS
O F GE TTI N G P LE A S
UR E
2 17
how h o w C onfuc i us del i ghts i n the enj oyment o f mus i c
I n fact h i s l ik in g fo r mus i c w as much g reater than that
for flesh and i ts pleasu re appe al in g to h is ea rs was muc h
h
reater
than
that
w
ic
h
appealed
to
h
i
s
appet
i
te
g
Th e
C onfuci us re g a rds mus i c as necessary to da i ly l ife
Details of R i tes says : W i thout some sad cause a g reat
o fficial Should not remove h i s mus ic stand away nor a stu
\Ve learn f rom t h e A n al e c t s that C o n
dent his lutes
fu c iu s san g every day except afte r he had wept for a
mourn i n g on the same day W h en C onfuc i us w as sin g in g
to g eth e r w ith some one i f t h e one san g well he usually
made h im repeat i t and then he followed i t w i th h is own
v oice
Th e word sin g i n t h e old sense o f the C h i nese
always means that there is an accomp an i m e nt of musical
i nstruments
The refo r e C onfuc i us g o t ple asu re f rom
music not only as a l i stene r but mostly as a player and
a sin ger
C onfuc i us tau ght music not only to h is pupils b ut also
to the o fficials H e g ave i nstruct i on to t h e G rand Mus i c
maste r of L u as follows
S
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
-
,
”
1
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
0
~
.
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
Q
Th e
sp i i t o f mus i c m ay b e kn o w n At t h e c o m men c e m e nt
o f m us i c
r
i
n
i
n
out
t
h
e
b
ells
f
t
h
e
pl
y
i
n
o
f
t
h
e
p
i
e
o
f
o
c
e
a
[ g g
g
Ss h H s i a] t h e e i s a m vement i n t h e h e a t o f men A l i tt l e
l at e r [ w h e n t h e m e n s i n g t o get h e ] t h e re is a h arm o ny
h
e
t
e o rgan i s pl ayed
W
h
n
nly w i t h t u nes to w h i c h t h e re are
[
no w o rd s ] t h e re is a d i st i n c t i on amo n g t h e d i ffe re nt tun e s
[ W h e n t h e s i n gi n g o f m e n an d t h e p l ay i n g o f o rgan t ak e pl ac e
alte rn at e ly ]
t h e re i s a c ont i nu at i o n
A
f
t
t
h
e
us
i
i
s
e
r
m
c
[
lo se d w i t h t h e s ix p i e c e f w h i c h Ku an C h ii i s t h e fi rs t ] i t
i s c o m p l e te
r
.
'
r
r
,
r s
o
r
,
.
.
.
o
.
,
.
,
c
o
s
?
1
1
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
C las s ic s
.
.
vo
,
C f ib id
i p
l i pp
p 63
.,
.
,
.
.
,
1
.
.
19 7 . 20 5
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 18
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
Th i s
was the arran g ement of music by C onfuciu s h imsel f
an d h e described his appreciat i on o f i t
A g reat ach i evement o f C onfucius was the reformation of
mus i c H e said : Since I have returned from W ei to L u
the music i s reformed and the tun es of y a and s ung find
the ir proper places
C onfucius loved mus i c b ut he hated
vul g ar music He sai d : I hate the tunes of C h éng
w h i ch confound the music of the y a
C h en g was a com
m e rc ial state dur i n g the E astern C hou dynasty ; its in fl u
ence was immoral and i ts mus i c was licentious ; hence all
k inds of vul gar music were called the tunes o f C h en g
Therefore the reformation of music of C onf uc us was the
i
reformation o f tunes Th e tunes o f y a and s ung found
thei r proper places and they were not confounded by those
of C h en g C onfucius made music an obj ect o f pleasure
b ut d i d no t allow i t to be licentious He sai d : Kuan C hii
[ and the two follow in g p ieces ] are expressions of pleasure
w ithout bein g licentious and o f g rief w i thout hurtful ex
This is the pr inciple o f the music of C onfucius
cess
Th e theory of mu 5 1c I S g i ven i n the
Record of Music
and we may select a few passa ges from it and rearran ge
them
F or the ori g in of music the R ecord o f M usic says :
,
.
.
,
” 1
.
,
.
” 2
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
3
,
”
~
.
,
,
.
,
All t h e m o d ul at i o ns o f t h e v o i c e ar i se f ro m t h e m i nd an d
t h e v ari o us affe c t i ons o f t h e m i nd are p rodu c ed b y t h i n gs e x
t e rn al t o i t Th e affe c t i o ns t h us p ro du c ed are m an i f ested i n
t h e s o u nds t h at are utt e red C h an ges are p rod uced by U e
w ay i n w hi c h t h ose s o unds respond t o o n e an ot h e r ; an d t h o se
,
.
s
.
1
C f C las s ic s
.
2
3
I b id
h
T
.
,
ey
P o e t ry
p
.
are
,
326
vo l
i p
.
,
.
,
t h e firs t t
vo l
.
.
h
re e
.
C las s ic s
22 1
.
i p
,
.
15 1
.
p m
oe
s
in t h e firs t b o o
k
o
f t h e C an o n
o
f
E C ONO MIC PR IN CIPLES
TH E
220
OF C ON
FU CI US
t h e i s e nses And t h ey d i re c ted t h e v o i c e i n s i n g
in g w h et h e t o tu o us o s t rai gh t t h e s o unds o f m us i c al in s t ru
m ents w h et h e r i n c re as i n g o r d i m i n i s hi n g w h et h e r sm all o r
r
f
a
a
r
t
n
t
h
e
p
r
o
c
ess
pl
y
i
n
w
h
et
h
er
p
us
i
n
o
st
a
t
i
n
r
a
a
d
o
e
g
g
g;
g
al l su ffi c i e nt t o st i r up i n t h e m i nds o f t h e h e ar e rs w h at w as
n
o
o
c
a
o
f
r
d
i
n
t
h
w
i
t
h
ut
i
ndu
i
n
l
eness
t
h
u
h
t
e
m
s
o
o
o
o
o
g
y
g
g
d e p raved ai
Su c h w as t h e w ay o f f ram i n g m us i c o f t h e
an c i ent ki n gs
h au s t in g
'
r
r
r
,
.
r
,
,
,
,
,
,
r
,
.
1
.
M usic has t w o funct i ons : the one is fo r t h e adm i nistration
of pleasu re and the o ther i s fo r the g u i dance of i t in order
to k eep i t in the ri g ht way
Th e relat i on b etween music and s oci ety i s very close
F i rst soc iety has i ts i nfluence upon mus i c as t h e Record
of Mus i c says
,
,
.
.
,
de r a e pe ac e f ul an d ple as ant ;
t h ey i nd i c at e t h e h arm o ny o f t h e go ve rn m ent Th e ai rs o f
an age o f d i s o r de r are d i ss at i sfied an d an gry ; t h ey i nd i c ate t h e
c o n f us i o n o f t h e
o
r
f
o
ve
r
nment
T
h
i
s
o
a
st
a
te
o
i
n
t
a
e
g
g
g
ru i n ar e gr i ev o us an d
ri ng o f
lo
my
t
h
ey
i
nd
i
te
t
h
e
su
e
c
a
f
f
o
;
g
t h e people Th e sp i r i t o f t h e ai rs i s c o nne c ted w i t h t h e go v
Th e
i s
a r
f
o
an age
o
f go o d
or
r
.
.
.
e r nm e n t
2
.
I n turn music has i ts in fluence upon soc i ety
Record of Music
says :
,
Th e
.
W h en t h e ai rs are q u i c k s m all d ry an d s h o rt t h e pe o ple are
o
m
lo
y an d s ad W h en t h e ai rs are gentle h armo n i o us slow
g
an d e as y h avi n
r
v
a
i o us styles b ut i n a s i m ple w ay t he people
g
ar e c o m f o r t ab le an d ple as ant
W h en t h e ai rs are c o arse an d
vi o lent s o as t o ex c i te t h e b ody an d c ause an ge rft h e pe o ple are
res o l u te an d d ar i n
r
W
h
i
s
pu
e
st
i
h
t
f
o
rw
a
d
r
e
n
a
t
h
r
r
r
e
a
a
e
g
g
s t o ng
c o rre c t
r
n
d
a
r
ve
a
n
t
ue
t
h
e
people
r
so
b
e
a
d
r
a
e
g
es p e c t f ul W h e n t h e ai rs are l ib e ral an d graceful as a re
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
'
.
r
,
,
r
,
,
,
,
~
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
,
.
x v u,
p
.
12 7 .
2
I b id
.
,
pp
93 4
-
.
.
DI
FFE RE N T WA YS
O F GE TTI N G P LE A S
UR E
sult o f o rde ly pe r f o m an c e an d h arm on i o u s ac t i on t h e peopl e
W h en t h e ai rs ar e un c o nt ro l led pe v e r s e
are ki nd an d lov i n g
i m m o ral d i s s i p ated b arb a o us and i re gul ar t h e p e o ple are
l i c ent i ous an d d i s o rde red
r
r
,
.
,
r
,
r
,
r
,
,
,
‘
.
at fi rst music i s a p roduct of t h e m i nd o f man ;
wheneve r h i s m i nd is a ffected by ei t h e r a good or a bad
thi n g h i s music w ill be e it h e r good o r b ad But at the
last man i s a subj ect unde r t h e i n fl uence of mus i c ; when
ever the mus i c i s either good o r b ad h e w i ll b e moved
either way
Man and mus i c i nte ract upon each othe r
H ence man should be very careful ab out t h e affect i ons
which come to h is m i nd from external th i n gs and then
xpress themselves th rou g h mus i c : b ut man s h ould b e also
careful a b out mus i c wh i ch i n turn i n fl uences h im
As to the usefulness of music w e may d i v i de i t up i nto
four cate gor i es
F i rst music h as eth i cal v al ue Th e
Record o f M usic
says :
Therefo r e
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
us i c s h o uld n o t fo a mo ment b e ne gl e c ted b y any
W h en o n e h as m aste ed c ompletely t h e p i n c i ples o f
o ne
m u s i c an d re gu l ated h i s h e art an d m i nd ac c o rd i n gly t h e
n atu ral h o ne s t l o v i n g an d s i n c e re h e a t i s e as i ly de v eloped
an d w i t h t h i s de v el o pment o f t h e h e ar t c o mes a g e at ple as
u re
I f t h e h e art b e fo r a mo ment w i t h out t h e f eel i n g
o f h a m o ny an d ple asu e
m e annes an d de c e i t f ulness ente r
R
i tes
.
.
an d
m
r
r
r
.
,
,
,
,
r
,
,
r
r
it
r
s
,
2
.
mus i c
says :
Second
Music
”
p h y s i c al v alue
h as
,
.
Reco rd
Th e
of
F o m t h e m anne i n w h i h t h e s hi lds an d axes a e h eld an d
b and i s h e d an d f o m t h e mo vements f t h e b ody i n t h e p a
t i c e w i t h t h e m now tu ned up now b nt do w n now et i i n g
t h i n g f w a d t h c a i age o f t h e pe s o n e c e i ves
n w st
r
r
r
,
‘
or
re c
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xvn.
p
r
o
r
,
o
e
c
r
.
r
10 8
.
e
,
.
e
r c
r
,
rr
r
I b id
.
,
p
.
1 25
r
.
r
,
E C ONO MI C P R IN CIPLES
TH E
222
OF C O N
FU CI US
v i ty F ro m t h e w ay i n w h i c h t h e p ant o m i mes move t o
t h e i r se v eral pl ac e s an d ad apt t h emselves t o t h e sev e ral p arts
t h e arran gement of t h e i r ran k s i s m ade
o f t h e p e r f o rm an c e
c o rr e c t an d t h e i r o r de r i n adv an c i n g an d ret i r i n g i s secu red
'
r
a
g
.
,
,
1
.
,
I n fact in this way music is someth in g l i ke a gymnasium
a theater or a dancin g school I t g ives physical trai nin g
to the body
Thi rd music has social and pol itical value Th e R ecord
of Music says
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
W h en rul e rs an d m i n i ste rs h i gh an d low l i sten t o ge t h e r t o
t h e mus i c i n t h e anc e st ral temple al l i s h armo n i ous an d reve r
W h en o l d an d yo un g t o g et h e r l i sten t o i t at t h e c l an
e nt
v i ll age an d d i st ri c t all i s h armon i ous an d de f e rent i al W h en
t h e f at h e r s an d s o ns b rot h ers an d c ous i ns toget h e r l i sten t o
i t w i t h i n t h e gate o f t h e f am i ly all i s h arm o n i ous an d affe c
t io n at e
In t h i s w ay f at h e rs an d s o ns rul e rs an d su b
r
a
h
m
e
t
r
e
un
i
ted
i
n
h
mony
n
t
h
e
people
o
f
y
i
d
c
s
a
e
r
d
a
t
a
j
t at e s ar ass o c i ated i n l o ve
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
'
,
.
,
,
,
,
s
2
e
.
F ourth music has economic value
,
Music
.
R ecord
Th e
of
says :
M us i c i s
bj e t f ple asu e Th e supe i o m an finds h i s
p l asu e i n i t b e ause i t s at i sfies h i s p i nc i ples an d t h e c o m
m n m an finds h i s ple asu e i n i t b ec ause i t s at i sfies hi s w ants
W h en one en j oys al ne t h e ple asu e of mus i i n hi s m i nd
h e w i ll n t t i e o f h i s p i nc i ples W h en h e k eeps h i s p i n
ip l
f ully h e w i ll n t s at i s f y hi s w ants i n a selfis h w ay
H en e i t i s s ai d O f t h e p i n i ples o f p l i t i c al e on m y
m us i i t h e g at st n
e
an o
c
r
r
o
r
.
c
r
o
,
r
.
r
o
r
o
c
r
es
,
r
.
o
,
.
“
c
c
r
c
,
s
re
e
o
e
c
o
c
r
o
,
” 3
.
I t i s very interestin g th is fact that the R ecord re gards
music as the g reates t pri nciple of pol itical economy I t
,
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xv u,
p
.
1 28
.
2
I b id
.
,
p
.
1 2 8.
3
I b id
.
,
pp
.
2
11
3.
R I N C IP L E S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
224
At fi s t t h e r
OF C ON
FU CI US
t h re e s t ro k e s o n t h e d ru m t o w arn t h e p e r
f o m e s t o b e i n re ad i n e ss an d t h en t h e re are t h ree steps to
O n t h e s e c o nd b e gi nn i n g
s h o w t h e g adu al st a t o f t h e d an c e
t h e d an c e re al ly t ak e s i ts pl ac e an d i t i s go m g o n At t h e
end t h ey re tu rn t o t h e i r pos i t i o n i n go o d o rde r
r
,
are
e
r
r
,
r
r
.
,
.
,
1
.
,
I t is sa id t h at the w h eel i n g s and revolut i ons of t h e dance
are l i ke the wi nd and ra i n
Th e anc i ent dance was t h e or ig in o f t h e C h i nese d rama
L e t us t ak e the m i li tary dance fo r our example as w e can
not ge t the c iv i l one C onfuc i us said :
.
.
,
.
i n g t h e m us i f Wu i n t h e fi st s ene t h e p ant m i m s
p eed t w a ds t h e n rt h t i m i t ate t h e m a c h i n g f Wu
W an g agai n t Sh an g [ t h e Y i n dyn asty ] In t h se nd
ne t h y h w t h e e xt i n t i n f Sh an g In t h e t hi d scen
t h ey hibi t t h e v i t i us etu n t t h e s ut h In t h e f u t h
s ne t h ey p l ay t h e anne x at i n f t h e s ut h e n st ates In
f t h e du k es
t h e fi f t h n t h ey m an i f est t h e d i v i s i on f l ab
f C h u an d Sh a
t h e le f t an d t h e ot h e n t h e i gh t
i n h a ge f t h m p i e In t h e s i x t h s ene t h ey etu n t
t h e p i nt f st a t i n g t s h w t h at t h e wo k f t h e empe o
i s m pl te an d t h at t h e w h le e m p i e e gn i zes hi m a t h e
R e gar d
c o
ro c
o
r
o
s
sce
e
,
s
r
c
o
o
o
r
o
o
r
o
o
,
r
r
o
s u p re m
c
r
o
e rule r
r
r
,
r
o
e
.
r o
.
r
or o
one o n
e
e
o
co
r
o
o
c
o
.
o
o
e,
e,
r
o
o
co
e
.
r
e
o
.
,
o
o
,
o
c or o
sce
c
or
,
ex
ce
r
,
,
o
r
r
o
r
s
r co
2
.
are the outl i nes Of the mus i c of W u Because it was
a m i lita ry dance C on fuc i us sa i d
It i s perfectly b eaut i ful
b ut n o t p e rfe c t ly good
I n ancient t i mes s i n g i n g and the dance we re t ak en b y
d i ffe rent pe rs o ns and at d i ffe rent pl aces Th e si n gers were
on t h e h igh e r st ag e an d the dance rs b elow i t B ut t h ey
wo rk ed to g ethe r i n ha rmony an d al l the cha racter i st i cs of
the pl ay wer e made i ntell i g i ble I n modern t i mes the
acto rs are b ot h s i n i n
act
i
n
at
the
same
time
in
har
a
n
d
g g
g
mony w ith mus i c
Thes e
.
,
,
,
‘
” 3
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
1
3
Li
Ki
,
C las s ic s
bk
,
.
vo
xvii p
l i p
,
.
,
.
.
1 13
1 65
.
2
.
I b id
.
,
pp
I 122 - 3
DI
FFE RE N T
WA YS
O F GE TTI N G P LE A S
UR E
22 5
W e must understand that accord in g to C on fucius wom e n
should not take part i n the dance at all I t was only i n the
,
,
.
vul g ar music that women came on the sta ge
Ss ii ma
C hien tells us that the tunes o f C h en g arose from th e feudal
p rinces who competed w ith each other fo r fame and honor
Thi s kind of music was composed either
i n such th in g s
o nly of g irls or of a mixture o f b oth boys and g irls
B ut
U nder h is i nfluen ce C hi na had
C on fuci us condemned it
no actresses i n the theater V ery recently however Shan g
hai has plays perform ed entirely by g irls and Tients in has
plays performed by both sexes to gether Th is is merely the
b e g innin g of the forei g n i nfluence
C onfucius g enerally does not approve o f the social mix
ture o f the two sexes ; hence h e does not approve of the
dance between them Th e anc i ent C h inese however had
such a custom as the E uropean o r American dance par
t ic ip at e d i n by both b oys and g irls
I n the C an o n o f P o e t ry
there is a poem indicatin g that i n th e mornin g the son of
Tz u chun g and the dau ghter of Y u an danced at the ma rket
This is the only example w e can find ; i t means that
place
such a dance was a local custom only C onfucius puts thi s
poem i n this C anon only to condemn such a dance U nder
h is influence C hina never has the social dance between men
and women
F or chan g in g the influence o f the peo
C onfucius says :
ple and alterin g thei r customs there i s nothin g better than
Hence h i s p ri nc i ple i s to develop the taste for
music
To attac k the princ i pl e o f C o n
m usic amon g the people
fu c iu s and establ ish h i s own Mo Tz ii has w ritten three
-
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1
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2
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3
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” 1
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,
1
H is t o r ic al
Li
Ki
.
bk
C l as s ic s
.
,
R
e c o rd , c h
xxiv
.
xvii p 7
l iv p t i p
k
l iii p
vo
Sac r e d B o o
.
,
s,
11
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,
vo
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,
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20 6
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4 82
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
226
RI N CI P L E S
O F C ON
F U CI US
b oo k s ent i tled C onde mnat i on o f M usic
H i s theory
i s b ased ent i rely upon the econom i c arg ument ; for the
player of music and the l i stener are wastin g t hei r t i me
and checkin g the i r product i on o f we alth This is a very
a
f
f
ood
xample
to
i
llustr
te
the
d
i
erence
between
n
e
C
o
g
fu c iu s and Mo T ii the o n e an advocate of mus i c and the
other a g ainst i t Both defend thei r v i ews w ith economic
easons As C onfuc i us looks at it from the poin t o f v iew
of consumption he th i nks music n e c ess ary
Mo T ii
loo k s at it only from t h e po int o f V i ew of production i gn o r
.
z
,
,
.
r
.
z
.
,
,
the pr inciples of consumption entirely so he thinks
mus ic a w aste Th i s is the weakest poi nt o f Mo Tz ii
Si nce C onfuc i us lays so much importance on music why
i s t h e C hinese music so poo r ? To expla i n b riefly i t is the
fault of the C hinese scholars I n the Han dynasty the
C an o n o fM as ic of C o nfucius had been lost Hence the tunes
of the y a and the s u ng were unknown Mo reover the
p i tch tubes were als o lost s o that the mus i cal instrumen t s
of the classical music were also unknown Whatever had
remained was called vul g ar mus i c Th e scholars found
i t impossible t o trace back to the notes o f C onfucius ; but
they di d not pay attent i on t o the s o called vul g ar music and
left i t to the poor musician whose o nly obj ect was money
ma ki n g They w ere much too conservative and di d not
k now the evolution and pro g ress o f music O r it is better
to say that they were influenced by C onfuc i us too muc h on
the eth i cal s i de and fo rgot h i s most important principle
that music is an obj ect o f pleasure Therefore on the one
hand they tried to reproduce t h e old i nstruments but did
not ge t any result O n the other hand they re g arded the
preva i l i n g music as t h e tunes o f C h en g and would have
noth i n g to do w i th it Hence the s o called classical music
did not produce any pleasure and the s o called vul gar musi c
has necessari ly become popular
ing
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
228
R I N CI P L E S
OF C ON
F U CI US
b rou ght to gether some of all the products of
harvest
an d sou g ht out the authors of them to p resent these pro
ducts to them as o ffer in g s There were ei ght Obj ects to
—
f
f
o
which the sacrifices were
ered namely the F ather of
Husbandry the O l dest M i nister of A g riculture the dis
coverers of the various g rains the ancient overseers of b u s
b an dm e n the spi rit of the buildin g s marki n g out the boun
d arie s of the fields the sp irits o f cats and ti g ers the sp iri t
of dykes and the spi ri t of water channels These sacri
fic e s were expressions o f thanks
Th e principle w as that
when anythin g renders you service you must g ive i t a re
turn As the cats devoured the rats and mic e of the field
the ti ger devoured the w ild boars and the dykes and water
channels performed thei r business they should receive re
turn Such a custom was o ri ginated i n le g endary times
I n fact it is a festival day of thanks g ivin g
A fter these ei ght sacrifices they p roceeded to sacrifice to
their ancestors and the five sp irits of the house They
wore yellow robes and yellow caps fo r the perfo rm ance o f
sacrifice i n o rder to i ndicate that the farmers should take
a rest Th e yellow caps were the dress of the country and
they were the si g ns of the farmers Th e harvest time b e
ing past the people had nothin g to do but to rest
Th ere
fore after the C h a th e ruler did not commence any public
work for the employment of the people
O n such an occasion the rite of district dri n k in g takes
place There must be a g reat gatherin g of the people i n
the school house and the presi dent o f the town is t h e h o s t
Many details are g iven in the C an o n o f R it es but w e shall
omit them pickin g out th re e follow in g passa ges fro m the
”
Principles o f D istrict D ri nkin g
F irst this rite has an ethical si g nificance Th e Prin
c ip l e s of D istrict D rinkin
says
g
the
,
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,
,
,
,
,
,
,
-
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,
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,
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-
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1
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,
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'
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,
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-
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,
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1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
ix pp
,
.
1
4 3 434 .
DI FFE R E N T
WA YS
O F GE TTI N G P L E A S
UR E
2 29
h ost b ws to t h e om i n g guest a h e e e i ves h i m outs i de
t h e d o f t h e s h ool Th ey nte an d t h ee s alute one an
t h e t i ll t h ey ome t t h e steps Th e e e a h t h ee y i elds
t h e p e edence to t h e ot h e an d t h en t h ey a cend In t hi s
t h e utmost t h e i mutu al demonst at i ons o f
w ay t h ey c a y t
h ono an d h um i l i ty Th h ost w as h es hi s h ands i nses t h e
—
a
n
a
T
h
i
ses
to
i
ve
t
h
e
hi
h
est
i
de
f
pu
i
ty
i
t
d
a
p
g
g
h ost b ows w h en t h e guest a i ves i n t h e h all ; t h e g est b ow
n
w h en t h e h ost w as h es t h e
a
d
b
ows
a
a
i
n
w
h
en
t
h
e
cup
i
s
p
g
e e i ved ; t h e h ost b ows af te t h e p h a b een sent aw ay ; and
in t hi s w ay ca y
t h e gu est b ows w h en t h e d i n ki n g i s ove
in g t t h e utm st t h e i mutu al espect
Th e
o
o
o
c
r o
c
o
r
r
.
r c
.
r
r
r
e
.
,
s
o
r
r
c
r,
rr
cu
r
e
.
c
r,
r c
s
r
o
,
rr
cu
r c
s,
,
cu
s
r
o
e
.
u
r
o
r
,
r,
r
rr
-
1
r
.
Honor humility purity and respect are the manners o f
social i ntercourse They w ill keep men away from quarrel s
and disputations and prevent the evils o f violence and d is
order
Second i t has a social s i gn ificance
Th e
Principles o f
Dist r ict D rinkin g
say s :
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
-
Th o se
s i xty ye ars o l d s i t down an d t h o se w h o are
—
o nly fi f ty st and up an d w ai t fo r an
r
r
o
de
of
se
v
i
ce
t
h
us
r
y
i llust rat i n g t h e h on o r w h i c h i s p ai d to elde rs Be f o re t h ose
w h o are s i x ty t h ee add i t i on al d i s h es are pl ac ed ; b e f o re t h ose
o f se v enty
f ou r ; b e f o e t h o se o f e i gh ty five ; an d b e f o re
t h ose o f n i nety s ix z—t h us i llust rat i n g h o w t h e aged are c h e r
is h e d an d nou ri s h ed
W h en t h e pe o ple k now h o w to h ono r
t h e i r elde rs an d n o u ri s h t h e i aged t h ey w i ll b e ab le to p rae
t i c e fil i al p i e ty an d f rate rn al duty i n t h e i r own h o mes F i l i al
an d f rate rn al at h o me an d h o no ri n
t
h
e
elde
r
s
nou
i
s
h
i
n
n
a
r
d
g
g
t h e age d o uts i de o f t h e i r f am i ly t h e rel i i on i s c omplete and
g
t h i s le ads t o t h e pe ac e an d t ran q u i ll i ty of t h e state
w ho
are
,
.
r
,
r
,
,
,
.
r
,
.
,
,
,
2
.
Th i rd
i t contains an economic lesson
o f D istrict Drinkin g says
,
Th e
.
Principles
-
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
x lu .
p
.
4 35
’
.
l b id
.
,
pp
.
4 39 44 0
-
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 30
RI N CIP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
W h en t h e guest s i ps s o m e o f t h e l iq uo r
at t h e en d o f t h e
t ab l e i t m e ans t h at t h e m i ddle o f t h e t ab le i s n o t o nly fo r t h e
pu rp o se o f e at i n g an d d ri n ki n g b ut also fo r t h e pe r f o rm an c e
i tes It s h o ws t h at t h e ri tes are m ade v alu ab le w h i le
of
W h e n t h e gu est d rai ns t h e
w e alt h is m ade o f l i ttle ac c o unt
l iq u o o f t h e c u p at t h e t o p o f t h e weste rn steps i t me ans t h at
t h e tab le i s n o t m e re ly fo t h e pu rp o se o f e at i n g an d d r i n ki n g
an d s h o ws t h e p ri n c i ple t h at r i tes st and at t h e fi r st pl ac e an d
w e alt h at t h e l ast
W h en ri tes h ave t h e fi rst pl ace an d we alt h
t h e l ast t h e p e o ple b e c o m e respect f ul an d y i eld i n g an d are
n o t cont e nt i o us w i t h o n e anot h e r
,
,
r
.
,
.
r
,
r
,
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,
,
1
.
F rom this point of view the d i strict drin k in g combines
econom i c and ethical elements into one pri nciple
Th e
M i scellaneous R ecords however tells that th i s
-
,
.
”
,
,
drinkin g harmonizes w ith a purely economic pri nciple that
i s the b al ance betw e en work i n g and enj oy i n g Tz ii k un g
h avi n g g one to see the festival of C h a found all the people
drunk C onfucius asked him
i t g ive you pleas
?
Th e answer was
ure
Th e people of the whole state
appear to be mad ; I do not know i n what I could find pleas
ure
C o nfucius sa i d
‘
,
-
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
H
.
t h e i r h und red d ays l ab o r i n t h e field t h e h usb an dmen
r e c e i ve t h i s o n e d ay s en j oym ent f ro m t h e st ate —t hi s i s w h at
a
o
o
u
do
n
unde
st
nd
ven
n
n
Wu
c
ould
not
k
eep
r
E
é
a
d
W
t
a
y
b o w i n go od c o nd i t i o n i f i t we re alw ays d rawn an d neve r re
l ax e d ; n o r d i d t h ey le ave i t alw ays re l axed an d neve r d rawn
To k e e p i t now st run g an d n o w unst run g i s t h e p r i nc i ple o f
W én an d Wu
Fo r
’
,
’
.
,
.
?
This
dialo gue shows the di fferen ce between C onfucius and
his pup i l Tz ii kun g was too strict and thou ght that the
peopl e s h oul d not have the pleasure of drink i n g C o n
fu c iu s was sympathetic w ith the laborers and thou ght that
-
.
.
,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
Xll l ,
p
.
4 39
2
.
1b id
.
,
bk
.
xviii p
,
.
1 67
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2 32
RI N CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
drin k in g and the g ame take s plac e at t h e middl e part
A fter the formal music is finished an d befor e the general
pled g in g beg ins there is the g ame of archery W e shall
describe the game as s imply as possible accordin g t o t h e
There are o ne host one g uest and t h e
C an o n o f R it es
common g uests sometimes w ith g reat o fficials Th e gam e
is presi ded over by the master of archery and the s up e rin
tendent an d has many curators Tw o men mak e up o ne
pai r ;—the one is called upper archer standin g o n t h e ri ght ;
and the other lower archer st andi n g o n t h e l e ft Th e d is
tance between the t w o is about t h e len g th o f a bow E ach
one shoots four arrows ; the lower archer follows t h e uppe r
archer i n e ach shootin g and t h e arrow of t h e w inner mus t
pierce the targ et wh ich is made o f cloth
Th e g ame is d ivi ded int o three p arts
In the fi rst part
there is the g ame o f the three pai rs who are made up o f
youn g students for t h e practice of archery At first t h e
master o f archery himsel f g ive s an example The n he d i
re c t s the three pai rs in t h e
ame
B
ut
the
score
is
counted
g
l ater
In the second part there is t h e game o f all the members
At first they arran ge the pai rs ; t h e host is wi th the g uest ;
the g reat o fficials even though thei r number may be many
are coupled w ith the st ude n ts ; and t h e common g uest s are
coupled w ith one another ; t h e host and the g reat o fficial s
act as the lower archers After takin g their arrows and
comin g to thei r positions the score of the first gam e is
counted Then the three pairs take the first part of thi s
second g ame ; the g uest and host follow them ; the g reat
o fficials come i n third and the common g uests at the e nd
Th e score is counted i n two ways
F i rst all t h e pai rs are
generally divided i nt o ri g ht and left the upper and the
lower archers and the accountant finds which set wi ns mor e
than the other Then he report s which is the better set ;
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,
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DI FFE R E N T WA YS O F GE TTI N G P L E A S UR E
2 33
i f t w o sides a re equal he says that the left and ri ght are
equal Secondly the game i s counted accordin g to each
i ndividual i n each pai r Th e master of archery g ives an
order that all the wi nners should show thei r left a rms thei r
bowstrin g th imbles and armlets and should hold the bows
strun g ; that all those who are defeated should cove r thei r
left arms take o ff thei r thimbles and armlets leave the i r
bows unstrun g and hold the strip o f bamboo by both hands
Th e victorious partner ascends to the hall a little earl ier
than the defeated partner ; the latter d rin k s a cup of liquor
as a fine and then comes down a l ittle earlier than th e
fo rmer
I n the thi rd part there is the pri ncipal game E very
part of it is the same as that o f the second part ; the only
di fference i s the usin g o f music fo r the re g ulation o f the
dischar g in g of arrows Th e same notes o f musi c are re
a
e
t
d
e
n
o t e for
five
times
w
i
thout
any
variation
the
first
p
the preparation of the archer and the others for the d is
char g in g o f the four arrows I f any arrow is not i n har
mony w ith the music althou gh i t pierce the targ et it i s
not counted as a point
A fte r the game is all over the ceremonies are l i k e those
o f d istrict drin k in g Th e g uest first pled g es the host and
then comes the gene ral pled g in g Then the feast takes
place ; there i s no l imi t as to the numbe r o f cups to be d run k
nor to the amount o f music to be played When the g uests
are ab out to
o
out
music
i
s
bein
played
and
t
h
e
host
g
g
esco rts them out o f the doo r and b ows
Th e g ame o f arche ry was the nat i onal g ame o f ancient
C hina
I t was pract i ced b y eve ry man from the emperor
to the common people When a b oy was born a b o w was
placed on the le ft o f the doo r ; and when he was only th ree
days old he began to be carried fo r the shootin g o f six
Th is showed that archery w as a necessary pro
arrows
,
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-
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
1
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‘
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
x pp
,
.
1
4 7 2.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 34
RI N CI P L E S
O F C ON
FU CI US
for any boy H en ce i t i s one of t h e s i x arts o f
I f a man was unable to ta k e part i n th i s g ame
C onfuc i us
i t was a ve ry sh ameful th i n g I n the C an o n o f R it es
there is a book ent i tled the C eremonies o f G reat A rchery
wh i ch describes the g ame part i cipated i n by the feudal
p ri nces an d the i r o ffic i als W hat w e have ment i oned above
is d i str i ct —
archery It was practiced tw ice a year i n the
spr i n g and autumn ; an d i t was held at the sch o ol house o f
a county
But it m i ght be pract iced at any t i me I f i t was
at a social g ather in g it was called soc i al archery
D istr i ct
ar chery and g reat archery were quite similar to each o the r
with only a l i ttle modification F o r our purpose d i strict
archery should be g i ven because it was much more popular
than the other
There is a description of an archery meetin g that C o n
fu c iu s d i rected
W hen he ta k es part i n the g ame in a v e ge
table g arden at Kuo hsian g the loo k ers o n surround it li k e
a wall H e appoi nts T ii l u as th e master o f archery and
orde rs him to go o u t w ith h is bow and arrows t o i ntroduce
t h ose who wish to shoot and to see Tz ii l u says t o the
crowd : Th e g eneral of a defeated army the g reat o fficial
o f a fallen state and anyo ne who has schemed to be the
successor and he i r of another w ill not be allowed to ent e r
b ut the rest may all enter
O wi n g to th i s one half g oes
away
and the other hal f enters
F rom this description
we know that the game o f archery can be held at a ny place
and that it may be participated i n b y any stran g er Th is
i s t rue o f both d i strict archery and social archery Indeed
it was t h e most favored and popular g ame
Th e g ame of archery is very useful
Fi rst it has edu
c at io n al value and t h i s value may be d i v i ded i nto t w o parts
I n the first place i t i s a mor al education Th e Prin
c ip l e s of Archery
says
fe s s io n
.
“
.
.
,
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.
,
”
,
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-
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,
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-
-
,
z
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-
,
-
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,
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'
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,
1
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,
,
,
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-
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,
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,
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,
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,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
x l iii pp
,
44 9 4 5 0
-
.
.
2 36
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N CI PL E S
OF C O N
F U CI U S
F rom this point o f view this part of the educational system
,
is very wonderful I t trains the body as well
as the mind and the character and it can stand in t im e o f
w ar as well as i n time of peace
In ancient times the
Second it has a poli ti cal value
emperor used archery as an additional test fo r selectin g
the feudal p rinces the ministers the g reat o fficials and the
students And the princes ministers and g reat o fficials all
selected the students for thei r employment i n the same way
In fact archery was o ne kind of civil examination throu gh
out the whole pol itical li fe and one qualification for election
Th i rd it has social valu e
D istrict archery includes the
r i te of district drinkin g hence g ets all its benefits I t fixe s
the relation betwee n seniors and j uniors in good order and
makes soc iety ha rmon ious
F ourth i t has economic value I n the first place it g ive s
imm aterial pleasure ( a ) There is the social pleasure i n t h e
atherin
of
di
f
ferent
classes
and
di
f
feren
a
es
o
f
men
t
g
g
g
T
b
here
i
s
the
physical
pleasure
i
n
the
exercise
o
f
the
( )
whole body fo r the whole day ( c ) There is the pleasure
in w innin g the g ame by show in g personal quali ties I n
the second place i t g ives material pleasure ( a ) There is
the pleasure o f dri nkin g both before and a fter the archery
T
b
( ) here is the pleasure of l isteni n g to mus ic before dur
ing and after the g ame
here
is
the
reat
pleasure
T
e
( )
g
o f the feast
Similar to the g ame of arche ry there i s the rite o f p itch
pot I t takes place i n the middle o f a feast fo r the pleasure
of the g uests I n the R e c o rd o f R it e s there is a book de
scri bi n g the g ame but we shall g ive only a little o f it
Th e neck of the pot is seven inches lon g ; its belly five
i nches lon g ; and its mouth is two and a hal f i nches i n
o
f C onfucius
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1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
x l iii p
,
.
44 8
.
2
I b id
.
,
bk
.
x xxvn ,
pp
397 40 1
-
.
.
DI
FFE REN T
WA YS
O F GE TTI N G P L E A S
UR E
2 37
d iameter I t is filled wi th small beans to p revent the arrows
from leap in g out Re gard in g the len g th o f the arrows i f
the game is hel d in the chamber it is t w o cubi ts ; i n the
hall two cubits and ei g ht i nches ; i n the courtyard three
cubits and six inches Th e si ze o f the arrows i s one seventh
o f an inch This g ame can be p racticed anywhere accord
ing to the sunl i g ht ; i f at noon it i s held i n th e chamber ;
i f i n the afternoon i n the hall ; i f i n the evenin g i n the
courtyard I n all three places the distance o f the pot from
the players is equivalent to the len g th of two and a half
arrows ; that is i n the chamber five cubits ; in the hall seven ;
and i n the courtyard nine
Th e partners o f the g ame are two ; and there are as many
sets o f partners as there are players Th e party of the
E
uests
is
i
n
the
ri
ht
and
that
o
f
the
host
i
n
the
left
ach
g
g
partner throws four arrows i n each part o f the game I ts
r ules are : when the arrow
oes
strai
ht
in
i
t
i
s
reckoned
g
g
an entry ; when it is not th rown accord i n g to the alternation
it is not rec k oned Durin g the game the pitch in g is i n
harmony wi th music A fter the result o f the game is an
n o u n c e d the cup bearers of the successful s ide
ive
d
ri
n
k
g
to the unsuccessful side as a fine When the three parts of
the game are all over the superintendent be gs to set up
fi g ures o f horses in hono r o f the victo rious p arty There
are three ho rses
one for each part o f the game I f the
side wi ns only one pa rt o f it it should g i ve up its one ho rse
t o the st ron g er side to unite the th ree horses fo r the cele
b ration of victo ry Then t h e defeated p artner pe rsonally
o ffe rs
d ri n k to th e w i nn i n g partner fo r con g ratulation
After it is ove r the h o rses are removed and the feast i s
in order w ith unl imi ted d rin k in g
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IV
Th e
.
P U B L I C P A R K A N D H U N TI N G
fo u rth way
o
f g ettin g
pleasure is by
the
pub l ic p ar k
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 38
RI N C IP L E S
O F C O N F UC I US
.
Accordin g to the p r i nc i ple of t h e Sp ring an d
A u t u m n the p roport i o n of t h e g round of the publ ic par k
to the total ter r ito ry i s one t o ten Based o n the theory o f
C onfucius the te r r i tory o f t h e imper i al state is a thousand
m i les square ; that o f the states of a duke o r a marqu i s one
hundred miles square ; that of the state o f an e arl seventy
m i les squa r e ; that o f the states of V i scount or baron fifty
m i les s q uare Therefo re the area of the park of the em
r
r
e
o
i
s
one
hundred
mile
s
square
that
of
a
du
k
e
or
a
;
p
marquis ten ; that o f an earl seven ; that of a Viscount o r
a baron fiv e
This proport i o n of public parks is qui te
su ffic i ent for the pleasure both of the rulers and of the people
When Mencius v is i ts Kin g H ui o f L ian g the kin g leads
him i nto the park and stands w i t h hi m by a pond L ook
in g round at the g eese and deer he asks Menc ius
Do w ise
and g ood rulers also find pleasure in these thin gs
Men
cius repl i es : Bein g w ise and g ood they may have pleasure
i n these th i n gs I f they are not w ise and go Od althou gh
To il
they h ave these thi n gs they may have no pleasure
lustrate the t w o cases Menc i us fi rst quotes the words from
the C an o n o f P o e t ry wh i ch tell about the park of W en
Wan g Part o f the quotation is as follows :
system
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1
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,
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Wh e n
t he
Th e d o e s
Th e d o e s
ki
is in t h e Go o d P ar
ng
are
ly
i
ng
slee
ar e s o
do
k
w
k
n,
fat ,
an d
whi t b i d hi gl i t i
Wh t h k i g i b y t h G d P
l pi g b
H w f ll i it f fi h
And t h e
en
r
n
e
u
o
e
s
e
s
o n d,
oo
ea
es
s
o
s e n ng.
ne
s s
,
n
a o ut
!
Mencius remar k s : Th e ancients took the people w ith them
for pa rt i cipat i on in thei r pleasure and therefore they were
enab led to have pleasure
C ont rary t o this Mencius
points o ut that i f the people w ish thei r ruler to die al
thou g h the rule r may have towers po nds birds and animals
,
”
,
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,
,
,
1
i h
E g t e e nt
h
y e ar
o
f Du
,
,
,
k
e
Ch
'
e ng .
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
240
RI N C IP LE S
O F C ON
F U C I US
are not for the purpose of acquirin g wealth but serve only
Besi des the three g rades of
as re g ulati ons of the hunt
o
ames
a
huntin
can
als
kill
wild
animals
for
the
benefit
g
g
of the farms and it can practice the art o f war These are
the g rounds on which C onfucius approves huntin g
I n p rimitive l i fe huntin g is producti on ; but in civil ized
l ife huntin g is often consumption because it g ives a psych ic
pleasure g reater than that g iven by the ga me killed W hen
Mencius talks about pl easure wi th Kin g H s iian of C h i he
—
ment i ons only two thin g s music and huntin g So he con
siders huntin g a g reat source of pleasure B ut when a
ruler does not share his pleasure w ith the people they feel
his huntin g bad ; an d when he shares his pleasure w ith them
they feel his huntin g good Th e co nclusion a gain is that a
ruler must share his pl easure w ith the people
Accordin g t o the s ystem of C onfucius the common people
have huntin g as well as the e mpero r the princ e and the
reat
o
f
ficials
here
were
catchers
of
pheasants
and
hares
T
g
in the park o f W én W an g By the R oyal R e g ulations
the huntin g o f the common people is held durin g the w inter
I n the C an o n o f P o et ry t w o of the poems of C h i tell about
the huntin g of the common people
I n fact the peo ple
j ust as thei r rulers ou ght to have pleasure
Thou gh C o n fu c iu s al l o w s the rulers and people to have
thei r pleasure i n huntin g he does not allow them to have
excessive pleasure Th e second and the ei g hth of the poems
of C h i j ust referred t o are di rected ag ainst the inordinate
love of hunti n g. Th e C an o n o f H is t o ry says : W én W an g
did not dare to g o to any excess i n h is excursions or his
h unt i n g
Mencius quotes the words from An Tz ii that
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” 3
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1
2
3
C las s ic s
1b id
I b id
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.
,
,
,
vo l.
vo l
pp 5 5 3
iv p t i pp 3
iii p t p 4 69
vo l
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11,
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0- 1
1
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11,
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1
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1 - 2,
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15 8
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DI FFE R E N T WA YS O F GE TTI N G
PLE A S URE
24 1
ursuin
the
chase
w
ithout
satiety
i
s
called
bein
w
ild
p
g
g
Therefore C on fucius forbi ds huntin g i n summe r time and
ives
many
rules
i
n
the
R
oyal
R
e
ulations
I
n
short
g
g
C onfucius p rescribes always the happy medium ; he ap
proves social i nsti tutions as safety valves for human pas
s ions but he establ ishes re gulations to control them Th is
i s the doctrine o f the golden mean
1
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,
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”
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,
-
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,
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1
C l as s ic s
,
v o l . 11,
p
.
1 60
.
C HA P TE R
GE N E RA L
I
H A PPY
.
M E DI
STA N DA RD
XV
E X P E N DI TU
OF
U M B E TW E E N P A R SI M O N Y
RE
A N D EX
TRA V A G A N C E
principles of C onfucius always seek the g olden mean
and this i s especially t rue as reg ards consumption Th ere
is only one proper way neither parsimony nor extrava g ance
C onfucius says :
TH E
,
.
.
,
Ku an
v i n g on t h e s q u are vessels fo r h old i n g
t h e grai n o f hi s o ffe r i n gs an d re d o rn aments fo r h i s c ap ; h e
set up a sc reen w h e re h e l o d ged o n t h e w ay an d h ad a st and
o f e art h o n w h i c h t h e c ups h e h ad used i n
re
i
v
i
n
a
f
e
a
st
we
g
g
repl ac ed ; h e h ad h i lls c arved o n t h e c ap i t als o f hi s p i llar s an d
p o ndweed o n t h e l o we r p i ll ars supp o rt i n g t h e rafte rs H e w as
a wo rt h y gre at o ffic ial b ut m ade i t d i ffi c ult fo r h i s supe r i o rs
t o d i st i n gu i s h t h emselves f ro m h i m
An P i n g C h un g i n s ac
rific in
rs
n
r
r
o
a
to
hi
s
f
t
h
e
ot
h
e
p
o
en
i
t
used
suc ki n g
r
a
a
d
g
g
r the
o
t
o
i
even
w
i
t
i
ts
shoulde
r
s
l
a
r
e
en
o
u
h
c
ve
h
n
o
t
p g
g
g
d i s h H e w as a wort h y gre at o ffi c i al b ut m ade i t d i fficult fo r
hi s i n f e ri o rs to d i st i n gu i s h t h em selves f ro m h im A supe ri o r
m an w i ll n o t enc ro ac h o n t h e O b se rv ances o f t h o se ab ove h i m
n o r put d i ffi c ult i es i n t h e w a
o w h im
o
f
t
h
o
se
b
el
y
C
h un g
h ad
c ar
,
,
,
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1
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Kuan C hun g is the representative of extrava g ance and An
P i n g Chun g of parsimony They both d e part from the rul e
of moderat i on and both are condemned by C onfucius
C onfuc i us says : Th e rites should be most carefully con
,
"
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,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xviii p
,
.
1 65 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 44
RI N CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
In the C an o n o f H is t o ry there is a book entitled A gains t
It thus p ictures luxurious people : When the
L uxury
parents h ave d ili gently labored in sow in g and reapin g their
sons often do not understand this painful toil and abandon
themselves to luxury and pleasure and become quite dis
orderly without any rul e They cast contempt on their
parents sayi n g Those old people have heard nothin g and
kno w nothin g
Then it cri ticizes the e mperors of the
“
later generations of the Yin dynasty and says :
F rom
their b irth enj oyin g l uxury they di d not understand the
painful to il o f sow in g and reap in g nor hear of the hard
labors of th e i nferio r people They only sought after ex
c e s s iv e pleasures and so not o n e of them enj oyed the thron e
for a lon g period
I t g ives many good emperors as ex
amples w h o were all d il i g ent and d id not dare t o indul ge
i n l uxurious ease Th e most consp icuous example is W én
W an g It says :
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Wén Wan g d ressed me anly
ve h i mself to t h e wor k o f
settlement an d to t h at o f h usb and ry
F rom m o rn i n g to
m i d day an d f rom m i d d ay to sundown h e d i d not all o w h im
sel f t i me to eat ; t h us see ki n g to secu r e t h e un ive rs al h armony
o f t h e m y r i ads o f t h e people
W én W an g d i d not d are t o go
to any e x c ess i n h i s e xcu rs i ons or h i s h unt i n g b ut c ar efully
devoted h i s attent i on to t h e wor k o f go ve rnment only
an d
a
g
.
-
-
,
.
,
.
conclusion is that all the s ucceedin g emperors shall not
indul g e themselves to excess i n dri nkin g and i n the luxury
o f excursions and huntin g
This book is d irected a g ainst luxury ; but it does not go
to the extreme and allows a re as o nab l e luxury In the very
be g innin g of the book it says : Th e o ffici als shall not l ive
th e l ife of luxury B ut afte r they have first understood the
painful toil o i sow in g and reap in g they may then be al
lowed luxury ; and thus they can understand the su fferin g
Th e
.
"
.
,
,
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,
’
,
GE N E
RA L
S TA N DA
RD
OF E
X P E N DI TUR E
24 5
o f the inferio r people
W an g C hun g 5 7 8 6 4 8 o r 2 7 9 7
A D ) explains this p rinc i ple by sayi n g that the muscle and
b ones o f a man are not l ike wood and stone and th at they
cannot ge t alon g w ithout some re asonable i ndul gence Th is
i s the pri nciple of C on fuc i us when he tal k s a b out the d rink
ing i n the fest ival o f C h a
Th e evil s of l uxury and extrava gance are frequently con
d e m n e d in the Sp r ing an d A u t u m n
Th e ch ief obj ect o f
condemnatio n i s the work o f build i n g b ecause i t is e x p en
sive and lays the heaviest burden upon the people F o r in
stance in the twenty th i rd year of Duke C huan g it reco rds
that the pillars of D uke H uan s temple were painted red
Th is was a usurpation o f th e ri ght o f the empero r because
the leg itimate color o f the pillars of a prince i s black I n
the follow in g yea r i t records the carvi n g o f the rafters of
Duke Huan s temple
Thi s is worse than b efo re because
i t requi res more labor than paintin g
Th e reason C onfucius always takes t h e wor k o f build in g
to illustrate his condemnations of extrava g ance i s because
i t hurt the people to a g reat extent besides takin g much
money I n ancient times the re was no slavery and all con
st ructive wo rks were done b y forced l abo r W hen the
p ri nces were extrava g ant the people were compelled to g ive
painful labor i n order to satisfy the wants o f the pri nces
O r at least the people must have pa i d more taxes
Of
course C onfuci us does not want to s acr i fice t h e l abor and
money o f the people fo r th e personal g ratificat i on o f the
princes This is the reason he condemns ext rava gance i n
b uild in gs How e ver after forced la b o r was abol ished the
cond ition o f the people was q u i te d i ffe rent But the C h inese
d id not underst and the i dea o f C on fucius very well and
clun g to the o kl custom concern in g b uild in g s because they
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1
C las s ic s
,
vo
l
.
iii
,
pt
.
ii pp
.
.
464
-
4 70
2
.
Cf
.
s u p ra,
p
.
2 30
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 46
R I N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
were afra i d of be i n g condemned as extrava g ant Th is ex
plains why the C hinese b u i ld in g s are i n general i nferior
Besides the extr av agance o f buildin g the Sp ring an d
F o r the con
A u t u m n condemns all o ther extrava g ance
d e m n at io n of extrava g ance i n g eneral the Sp rin g an d A u
t u m u records the fire of the altar of Poh i n the fourth year
of D uke A i Th e altar o f Poh represented the ruined
dynasty of Yin and it was placed outs ide the g ate leadin g
to the ancestral temple i n all the feudal states to s erve as a
warn in g to the pri nces to g uard a g ainst the calami ty of
losin g thei r states Accord in g to the M any Dew dr o p s o f
t h e Sp rin g an d A u t u m n
C hou the last emperor of the Yi n
dynasty is the stron gest example of ext rav agance H is
foods drinks clothes buildin gs parks animals di fferent
k inds of art colors forms m us ie a n d women were all of
the most l u xurious and extrava g ant B ut h i s emp ire was
lost and his head was cut o ff Thi s w as the punishment o f
extrava gance Recordin g the fire of the altar of Poh C o n
fu c ius g ives a warnin g a g ainst the dan g er of luxury and
extrava g ance Since it can rui n even an empero r and an
emp ire how much more eas i ly w ill it ru i n an ordinary man
?
or an ordinary family
However Co nfucius condem ns the evils o f luxury and
extrava gance on social as well as economic g rounds I n
the thi rd boo k of the A n al e c t s there are many chapters
about th is poi nt
Pic k in g out the most consp icuous chap
ters we may class i fy them into two parts F irst we may
t ak e up the usurpation of the class of g reat o fficials I n the
fi rst chapter C onfuci us condemned the head of the C h i
f am i ly b ecause he usurped the ri ght o f emperor and had
e i ght rows of pantomimes in his area C onfucius sai d : If
?
this be allowed whatever else may not be allowed
In
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1
Bk
.
vi
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
248
RI N CI PL E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
set on pl ai n c o arse clot h —
go i n g b ac k to t h e c o m menc e men t
Inv i t i n g as i s t h e rest affo rded b y t h e mat s
o f wo m an s wo rk
t h e preference i s gi ven to t h e
o f fine rus h es an d b am b oos
c o arse o nes o f r eeds an d st raw —
d i st i n gu i s h i n g t h e s ac ri fice
—
r
T
h
a
a
to Go d
e
i s unse soned in h onor of it s
g nd soup
Th e grand sym b o ls o f j ade
h ave n o en grav i n g
s i mpl i c i ty
—
ln adm i rat i on o f t h e i r s i mple pl ai nness
o n t h em
Th ere is
t h e b e aut y o f t h e r e d varn i s h an d c arved b o rde r o f a c ar
—
ri age b ut a pl ai n one i s used fo r ri d i n
do
i
n
h
onor
i
ts
o
t
g
g
pl ain ness
,
,
’
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,
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”
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,
1
.
All these thin gs o f course are fo r so m e reli g ious reason
But fundamen t ally there is an economic reason A s
pointed out by Ss ff m a C hien they are used for the preven
tion o f luxury and for the remedy of decay
I n the C an o n o f C h ang es there is a book e nt itled D imi
n u t io n
which i llustrates the principle of moderation I t
says : I f there b e s ince rit y i n t h e method of d iminution
even i n sacrifice only t w o baskets of g rai n may b e
presented B ut these t w o basket s ought to b e o ffered at
the fittin g t ime
D iminution an d increase o v e rfl o w
ing and emptin e ss —thes e take place in harmony w ith t h e
”
conditions o f the time
Th is mea n s the cuttin g dow n o f
expenditure at t h e proper time and the tw o baskets stand
only as an i llustration Sincerity i s wo rth ier tha n material
thin gs ; and yet material th in gs should not be d imi nished at
all times This is the p rinciple o f moderation an d it is n o t
parsimony B ut h o w can we be moderate ? B earin g on
“
this question th is C anon sugg ests the term
r e p ressin g
wants
I f we have eth ical control o ver economic wants
w e shall be moderate i n a p ro per way
,
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,
,
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,
-
,
?
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"
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
,
,
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1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
H is t o ric al
Yi
King
,
ix pp
,
R
pp
.
435 6
e c o rd ,
.
2 4 6,
-
ch .
3 17
.
.
xxiii
.
RA L
GEN E
S TA N DA
RD
OF E
2 49
R SI M O N Y
I I I . E VI L S O F P A
C onfucius
XP E N DI TURE
system is an advanced civil ization and not a
primi tive doctrine Therefore i n h is theory of economics
h e does not put too much emphasis on fru g al ity
On the
contrary he sets a chec k a gainst the excess of fru gal ity I n
the C an o n o f P o e t ry he g ives the fi rst poem o f the nat ion
o f W ei fo r the condemnation of extreme pars imony i n the
hi gher class
O nce a g ain C onfucius sets forth the fi rst t w o poems o f
the nation of Tan g fo r the condemnatio n o f extreme parsi
mony Th e fi rst one has three stanzas all o f wh ich express
practically the same thin g thou gh i n a ris i n g scale Th e
first is as follows
’
,
.
,
,
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.
,
,
?
,
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,
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,
i k ti
Th e
e
cr c
h
wi
in t h e
s
all,
A n d t h e y e ar i s d r a n g t o a c l o s e
I f w e d o n o t e n o y o u rs e l e s n o w ,
Th e d ay s an d
ll b e l e a n g
o nt s
.
j
v
m h wi
x
fi t t hi k
f th d ti
wi l d i
t b
l v
d m
i
xi ly t h
B ut le t
Le t
us
Le t
u s no
Th e
no t
us
g o t o g re at
n
rs
e
o
u
n o ur
e
an
go o
e
an
s
vi
ce ss
es o
e
o
o us
ou
.
;
f
o ur
ii
pos t
on
j m t
gh t f l
f
o
us
en oy
u
en
.
.
.
second one also has three stanzas one o f wh i ch we
here quote :
Th e
,
On the
m
i
o u nt a n s
the t
are
I n t h e lo w w e t g ro u n ds
Yo u a e s u t s o f ro b e s ,
h v
n ut
Yo u
i
wi l l
yo u
h v
wi
1
hi p m
T
s
wi
C l as s ic s
3
I b id
.
,
p
.
,
vo
an o t
is g
oe
l
176
.
.
i
t
w
iv
,
iv
o
h p
er
en
pt
p
no
.
s u
i p
,
ff in
e rs o n
p ra
,
.
p
1 74
.
t
an
t dr
.
o rn y
el
m
whi t
t he
h m;
d h
iv t h m
d
h
wi ll j y h m
e ar
a e c ar r ag e s
B ut y o u
ll
Yo u
ll d ro
And
no
are
h
e
o rs e s ,
e
e
e at
.
,
en o
15 4
e
.
t
e
3
.
s,
el
m
s
.
2
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
5
RIN C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
All these poems emphas i ze t h e same principle and are
arran g ed by C onfucius in a most conspicuo us place as
representin g the sp i rit of the t w o nations Th e poem o f
We i i s exp ressly a g a i nst narrow mindedness Th e t w o
poems of Tan g are i n encoura gement of the enj oym e nt of
t h i n gs When the first of these t w o cons i ders the passin g
away o f time i t loo k s only at the present d ay ; b ut when
the last one assumes the takin g away of ownership by ah
other person it shares in the sadness o f the future Th e
fi rst one t h in k s of duty b ut t h e last one only o f pleasure
Yet C onfucius ta k es them all for the i ndicat i on o f h i s eco
nom i c princ i ple a g a i nst ni ggardl iness I n fact c o ns um p
tion is the end of eco nomics an d production is only i ts
means ; i f man does not consume in a moderate way what
he produces he w ill destroy the obj ect of production and
there can be no econom i c pro g ress
Mo reover i f extreme parsimoniousness i s the g eneral
sp i r i t of a nation b es i des these economic d efects ther e w i ll
be many defects of an ethical and social nature When the
people are st in gy thei r minds are narrow the i r natures
c ruel their char acters mean ; the i r amb it i on am o unts to noth
ing ; the i r l i ves are un h appy ; t h ey h ave n o g enerosity i n
social relations and soc i al cond i t i ons are unpleas ant
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,
P rin c ip les o f A es t h e t ics
C onfucius lays much emph as is on mo ral duties and yet
h e does not en t i rely le ave out materi al en j oyments He has
a sense of b eauty and su
ests
aesthetic
pr
i
nc
i
ples
fo
r
con
gg
sumpt i on U nfortun ately s i nce the Sun g dynasty the C o n
fu c ian s pay too much attent i o n to internal character and
ne glect almost ent i rely extern al well bein g They c ar e o nly
fo r t h e m i nd or hea r t and not for the b ody only for what
i s good and not fo r what i s b eaut i ful They narrow C o n
fu c ian is m i nto a sect l i ke Puritanism
Hence C hinese ma
1
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RI N C I P L E S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 52
OF C O N
F U C I US
st b ee f ; p i c k le sl i c es o f b e e f p i c k le an d m i nced
ro ast mutton
sl i c es o f mutt o n p i c k le an d ro ast po rk ;
sl i ces o f po rk must ard s au c e an d m i n c ed fis h ; p h eas
o ic kl e
an t h are q u ai l an d p art ri d ge
O f d r i n k s t h e r e i s must i n two vessels one st rai ned t h e
o t h e r unstr ai ned
m ade o f ri ce o f m i ll e t o r o f m ai ze In
e i t h e r t h e gruel is f e rm ented fo r one n i gh t as
s o m e c ases
t h e must o r s i mply as m i llet gruel Th e re are fou r mo re
—
ki nds o f d ri n k soup o f ri c e pu re w ate r syrup o f p runes
an d cold b r o t h m i x ed w i t h d i ffe rent grai ns an d f ru i ts
O f w i nes t h ere ar e c le ar w i ne an d w h i te w i nes
O f c on f e c t i ons t h e re are d ri ed c ak es an d r i ce fl o u r scones
F o r rel i s h es sn ai l ju i ce an d a c ond i ment o f t h e b ro ad
le aved w ate r s q u as h are used w i t h p h eas ant soup ; a con d i m ent
o f w h e at w i t h soups o f d r i ed sl i ces an d o f f o wl ; b ro k en gl u
t in o u s r i c e w i t h d o g s o up a n d h ar e soup ; t h e r i ce b alls m i xed
w i t h t h ese soups h ave no sm ar t weed i n t h em
A sucki n g p ig
i s stewed w rapped up i n son c h us le aves an d stu ffed w i t h
s m ar t w eed ; a f owl w i t h t h e s ame stu ffin g an d al o n g w i th
p i c k le s au c e ; a fis h w i t h t h e s am e stu ffin g an d e gg s auce ; a
t o t o i se w i th t h e s am e st u ffin g an d p i c k le s au c e F o r me at
sp i ced an d dr i ed t h e b ri ne o f ants i s pl ac ed ; fo r s o up m ade of
s l i c ed m e at t h at o f h ar e ; fo r a ragout o f el k t h at o f fis h ; fo r
m i nced fis h must ar d s au c e ; fo r raw el k fl es h p i c k le s auce ;
fo r p rese rved pe ac h es an d plu m s e gg l ik e suet
up
b ee f ;
so
an d ro a
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It is not necessary for the common people to possess al l
these articles o f food It is simply that i f they have such
thin g s they oug ht to use them accordin g to these rules
F or reli g ious worship social entertainment and the nour
is h m e n t o f parents these are domestic arts
the
women
fo r
to learn There are many rules but we shall quote only
o n e more :
.
,
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,
,
,
,
“
'
.
Fo r
th e
,
art
o
f
b aki n g tak e
,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
a
.
su c ki n g p ig
-
x pp
,
.
4 5 9 60
-
.
or a
yo un g
ram .
GE N E
H av i n g
RA L
S TA N DA
RD
OF E
X P E N DI TUR E
2 53
i t pen an d em v ed t h e ent ai ls fil l t h e b lly w i t h
d ates
W ap i t ound w i t h st aw an d eeds w hi c h a pl as
t
W h en t h e c lay b e omes al l
d w i t h l ay ; an d t h en b ak e i t
d y b e ak i t ff H av i n g w as h d t h e h ands f t h e m an i pul a
t i on t h e c a k l i n g i s emoved an d i t i s m a e ated w i t h i ce
fl ou
as to f o m a ki nd
f g uel w h i h i s added t t h e p ig
Th en t h e w h le i s f i ed i n su h a q u ant i ty o f melted fat a
t
ove i t In t h e m i ddle o f a l a ge p an o f h ot w ate pl ace
a sm all t i pod
w h i h i s filled w i t h f ag ant h e b s an d t h e
l i es o f t h e e atu e w h i h i s b e i n g p p a ed C a e must b e
d es n t v e t h i t i p d a d t h at
t ak en t h at t h e h ot w ate
t h e fi h a no i nte m i ss i on f t h ee d ay a d n i gh t
A f te t h i s t h e w h ole i s se ved w i t h t h e add i t i n o f p i k led
me at an d v i ne ga
c ut
r
r
.
o
r
r
r
r
r
c
c
or
c
,
r
o
r
r
r
r
c
o
s
r
cr
c
c
r
o
r
s
re
r,
c
,
o
r
r
re
r
co
r
s
r
r
o
,
n
n
s
r
,
r
.
r
or
r
r
.
c
.
r
r
re
,
e
.
o
c
e
,
.
r, s o
s
r
r
r
,
,
o
o
c
e re
r
O
s
o
.
c
?
F rom these passa ges w e can see how b eauti ful and
in
,
C h inese
cookin g was even at the time o f C onfucius
I t is no wonder that C hi nese food i s th e best i n the world
Th e
Second let us consider the clothes of C onfucius
A n al e c t s tells us :
t ric at e
.
,
.
.
,
supe ri o r m an [ C on f u c i us ] does n o t use a deep pu rple o r
E v en i n hi s n egl i
a puce colo r i n t h e o rn aments o f h i s d ress
In
gee h e do e s n o t we ar anyt h i n g o f a r e d o r redd i s h c o lo r
w arm we at h e r h e h as a s i n gle ga ment o f e i t h e c o ars e
fin e textu re b ut h e we ars i t d i spl ayed o ve r an i nne r garment
O ve r l amb s fu r h e we ars a ga ment o f b l ac k ; o ve r f awn s
fu r o n e o f w h i te ; an d ove f o x s fu r o n e o f yellow
Th e
fu r o b e o f h i s n égl i gée i s l o n g w i t h t h e i gh t sleeve s h o rt
H e e q u i res h i s sleep i n g d ress t o b e h al f agai n as l o n g as h is
t run k St ay i n g at h o me h e uses t h i c k f u rs o f t h e f ox o r t h e
b ad ge r W h en h e pu t s o ff m o u rn i n g h e we ars al l t h e ap
pend ages o f t h e g i dl
Hi s l w r garment ex c e pt w h en i t is
re q u i red to b e o f t h e c u rt ai n s h ape i s m ade o f s i l k c u t n arro w
abo ve an d w i de b l o w
H e d o es no t we a l amb s fu r o r a
Th e
,
.
,
.
,
r
,
or
r
.
,
’
’
r
’
r
,
.
,
r
r
,
.
r
.
.
.
,
r
e
o
.
e
,
,
e
r
.
l
Li
Ki
.
bk
.
x pp
,
.
4 68 9
-
.
’
2
TH E E C O N O M I C P
54
b la k
OF C ON
FU C I US
ndolen c e O n t h e fi rst d ay o f a
m o nt h h e puts o n h i s c o u r t ro b es an d p resents hi msel f at
W h e n f ast i n g h e re q u i res h i s u n de rw e ar t o b e b r i gh tly
c o u rt
c le an an d m ade o f l i nen c l o t h
c ap
c
,
on
a
visi t
RI N C I P LE S
o
f
co
.
,
.
,
1
.
H ere we ge t some i de a about the d ress of C onfuc i us It is
t i mely and most su i table in color style and comb ination
Th e theory o f dress of C onfucius i s t o make the clothes
the symbols o f personal ity H enc e t h ey must have colors
for distinct i on and the color s must be classified accord in g
to the soc i al orders Th e C an o n o f H is t o ry says : God
—
a
fi
v
c
i
ously
appoints
the
virtuous
are
there
not
the
e
g
?
habil i ments an d the five decorations belon g in g to them
.
,
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,
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,
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.
r
2
,
Accordin g to C onfucius theory all the o fficers should be
v i rtuous and should b e awarded decorat i ons accord in g t o
the ir vi rtue Thus the decorations o f the empero r are o f
yellow fowl white ti g ers red flames and g reen dra g ons
all upon a black backg round Those of a marquis are the
same as those of the empero r leav i n g out th e yellow fowl
Th e Viscount o r baron has only the wh ite ti g ers the red
flames an d the g reen dra g ons Th e decorat i ons of the
f
reat
o
ficials consist of only the red flames and the g reen
g
dra gons wh ile the decor at i on of the student is only the
reen
dra
ons
g
g
Accord in g to the C an o n o f H is t o ry the dres s of the em
r
r
a
o
r
e
is
somethi
n
l
i
k
e
this
All
h
i
s
upper
and
lower
:
p
g
g
ments are made of fine embroi dered cloth Th ey all have
the emb roidery of ( I ) t h e drawin g l ines ( 2 ) the g rains
o f r i ce ( 3 ) the combination o f wh ite an d black and (4 )
the comb i nation of blac k and g reen B ut while the lower
g arment has only these four k inds of emb ro i dery the upper
o n e has five k i nds more
namely as mentioned a b ove the
’
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1
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
i pp
,
.
2 30 2 32 .
-
,
,
I b id
.
,
vo l
.
iii
,
pt
.
i p
,
.
74
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 56
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
ered b order and str i n g s are red
Th is is for his decor
ation But he should not w ear furs nor should he wear
j ac k et or trousers o f sil k because both are too warm fo r
children
F or the convenience of doin g service he should
not wear the lower garment
And because he has not come
to maturi ty he should not wear the ornamental points on
his shoes
There are many details about dress in t h e R e c o rd o f
R it es but w e shall not g o i nto them
Th e only other thin g
“
we care to mention is the lon g dress
I t is the most
simple and most common dress of the C onfucian system
I t can be worn on all occas i ons by both sexes and by all
classes from the em p ero r to the comm o n p eople I t i s next
only to t h e c o u rt and sacrificial robes It is lasti n g and
not expensive and yet i t has an ornamental border I ts
“
deta i ls are g iven i n a small book entitled the L on g D ress
I n fact C onfucius has g iven a co mplete system about the
dress o f the head the feet and the whole body So far
as thei r dress i s concerned the C hinese all say that their
costume is most g enteel and comfortable
Third let us consider dwell in g s
U nfortunately we
cannot find any description o f the house of C onfucius Th e
only thing we know i s that the present temple o f C o n
fu c ius is h is old house which was als o occup ied by his
pupils As h is house was at the same time a school
buildin g and his pup ils were very numerous such a house
must have been very lar g e H is school house has been
called by the name o f Apricot Arena so it must have pre
sented a ve ry beauti ful scene w ith the apricot flowers Its
s itu ation was good as w e can see at the present day
.
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4
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”
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'
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” 5
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,
1
3
Li
Ki
I b id
,
.
I b id
.
,
.
xi pp 9—
b k x p 4 78
b k xxxvi pp 395 6
bk
,
.
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,
,
.
1
20
2
.
f
.
-
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,
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I b id
.
,
p
.
l b id , b k
20
.
.
xi p
,
.
20 .
GE N E
RAL
S TA N DA
RD
OF E
X P E N DI TUR E
2 57
W hile w e have no description o f his own house we still
can ge t his i deas about buildin g s from h is w ri tin gs I n the
C an o n o f P o e t ry there is a poem prais in g H s ii an W an g
2 7 7 82 B
B
K
o
r
1
8
n
e
who
built
a
palace
2
w
6
2
( 7
3
accordin g to the pri nciple of fru gal ity F ru gality is the
,
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,
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.
essential o f this poem and yet it g ives the sense o f beauty
W e shall quote a fe w li nes about this palace
,
.
.
Lik
Li k
Li k
Li k
e
a m an
e
an
e
a
e
a
Le
v
el
re
v
e as an
an d
f
as c
c
a
e re nt
e
xp
o ur
m
oot
h
t
A nd d e e
p
wi ll
an d
an
no
e
xp
wi d
e ar e
o u r n o b le
o n,
e rs
,
s,
as c e n d
or
.
r
u
t
co
y ar d,
ar s aro u n d
o s u re
ea
s
e
n
is t h e
pi ll
ti
ec t a
,
n
on
c
s
ra
n
,
A n d l o t y are t h e
P l e as an is t h e e
H e re
in
-
w fl y i g pi dly
h g d it f t h
b i d whi h h
ph
fl y i g wi g
t
h ll whi h
b l l d wi ll
arro
r
Is t he
t ip t o e ,
on
f t he
o
it s
l o rd
c
it
h mb
.
a
er
i h
t o t h e l g t,
re c e s s e s .
re
p
o se
1
.
poem about the palace shows i n the first stanza how
ma g nificent and conspicuous i s the hall and i n the second
h o w g rand and lovely the private apartment
Scattered throu ghout the C ano n o f R it e s is the description
o f a house wh ich i s about the same as the ancestral temple
I t was an old custom adopted by C on fucius Th e C hinese
house to day still seems somewhat s imilar to this Such a
system was common to all classes from the emperor to the
student the di fference bein g only in s ize and details L e t
us n o w consider the house o f the student
I ma g ine an oblon g space enclosed by four brick walls
In the front o r southe rn wall ( a house must always face
the south ) is the external entrance
Some d istance b e
h ind it is a second wall in the cen ter o f which is the ma in
entrance
Both ent rances are roo fed over w ith oblon g
This
,
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”
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”
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,
1
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
iv
,
pt
.
11,
p
.
30 5
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2 58
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
F U C I US
buildin gs runnin g east and west on each s ide e ach build
ing divi ded into two lobbies one w ithin one w i thout the
entrance Th e house p roper about square i n outline is
si tuated well toward the back o f th is enclosed space I t
consists of a g reat hall and behind it three apartments
Th e g reat hall stretches clear across the front o f t h e
house its front O pen havin g t w o p illars instead o f a d ivid
ing wall one at the east one at the west
Th is g reat
hall is approached by two fli ghts of steps one toward the
east one toward the west At the center of the northern
wall o f the hall between a door on the east leadin g into the
apartment behi nd and a w i n dow on the west is the honor
able place for g uests Th e east and west ends o f t h e hall
are parti tioned o ff into lon g narrow assistant apartments
”
Beh ind the g reat hall is the pri ncipal apartment used
as a business o ffice At each side of this is a chamber
Th e northern hal f of the
eastern chamber is called the
”
northern hall
I t has an open front i n th e north and
i t is for the exercisin g of ceremony by th e ladies Th e
western chamber s tores the valuable thin g s Th e whole
house proper is covered by a peaked roof made o f tile
Slop in g to back and front
Behind the house proper are the private apartment
fo r eatin g and sleepin g and several small buildi ng s fo r the
children o r perhaps fo r a son and his family I n the homes
of those of hi gher rank thi s third and back part may be
expanded i ndefinitely
Th e open space in front of the house p roper is the court
wh ich i s usually three t imes the len g th of the hall
Th e house of the comm on people is similar to that o f t h e
student Th e only g reat di fferences are that it has only
one entrance wi thout lobbies i n its t w o sides and that the
court is only as lon g as the hall I t has not the private
apartment
and the principal apartmen t is used for eatin g
,
,
,
,
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,
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 60
V
RI N CIP LE S
SO C I A L STA N DA
.
1.
RD
O F C ON
FU C I US
O F L I VI N G
Ge n eral Su rvey
W e have discussed above the doctri ne of rites and have
,
seen h o w the standard of l ivin g enters into the C onfucian
system W e must n o w s t u dy it especially and definitely
I n every age and every place there must be di fferent stand
ards amon g d i fferent classes and this holds i n t h e t e ac h ings
of C onfucius Since there are five classes as we know
—
there are five standards that i s those of the emperor t h e
princes the g reat o fficials the students and the common
people B ut on some occasions the standard of the pri nce
may be the same as that of the emperor that o f the g rea t
o fficial as that of the prince and so on down
W e must keep i n mind that social standards have a g reat
influence u pon the economic l i fe 1n addi tion to markin g s o
They make everyone satisfy his wants
c ial distinctions
accordi n g to the standard of h is class
They help to make
the wealth that is produced su ffice for the needs of con
sumers They stimulate everyone to do h is best i n produc
tion for the sake of raisin g h imsel f to a h i gher class
Therefore C o n fucius prescribes the d i fferent standards for
the di fferent classes
Take rel i g ious expense for exampl e Th e R oyal Re g u
l at io ns
says
.
.
,
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’
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.
,
In s ac ri fic i n g at t h e alt ars to t h e sp i r i ts of t h e l and and grai n
t h e e m pe ror uses i n e ac h c ase a b ull a ram and a b o ar ; t h e
p r i nces only a ram an d a b o ar Th e gre at o ffic i als and stu
d e nts at t h e s ac ri fi c es i n t h e i r ancestral temples i f t h ey h ave
l and ob s e rve t h e full ce re m
on i es of re gul ar s acr i fi c e ; an d i f
t h e y h ave n o l and t h ey s i mply p resent t h e i r offe ri n g [ t h at i s
t h e gr e at o ffic i al o ffers a lamb and t h e stu dent a suc ki n g p ig]
Th e co m mon people i n t h e sp ri n g o ffe r sc all i ons ; i n sum m er
w h e at ; i n autu m n m i llet ; an d i n w i nte r r i ce Th e sc all i ons
,
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GE N E
RA L
S TA N DA
RD
OF E
X P E N DI TUR E
261
set fo rt h w i t h e ggs ; t h e w h e at w i t h fis h ; t h e millet w i th
suc ki n g p ig ; an d t h e r i c e w i t h a goose
ar e
a
?
-
Th is
represents t h e standards o f thei r worship ; and i t is
somewhat accordin g to thei r means
L e t us take thei r foods for another exampl e
W hen there
is any occas ion the empero r and pri nce may kill an ox ;
the g reat o fficial a sheep ; the student a d o g or a p ig ; an d
the common people may eat del icate food B ut amon g all
o f them nobody should do so simply to satisfy hi s appetite
and w ithout any other reason
Th e Pattern o f the F amily says
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
?
cup b o ards of t h e empe ro r are five i n t h e ass i st ant apa rt
ment to t h e left an d anot h e r five i n t h at to t h e ri gh t ; t h ose o f
d u k es m arq u i s e s an d e arls are al s o five b ut al l i n one c h a m
b e r ; t h ose o f gre at o ffi c i als are t h ree i n t h e ass i st ant ap art
ment ; an d t h e students h ave only one on t h e i r b u ffet
Th e
,
,
,
,
?
I t does not speak about the number of cupboards o f the
common people but i t may be understood that i t is equal
to that o f th e students
Th e ancient C hinese l i k ed to have a lar ge area for a house
rathe r than many stories Hence the standard o f a house
is generally measured by i ts s ize instead of i ts hei ght And
yet there is a rule to re gulate the hei ght o f a house Such
a rule is illustrated in the steps o f a hall Accord in g to the
R e c o rd o f R it es the hall o f the empe ro r has nine steps
each o f one cu b it that is it i s n ine cubits h i ghe r than the
f
round
that
o
f
the
prince
seven
that
o
f
the
reat
o
ficial
;
;
g
g
five ; and that o f the student three
Th e text does not say
,
.
,
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.
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
‘
,
1
C f Li
.
2
1
Ib id
.
,
Ki
,
p
iii p
bk
.
,
I b id
.
,
bk
I b id
.
,
bk
.
.
.
x p 4 64
viii p 4
.
,
,
.
2 26
bk
2 2 7 , an d
.
.
.
00
.
.
xi p
,
.
4
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 62
R IN C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
hi g h the hall of common people shoul d be ; bu t j ud g
ing from what has been described above and draw i ng au
t h o rit y from C hi a Y i and modern scholars the hall of the
common people must have one step that is be one cub it
hi gher than the g round Here w e ge t some i dea about the
standard for thei r dwellin g
Th e C hinese have a peculiar index of social status ; that is
the use o f j ade Th e reason the C hinese set a hi g h value o n
j ade is explained by C onfucius H is full explanation i s
R
e
o
n
iven
in
the
c
r
d
o
R
i
t
s
u
i
but
it
can
be
summed
e
g
f
p
—
one l ine j ade has all the qual ities which are similar to
the virtues of a g entleman Th e same book tells us :
ho w
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
.
1
,
.
All t h e gi rdles m ust h ave t h e pend ant o f j ade e xc e pt du ri n g
t h e mou rn i n g only At t h e end o f t h e m i ddle st ri n g i s t h e
toot h l ik e p i e c e c oll i d i n g w i t h t h e Ot h e rs W i t h out some sad
cause a gentleman w i ll neve r let t h e j ade le ave h i s pe rson ;
h e re gards t h e p i eces of jade as emb lem at i c of t h e v i rtues
w hi c h h e s h ould cult i v ate
Th e pend ant of t h e empe ror i s co m posed o f b e ads of w h i te
j ade h un g on d ark c olo red st r i n gs ; t h at o f a du k e or m arq u i s
of j ade b eads of h i ll azu re on ve rm i l i o n st ri n gs ; t h at of a
gre at o ffi c i al of b e ads of aq u a m ari ne on b l ac k st ri n gs ; t h at
o f an h e i r son o f b e ads o f y ii j ade on v ari e gated st ri ngs ;
t h at o f a student o f b e ads of j ade l ik e q u artz on o ran ge
c o l o red st r i n s
a
As
nfu
i
us
h
e
somet
i
m
es
we
a
rs
t
h
i
s
f
r
o
c
o
C
g
pend ant an i vo ry ri n g five i nc h es round on v ar i egated
st ri n gs
,
.
"
-
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?
These
are the d i fferent standards in connection w ith th e u s e
of j ade for pendants and thi s is a g ood example of the si gh i
fic an c e ascribed to ornaments
,
.
1
Li
“I
Ki
bid
,
bk
.
bk
.
x l v,
xi p
,
.
pp
.
19
.
4 63 4
-
TH E E C ON O M I C
2 64
P R I N C IP L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
walk on foot
F rom this instance we can see h o w care
ful C onfucius was to maintai n his standard of l ivin g O f
course this is a l ittle more social than economic ; b ut
i t is a very good example o f the attentio n C onfucius paid
to the standard of l ivin g
.
,
.
,
’
.
t
a
n
d
a
r
d
S
3
o
.
f
the
C las s
o
e nt s
t
u
d
S
f
In the Pattern of the F amily there are many de t ail s
of daily l i fe and they are esse ntially common to all classes
W e may select some details in order to represent the stand
ard of the class o f students Thi s class is very importan t
because thei r l ivi ng is s imilar to that o f common people
Althou gh the common people may not o bserve those rules
as fully as the students the rules are nevertheless the pat
tern o f the people to w h Om the followin g lessons are tau ght
”
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
Wh en t h e sons serve t h e i r parents on t h e fi rst crow i n g of
t h e coc k t h ey all was h t h e i r f aces and ri nse t h e i r mout h s
c om b t h e i r h ai r d raw ove r i t t h e cover i n
l
o
f
s
i
k fix t h i s w i th
g
t h e hair p i n bi nd t h e h ai r at t h e roots w i t h t h e fillet b rush
t h e dust f ro m t h e h a i r tufts h angi n g ove r t h e fo re h ead and
t h en put on t h e i r c aps le av i n g t h e ends o f t h e str i n gs h an g
ing down
Th ey t h en p u t on t h e i r s q u are b l ac k ro b es k nee
c ove rs
and gi rdles fix i n g i n t h e l ast t h eir t ab l e ts F rom t h e
left an d ri gh t of t h e gi rdle t h ey han g t h ei r art i cles for use
o n t h e left s i de t h e duster m ade o f a h and k e rc hi ef t h e k n i fe
an d W h etstone t h e sm all i vo ry sp ik e fo r t h e open i n g of k nots
an d t h e met al speculum fo r gett i n g fire f ro m t h e sun ; on t h e
r i gh t
t h e arc h er s t hi mb le for t h e t h umb and t he armlet t h e
tu b e fo r w ri t i n g i nst ruments t h e k n i fe case t h e l arge r sp ik e
and t h e b o re r for gett i n g fire f rom w o od Fi nally t h ey put
o n t h e i r le
ggi n gs an d ad j ust t h ei r s h oe str i n gs
,
,
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’
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-
,
This
,
.
description seems t o have too many details but it
g ives a very g ood picture o f the youn g men i n ancient
times W hen the youn g wome n serve thei r paren t s o r
.
,
GE N E
RAL
S TA N DA
RD
OF E
X PE N DI TUR E
265
parents
they dress like these youn g men w ith th is
di fference : they wear the square black silk robes also w ith
irdles
leavi
n
out
such
articles
as
the
thimble
and
arm
;
g
g
let the tube and kni fe case they han g the needle case thread
and floss al l bestowed i n the satchel ; then they fasten thei r
necklaces which serve as ba g s for perfume
W hen the youn g men and youn g women have thus
dressed they g o to thei r parents and parents in law and
care for them i n every w ay They ask whether they w an t
anythin g and then respectfully brin g it They brin g to
thei r parents g ruel thick o r th in spi r i t o r must soup of
ve getables beans wheat sp inach rice millet maize and
—
lutinous
millet
whatever
they
w
ish
in
fact
and
their
;
g
parents are also furn ished w ith dates chestnuts su gar and
honey to sweeten thei r di shes ; w i th the ord inary o r the
lar ge leaved violets leaves o f elm trees fresh o r d ry and
the most soothin g rice water to l ubricate them ; and w ith fat
and o il to enrich them W aitin g till the parents have
tasted them the youn g people may w ithdraw
As to the youn ger boys and g irls they do not ta k e the
full d ress o f youn g men and youn g women b ut they all
use necklaces as ornamental ba g s o f perfume A t day
b reak they be g i n to pay thei r respects to the i r parents
later however than thei r older brothers and sisters Thei r
duty is to do the small services for thei r parents
All the members l ivin g i n the inner and outer parts o f
the house at the first crow in g o f the coc k should wash
thei r faces and mouths put on thei r d resses gathe r up
thei r pillows and fine mats Sprinkle and sweep out the apart
—
ments hall and courtyard and spread the mats each d oin g
h i s prope r wo rk A fter sunrise each attends to h is special
bus iness
Bes ides the old parents w h o are treated e specially well
the ch ild ren also rece ive favora b le t reatment
They go
-
in l aw
-
,
,
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-
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 66
R IN C I P L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
earl ier to bed and ge t up later E veryth in g is ready ac
cordin g to what they want ; there is no fixed time for thei r
meals W henever the parents leave somethin g after thei r
eat i n g althoug h the sons and thei r w ives may finish the
remainder the sweet soft and oily thin g s are specially for
the ch ildren
This example is g ive n to illustrate the pri n
“
c ip l e o f
lovi n g the youn g
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
?
'
e
P
o
l
e
f
p
Th e most important o f all i s the standard o f livin g of the
common peopl e O f course the livin g o f the common peo
ple must be s imple and we cannot expect to have many de
tails about it i n the C onfuci an system U nder the system
o f t s ing t ie n however they enj oy a very g ood l ivin g and
thei r standard is thus summed up by Menci us
4
.
S t an d ard
the C o mm on
o
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
A round t h e h ouse o f five acres t h e sp ace b ene at h t h e walls i s
pl anted w i t h mul b e rry t rees w i t h w h i c h t h e wom an nou r i s h es
s i l k wo rm s an d t h us t h e old are ab le to h ave s i l k t o we ar
E ac h f am i ly h as five b rood h e ns an d two b rood sows w hi c h
ar e k ept t o t h e i r b reed i n g se asons an d t h us t h e old are ab le
to h ave fl es h to e at Th e h us b andman c ult i vates h i s f arm
o f o n e h und red ac res an d t h us h i s f am i ly o f e i g h t mout h s are
se c u red agai nst h un ge r
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
Accordin g to Mencius the people o f fi fty years old canno t
be kept warm w ithout silk and those o f seventy cannot be
satisfied wi thout flesh I f they are not kept warm by s ilk
or not satisfied by flesh it i s said that they are starved and
famished
Therefore the silk for dress and flesh for food
are not the luxuries of the old but thei r necessities F rom
this po i nt of view we may say that the standard of the
co m mon people i s by no means low
,
,
,
.
,
?
,
.
,
,
.
1
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
C las s ic s ,
.
x pp 44 9 4 5 3
l ii pp 4 6
vo
,
.
-
.
,
.
.
1- 2
.
2 68
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N C I P LE S
O F C ON
F U C I US
farmers Since L i K o lived shortly after C onfu cius but
much earlier than Mencius his statement probably shows
the facts o f C onfucius age H e says :
‘
.
,
,
’
.
one m an h av i n g five mout h s i n all cult i v ates t h e l an d
o f one h und red ac res H e re aps annu ally f rom e ach ac re one
bus h el an d a h alf o f grai n ; t h e tot al am ount i s one h und red
an d fi f ty b us h els
Su b t ract i n g fi fteen b us h els for t h e t ax a
t i on o f one t e nt h t h ere rema i n one h und red and t h i rty five
b us h els F o r food eac h person consumes one b us h e l and a
h al f m ont h ly ; five persons consume n i nety b us h els fo r t h e
w h ole ye ar Th e re rem ai n f o rty five b us h els O n e b us h el is
wo rt h t h i rty c o i ns ; t h e tot al v alue i s one t h ous and t h ree h un
d red fi f ty co i ns Su b t ract i n g t h ree h undred co i ns for t h e ex
pense o f soc i al gat h e ri n g an d rel i gi ous wo rs h i p t h ere rem ai n
o n e t h ous and fi fty co i ns
F or clot hi n g e ach person spends
t h ree h und red co i ns on t h e av e rage f five persons spend one
t h ous and five h und red fo r t h e w h ole ye ar Th e re i s a de
fic it o f f our h und red fi f ty
I f t h ey are so unluc k y as to h ave
expense for s i c k ness and fune ral or fo r t h e ext ra i mpos i t i ons
o f gove rnment such expend i tu re st i ll h as not b een i ncluded
i n t h is acco u nt
Now ,
,
,
.
.
-
-
,
.
,
-
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
?
This
statement gives a stat istical view o f th e unhappy
condition o f farmers an d is the most reliable i nformation
which we n o w have Since a g ri culture w as the principal
occupation o f the ancien t C h inese the economic cond itio n
of the whole people must have been very bad Hence L i K o
introduced h is famous system o f equal izin g th e price o f
rain
for
thei
r
rel
ief
uch
a
bad
condition
was
probably
S
g
not confined to the state of L i K o but prevailed over t h e
whole empire I t i s no wond er that C onfucius devotes h is
attention first to the economi c li fe o f the people
,
.
,
‘
.
?
‘
,
.
.
1
2
H is t o ry
o
f Hon
,
Se e infra
.
ch .
xxiv
.
C HA P TE R
P A R TI C U L A R
XVI
E X P E N DI TU
RES
A L T H O U G H th e standard o f livin g may include all kinds
o f expendi tures we pre fe r to d iscuss some particular ex
n
i
r
sepa
rately
i
n
o
rder
to
sho
the
characteristics
t
e
d
u
e
s
w
p
o f C on fucius system These expendi tures are : the e x p e nd i
ture for a marria ge the expend i ture for a funeral and
mournin g th e expendi ture for ancestor worsh ip and the
e xpendi ture for social i ntercourse
Th e theories o f these
expend itures are extremely complex ; they are not only
economic but also sociolo gical poli tical philosophical
ethical and r e li gious O f course we are most interested
i n the economic aspect B ut as we are studyi n g the system
o f C on fucius we have to consi der many other aspects which
are peculiar to C on fuci us and are cor relative to economics
,
,
’
.
,
-
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
I
.
MA
RR I A G E
F i rst we shall d iscuss the expend iture for a marria ge
,
Si nce C onfucius
.
makes marria g e a necessi ty o f human li fe
he reduces i ts expe nse to the minimum Accordin g to the
A fter the
C ano n o f R it es there are six ri tes for marria g e
family o f the g i rl has accepted the p roposal the first rite i s
ivin
a
choice
to
her
fat
h
er
the
second
is
inqui
rin
;
g
g
g
into the name o f the g i rl These two rites are c o ns u m
mated at on e t ime Th e th i rd is g ivin g the lucky re
sul t o f d ivi nation ; t h e fourth is g ivin g en ga gement ;
the fi fth i s fi rst as k in g about the date o f the wedd in g
All these five rites are performed
an d then announcin g it
by a p roxy sent b y the father o f the bride g room Th e s ixth
,
.
.
,
,
”
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 70
rite i s
se l f
R I N C IP LE S
personal r eceivin g
OF C ON
FU C I US
an act of the bride g room h i m
,
.
ri te of g i vin g e n g a gement is perform e d by t h e
use o f a bundle of silk and two pi eces o f the fur o f a deer
Th e b undle o f silk con tains five rolls ; e ach roll i s folde d
double and i s forty cubits i n l e n g th Three rolls are black
and t h e other t w o crimson Th e t w o p ieces o f deer s fur
can be used fo r dress B e si des g ivin g en ga g ement the
other five r i te s are all performed by the use of a domesti c
f
re sen t
oose
o
r
a
p
resent
T
his
token
i
s
i
ntended
t
rep
o
g
the re gulari ty and fai thfulness of the relation o f husban d
and wi fe Requi rin g on ly five ge ese five rolls o f silk an d
two pi e c es of deer s fur this ceremony o f marria g e is in e x
pens ive O f course the expense o f an American marri a ge
can cut down t o even less than this but accordin g to C o n
fucius system this i s the lowest limi t
In the C an o n o f P o e t ry there is a poem w ritten by a
h eroic g i rl
Sh e has prom ised t o marry a man o f F en g
b ut hi s family wants to receive her befo re the ri tes o f mar
ria e are complet e d
d
o
r
fuses
allow
them
to
so
on
h
t
o
e
e
S
g
the g round that marria ge is a most sacred thin g and can
not be c o nsummated wi thout the full observance of ri tes
H is family prosecutes her and causes her to be brou ght to
court But s he insists that i f o ne sin gl e thin g has n o t
been presented and one si n g le ri te has not been complet e d
she wi ll n o t leave her home ev e n i f s h e sacrifices her li fe
Her poem runs as f o ll o ws : Althou g h you have brou gh t
me t o court your o fferin g s for the ri tes o f marria ge are n o t
“
su ffic i ent
I t says a gain : A lthou gh you have br o u gh t
me by prosecution I w ill not follow you
By selectin g this poem i n hi s C anon fo r an example o f a
Th e
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1
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Li
Ki
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bk
C l as s ic s ,
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x vm ,
vo l
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iv
,
p
pt
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.
1 72
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i pp
,
.
2 7 - 8.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 72
RIN C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
his f riends to attend i t i n order t o g ive i ts due impo rtance
to the separate position o f man and woman
O f course
this feast must cost somethin g but its expense cannot be
s ave d because i t has social and eth i cal value
As the feast mus t necessarily be g iven by th e bri deg room
to his townsmen and hi s fri e nds althou gh there i s to be n o
con g ratulation t h e guests canno t simply attend the feas t
wi thout any social obli gation Hence the con g ratulati on
takes place under another n ame I t is not sai d to be a con
ratulation
upon
the
marria
e
but
nly
a
present
for
h
t
o
e
g
g
entertainment of the g uests Th e lan g ua g e used by the mes
sen ger for such a con g ratulation i s g iven by the Details
o f R i tes
Havin g heard that
So and s o has sent me
”
you are havi n g g uests he has sent me w ith this present
Such a present may con sist o f four pots of spiri ts t e n
pieces of dried meat and a d o g A l t h o u gh i t may not b e
too expensive i t wi ll ye t cost a family a g oo d deal As mar
ria e i s necessary i n t h e soc ial li fe
o
thi
s
expendi
ture
is
als
g
necessary I n the present day however such a con g ratula
tion is directly e xpressed for the happiness of the weddin g
and not for the g athe rin g of the guests
To day the C hi nese still observe these ri tes o f marria ge
i n thei r essentials B ut they increase the expense g reatly
I t woul d be much better to return to the rules of C onfucius
and make marria g e a g ain simple and economical
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II
Second
.
F U N E R AL S
we shall s tudy the expenditure for t h e rites o f a
funeral and mournin g Thi s i s th e most important point
i n the reli gion o f C on fucius and we cannot help discussin g
i t at some len g th W e shall take up ce rtain details first
and discuss the theory later
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Ki
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bk
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i p
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1b id
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xv p
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76
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PA
R TI C UL A R E XP E N DI TUR E S
2 73
At the ceremony of sli ghter dressin g o f the dead
the sheet for a rule r s body is e mbroidered ; for t h at of a
f
reat
o
ficial
wh
ite
sil
k
for
that
of
a
student
black
sil
k
;
;
g
each has one sheet B ut the re are nineteen sui ts of clothes
for each of them ; a suit is made up of a lon g robe and a
shorter one placed over i t and there must be the upper g ar
ment to gether wi th the lower g arment At t he fuller
d ressin g e ach o f them has two sheets ; b ut a ruler h as one
hundred sui ts o f clothes ; a great o fficial fi fty ; and a student
thi rty F or the co ffins the lar gest or outermost c o fli n o f
a ruler is ei ght inches thick the next six inches an d the
innermost four inches Th e lar ger co ffin o f a great o ffici al
o f the hi ghest g rade is ei ght i nches thick ; and the i nne r
six i nches ; for one o f the lowest grade th e dimensi on s are
six inches and four Th e co ffin o f a student i s six inches
th ick F or the outer shell of the co ffin a ruler uses pine
a g reat o fficial cypress ; a student various kinds o f w o od
W hen C on fuci us became the ma gistrate of C hun g tu he
made an ordi nance that the co ffin of the co m mon pe o ple
should be four inch es thick and its shell five
This i s
only an instance to show the expend iture for the funeral
N o w we come to the contributions for the funeral
As
the fune ral system is so expensive there i s really a need
o f contributi ons be sides the fact that th e y have ethical and
soc ial reasons Accordin g t o the C an o n o f R it es and the
Sp r ing and A u t u m n we may d ivide these contributi ons
into three kinds F i rst there are the c on tributi ons for the
sh roud such as the sheets and
d ead
Some are called
“
clothes
i
ft
such
as
th
e
spi
ri
tual
Some are called
g
vessels
Th is g i ft i s not re g ular but j ust accord in g to
what the cont rib uto r has I f a prince o f state g i ves i t to a
student ,i t w i ll b e one hundred ei ghty cubi ts of silk W hen
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Ki
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xix pp
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185
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I b id
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11,
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15 0
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2
TH E E C O N O M I C P
74
R I N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
t h e contr ib utor knows the dead his contribut io n s hould b e
of the firs t k i nd Second there are t h e contributions for
the mourner This is called help and is performed by
t h e use of money and o th e r articles o f w
ealth W hen t h e
contributor kn o ws the mourner his contribution should be
o f t h e second kind i n order t o form a mutual help and t o
supply the de ficiency Third there are t h e contributions for
the dead and t h e m ourner both These are calle d cover
ing
Such thin g s are the bundle o f silk carria g e horse
sheep e t c They are used both fo r the obsequies of t h e
dead and for the financial assistance of t h e mourner W hen
t h e contribut or knows them both his contribution shoul d
be o f the third kind By these cont ributions society is
i nterwoven like a ne t and wealth is distributed t o and fro
like the ti de
B u t they form an expe n diture to the con
tributor I f a poor m an cannot contribute any t h ihg it is
a custom of the C hinese for him t o help his relative s an d
friends by hi s labor i nstead o f we alth Generally a man
for the funeral of h is relatives and close friends co n tributes
both labor and wealth
Th e reasons C on fuciu s make s t h e rites o f funeral s o e x
pensive are four : ( I ) ethical ( 2 ) aesthet ic ( 3 ) social and
( 4 ) economic L e t us first consi d e r the ethical reason W e
already kn o w that under C o n fu c iu s t e achin g filial p iety
i s one o f the chief vi rtues of his mor al cod e W e hav e
already seen that when the parents are livin g the ri tes o f
e
t
s ervin
h
i
the
are
very
numerous
but
o
w
s
it
when
h
y
m
;
g
are dead ? W hen o n e treats his parents w e ll at the b e
I f he is careful
g inn i n g he must treat them well at t h e end
for thei r l ivin g and careles s for thei r death i t me ans tha t
he is respe ctful t o thos e who h ave knowled g e and d is re
s p e c t fu l t o those w h o have n o knowled e ; i t denot e s a
g
rebellious heart and is the practice of the un fai thful man
E ven i f we have a reb e llious heart toward a servant w e are
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 76
RI N C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
tains plume s and ot he r ornaments o f the co ffin , t o prese rve
men fr o m that feelin g o f dis gust
Hsun Tz ii has g iven the same reason as that of Tz ii y u
I f the dead has n o decorati o n it bec o me s a bad thin g ; and
i f i t becomes a bad thin g man w ill have no sorrow fo r it
Just los i n g a parent withi n a s in gle day and bu ryin g him
nevertheless w i thout any sorrow i t is similar to the death
of a beast H o w can it be don e ih such a way wi thou t
t
o
rea
sham
T
heref
re i n the o rderin g o f fun e ral ri tes
e
?
g
there are added m o re dec orati o ns at e ach s tep o f t h e cere
mony i n order to counteract such a tendency
Besi de the ethical and aesthetic reasons t here is the
social reas o n As C on fuci us marks the soc ial distinction s
for the li v in g he als o m ar k s them fo r the dead An e rn
r
r
e
o
i s placed i n his co ffin on t h e seventh day after his
p
death and i nterre d in the seventh mon th A prince o f a
state i s place d i n his co ffin o n t h e fifth day and interred i n
the fifth mon th A g reat official a s tud e nt and t h e c o mmon
people are place d i n the coffin o n the third day and i nterred
i n the thi rd month
Th e reasons why the funeral is thus
delayed are I ) t hat the art icles required for the dead may
be c o mple ted and ( 2 ) that the guests c o min g t o attend t h e
funeral may arriv e B ut w e must understand that durin g
such a period there i s g reat e xpen s e
There is how ever the si g nificance of s o cial distincti o n
Th e funeral o f an emperor is attended by all the princes
under the imperi al j urisdiction ; th at o f a prince by thos e
of the states which have dipl o mat ic relation s ; and that of a
student and the common people by all thei r relatives and
friends But the fune ral s o f those w h o have been p u n
i s h e d by criminal l aw are not all o w ed to be attended by any
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Ki
Ki
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,
bk
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p
iii pp
11,
,
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1 77.
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2 22 - 3 .
2
Bk
.
xix
.
P A R TI C U L A R E XP EN D I T U R ES
2 77
pe ople excep t the wives and sons There are only t hree
sui ts and the co ffins are only three i nches t h ick Th e
c o ffins are not allowed to have any decorations or to be con
v e e d away i n the day time
hey
are
buried
at
n
i
ht
an
d
T
y
g
excluded from the re gular ceremony There is n o mou rn
ing at all fo r them ; afte r the burial everyth in g i s over
This is a most di s g raceful thin g Therefore the scale of
the expendi ture for a funeral i s a re fl ection o f the li fe o f th e
dead ; and i f the financial condition allows it a man shoul d
not let hi s parents fall i nto the class of criminals W hen
a m an i s li vin g he should be glorious an d when he dies
he should be bi tte rly l am ented
Thi s is the social reason
for t h e expe nsive funeral
F inally and most important for our treatment there i s
an economi c reason —th e satisfacti on o f human wants
This is explai ned very clearly by Mencius
He says
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In t h e most anc i ent t i mes t h e re we re some w h o d i d not i nter
t h e i r p arents W h en t h e i r p arents d i ed t h ey too k t h em up
an d t h rew t h em i nto some w ate r c h annel
A f te rw ards w h en
p ass i n g b y t h em t h ey s aw f o xes an d w i ld c ats devou ri n g t h em
an d fl i es an d gn ats bi t i n g at t h em
Th e pe rsp i rat i on st arted
out upon t h e i r f o re h e ads an d t h ey loo k ed aw ay un ab le to
b e ar t h e s i gh t It w as n o t due to ot h e r people t h at t h i s p e r
sp i rat i on fio w e d Th e emot i ons o f t h e i r own h e arts affected
t h e i r f ac es an d eyes an d i nst antly t h ey went h ome an d c ame
b ac k w i t h b as k ets an d sp ades and c o ve red t h e bo d i es
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Th is
is a description of the development o f the funeral in the
rudes t sta ge and i t indicat e s that funeral is necessary t o
satis fy t he psycholo g ical wants of man
Since soc i ety i s hi gher in civilization the human wants
for a funeral are more compl e x ; hence C onfuci us system
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11,
pp
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2 5 9- 260 .
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2 78
RI N CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
ari ses Man does not satisfy his wants by a si m ple cover
ing of the body o f h i s parent but i n a very handsome way
This i s characte rist i c o f human wants
After Mencius
had buried his mothe r C hun g Yii h is pupil questi one d
h im ab o ut the wood o f t h e co ffin which seemed t o o g ood
Mencius repli ed
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Anc i ently t h e re w as n o rule fo r t h e s i ze o f e i t h er t h e i nner o r
In m i d d le ant iq u i ty [ t h e H s i a an d t h e Y i n
t h e o ut e r c o ffin
dyn ast i es ] t h e i nn e r c o ffin w as m ade seven i nc h es t hi c k an d
t h e o ute r one t h e s am e Thi s w as done by al l f ro m t h e e m
ro r to t h e c o mmon pe o ple
e
f
r
not
s
i
ply
t h e b e auty
a
n
m
d
o
p
o f t h e app e arance b ut b e c ause t h ey t h us s at i sfied t h e n atur al
f e el i n gs o f t h e i r h e arts I f p revented by st atut o ry regul a
t i ons f ro m m aki n g t h e i r c o ffins i n t h i s w ay men c annot h ave
t h e f e el i n g o f ple asu re I f t h ey h ave n o t t h e money to m ak e
t h em i n t h i s w ay t h ey c ann o t h ave t h e f e el i n g o f pleasu re
W h en t h ey were not p revented an d h ad t h e money al l t h e an
?
o
used
t
h
i
s
style
W
h
y
s
h
ould
I
a
lone
not
d
so
Mo re
e
n
ci
ts
ove r i s t h e re no s at i s f ac t i on to t h e n atu ral f eel i n gs o f a m an
i n p revent i n g t h e e art h f rom gett i n g ne ar to t h e b od i es o f h i s
d e ad ? I h ave h e ard t h at t h e supe ri o r m an w i ll n o t fo r all
t h e w o rld b e n i ggardly to h i s p arents
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A gai n M encius says : To make t h e people hav e n o
dissatisfaction about the nourishme nt o f the livin g and t h e
fun e ral o f the dead i s the first principle o f a good g ove rn
I n o ther words the economic condi tion o f t h e
ment
people i s the first obj ect o f a good g overnment and such a
condi tion must be sat i sfactory But what we should under
stand is that the C onfucian s put the nourishment of the liv
in g and the funeral of the dead in the same rank as t h e
two necessi ties of economic li fe
These four re asons explai n why C onfucius m ade the
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 80
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
C on fucius
regulate s not on ly the rites o f fune ral but als o
the periods of mournin g which have g reat importance
for econo m ic li fe W e shall no t g o i nt o any detai ls o f
mourn in g except t h e mourn i n g for parents Th e period
of mournin g fo r parents in ancien t times w as one year
only C on fucius do uble s t h is pe riod ; the actual len gth o f
“
t ime i s twenty five mon ths and t he nom in al ti tle is thre e
”
years mou rnin g
W i thi n this p eriod t h e son shou ld n o t
dri nk wine not eat meat not live with h is wi fe C on fuciu s
says : A superi o r man duri n g the whole period of mou rn
ing d o es n o t enj oy ple asant f o od which he may e at no r de
rive pleasure from musi c which he may h ear He also doe s
not feel at ease i f he i s com fo rtably lod ged Therefore
”
Mencius says : F or
he does not do such thin g s at all
the thre e years mournin g the garme nt o f coarse cloth
with i ts l o wer e dg e even and t he eatin g o f c o n g ee are
c o mmon to al l from the e mperor t o the mass o f t h e peo
ple
This is a return by the son for t h e benefits he has
received fr o m his parents C on fucius explains : I t is no t
till a child is thre e years o l d t hat it is all o w ed t o leave t he
arms of its parents H ence the three years mourn in g i s a
”
universal system of the emp ire
Th e rite s o f funeral and mou rnin g are t h e creeds of C o n
fu c iu s
W hen C on fucius and his disciples p re ach the d o c
trine of filial pi et y th ese rites are used as the means fo r
conversion B ut the anti C on fucians attack the m as the
weakest p o ints Amon g all the anti C on fucians M o Ti is
the chief He is a pupil o f C on fucius but he i s n o t satisfied
with the ri tes of funeral and m ou rn in g s o he establishe s h is
new schoo l agains t his old master These rites are the fun
d ame nt al di fferences be t w een C on fuci anis m and M o ism
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32 8
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PA
B ut why doe s
R TI C U LA R E XP E N DI TUR ES
281
M o Ti
di ffer from C onfucius at thi s point
H is ar g ument is based entirely upon economic g rounds
As we are treatin g the e conom i c princ i p l es of C on fucius
w e may take up some points f rom the ar g umen t of M o Ti
i n order to enable us to understand C on fucianism better
Th e economic ar gument of M o Ti has two points : first
these rites cannot inc rease wealth ; and second they cannot
increase populati o n By the expens i ve fune ral too much
wealth i s buried and by the lon g pe ri od of mournin g pro
duction is stopped too lon g Th e existin g wealth which has
been accumulated from the past i s thrown away and the
comin g wealth wh ich w ill be produced i n the future i s pre
vented for a lon g time Th is i s a gainst the law of inc re as
ing weal th
D uri n g th e di fferent pe ri ods of mourn in g fo r
the di fferent relatives the physi cal condi tion i s undermined
and the l ivin g is also t o o coarse ; h ence many persons die
on this account M oreover the ri tes of mourni n g d estroy
th e sexual relations to a g re at extent This is a g ainst the
law of increasin g populati on
The re fo re M o Ti establish e s
hi s funeral laws as foll o ws : I n winter time the w inter
clothes are used for the dead ; in summer the summer
cl othes ; but there are n o mo re than three suits Th e co ffin
is on ly three inches thick Th e period of mournin g is only
three months As s o o n as the dead i s buried the l ivin g
must immed iately return to the p rod ucti on of weal th
M o Ti uses the econ o mi c arg ument as the stron g est p oin t
to attack C on fucius and yet he i s de feated o n the economic
rod uction
round
H
e
cares
too
much
for
p
and
too
li
ttle
g
for consumption : hence h e sacrifices the end to the means
Thi s is the p oi nt for deci sive battle between C on fuciani sm
and M oism C huan g Tz ii h as g iven t h e be st criticism on
M oism i n the followin g
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M o Te a b k
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.
xxv
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 82
RI N C IP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
l i f e i t i s h ard ; fo r d e at h i t i s c ruel ; i ts p ri nc i ple i s t o o
It m ak es men gri eve an d l am ent Its p ract i ce i s d i fficult
d ry
t o c arry o u t
I am af rai d t h at i t c ann o t b e t h e p ri n c i ple o f a
s age It oppos e s t h e n atu ral f eel i ng o f t h e wo rld an d t h e
w o rld c annot ac c ept i t Alt h ou gh M o Tzu c an b e ar i t alone
h o w c an h e do anyt h i n g agai nst t h e wo rld ? As h e i s d i ffe rent
f rom t h e w o rld h e i s too far aw ay to b e a ki ng
Fo r
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1
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,
F rom this j ud gment o f C huan g
need n o t won der
why M o Ti has lost h is influenc e and why C onfucius h a
s
become Th e Thronel e ss Kin g
I t is simply an economi c
reason ; C onfucius sat i sfied human wants and Mo Ti d i d
not
W e must not misunderstand and think h o wever that t h e
funeral ri tes o f C onfucius are t o o expensive H e uses still
the pri nc i ple that consumption should be acc o rdi n g t o t h e
means H is social syste m is based on the scal e of virtue ;
those o f g reater virtue occupy t h e hi gher pos ition and ge t
more wealth ; hence they shou ld have better funerals M ore
over h e is the real reforme r o f the funeral system o f his
time Durin g the C hou dynasty li fe was luxuri ou s and
the e xpendi ture for funerals was most excessive even t o
buryin g men alive fo r the service o f t h e dead I t became
much better when C on fucius re gul ated the funeral of di f
fe re n t classes by a ce rt a i n s tandard beyond which they
could not go Accordin g to C on fucius all the thin g s use d
for the dead should be e nti rely di fferent from th o se used
by l iv i n g men F o r examples the carria ge s o f clay and the
fi g ures of straw simply represent spi ri tual ideas but do not
have much ec o nomic value Even usin g a wooden ima ge
—
to b u ry w ith the dead C onfuc ius condemns severely h o w
c an he app r ove a funeral which i s really too expensive ?
Tz ii
,
we
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C f Sac r e d B o o ks ,
.
2
L i Ii i, b k
.
ii p
,
.
1 73
v o l . X] ,
.
p
.
2 1 9.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2 84
RI N C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
the emperor there are the small th in g s such as the sauer
kraut of water plants and p ic k les from the produce of dry
r
ro
nds
the
fine
thin
s
such
as
the
stands
f
the
bod
i
e
u
o
s
;
g
g
o f the three victims and the suppl ies for the ei ght dishes ;
and those thin g s prod uced under the be s t influe nces o f li gh t
and shade s uch as stran g e insects and the f rui ts of plants
and trees W hatever the heaven and the earth have p ro
d u ce d i f they can b e use d fo r offerin g s are all exhibi te d
there to show the g reat abundance of thin g s E ven amon g
the o ffe r in gs o f the com mon people we have already s e e n
that they should pre sent t h e di fferent t hin gs accordin g t o
the fou r season s
Theref o re i n ancestor w o rship ther e
must be an exp e ndi ture added t o the cost o f livin g
L e t us now con sider why C onfuci u s approve s ancestor
w o rship Th i s i s the fundamental basis o f C on fucius re
l ig io n
H e advoc ates o n e s u p re m e Go d but he has als o a
comp an ion o f Go d that i s o ne s father Hence h i s re
l igio u s system i s dualism
Go d is ou r com mon father with
out wh o m we cannot have li fe ; but we have als o a specific
fath e r wi thout whom we still cannot have li fe I f Go d is
our on ly father w e may be bo rn i nt o any other l i fe and i t
is n o t necessary th at we be human be i n g s I f the specific
father is our on ly father w e may los e the best el e ments o f
nature and have no spi ri tual li fe Hence C onfucius recog
n iz e s these t w o fathers ; addi n g a mother t o th e m there i s
the C on fucian doctrine of trini ty I f w e leave ou t t h e
c o mmon father we shall b e t o o n a
rrow minded t o o e go
t is t ic unkind t o the human race and a g ainst the law o f
love I f we leave out the specific father we shall be t o o
loose i n the family relation too altruis t i c unduti ful t o our
own father and ag ainst the law o f wisdo m As love and
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-
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,
Li
2
Ki
Se e
,
bk
.
s u p ra,
,
xxu,
pp
.
p
.
2 38
.
2 60 - 2 6 1 .
PA
R TI C U LA R E X P EN DI TUR E S
28
wi sdom are the balance o f C on fucius he combi nes the
p rinc iples and esta b li shes his dual reli g i on
C on fuc i us says
5
two
,
.
,
By t h e ce remon i es o f t h e s ac ri fi c es t o H e aven an d E art h we
are to se rve t h e Sup reme G o d an d b y t h e c e emon i es o f t h e
ancest ral temple we ar e to wo r s h i p t h e ancesto rs
O ne w h o
unde rst ands t h e c e remon i es o f t h e s ac ri fi c es to H e aven an d
E art h an d t h e me an i n g of t h e se v e ral s ac r i fi c es to ance sto r s
w i ll find t h e go ve rn i n g o f a ki n gdom as e asy as to loo k i nto
h i s p alm
,
r
,
.
,
,
,
1
.
B y thi s statement he points out that the worship of Go d
,
that of ancestor are e qually important on di fferent
occasi ons B ut he has still another statement to po int out
that the worship o f God and t h at o f ancestor can be held
o n the same occasion
He says :
an d
.
.
In fil i al p i ety t h e re i s not h i n g gre ate r t h an t h e reve rent i al awe
o f one s fat h e r
In t h e reve ent i al aw e s h o wn to one s f at h er
t h e re i s not hi n g gre ater t h an m aki n g h m t h e co rrel ate of
H e aven Th e Du k e of C h o u w as t h e m an w h o fi rst d i d t h i s
Fo rme rly t h e Du k e of C h ou at t h e b o rde r alt ar s ac ri ficed
to H ou C h i as t h e c o rrel ate o f H e aven an d i n t h e B ri ll i ant
H all h e h o no red W en W an g an d s ac i fi c ed t o h i m as t h e
c o r rel ate o f G o d
’
’
r
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i
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'
r
,
2
.
I ndeed as lon g as we have not re ached the sta ge of Great
,
Similari ty
and have the tie o f
quite j ustifia b le
There ari ses a q uesti o n as to
t hat the ancesto r is really e q ual
be n o I t i s simply th at the
re
a
test
honor
t
o
his
ancestor
g
,
family ance stor worship i s
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,
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‘
C l as s ic s
,
vo
l
.
Sac r e d B o o ks
i p
,
,
vo
40 4
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l
.
iii pp
,
.
4 76 7
-
.
whether C on fucius believ es
to God Th e answer must
descendant cont ributes t h e
B ecause i t i s only a soc ial
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2 86
R I N CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
hono r C onfucius ma k es the emperor the only one to have
t h e r ight of sacrificin g t o God ; otherwise as C onfucius
reco gnizes that everyon e i s the son of God why should
everyone not sacr i fice t o him and why should everyon e n o t
make h is own father equal to God ? In the social syste m
of C onfucius the emperor i s the chief personali ty and in
h i s moral system fili al piety is the chief vi rtue ; he nce the
father or ancestor of the emperor can e nj oy the g reatest
h o nor and the empero r sacrifices t o him for the showin g
o f the practice o f filial piety t o the e mpire M oreover the
ancestor w h o i s made the correlate of God must be the most
famous one of the dynasty ; the number o f those ancestors
never can be mo re than t w o and the o n e must b e separate d
from the other when the o n e i s placed as a companion o f
God Therefore we are sure that C onfucius does not re
ard
the
ancestor
as
God
g
D o es C onfucius believe in a soul ? Y e s I t is the soul
to which the worship is di rected As soon as the d e ad i s
bur ied i ts soul is received home i mmed iately and i t is
“
rep resented by a tablet C onfucius s ays : Th e physical
”
body goes d o wnwards but the inte lli ge n t spi ri t is on hi g h
He says a gai n : Th e bones and flesh molder below and
hidden away become the earth of the fields ; but the spiri t
i ssues forth and i s displayed on hi gh in a condition o f
r
lo
ious bri ghtness
Th e R e c o rd o f R it es als o says
g
Th e spi ri tual soul returns t o heaven while the physical
b ody returns to earth
However C on fucius doe s n o t prove the exi stence of the
soul The R e c o rd o f R it es says : Th e flesh o f the victim
may b e presented raw and as a whole or cut up i n pieces
or sodden or thorou ghly cooked ; but h o w can we kno w
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1
3
Li
Ki
I b id
,
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,
bk
bk
.
.
p 369
ix p 444
vu ,
,
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2
.
I b id
.
,
bk
.
xxi p
,
.
2 20 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 88
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
perfect freedom of bel i ef they compel h im to perform the
soc ial and ethical duties Therefore accordin g to t h e
view of the C h inese ancestor worship is not a rel i g iou s
rite in the E n glish sense but a social and ethical obl i gation
In conclusi on for the funeral rites the mournin g system
and ancesto r worship the C hinese not only observe the
teachin g s of C onfucius but also go a little farther althou g h
chan ges in many details are n ecessary
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IV
SO C I A L I N TE
.
R C O U R SE
F ourth w e shall study the expenditure for social inter
,
“
”
course namely the presents o f i ntroduction
Accord
ing to the ceremoni es o f C onfucius whe n anyone calls on
another for the first time he must brin g a present to ex
press his respect and sympathy W hen the feudal prince s
pay thei r visit to the empero r o r visit amon g th emselves ;
when a man first becomes an o fficer or first advances t o a
hi gher o ffic i al rank and then pays his first visit to h is
ruler or h is superior or hi s compeer ; when o fficials call
on the forei g n pri nces who have j ust come to visit th ei r
own county ; when the boy first meets his teacher ; when
—
a woman first sees her parents in l aw and the princess o r
queen ; and indeed when all persons first meet other
persons of hi gher rank or the sa me rank ; i t is necessary to
take presents B ut such presents are not made by s u
r
i
r
e
o
s
to
their
inferiors
p
Th e thin g s used for p resents o f introduction are re gu
l arly prescribed
They are d i fferent accord in g to the so
c ial st andin
n
i
i
of
the
callers
and
have
representative
s
g
g
fic an c e referrin g to thei r personal characters
Th e present
of the emperor is spiri ts of blac k millet H e is too hi gh to
b e a guest of the feudal princes and yet when he comes
to i nspect thei r state he uses the spirits in thei r ancestral
temple in order to show the ceremony of his arrival Th e
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PA R TI C UL A R E X P EN DI TURE S
2 89
present of the feudal princes i s thei r symbols of j ade Th e
present of a hi gh m inister is a lamb ; and that of a great
o fficial a g oose ; both are al ive Th e present of a student
i s a dead pheasant ; but in summer time the pheasant is
d ried i n order to avoi d its smellin g Th e present of the com
mon peopl e is a duck ; that of a boy ten p ieces o f dried
meat Th e presen t o f a woman is enti rely d i fferent from
th at o f a man ; throu ghout all classes women u s e the frui ts
of the h o v e n ia d u lc is and of the hazel tree d ried meat
o u t fine
and hash w ith spices j uj ube dates and ch e tnuts
I f in an army out o f the towns havin g no re g ular present
a tassel from a horse s breast
an archer s armlet or an
arrow one may use for the present Jud g in g from th i s
instance i f one cannot find the re gular present i n some
locali ty h e may use any seasonable th in g
These presents are only to represent the respect o f the
uest
and
the
host
cannot
a
k
e
use
of
them
for
h
is
own
m
g
advanta g e When the princes vi sit the emperor o r visi t
each other the presents of d i fferent j ades are i mmed iately
returned to them W hen the in ferio r calls on the superio r
the presents of d i fferent animals are not accepted o r they
are returned after the callin g i s ove r I f men of the same
rank call on each other th e presents w ill b e returned to the
a
uest
when
the
host
re
ays
h
i
s
vis
i
t
on
the
s
me
day
o
r
p
g
another day I t is only t h e prince who c an accept presents
from h is o fficials w i thout return an d yet he m ay g ive them
A t all the call in g s o f the same rank as soon
a b an q uet
as the formal meetin g is ove r th e g uest is i nvited to d ine
w i th the h ost
So far as the present o f introduction is necessa ry for the
first callin g no m atter whether it w ill b e returned o r not
it is a necessary expend iture It makes the li fe o f society
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I i
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Ki
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bk
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i p
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1 19
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2
C an o n
o
f
Rit e s ,
ch
.
vn
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2 90
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
harmonious and respectful but i t cannot occur w ithout t h e
use o f wealth As re gards the expenditure o f social inter
course there are many kinds of g ifts to show friendshi p
according to di fferent occasions B ut w e need n o t go into
them beca u se they are not necessary expen ses
In the present day the custom of brin g in g p resents o f
i ntroduction fo r the first visit h as been chan g ed t o othe r
forms o r other names an d has bee n practically abol ished
Th e only remainin g trace o f th i s custom is in the g roup
of pupils W hen a student goes t o school he must g ive
somethin g mostly in the form of money as the pres ent o f
introduction to his teacher o r teachers at least the first year
o r at the beg innin g of every year V ery recently since
schools of the modern type have bee n establ ished th i s
custom is abol ished i n some schools while i t rem ains i n
others Th e di fferen ce is that wh en one is considere d as
a personal pupil to h is p ersonal teacher he brin gs the present
of i ntroduction ; but when the institution takes the place o f
his teacher he is under no obli g ation to do s o C h ina
as re gards this custom is thus in a transitional period
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B OO K V
FA CT O R S O F P R O DU CT I ON
.
XVII
C HA P TE R
TH R E E
FA C TO R S O F P R ODU C TI O N
the three factors of the p roduction o f wealth we
may select the follow in g passa g e from the
Grea t
”
L earnin g
FOR
,
supe ri o r m an must b e c areful ab out h i s v i rtue fi rst H av
in g v i r tue t h e r e w i ll b e t h e m an
H av i n g t h e m an t h e re w i ll
b e t h e l and H av i n g t h e l and t h ere w i ll b e t h e we alt h H av
in g t h e we alt h t h e re w i ll b e i ts use
V i rtue i s t h e roo t and
we alt h i s only i ts outcome
Th e
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1
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principl e i s o ri g inally appl ied to the ruler I f a
ruler has vi rtue he can rule the man hol d th e land ac
cumulate the wealth wh ich means here capi tal and have
many th in gs for use But this principl e can be appl ied
to eve rybody generally Ta k e the business man for in
stance He must possess some virtue first either physical
mental or moral —the word vi rtue is used i n its broad
s ense
I f competition were perfectly free h e would ge t
wealth i n proportion to the vi rtue he possessed I f he
have no vi rtue at all or i f he i n some way fail to show
h is virtue ( such as b ein g a b le to wor k and not workin g
at all ) he would b e an outcast and he could not ge t any
wealth by h imsel f I n society there i s no such person
I f there is any he cannot l ive ve ry lon g Th e loafer the
This
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C las s ic s
,
vo
l
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i p
,
.
375
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 94
R I N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
parasite an d the thi ef althoug h they are bad men still hav e
some particular vi rtue fo r gettin g wealth Therefore vi r
tue is the root and wealth is only its outcom e
Thus accordin g to the Great L earni ng t h e factors of
production are three Th e first is the m an who has any
vi rtue ; the second is the land and the th ird is cap ital All
the three factors belon g to the productive sphere Then
the word use appears W i th the word use c o ns um p
tion beg ins
Th e principle of d ividin g the productiv e factors int o
three is a general economic principl e I t can b e appl ied
even t o a sin gle man i n sava ge l ife F irst he himself
must be a human bein g Second he must l ive on some
kind o f land an d use either fishin g land or huntin g land
Thi rd he must have some kin d of cap ital to help his fishi ng
or huntin g I n primitive life t h e capital must be s ub
ordinate to the land because he can l ive w ithout cap it al
but he can never l ive w ithout land
I n soc i al l ife
land is only a part o f cap ital and man can hav e many
other cap ital g oods w i thout ownin g land Therefore in
—
social l i fe there are o nly t w o factors man and capital
B ut in C onfucius time it was not so U nder
g oods
the t s ing t ie n system every man accepted a p ortio n of land
otherwise he could have no o ther capital g oods o r very
few Therefore land was a separate factor and played t h e
m ost important part amon g all cap i tal g oods
M oreover i n
econom i c dynamics the di fference between land and art ifi
c ial ly made
oods
becomes
prominent
because
land
is
not
g
m ade and not per i sh able Th e Great L earnin g is correct
in treat i n g these three factors separately
Ta ki n g a nation as an economic un it th is principl e is
still more true Th e first element of the wealth of a nation
i s man the second is land and the th i rd is capital U n
occupied land never can form a nation unless i t belon gs
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”
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”
«
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x
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’
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2 96
RI N CIP LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
because they think that man i s t h e chief p roductive fact o r
Gr e a t
This is undoubtedly d ue t o t h e influenc e o f the
”
L earnin g
Henry Georg e says : It is n o t t h e increas e of food that
has caused this i ncrease of men ; but the increas e of m e n
that has b rou ght about the incre as e of food Ther e is
more foo d simply because ther e are more m e n
Such
a theo ry is the common idea of t h e C hine s e And t h e
Great L earn in g in puttin g m an before land and cap ital
has ex actly the same theory
I n the ve ry beg i n nin g of the subj ec t o f pol itical economy
the first part o f his G e n e ral H is t o ry o f I ns t it u t es Tu Y u
died
1
A
K
o
r
1
2
A
D
als
enumera
t
es
the
three
6
o
8
(
3 3
)
factors of production H e says
.
.
.
.
,
.
”
,
,
.
-
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
Th e grai n
i s t h e ntrolle o f t h e l i f e f m an ; t h e l and i s t h e
g ound up n w hi h t h e g ai n is grown ; an d t h e man i s t h
bj e t f w hi c h t h e uler adm i n i ste s h i s gove nment St r
in g t h e gr ai n t h e n at i on al res e ve w i ll b e ab und ant ; d i s
t ing i h in g t h e l and f
ag i ultu al pu p ses t h e food w i ll b e
su ffic i ent ; an d m aki ng an i nvest i gat i on of t h e men t h e se v i e
f t h e pu b l i c l abo r w i ll b e e q u al
W h en a uler unde st ands
t h ese t h ee t h i n gs i t i s called a go d g ve n m ent
r
O
co
o
c
r
c
or
o
e
r
r
r
r
o
.
r
,
u s
or
r c
r
r o
,
r
,
o
r
.
r
o
,
r
r
o
-
c
.
H is statem e nt is from the standpoint of a ruler but the
three th in gs are common to all economic li fe Th e word
f
rain
is
the
ch
ief
repres
tati
ve
capital which we shall
o
e
n
g
discuss later ; while the words land and man have no need
of explanation Therefore accordin g to Tu Y u also t h e
—
factors of production are th ree namely capital land and
man H is o rder is j ust the reverse o f that o f t h e Great
L earnin g
B ut they are essentially t h same because he
names them i n the order of a cl imax whil e the Great
L earnin g
does the opposite
,
.
,
'
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
”
.
,
,
.
1
P ro gre s s
an d
P o ve rt y
,
p
.
97
.
XV I I I
C HA P TE R
LA
I
.
IM PO
—
BOR POP UL
R TA N C E
A TI O N
P O P U L A TI O N
OF
man i s t h e first facto r of product i on w e should
first discuss man in the collective sense that i s the p o p u
To anyone bearin g the
lation
Th e A n al e c t s tells us
tables o f population C on fucius bowed forward to the cross
Th i s shows that C onfucius attached
b ar O f h is carria ge
much importance to the tables of population C h u H si com
ments
—
SI N C E
,
,
“
.
,
,
” 1
.
.
t i o n o f C o n f u c i us w as due t o t h e i m p o t an c e o f t h e
numb e r o f people M an i s t h e most i ntell i ge nt o f al l t h e c re a
tu res an d t h e pe o ple a e re garded as t h e h e aven o f t h e em
h
e
r
r
i
o
o
u
m
o
l
t
e
T
h
e
e
f
e
c
d
i
n
t
h
e
f
fi
c
a
S
s
o
r
a
c
o
r
t
o
O
C
y
f
p
g
w h en t h e numb e r o f p e o ple w as p esented t o t h e empe ro r h e
ac c epted i t k neel i n g
H o w s h o uld o n e w h o s e p o s i t i on w as
l o we r t h an t h at o f t h e e mpe ro r n o t gi v e e p e c t t o t h e num
b e o f p o pul at i o n ?
Th e
ac
r
.
r
,
.
r
,
,
r
,
.
r
s
r
F rom the example o f
the C h i nese always t h ink
that population i s the c h ief elem
ent o f the national assets
Th e O ffic ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u has many passa ges in re g ard
t o population
We shall select only a fe w o f them Amon g
the dut ies o f the vice president o f the dep artment of people
are these : he shall investi gate the num b er o f males and
C on fucius
,
.
.
.
-
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
i p
,
.
2 36
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
{98
R IN C IP L E S
O F C ON
FU CI US
females w h o l i ve i n the city the suburb and the cou ntry and
pay the di fferent k i nds of taxes H e shall distin g uish the
noble and the common the old and the youn g and the s i c k
people H e shall denote those w h o are exempted f rom tax
ation and state thei r rules of worsh i p o f dri n k and food
of funeral e t c H e shall send the s tatistical laws to each of
the local govern ors orderi n g him to record the size of the
population of his provi nce and also t h e number of thei r
horses cows sheep pi g s do g s hens carria g es wa gons and
vehicles and t o d i sti n g uish their various kinds of wealth
Th e g overno rs are requi red to report quarterly thos e num
bers to this department in o rder to form the basis of ad
ministration E very three years there is a g reat compar
ison of all the population and capital D urin g the g reat
comparison this depart ment shall accept the statistics from
all the feudal states and the crown provinces
There is the bureau of p e o p l e fO r re g isteri n g the s i ze of
the population All the p eople from the babe who has teeth
up to the man are recorded in the census This bureau
disti n g uishes thei r res i dence whether i n the city the suburb
or the country classifies them accord i n g t o sex and adds
bi rths and deducts deaths annually Duri n g the g reat
comparison of e very three years t his bureau reports the
census to t h e department of j ustice I n the tenth month
the minister of j ustice presents the c ensus t o the e mp eror
Th e emperor accepts it kneel i n g and keeps it i n the sacred
colle ge Th e imperial h istorian the auditor and the prime
minister respectively keep dupli cates i n order t o help the
administration o f the emperor
Accord in g t o the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u there is a statis
tical comparison of the distributi on of population by sex
I n order to facilitate a study o f the statistics of population
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
1
.
‘
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
~
.
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
2
.
,
.
.
1
Ch
.
xi
Ch
.
xx xv
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
0
3
R I N C IP LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
B
however unde r the ab solute mon archy the central
t
h
overnment
has
directly
controlled
whole
emp
i
re
and
e
g
the governors have been only temporary o fficers so t h at the
mandari n and the peopl e are stran gers an d t he adm i nistra
tion i s necessarily ine fficient Therefore C hina could not
e
t
even
an
accurate
census
because
the
overnment
has
g
g
k ept aloof from the people
Th e importance of the study of populat i on i s summed up
b y Hsu Kan ( died i n 7 68 A K or 2 1 7 A D ) as follows
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
1
.
.
.
.
.
A pe ace f ul go ve rnment i s dependent upon t h e p ro spe ri ty o f
i ndust ry t h e pro s pe ri ty o f i ndust ry upon t h e e qu al i ty o f
pu b l i c l ab o r an d t h e e q u al i ty o f pu b l i c l ab o r up o n t h e ac cu r
ac y o f t h e c ensus
Th e re f o re t h e ac c u rac y o f t h e census i s
t h e f ound at i on of t h e ad m i n i st rat i on o f a st ate
Indeed
t h e numb e r of popul at i on i s t h e sou rc e of everyt h i n g an d
eve ryt h i n g t ak es i t as a st and ard To d i st rib ute t h e l and t o
i mpose t h e t axes to produce t h e products t o regul ate s al a
r i es an d w ages to do t h e pu b l i c wo rk t o rai se t h e army to
est ab l i s h t h e n at i on al i nst i tut i o ns t o ad j ust t h e h ouse h old
e c on o my t o o b se rve t h e s o c i al an d mor al l aws an d to set as i de
t h e pun i s h m ent all t h ese are t h e results o f a c are f ul study o f
t h e numb er o f p o pul at i o n
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
“
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
2
.
In short populat i on
nomic adj ustment s
,
is
the b asis of soci al pol it i cal and eco
,
,
.
II
.
LA W
OF
P O P U L A TI O N
P o p u lat io n an d L an d
I n connection w ith the po licy o f dealin g w ith p opulation
t h e fi rst th i n g i s the work o f settlement Accordin g to the
I
.
,
.
1
C f infra
.
.
2
G e n e r al
R
e s e ar c h
Tu an l in
a g re at au t
l i s h e d in
1 873
-
,
on
L i t e rat u re
h ity
or
( 1 32 2 A
.
at t h e
ch .
b eg
xii
.
an d
i i
A u t h o ri t ie s ,
nn n g O f
t he
i
w it t
r
en
by M 3
Y l an d y nas t y, p ub
.
L AB O
R—
P O F ULA TI O N
1
0
3
th i s is in char g e of the minister of
works W i th the various i nstruments he measures the land
for the settlements of the p e ople He d istin guishes the ge o
raphical
si
tuations
such
as
th
e
mountains
and
rivers
the
g
oozy g round and marsh ; and he obse rves also the temper
ature of the four seasons
I n short the first principle is
that the population must be adj usted to the natural e u
Royal R e g ulations
.
.
,
,
1
.
,
v iro nm e nt .
Second
the density of population must a g ree w ith the
ext ent o f the land Th e R oyal Re g ulations says
,
:
.
In settl i n g t h e people t h e l and i s m e a u d fo r t h e f m at i o n
o f c i t i es an d t h en me asu red agai n i n s m alle r p o rt i o ns fo r t h e
allotments o f t h e pe o ple
Th e l and an d t h e p o pul at i on must
agre e w i t h e ac h o t h e r
Th e re is n o l and le f t o u t o f use an d
n o ne of t h e people le f t to w an d e r ab o ut i dle
s
,
or
re
,
.
.
,
2
.
We should not miss however the most impo rtant point
wh ich governs these t w o principles namely governmental
control of population Since the minister o f works has
charg e of the settlement of the peopl e i t i s he who d is t rib
utes the people in accordance w i th the n atural envi ronment
an d the land and not the people themselves
Althou gh the
overnment
may
simply
follow
what
the
people
want
i
t
g
ta k es very active measures Therefore t h e d ist rib ut io n of
population is a function o f the government
Th e g overnment however must b e in ha rmony w ith t h e
real i nterest o f the people
and it should not ch an g e t h ei r
adaptation to the envi ro nment
C on fucius says :
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
s age ki n gs s h o wed t h e i r sens o f t h e st ate o f h armony
i n t h e f o ll o w i n g w ay : t h e y d i d n o t m ak e t h e o c c up ants o f t h e
h i lls remo v e an d l i ve by t h e st re am n o r t h e o c c up ants o f t h e
Th e
e
s
‘
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 28
,
‘
.
l b id
p
.
2 30
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
0
3
R I N C IP LE S
O F C ON
i sl ands emove an d l i ve i n t h e pl ai ns ;
ompl ai n d o f no h a ds h i p
r
t h us t h e pe o ple
an d
1
r
e
c
FU CI US
.
comm e ntator says that t h e inhabitants of the hills are
i nterested in the animals ; thos e of the islands in the fishes
and salt ; and t h ose of the plains i n the di fferent ki nds o f
ra
i
n
T
h
overnment
should
let
them
l
iv
respect
i
vely
i
n
e
e
g
g
t h o se local ities to wh ich they have b een accustomed and
should not chan g e their occupations and make hardsh i ps for
them If the people lose thei r occupat ion they w ill be poor ;
and i f they are poo r they w ill g ive way t o unb ridled license
Therefore the g overnme n tal dist r ibution o f populat i on i s
nece ssarily harmon ious with the p e ople themselves
Th e principle that the population must a g ree w ith the ex
tent o f the land is held by al l the s cholars I n 7 0 2 ( 1 5 1
Tsui Shih says that the ancient sa ges distributed the
A
cul tivated land to e ve ry man and t h e land was proportional
to the population N o w i n some pr o vinces the population
is dense and the land is insu fficient to suppo rt i t while i n
other provinces t h e population is sparse but t h e land is u m
cultivated althou g h i t is fitted fo r the g row in g o f g rain
Th e O l d plan of removi n g th e poor people who cannot have
the i r o w n occupation t o those places where the land is plenty
should here be followed Thi s is a pol icy fo r the develop
ment of the land and the help of the p eOp le This theory
o f Tsui Shih s represents the commo n idea O f the C hinese
I n the Southern Sun g dynasty t h e cap ital was in Han g
chow C hekian g province and surroundin g the capital there
was an over population Therefo re Yeh Shih ( 1 7 0 1 1 7 74
A K or 1 1 5 0 1 2 2 3 A D ) proposed to remove the surplus
from the over populated reg ions t o those that were under
populated He says
Th e
-
.
,
.
,
-
-
.
,
-
,
.
.
.
'
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
2
.
’
.
,
,
,
-
-
.
,
-
.
.
.
.
-
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
vu ,
p
.
392
2
.
G e n e ral
R
e s e ar c h ,
ch .
11
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
0
3 4
RI N C IP LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
It should be noticed that both Tsui Shih an d Ye h Shih
are more i n favor of a g riculture t han o f industry A l
though the commercial and i ndustri al cities can mai ntai n
more populat i on they think that the cond it ion of the poor
is very bad because they are merely dependents Hence
they both u s e the term ow n occupation fo r the obj ect of
their advocacy I n order to make the poo r have thei r ow n
occupation an d become i ndependent of the rich the o n ly
thin g the s tate can do i s to g ive them free land Since the
land of the cities where the poor concentrate is not en ough
they cannot have any free land unless they are removed to
the under populate d places Therefore the theo ry o f Tsu i
Sh i h and Y eh Shih is to enabl e the poor t o have an occupa
ti on wh ich can be called thei r o w n I n Other w o rds they
want to make the dep endent laborers become i ndependent
farmers I f they should see t h e f actory system of to day
they would advocate thei r plan still more stron g ly
Th e above mentioned policy of m o vin g the populat i on is
based on economic p irn c ip le s and we have entirely omi tted
those pol icies based o n m ilitary defense B ut w e sho uld
i
i
v
a
few
details
about
the
removal
of
population
in
anc
ent
e
g
times I n 38 3 A K ( 1 6 9 B C ) C h ao Ts o ( di ed 398
A K ) says
'
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
-
.
,
.
,
-
.
,
.
-
,
.
'
-
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
I h ave h e ard t h at i n anc i ent t i m es t h e m o v i n g of po pul at i o n
f rom a d i st an c e to t h e empty l and w as l ik e t hi s : In t h e fi rst
pl ac e t h e te m pe ratu re o f t h e c l i m ate i s ex am i ned i nto t h e
t aste o f t h e w ate r tested t h e fitness o f t h e so i l j udged an d t h e
r i c h ness o f t h e pl ants l o o k ed i n t o
Th en t h e c i ty i s est ab l i s h e d
an d t h e w alls b u i lt t h e st reets fixed an d t h e h o uses s ep arat e d
t h e ro ads o f t h e f arm s c onne c ted an d t h e b o und ari e s o f t h e
field d i v i ded Th e i r h o uses are fi rst b u i lt E ac h h o use h as
o n e h all
two c h am b e rs an d t h e d i ffe rent d o o rs W i t hi n t h e
h o u se t h e art i c l e s an d i nst ruments are l ai d d o wn Th e people
m ay h ave r es i den c e w h e n t h ey c o m e an d h ave s o m et h i n g fo r
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
LA B O
R—P O F UL A TI O N
0
3
5
use w h en t h ey w o rk Th e e f o re t h e peo ple are en c ou raged i n
mov i n g t o t h e n e w c i ty an d d o n o t m i nd le avi n g t h e i r old
h o m e s F u rt h e rm o e t h ey a e gi ven d o c t o s fo r t h e c u re o f
t h e i r s i c k ness an d p ri e s t s fo t h e x e rc i s e o f t h e i w o rs hi p
Bet w een t h e t w o sex e s t h e p e o ple h av e m a i age ; f r bi rt h
t h e f une al t h ey h av e a
an d de at h t h ey h elp e ac h o t h e ; fo
Th e i r pl ants are fl o u i s hi n g t h e i r an i m al s
c omm o n c e m et e ry
ar e g ro w i n g an d t h e i r h o use s are c o mplete an d c o m f o t ab l e
A l l t h e s e m ak e t h e pe o ple f eel t h e i r pl ac e ple as ant an d d i s pos e
t h e m t o l i v e t h e r e pe rm anently
r
.
,
r
.
r
,
r
r
r
e
rr
,
r
r
,
o
r
r
.
.
,
,
r
,
.
‘
.
F rom such a descr i pt i on we can see
act i ve t h e g ove rn
ment was when it moved the people Th i s i s a ve ry val
u ab l e statement b ecause i t g i ves some deta i ls of t h e anc i en t
system
Si nce the Han dyn asty t h e pol i cy of mov i n g populat i on
h as b een car ri ed i nto e ffect many t i mes F o r an example
we m ay sel ect the decree o f M i n g T ai Ts u wh i ch was
1
i
ven
i
n
2
1
A
K
A
It
runs
thu
5
1
0
g
9
( 37
ho w
.
.
.
,
.
‘
,
°
.
.
.
fi v e p re f e c tu re s Su c h o w Sun gki an g Kiah ing H uc h o w
an d H an gc h ow
Th e pe o p le c ann o t h av e
are o ve r p o p u l ate d
l and fo r c ult i v at i o n an d u u ally p u sue t h e e c o nd ary o c e n
In L i n h ao my n at i v e
p at io n s w i t h o ut gett i n g u ffi c i ent f o o d
t h e l an d i n t d e v el p e d an d t h ere i s u n
p re fe c tu re
Th pe o ple o f t h o e fi v e p r
p ened we al t h in t h e gr o und
fec t u re s w h o own no l and should b e d i rected to go there for
t h e c ult i v at i on
f l and
Th e l an d w hi c h t h ey m ay c ult i v ate
h all b e gi v en t o t h m fo r t h e i r p ri v ate p rope rty Th ey s h all
b e suppl i ed w i t h m o ney f o o d o x e n and seed an d t h ey s h al l
b e x m p t e d f rom t ax at i o n fo r t h ee ye ars
Th e d i st ib ut i o n
o f l an d s h all b e ac c o rd i n
t h e num b e
f m e n an d t h e i
g t
Th e
.
2
s
,
,
-
.
,
8
s
.
o
s
,
o
,
o
,
s
e
.
o
s
r
s
,
e
.
,
,
,
e
r
H is t o ry
o
In t h e
ro
nc e s o
re s e n t
p f
Th e
p
f Ho n
p vi
re
,
x lix
f Ki
g
ch
.
r
.
o
‘
e
.
s
e
,
r
o
r
.
an
e c t u re
O
s u an d
C
h ki
e
f F u ngy an g
,
ang
An
.
h i p vi
u
ro
n ce
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
0
3
RIN C IP LE S
O F C ON
p h ys i c al su ffic i ency b ut none s h all b e
m u c h l and
,
FU CI US
llowed
a
to
too
ow n
-
1
.
This
decree is a g eneral provision fo r t h e rem oval of p o p u
lation
This question w ill arise : W hy should t h e g overn me n t
control the distribution o f population ? U nder t h e theory
o f f ree compet itio n the populati on would naturally d is t r ib
ute itself nicely B ut there are many circumstances under
wh i ch competi t i on is not fr e e and especially amon g poor
people I n the first place they w ill not care t o move b e
cause it i s human nature to become a tach ed to t h e old
place I n the second place they do not know how to move
because they do not know what place is good for them
A number of o bs t acles such as the d i fferences o f d ialects
customs and cl imates and e specially the poor transportat i on
all preven t them fro m movin g I n the th ird place they can
not move t hemselves by thei r empty hands Therefo re the
movin g o f population by the government is a necessary
thin g It is a good policy first for the poor themselves
and next for the nation as a whol e I t is g ood not only for
thei r economic l i fe but also for thei r moral and social con
dit io ns and many other t hin g s
Moreover this pol icy i s
not compulsory but voluntary Th e g overnment g ives only
the inducemen t t o encoura ge thei r hope but not force to
increase thei r fear Therefor e governmen t control of p O p u
lat ion is a g ood thin g
In the present day as the population of C hi na is dense i n
the east an d th e south but sparse i n the west and the nort h
sh e should move the people from the former to the latter
Sh e should move no t o nly the poor but also the rich b e
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
t
.
,
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
,
,
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,
,
.
,
-
,
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,
,
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,
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,
,
,
.
,
,
1
ed
C o n t in u at io n
it
ed
2 335
th e
u n de r
( 1 784 A
o
.
f t h e G e n e ral
imp i
h ii
e r al
c
.
.
d
i
R
L i t e rat u re an d A u h o ri t ies ,
o f Kao Ts u n g, an d
ub l s e d in
e s e ar c h o n
i
re c t o n
t
p ih
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
8
3
R I N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
set forth Accord i n g to him i f the population increases b e
yond t h e p roport i onal i ncreased o r acqui red p roduce of the
country the deaths w ill shortly exceed the births unl e ss an
Therefore the increase in p o p u
emi g rat i on t akes place
l at i on i s dependent upon t h e supply o f f o od F o r the m i sery
o f the unfortunate population Mencius g i ves a s i m i l ar ex
p ress i on When he talked t o Kin g H ui of L i an g he said
that t h e ruler s of C h i n and C h u ro bbed the people o f thei r
time s o that they could n o t plou gh and weed their fields
Th e results w ere that thei r parents s u ffe red from cold and
hun g er and that thei r brothers wives an d children were
separated and scatte red abroad
A gain when he talked to
Duke M o o f Tsau he said that in calam itous years and
years of fam i ne t h e o l d and weak have bee n found dyin g
—
i n the d i tches and w ater channels an d the able bod ied hav e
been scattered about to the fo un q u art e rs
Therefore ac
cordin g to Mencius when there is an insu fficiency of f o od
there are t w o t hin gs for t h e people—emi g ration and death
These are the two positive checks t o population
F or the adj ustment between p opulation and food Men
cius has the g re at principle o f poli t i cal economy shown in
the conservation of natural resources the ts ing t ie n system
the control of prices e t c that is t o increase wealth i n ge n
eral and no t to increase food in particul ar H ow can he
app rove a half measure wh i ch does not i ncrease the food at
al l but simply distributes it i n accordance w ith the condition
of the people ? Th e Kin g H ui of L ian g sai d to Mencius
t h at when the ye ar was bad on the i nsi de of the river he
r emoved as many of the people as he could t o the east o f
the r i ver and conveyed g rain t o the count ry o n the insid e
and that when th e year was bad on the eas t of the river he
,
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,
,
1
.
,
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,
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,
‘
‘
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,
,
,
,
?
,
,
,
,
-
,
?
,
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,
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,
,
,
,
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,
,
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,
,
,
,
,
1
Th e P rin c ip l e
C las s ic s ,
vo l.
o
f
ii pp
,
h
P o p u lat i o n, A s l e y
.
1 35 6
’
s
ed
it i
3
-
.
o n,
I b id
,
pp
p
39 40
-
.
.
1 73
.
.
LA B O
R—P O F UL A TI O N
0
3 9
acted cor respond i n g ly H e sp o k e of suc h measures wi th
reat
p
ri
de
but
Menc
i
us
d
i
d
not
i
ve
h
i
m
hi
s
approval
g
g
Th e reason i s that a ruler should adopt the fundamental
pri nciple for the pe rm anent i ncrease o f the wealth o f the
people and should not resort to t h e tempora ry removal of
either people or food as a g reat measu re
.
‘
.
,
,
1
.
,
3
P o p u l at io n
.
an d
We al t h
most important support of the populat i on is not land
n o r food
b ut wealth I f we h ave more wealt h we may
utilize the land eithe r mo re extens i vely o r mo re i ntens i vely
o r both ; and w e may produce mo re f o od Th erefo re t h e
relation b etween popul at i on and wealt h i s t h e fund ament al
th i n g This princi ple w as reco g n ized by C onfucius When
he went to We i as w e h ave mentioned above ? he g ave h is
i mpress i on f rom h i s ca rr i ag e b y s ay i n g H o w nume rous
are t h e p e O p le !
as k ed
Si nce t h ey are t h u s nume rous
?
Y
u
En r i c h
Jan
what mo re shall b e done for t h em
t h em was the reply By t h is answe r C onfuc i us i nd i c ated
that wealth is most i mport ant fo r t h e populat i on As soon
as the p opulat i on i s la rg e t h e fi rst th i n g i s t h e i nc rea s e of
we al th Althou g h he d i d n o t g i v e the d et ai ls as re g ards
h ow t h e en ri c h ment w as to b e ma d e suc h a g ene ral state
ment cove rs t h e whole econo m i c field
Indeed wh ateve r
c an ma k e t h e people r i ch i s the t h i n
o uld be used
w
h
i
h
sh
c
g
fo r t h e supp o rt o f p o pul at i o n
C o n fuc i us app rec i ated a l arg e p o pul at i o n b e c ause i t i s an
i nd icat i o n o f n at i o n al p rospe rity B u t h e d i d not th i n k t h at
a l ar g e p o pul at i o n i s g ood w h en its we alth is not e q u ally
d i st rib ut ed H e s ai d t h at we sh o uld no t b e t rou b led lest the
people s h o uld b e few b ut s h ould b e t r o u b led lest they should
Th e
.
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,
,
.
.
.
,
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.
,
'
.
”
”
,
“
”
,
”
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
‘
2
C las s ic s
Cf
.
su
p
,
vo
ra.
l
.
pp
11,
.
pp
.
129 - 13 2
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
1
0
3
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
not have equal ity of wealth I f they have equality of
wealth they w i ll have no poverty and they w ill be i n a con
dit i on o f harmony I f they are harm oniou s their number
Therefore no matt e r whether the p o p u
will not b e fe w
lation is lar g e o r small wealth is mo st important fo r avo id
ing povert y an d brin g i n g harmony
Since C onfucius was
n o t a pure economist but a g eneral reformer he spoke of
the wealth o f the people from the distr i but i ve rather than
from the p roductive point of view But his v i ew is quite
correct
F or i f wealth were not equally d i str ib uted the
population as a whole would su ffer from poverty and lac k
of harmony even thoug h its production were g reat
Th e relati o n between population and wealth is also pointed
out by the M iscellaneous Records
F irst a larg e terri
tory must be su fficient to support a correspond i n g p o p ula
t ion Second the same n umber of population must have
the same e fficiency
I f there is a lar ge territory and the
people be not correspond in gly numerous the superi o r m an
re gards it as a shame I f another g overnment has the same
population as h is own but has a double e ffic i ency the
Th e word super i o r
superior man reg ards it as a shame
man refers to either the ruler or the o fficer Th e first de
feet comes from the fact tha t he cannot make the wealth
su fficient to support a lar g e population i n corres p ondence
with the extent of the land and th is causes the people to
desert his territory
Therefore even thou g h the land is
plentiful the population is sparse because populat i o n de
pends not merely upon the land but upon the wealth In
the second case althou gh he possesses the same dens i ty of
population as does h is nei ghbor the meri t o f his ne i ghbor
is doubl e his Th is means that he has the same number of
men but accompl ishes only half the work o f his nei ghbor
.
,
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,
1
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”
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,
,
” 2
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,
1
C f infra
.
2
.
C f infra,
.
p
.
1 65
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1
2
3
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
dren O ppress i ve g overnment i s mo re te rr i bl e th an t i g e rs
In fact the worst th i n g to dr i ve the people away is an 0 p
press i ve government e specially i f it touches the econom i c
l i fe of the people b y heavy taxatio n
O n the other hand the ch i ef cause fo r i mm i g rat ion i s als o
econom i c Acco rdin g t o C ha o Ts o people see k in g the i r
econo m i c interest anywhere are l ik e w ater runnin g to a low
pl ace a n d they do not choose any p art icular re g i on i n the
four corners
Th e mob i l ity o f popul at i on then i s li ke
wa t er I f the eco n om i c i nterest o f one local i ty i s g reater
than that of another the people w ill em i grate from the
l atter t o the former when there is n o O bstacle Therefore
b oth em i g rat i on and i mm i g rat i on de pend upon eco nom i c
principles
.
.
,
,
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,
'
.
,
,
?
,
,
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,
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,
,
.
2
E nc o u r ag em e n t
.
o
I
m
m
a
t
i
n
e
r
a
l
r
i
o
n
i
n
G
e
f
g
i nce C onfuc i us reg ards immig ration as a si g n
of
S
ve rnment he advocates the encoura gement o f i t
fu c iu s says
o
g
ood
g
Co n
.
ule r l o ve p ro p r i ety t h e pe o ple w i ll n o t d are n o t t o b
e v e rent I f h e l o ve ri gh t e o usness t h e pe o ple w i ll n o t d a e
n o t t o su b m i t t o h i s ex am ple
I f h e love go o d f ai t h t h e pe o ple
w i ll n o t d are n o t t o b e s i n c e re
N o w w h en t h ese t hi n gs o b
t ai n t h e people f ro m al l q u arte rs w i ll c o m e t o h im b e ar i n g
t h e i r c hi ld ren o n t h e i b ac k s
If
a r
e
,
r
.
r
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
3
r
.
H e thus show s that the immi g ration of the people i s the
esult of a good rule
When the D uke of Ye h as k ed C o n
r
r
.
bout g overnment C onfucius said
Good go vern
ment obta i ns when those w h o are near are made happy and
t h ose who are far o ff are att racted to
B y thi s
fu c iu s
a
-
,
,
,
1
3
Li
Ki
,
bk
C las s ic s
,
.
11,
vo l .
pp
i p
1 90
.
,
.
-
19 1 .
26 5
2
‘
.
H is t o ry
o
I b id
2 69 .
.
,
p
.
f H an
,
ch
.
xxiv
.
LA B O
R—P O F UL A TI O N
3
13
statement he makes the im m ig rat o in of th e remote peo ple
one o f the t w o obj ects of g ood gove rnment A g ain he says
I f remoter people are not sub miss i ve all t h e i n fl ue nces o f
civi l culture and vi rtue are to b e cultivated in order t o att ract
them to come ; and w h en they have come they must b e
mad e contented and t ran q u i l
Th e refore to attract the
i mmi g rants to come i n is the doct ri ne of C onfuci us Th i s
means to w i n the hea rt of t h e people and to con q ue r them
b y culture and v i rtue
Menc i us has made a s i m i la r statement
h e t al k ed
to Kin g H s ii an of C h i he said :
.
,
,
.
”
1
.
,
.
.
.
.
‘
,
i f y u M aj e ty w i l l i n t i tute a g v n m nt w h se a
t i n s h all b e b en v lent t h i w i ll a e al l t h e fli
in th
ld t w i h t st and i n y u M aj ty
u t an d all t h
w
f a me s t w i s h t pl u gh i n y u M aj e ty fi lds an d all t h e
m e h ants b t h t av el i n g an d t at i n a y t w i h t
t e th ei
l
l
a
m
a
d
a
a
ods
i
n
y
u
M
j
esty
s
k
t
pl
t
v
el
i
n
t
n
a
a
a
g
g
d
a
a
a
e
s
to
i
h
k
e
t
h
i
t
u
y
M
j
e
ty
s
d
m
a
w
t
g
l
t
h
ut
t
h
e
ld
h
f
i
e
v
d
b
y
t
h
i
le
all t h
w
w
a
gg
g
w ish t
me a d
m p l ai n t y u M aj t y
No w ,
s
r
o
e
o
o
s
o
c
s
,
er
o
e
us
c
e
c e rs
o
'
or
o
o
s
o
r
co
s
es
r
e
,
'
r
r
o
rc
o
r
o
’
r
or
o
n
e
co
o
r
ces
-
o
o
e
o
,
n
,
s or
o
r
s r
r
’
s
ro
s
e r ru
e
r
r
,
s
o ur
ee
o
s
s
rs o n
o
e r
o
co
r
s
r
s
ro u
o
r
o
,
o
o
o
,
rs
n
o
?
es
fact t h i s i s t h e c o nd i t i o n o f a ro y al g o ve rnment It
ma k es t h e state t h e cente r o f t h e i mm i g rat i on o f the w h ole
w o rld an d con q ue rs t h e w h o le wo rld b y the i nst i tut i o ns o f
b enevolent g ove rnment i nste ad o f m i l i t ary fo rce Th i s i s
the re al m e an i n g o f the w o rd ki n g o r ro y al i n t h e
I t i s un i v e rs al i sm i n c o nt rast t o im
C onfuc i an sense
In
.
.
,
.
"
.
e
r
i
l
i
a
m
s
p
?
t h e enc o u rag ement
o t h e i mm i
r
t
i
ven
ants
g
g
Fo r
.
‘
2
C l as s ic s
C las s ic s
t s ing t ie n
3
Cf
.
i
.
,
vo
vo
sy s t e
f
n ra.
i pp 3 8 9
l
pp 46 7
m ; f i f pp
l
.
.
.
0
.
11,
c
.
.
1
o
f
Fo
i mm i g at i on exemption a e
ex am p le we m ay q u te t h i s
r
r
s
,
r
o
.
-
.
Th e b e ne
-
n ra,
.
.
1
0
5
6
.
v
o le n t
go
v
er n
m
e nt
m
e ans
t he
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1
3 4
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FUC I US
passa g e from the R oyal R eg ulations
W hen the peo ple
of the no b le families move t o the feudal states they are d is
charged from serv ice for three months W hen the people
move from the feudal stat e s to the noble famil ies they are
not requi red t o take service fo r a round year
F or t h e
explanation of the text K un g Y in g ta says
,
.
,
” 1
.
‘
-
,
In t h e f eud al st ates t h e l and i s l arge r an d t h e pu b l i c l ab o r
re q u i r i n g t h e people t o do se rv i c e i s less ; h e n c e t h e people
des i re i t Th e re f o re t h ey are e x empted f rom se rv i ce only fo r
t h ree mont h s
In t h e est ates of t h e n o b le f am i l i es t h e
l and i s s m aller an d t h e pub l i c l ab o r i s mo re In o rde r t o mak e
t h e people l ik e i t t h ey are exempted f ro m serv i ce fo r a ro und
ye ar
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
F rom this passa ge we may
ints F irst it shows
the freedom of movement Th e people may move either
from the noble estates to the feudal states or vic e ve rs a as
they please
Second it shows the real encoura gement of
i m mi g ration because the immi g rants ge t some materi al g ain
from such an exemption
Th e C onfucian theory is exactly the o pposite of actual
condi tions i n American and E uropean countries W hile the
restriction an d the exclus i on of immi g rants i n the U nited
—
e
States is based mainly on the economic stru gg l
that is
—
the laborers want to ge t more money the theory of C o n
fu c iu s i s based on pol itics ethics and reli g ion
I ndeed his
theory tends to ma k e a universal emp ire a universal rel ig ion
a un i versal conception a universal law a universal custom
a universal route a universal lan g ua g e a universal calen
d ar e t c
These i deas can b e summed up i n a sin g le wo rd
universal ism C onfucius says : When there is the teach
ing there shall be no distincti on between the races nor b e
t
e
g
tw o p o
-
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,
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“
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
,
,
,
,
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,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 4 3.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1
6
3
3
.
E n c o u rag e m en t
o
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
m
m
i
I
i
r
a
t
o
n
g
f
o
FU C I U S
i
A
r
t
n
s
a
s
f
an d
M e rc h an t s
Alt h ou g h imm ig rat i on in g eneral has a g reat e ffect upon
t h e econom i c li fe of a nation its i nfluence is far beyond the
econom i c field H ence w e now come to immi g ration in
—
pa rt i cular namely the immi g rat ion of art i sans and t ravel
ing merchants
When D u k e A i as k ed C onfucius about
overnment
he
ave
h
i
m
the
nine
standard
rules
Amon
g
g
g
t h ese the s eventh is to induce all classes of artisans to
come i n and the ei ghth is concerned wi th t h e i ndul g en t
treatmen t of fore i g ners
Th e former mentions the wo rd
artis ans exp ressly
while the latter means forei g n mer
chants espec i ally alt h ough it includes all forei g ne rs i n
eneral
g
Th e happy e ffects of these two rul es an d the d et ai ls o f
p ract i sin g them are g iven by C o nf uc i us as follo ws :
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
By i ndu c i n g all c l asses o f art i s ans t o c o m e i n we alt h i s m ad e
s u ffi c i ent
By i ndul gent t re at me nt o f f o re i gne s t h e people o f
al l q u arte r s w i ll c o me
By d ai ly e x am i n at i ons an d
m o nt h ly t r i als an d b y m aki n g t h e i r rat i o ns i n ac c o r d an c e w i t h
t h e i r l ab o rs : t h i s i s t h e w ay t o en c o u rage all t h e c l asses o f
art i s ans
To es c o rt t h e m on t h e i r d e p artu re an d m eet t h e m
o n t h ei r c o m i n
o
m
m
a
n
m
m
end
t
h
e
o
d
a
o
n
t
h
e
d
s
h
w
t
o
c
o
o
g
g
g
r
c o m p as s i o n t o t h e i n c o m petent : t h i s i s t h e w a
f
o
r
a
t
o
t
e
t
y
e i gne rs i ndul gently
,
r
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
In sho rt the g overnment should make th e state a center o f
i ndust ry and commerce I n order to accomplish this a i m
i t must encoura g e immi g rat i on
It i s very i mportant t o know that althou gh C onfuc i us i s
i n f avor o f a g riculture he le aves it out o f the ni ne standa rd
r ules and mentions only industry and commerce
In order
to b rin g o u t th i s po i nt we must g ive the nine stand ard rule s
fully Th ey are as follows : ( I ) the cult i vation o f t h e per
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
.
.
“
LAB O
R—P O P UL A TI O N
1
3 7
of the ruler ( 2 ) the h onor i n g of men of v i rt u e
and talents ( 3 ) a ffect i on toward relatives ( 4 ) r espect
toward the g reat m i n i sters ( 5 ) k i nd an d considerate
t reatment of the w h ole body o f O ffic i als ( 6 ) dealin g w ith
the mass o f the people as ch i ld ren ( 7 ) i nduc i n g all
classes o f artisans to come i n ( 8 ) i ndul gent t reatment of
forei g ners and ( 9 ) the kin d lv che ri sh i n g o f t h e p r i nces o f
t h e feudal states Th is is a complete p ro g ram o f g o ve rn
ment I t be g i ns w ith the personal c h a racter o f the rule r
h i msel f ; fo r such a pu rpose h i s fam i l i a r f r i ends must b e
men o f vi rtue and talents Th en h e must b e affect i onate
to the relat i ves of his fami ly and must b e g ood t o all the
o fficials and the people
These s i x rules are all appl i ed
fo r i nte r
No w
w ith i n the lim i t o f his ow n state
n at i onal relat i ons they are g ove rned b y the last t h ree
r ules
E xceptin g the last rule as a diplomati c p ri nc i ple the
other tw o are economic doctri nes It i s i nte rest i n g to
see that C onfuc i us always regards ec o nom i c l i fe not as a
nat ional phenomenon but an inte rn ation al o n e The ref o re
he does not g ive any econom i c p r i nc i ple until h e re ac h es
the seventh and ei g hth rul es
It i s exactly fo r th i s s ame
reason that the Great L ea rnin g does not t o uc h any eco
nomic pro b lem until unde r the last c h apte r n am e l v t h e
e q uali z i n g o f t h e whole wo rld
N o w we come b ac k to our po i nt
So far as t h e n i ne
r ules are conce rned
n o ne o f them are econom ic p ri nciples
exce pt the seventh and t h e e i g h th But t h ese two rules re fe r
t o i ndust ry and commerce only an d ag ri cultu re i s le ft out
There m ay b e seve ral re asons fo r t h i s
enti rely
F i rst
a g ricultu re m ay b e i nclu d ed in in d ustry and comme rce b e
cause t h e one i s the pr i m ary i ndustry an d the othe r two
are second ary Second fo r i nte rnational competition ln
d u s t ry and commerce m ay b e pre fe rred t o a g riculture
s o nal it y
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s u p ra ,
pp
.
1 39- 142
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
1
8
3
R I N C IP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI U S
since there i s a g reat imm i g rat i on o f all classes
of artisans and the people of all quarters industry and
commerce rather than ag riculture are needed to support
such a larg e population C onfucius may have had all these
three points i n mind as reasons fo r referri n g t o industry
and commerce only and l eavin g a g riculture out
There is still another poi n t
F o r t h e e ffec t of th e ln
d u lge n t treatment of forei g ners C onfucius mentions only
“
that the people of all quarters w ill come b ut for that
of inducin g all classes of artisans to come in he point s
out very clearly that the wealth is made su fficient There
fore if a stat e wants to make wealth su fficient it must re
sort to industry
I ndustry alone c an create n e w wealth
while commerce s imply creates new value upon the existin g
wealth F rom th is poi nt of vie w w e may say that C o n fu
ci us knows the importance o f industrial capital All thos e
points mentioned above are the economic principles of C o n
Th ird
,
“
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fu c ius
1
.
Although the policy o f i nducin g all classes of a rt i
sans to come in has not been realized in C hina it h as
been carri ed o u t very successfully i n E n gland and the U nited
States
D urin g the rei g ns of E dward I I I and o f E lizabeth
the immi g ration o f F lemish workmen g ave a g reat impetu s
to E n g lish industry I t has also contributed t o the pro g ress
of the U ni ted States sinc e 2 37 1 A K or 1 82 0 A D Had
the immi g rants not come the U n ited States would not
have been so prosperous as at present U nfortunately s ince
C hina stood as an isolated country fo r a lon g period th i s
policy di d not have any marked e ffect upon her because t h e
wor k manship of the surroundin g countries was much lowe r
than that of C hin a To d ay by the chan g e of methods
C h i n a really demands a g reat number of skilled workmen
But the polit i cal interference of forei g n countries i s a
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1
C las s ic s
,
vo l.
i pp
,
.
0
8
4 1 1.
4
5
TH E E C O N O M I C P
20
OF C ON
F U CI US
y ri ad o f t hi n gs i s l ik e t h e c o ve r i n g o f
h e av en an d t h e c o nt ai n i n g o f e art h w i t h out an y e x c lus i o n
Why
N o w t h e Tu rk s c o m e t o us b e c ause t h ey are p o we rless
?
r
e f use t h em C o n f u c i us s ai d t h at w h en t h e re i s
s h ould we
t h e te ac hi n g t h e re s h o uld b e no d i st i n c t i o n b et w een t h e rac es
I f we rel i eve t h em f r o m de at h gi ve t h em e c o n o m i c o c c up a
t i o ns an d te ac h t h em r i tes an d j ust i c e af te r s e v e ral y e ars t h ey
Th en we c an s el e c t t h e i r c h i e f s
w i ll b e ent i rely o u r c i t i zens
t o c o m e t o t h e c ap i t al an d to b e c o me t h e i m pe ri al gu ards
Th us t h ey w i ll f e ar o u r p o we r an d lov e o u r v i rtue
W h at
w i ll b e t h e d an ge r i n t h e f utu re ?
An
em
pe
th e
RIN CI P L E S
to
ro r
m
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,
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,
,
,
,
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.
finally used th i s pol i cy H e d i vide d their te rr i
t ory i nt o several provinces and appo inted their l eader s as
the g overnors
When t h e Turkish ch iefs c ame t o court
t h ey were all appo inted as military commanders and o c c u
pied o ffices in the court Above the fifth o fficial rank they
amounted to more than o ne hu n
dred persons nearly hal f
of the number o f the C hinese courtiers Hence t h e Turks
l ivin g i n the cap i t al were about t en thousand famili es
Thi s shows how broad minded the C h inese people are E ven
when the Turks were conquered they g ave them imme
d iat e ly equality o f pol i tical ri g hts
I ndeed they put the bar
b ar i an races upon t h e same foot i n g w ith thei r own and
assim i lated them
W e may ask a q u eSt io n : W hy d id an d does the race
p roble m ari se in the western world ? It s eems that i t i s
due to geo g raphical smallness Since E urope is not a real
continent but o nly a peninsula of Asia there are many
eo
raphical
subdivis
ions
and
many
small
islands
and
penin
g g
sulas I n such an envi ronment E uropean sec tional feel in g
has been fostered
I n ancient times the Gr eeks and the
Romans excep t Alexander and C aesar knew only the city
T ai Tsun g
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,
,
1
ma
,
G e n e ral P o l i t ic al H is t o ry
Ku ang
,
ch
.
c
x iii
c
.
,
p b li h
u
s
ed
in
1 6 35
( 10 84 A D ) b y 8 5 13
.
.
LA B O
R—P O F UL A TI O N
2
1
3
state E ven in the R e p u b lic o f Plato his idea is only a city
state and eve ryth in g depends upon war In modern times
the E uropean race feelin g i s still wo rse Thi s seems to b e
the p roduct of the g eo g raph i cal situation
Th e
N o w we may turn to the U n i ted States of America
U nited States was founded i n the ne w world by vi rt uous
men and the Americans are more b road m i nded than the
When the nation g rew a l ittl e older however
E uropeans
the old good fa i t h b ecame less and t h e C hi nese E xclusion
Act be gan ( 24 33 A K or 1 88 2 A
I t seems that
race prej udice does n o t c o m e from the Ame ri can continent
i tsel f—such a g reat new w orl d should not produce such a
—
narrow idea but from the E uropean peninsul a and espec
lally f rom the n e w i mmi g rants
Th e E xclusion Act i s an
extremely bad example to th e world and i s a se ri ous blem
ish on the glor i ous American h i sto ry F rom thi s poi nt of
view t h e Americans are infer i o r to the C hinese
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IV
.
C O N DI TI O N S
W I TH R E F E R E N C E
TO
P O P U L A TI O N
IN C
HINA
re asons for C hina s lar g e population may b e exam
in e d from two viewpo ints— th e relation o f husband and w i fe
and the relation of fathe r and son In other words we may
explain i t b y the customs o f m ar r i ag e and the doctrine o f
fil i al piety
Th e
’
.
,
.
1
M arriag e
.
a
I
m
o
a
n
a
r
t
c
e
o
rr
i
M
ag e
( )
p
f
Th e rel i g ion o f C on fuci us i s ve ry d i ffe rent from Budd
h is m an d C athol ic i sm
It o ffers no o b j ecti o n to ma rri age
C on fucius re ga rds mar ria g e not only as human happiness
b ut as human duty M e ncius says : Th at male and femal e
s h ould dwell to g ether is t h e g reatest o f hum an rel a tions
Th e ag ed w id o wer and the aged w idow are classified as
.
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,
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"
.
1
C las s ic s
,
vo
l
.
11,
p
.
34 6
.
1
3
RIN CI P L E S
TH E E C ON O M I C P
22
O F C ON
F U CI US
the most unfortunate people I f marria g e is t o o late i t is
reg arded as unhappiness W he n Mencius describes the
social l i fe o f the re ig n of T ai W an g ( died i n 680 B K
or 1 2 3 1 B
the g randfather of W en W an g he says :
At tha t t ime i n the ins i de there were n o dissat i sfied
women and i n the outside there were no lonesom e men
This means that all marri ed at the pro per time
Such a
theory has a g reat influence on the C hinese populatio n I n
C hina there are practically n o unmarried people except
whe n under special ci rcumstances they are forced to leave
thei r families and b e come B uddhists I n fact there are very
few people who voluntarily rema i n i n Si n gle li fe Hence
the C hinese population is the largest i n the world
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D
a
i
b
M
o
a
r
r
a
e
( )
g
y f
Although C onfucius thinks that marria ge i s ne cessary
he does not make th e day o f marria ge early A man take s
—
—
the first ceremony of marria ge that is the cap p in g at
twenty years and has a wi fe at th irty A woman takes the
first ceremony—that is bindin g up the hai r w ith the hair
pi n—at fi fteen and marri es at twenty I f she has not been
en g a ged she w ill assume the hai r pin at twenty and unde r
Th is
some ci rcu mstances she may marry at twenty thre e
and
many
other
R
e
i
t
R
o
r
e
s
eneral
rule
i
s
iven
in
the
d
c
o
g
f
g
books It makes the day of marria g e so late not as a check
to the g rowth o f population but as a p rovision for physical
developmen t and personal respo n sibili ty Th e Gre at C o m
m e n t ary o f t h e C an o n o f H is t o ry say s that the w o man may
marry at twenty years because at that t i me she can under
stand all the family d u ties an d domestic science otherw ise
she could ne ither serve her parents in law help her husband
nor breed her children
Dur i n g the H an dynasty ( 4 9 1 A K o r 6 1 B
W ang
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1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
x pp
,
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—
.
4 78 9
.
.
E C ONO MIC P R IN CIPLES
TH E
2
3 4
c)
OF C ON
F UC I U S
E x o g am y
are t w o important customs wh i ch have brou ght
—
about the larg e population of C h i na the o n e is exog amy
an d the other poly g yny
I n Ts o s C o m m e n t ary the prin
When hus
c ip l e of the first i nstitution i s g iven as follows :
b and and W ife are of the same clan t he i r children do no t
Th i s i s a b i olo g i cal principle dis
prosper and multiply
covered ei g hty —
six ye ars befo re C onfuc i us But th i s pri n
c ip l e had been in pract ice by law s ince the t i me o f the Duke
o f C hou ( about 5 6 4 B K o r 1 1 1 5 B
Th e R e c o rd
“
o f R it e s says :
Accord in g to the rule of C hou there is no
i nterm arria g e amon g t h e same clan even after a h undred
enerations
T
h
i
s
means
that
there
is
no
i
ntermarria
e
g
g
of the male l i nes o f th e common remotest ancesto r Th i s
rule has been o b serv ed by all the C h i nese F rom th i s pri n
c ip l e on the one hand the C h i nese h ave enl ar g ed the i r o w n
r ace ; on the o ther
they have assim i l ated all other races
About three th o usand years ago di fferent races comm i n gled
i n C hi na as the Amer i cans do now
Accord in g to the p rinciples of the Sp ring an d A u t u m n a
man should not marry th e rel atives of h i s mother Th e
reason here is the same as th at a man s h ould not marry the
daughter o f the same clan Th is pr i nciple i s also appl i ed
to the l i nes of the sisters of his father In the L aw C o d e
o f t h e Ts in
th
i
s
pri
nciple
is
applied
a
very
reat
D
n
t
o
a
s
t
g
g
y
y
The re
’
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,
,
” 2
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,
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,
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‘
f wi
hi l d w
b y tw p t
d
d g w
; if a g i l t h
g iv
m m t f wi
If th
m th g v b i th t th
d
p ig
hi l d t h k i g pp l i d
hi l d h pp l i d f d
tw
; t
H t k d i ff
t
t ki d
f f
d
d wi t h him whi l t v l i g i
f d hi l
Th
w h i p li i f t h i
i g f p p l ti
f
mi l i t y p p
Tw t y
l t
h
d d i
y
q i gW
k it f h i w —N t i
d t
b k xx
f N ti
Cl
l v pt i p
i
87
L i Ki b k xiv p 63
as a
c
sa
a
e
o un
re n ,
c
e
ee
d re n
an
su
e re n
ue r n
1
n
n
s
e se
.
ur
o ses
u an
as s c s , v o
.
,
.
e re
s
or
,
3
,
oo
.
.
1
-
c es
o ne
s o
.
o
re n ,
c
n
or
e ar s
e
r
ra e
n
e
arr a v e s o
,
a
e
re e
oo
n or
o
s uc c e e
e
,
o
su
e
n c re as n
a e r,
r
a e
er
o
e
o
en
.
,
o
o
en
e re
o
e
.
a n u rs e
.
oo
.
a
e
a
n e an
o s o
ne
o
ar
or
o
,
e
oo
c
o
o
e
o ns ,
n
.
o
er
u a
.
on
co n
.
LA B O
—
R P O F UL A TI O N
2
3 5
extent
Such exo g amy has two g reat reasons : O n the
ethical side i t promotes the moral sense and prevents the
people from fall i n g i n love w ith the i r relatives
O n the
b iolo g ical side i t g ives p h ys i cal betterment to the couple
themselves and mult i plies the i r o ffsp rin g This i s the sec
ond point which has a g reat e ffect upon the question of
opulation
p
1
.
,
.
,
.
.
(d )
P o ly gyny
F or the explanat i on o f the C h i nese populat i on the
,
p
rac
tice of polygyny must also be referred to I t was an old
custom and i t was not ab ol i shed b ut reformed b y
Acco rdin g to his re g ulat i on the emperor may
C onfuci us
have twelve females ; the pri nce n i ne ; the g reat o fficial
th ree ; the student t w o ; the common people only o ne
Some authori ties say that the empero r and the prince both
may have only n ine females The refore we m ay ta k e t h e
marria g e of t h e p r ince as t he max i mum ex ample When
the prince marries a queen from a fo rei g n nation she ta k es
her youn g e r sister and niece alon g w ith h e r ; then two other
nations respectively send one comp anion to h e r to get h er
w i th t h e compan i on s youn g e r siste r an d niece t h e whole
p arty b e i n g nine females
Th e reason t h e empe ro r an d the pr i nce m ay have nine
femal es is that t h ey rep resent the sovere i g nty o f the state and
thei r succession i s ve ry impo rtant
I f they have no son
from these nine fem ales howeve r t h ey have no reason to
ta k e any mo re The i r ma rri age is fin i shed at this one time ;
no se cond ma rri age i s allowed They must ma rry g i rls out
side o i the i r own st ate All these re g ul at i ons m ak e them
more respectful and prevent t h em from lovi n g other women
Th e youn ge r sisters an d nieces althou gh they may be too
youn g must accompany the q uee n at t h e t i me o f marria g e
.
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Ch
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x
.
TH E
2
6
3
E C ONO MIC P RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
F U CI US
but later return t o their ow n states and remain there until
the age of twenty Why does the queen or th e compan ion
take her youn ger sister and n iece alon g ? I t is that there
may be no j ealousy ; when one of them has a son t h e three
w i ll have the same pleasure W hy does she not take t w o
?
youn g er s isters i nstead of the niece
I t i s b ecause the
physical condition of the n iece may d i ffer from that of h er
sister W h y does the pr ince take g irls from three di fferent
?
s tates
It is fo r t h e diversificatio n of the races lest the
irls
of
the
same
state
have
the
same
blood
and
ive
no
son
g
g
at all I n short all these details ma k e the emperor and the
—
prince sure to have more sons a political necessity
Th e reason the g reat o fficial may have three females is
in honor of the w ise and able man and because of the im
portance o f conti nuin g his l inea g e Below the class of g reat
o fficial the student may hav e t w o females F or the com
mon peopl e there is mono g amy ; hence they are called
sin gle man and sin gl e woman
Although C onfuciu s did not abolish poly gyny he did
re form it At that time the emperor re g ularly had one hun
dred and twenty one females ; the prince must have had
more than nine ; the g reat o fficial more than three ; the stu
dent more than two ; and the common people more than one
B ut he reduced the number to a certain limi t and di d not
allow the emperor and the prince to marry a second time
By these means he markedly checked the preva ilin g custom
Durin g his age all the g reat o ffici als not o nly the emperor
and the prin c es held thei r o ffice by hereditary ri ght ; hence
t h e succession of their family was an important th in g More
over C onfucius h imsel f thought t hat the perpetuation of
family is a g reat duty of man Therefore h e d i d not and
could not abolish poly gyny e ntirely
C onfucius reason fo r not abolishin g polygyny—that is
that a family m ay perpetuate i ts linea ge —
appl i es especially
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,
’
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
8
3
2
.
RIN CI P L E S
D o c t rin e
o
F
i
i
a
l
l
f
OF C O N
FU C I U S
P ie t y
r
t
a
t
i
a
P
e
e
u
o
n
o
t
h
F
a
m
i
e
l
( )
p
f
y
In the world there is n o nation that has perpetuated its
p e ople as a particular race s o lon g as has C hina It i s the
contribution of C onfuc ius because he preaches the do ctrin e
o f filial piety
Accord in g to th is doctrine the perpetuation
of the family is the chief duty of man
C onfucius says :
Since the parents have g iven bi rth to a son it is the per
i
n
t
u
a
t
o
n
e
o
f
the
huma
rac
and
there
i
s
noth
i
n
reater
e
p
g g
than this
H ence a son must cont inue the l i ne of h is
parents M encius say s : There are three th in g s wh ich are
u nfil ial
but to have n o posterity is the g reatest o f them
Th e othe r two u nfilial th in g s are accord i n g to C ha o C h i
2
d
i
ed
A
K
o
r
2
1
the
commentator
first
by
0
A
(
75
a flatterin g assent to encou ra g e parent s in unri ghteousness ;
and second not t o succor thei r poverty and old age by
en ga g i n g in o fficial serv ice To b é w ithout posterity is a
fault g reater than these because i t is an o ffense a gai nst t h e
whole line of ancestors and termi nates the sacrifices to them
I n sho rt by the statement o f C onfucius t o g ive b irth to
a son is the g reatest contribution of the parents to society
as a whole ; and by that of M encius t o have no posterity i s
the g reatest o ffense of a son a gainst all his ancestors
Therefore the perpetuation of the fam i ly i s the chief duty
of both father and son
Since we have already d iscussed the doctri ne of filial piety
and
t
h
custom
of
ancestor
wo
rship
from
the
reli
ious
e
(
g
)
and eth i cal point of v i ew w e shall n o w look at it only from
it s influen ce on the C hi nese population
U nder the influence
o f C onfucius every one w ants to marry i n order to have
sons Th e parents can n e ver b e satisfied until they finis h
.
,
.
.
,
,
” 1
.
,
.
” 2
.
‘
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
‘
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
-
,
.
,
.
1
Sac r e d B o o ks ,
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
vo l .
11,
p
.
iii p
,
3 13
.
.
4 79
.
.
—P O P ULA TI O N
LA B OR
3 9
9
fl
for thei r children the proceedin g o f ma rr i a ge which they
reg ard as an obl i gat i on Amon g very poor famil i es i t i s
even the social duty of thei r friends to help them to ma rry
I f one has no son he may ta k e a concub i ne in the hope
o f havin g posterity and h i s w i fe almost alw ays a g rees to it
I f he has no prospect o f hav i n g a son he may adopt a son
ei ther from his own clan or from anot h er Sometimes even
when he d ies prematurely not havin g mar r ied at all h is
family adopts a son for h i m i n o rder to cont i nue h i s l inea ge
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
b
( )
R e t u rn t o t h e
P are n t s
W hile the pe rpetuation o f the fam i ly i s the stron gest
motive impellin g the C hi nese to have sons another st i mulus
is the expected return to the pa rents Si nce we have al
ready discussed this princ i ple there i s no need of any fur
ther explanation We n o w s i mply po int out that i t h as a
a
reat
influence
upon
the
hinese
population
A
s
we
h
ve
C
g
seen C hi na ma k es the support o f parents a pos i t i ve law
Th e parents usually der i ve thei r support f rom t h e i r sons
Althou g h the sons are not necessar i ly duti ful enou g h to
suppo rt thei r pa rents the custom has b ehind i t a ve ry st ron g
pub lic O pi n i on ; hence the retu rn to t h e parents is a gene ral
expectation Therefo re when one h as no son he re ga rds it
as the g reatest o f mi sfortunes
Fi rst he i s af ra i d that h i s
l i ne ag e w i ll b e extin guished Second h e has no hope o f
b ein g supported in h i s old age Th i rd even w h en h e h as
no need o f support he needs a son as an o b j ect of pleasu re
a perfo rme r o f soci al an d rel i g i ous dut i es e t c In f act de
si re for sons amon g t h e C h i nese i s st ron g e r t h an amon g
any ot h er people
Th e return to the parents may b e d i v i ded i nto two cate
i
o
r
e
n
s
O
e
a
is
the
m
terial return Si nce the suppo rt o f
g
parents i s an o b l i gat i on o f the s o ns the pa rents cla i m the
d uties from thei r sons as c red itors from debtors Hence
,
.
,
.
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
33
R IN CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI U S
the brin g in g up o f ch i ldren may be re garded as a provision
for the later part of l i fe Indeed it is equivalent to an in
surance pol icy provi din g a s ickness benefit unemployment
benefit old age benefit funeral benefit e t c
Th e other is the immateri al return and it may be divided
i nto three thin gs F i rst the son may return honor t o h is
parents durin g thei r l ife Ts en g Tz ii says : H e whom
the superior man pronounces fil i al is he whom all the people
of his state prai se sayin g wi th admiration Happy are the
—
parents who have such a son as this ! that indeed is what
can be called bein g fil ial
Second he may retur nhono r
to them after thei r death
C onfucius s ays that to make
our name famous in future a g es and there by glori fy our
parents is the end o f fil ial piety
Th e
P attern of the
F amily says :
-
.
,
,
,
-
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
‘
.
,
,
’
” 1
.
,
.
,
2
.
,
Alt h ou gh hi s p arents b e d e ad w h e n a son i s i ncl i ned to do
w h at i s good h e s h ould t h i n k t h at h e w i ll t h e reb y t ransm i t t h e
f
f
r
r
r
h
ood
n
a
me
o
f
h
i
s
p
a
ents
a
n
d
ca
y
h
i
s
w
i
s
i
nt
o
e
ect
g
W h en h e i s i n c l i ned t o d o w h at i s not good h e s h ould t hi n k
t h at h e w i ll t h e re b y b r i n g d i s grace o n t h e n ame o f h i s p are nts
an d i n no w i se c arry h i s w i s h i nto e ffe c t
'
,
,
.
,
,
,
3
.
Since C onfuci us
re gards the name as a very important thin g
the parents have e xpectations from the glory of thei r sons
In C hina whatever o fficial ti tle a son may ge t may be trans
m it t e d to his parents either durin g thei r li fe o r after thei r
death and also to h is g randparents and g reat g randparents
Third the son may return homa g e to hi s parents i n the form
of ancestor worship Thus we can see how the principle o f
the returns to parents helps to brin g about C hina s g reat
population
,
.
,
-
.
,
,
-
.
’
.
1
3
Li
Li
Ki
Ki
,
,
bk
bk
.
.
xxi pp 6—
7
.
,
x p
,
.
4 57
22
.
.
2
Se e
su
p ra
,
p
.
1 12 .
TH E
E
C ON OM I C P
R I N C I P LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
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LAB O
R—P O P ULA TI O N
333
above table shows the si ze of t h e population of C h ina
proper throu ghout all the a ges and i s b ased mostly upon
the Th re e G e n e ral R es e arc h es
Thei r materials came from
h istory and those of h i story came from the o ffic i al reports
All the fi g ures of this ta b le are q uoted f rom t h e Th re e G e n
K and
e ral R e s e ar c h e s except those for the years 2 1 9 A
re estimates
n
2
K
a
a
A
which
At
the
end
of
the
Y
ii
35
dynasty about 1 9 1 8 A K althou gh i t is an important
period we cannot ma k e an estimate because the re i s no
b asis All the dates of th is ta b le are also quoted from the
Th re e G e n e ral R e s e arc h es ; but i n a fe w cases dates are u n
certain and we have inserted the wo rd a b out to i nd i cate
that the dates may not be exact All th e fi g u res an d dates
o f this table are based on a ve ry ca reful study
Th e
,
1
.
.
,
.
.
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
1
.
I n ac c u racy
o
f
Tab l e
t h is
statements o f this table are ve ry far from accurate
( I ) In the rei g ns o f Hs i a Y il o f C hou C h en g Wan g and
of C hou C huan g Wan g there are no real reco rds in re gard
to the populat i on but only the est i mates o f H uan g fu M i
a
r
r
A
a
e
t
autho
ity
A
K
or
1
2
2
6
6
8
2
8
(7
g
33
5
r
r
most
trustwort
h
y
fi
u
es
those
of
the
H
an
2
T
h
a
e
e
( )
g
dynasty
1
a
8
Amon
the
hree
K
i
n
doms
b
out
t
h
e
We
i
T
4
(3 )
g
g
ki n g dom and the Sh u k in gdom b oth h ad only
doo rs
and
mouths A fte r Ts i n Wu Ti succeed ed to the
We i k in gdom wh i ch i ncluded the Sh u k in g dom h e con
q uered the Wu k in g dom i n 83 1 an d too k
doo rs and
mouths b y h is con q uest Th e tot al num b e r of thes e
two sets o f fi g ures i n 8 3 1 w as
doo rs an d
Th e
.
‘
,
,
-
.
-
-
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
.
.
,
’
.
h
( I ) t h e G e n e ral R e s e arc h o n Lit e rat u r e an d A u t h o ri t ie s
ch s
x
; ( 2 ) t h e C o n t in u at io n o f t h e G e n e ral R e s e a r c h o n L it e rat u re
a nd A u t h o r t ie s
chs
; an d ( 3 ) t h e G e n e ral Re s e ar c h o n L t e r
at u r e and A u t h o r it ie s o
h
n t Dy nas t y
P
s
c
r
e
e
t
h
e
f
‘
T
.
ey
-
xi
are
i
,
xii xiii
i
-
,
.
,
.
iii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
3 34
RI N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
mouths Why should Tsin W u Ti in the same year ( 83 1 )
have
doors and
mouths ? Althou gh
from 8 1 4 to 8 3 1 the number of the first would increase it
could hardly have doubled in the short space of seventee n
years
I t seem s that the histo rian s m i stake arose from
takin g the number of the populatio n toward the close o f
Wu Ti s rei g n ( about 84 0 ) and puttin g it i n the year when
he had j ust reunited the whole empi re
h
T
1
1
an
dynasty
be
an
i
n
and
had
lasted
T
6
e
(4 )
g
g
9
1 3 7 years i n 1 30 5
At that time the people enj oyed a lon g
Y
u
olden
a
e
and
the
population
must
hav
increased
T
u
e
g
g
says : It should at l east have thi rteen or fou rteen millio n s
o f doors
B ut acco rd in g to this table i n 1 30 5 it had only
doors
In
the
F
ormer
Han
dy
asty
h
avera
number
o
f
n
t
e
e
5)
g
mouths fo r ten doors was mor e than 4 8 ; i n the L atter Han
dynasty i t was 5 2 mouths an d in the Tan g dynasty 5 8
mouths B ut i n the Sun g dynasty i t was only 2 1 mouths
There i s no reason why one family should have only two
persons F or instance i n 1 7 7 4 the
doors of t h e
Sun g dynasty had o nly
mouths
B ut in 1 7 5 8
t he
doors of the Ki n dynasty had
mouths There is no reaso n why the Sun g dynasty which
had doo rs nearly doub le those o f the K i n dynasty should
have a b out hal f as many mouths as t h e latter Accordin g
to this table each doo r o f Ki n had more than six mouths
I f we should take a rate as low as five mouths to each door
Sun g should have
mouths Addin g the mouth s
of Kin on this reasonable estimate C hina should have had
at least
mouths in 1 7 5 8
6
T
h
e censu s of the M in
dynasty
is
st
i
ll
worse
We
( )
g
select the fi g ures only about its be g innin g and its end In
1 9 3 2 the revolutionary war had only recently ended
and
i n 1 9 54 the c i v i l w ar w as j ust finished If the populat i on
.
,
’
.
,
’
,
.
.
,
”
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
.
.
,
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
33
R I N C I P LE S
O F C ON
F U CI US
tro ub le o f a heavy tax i n the future G enerally takin g six
B ut we must n o t
o r seven out of ten is quite enou g h
ma k e such a m i stake as to think that the C onfucians d o not
ca re to have an accurate census I ndeed t h e C o n fuc ian s
re ard the populat i on as the most important thi n
and
value
g
g
h ighly an accurate census
A l i ght t ax is one thin g but
an accurate census i s another Yet on account of the door
tax and the mouth tax C h i na could not ge t a good census
.
,
.
'
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
3
.
Sig n ific an c e
o
h
i
t
s
f
Tab l e
Alt h ou gh this table i s i naccurate it i s st i ll valua b le I f
one coul d completely understand these fi g ures he would b e
able to master the whol e C h inese h isto ry Th e really hered
it ary monarchical emp i re was fo unded by H sia Y ii
At
that time the population was more than th i rteen millions
Th e be g i nnin g of the C hou dynasty was a g olden age
As
C hina i n about 5 6 4 B K had more than th i rteen mill ions
o f pop ulation s h e s h ould possess much more two hundred
years later because this peaceful period lasted for about
three hundred years W e may th in k that this period fos
t e re d the most wonderful civil ization o f the peri od o f Sprin g
—
and Autumn ( 1 7 1 B K 7 1 A K ) an d that o f Warrin g
States ( 1 4 9 33 1 A
As a destroyer o f population war is the worst influence
Accord in g to this tabl e in the be g i nnin g of the Han dy
nasty the po p ul ation lost five s i xths ; i n the be g innin g of
—
the L atter H an dynasty about two thirds ; in the Three
K i n g doms a b out six sevenths ; in the latter p art of the
Sout h e rn and N orthern Dynast ies about three fourths ; in
t h e be g i nn i n g o f the Tang dynasty about two thi rds ; in
t h e re i gn of Tan g Su Tsun g w ithi n the period of only five
ye ars i t lost over two thi rds : i n the beg innin g o f the Sun g
dynasty about two fift h s ; in the b eg inn i n g of the Sout h ern
Sun g dynasty more than half ; in the beg inn i n g of the Y u an
.
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
-
.
.
,
,
-
,
-
,
-
,
-
,
,
-
,
-
,
,
LA B O
R—P O P UL A TI O N
337
dynasty measu red b y the numbe r of the doors it lost
o ver one th ird ; i n the be innin
o
f
the
present
dynasty
it
g
g
lost about three fift h s F rom this poi nt of v i ew the revo
I t not only destroyed
l u t io n ary war was a g reat calamity
the population but retarded c i v il i zation
I n C h inese history when her civil izat i on advanced to a
h i g h level i t was dra gged down b y warfare When after
a lon g time
it rose a g ain it fell a g ai n
I t is no wonder
that the C h i nese pro gressed so slowly But t h rou gh mod
ern inventi ons such as the rail road tele g raph telephone
whi ch w ill enable her to chan ge absolute monarchy into
e tc
a really constitutional monarchy C h i na may avoid such in
te rnal wars as h ave troubled her i n the past and w i ll p e r
m i t he r civilization conti nuously to pro g ress Moreover as
C h i na can neve r be conquered by any external powe r she
w ill b e ab le to chan g e a consti tut i onal monarchy into a real
—
r epu b l i c
and she mi ght form a world state w ith the lead
ing nat i ons and mi g ht real ize the Gre at Similarity o f C o n
fu c iu s
Then the whole population of t h e wo rld w ill enj oy
the Sta ge of E xtreme Peace w i thout an y war
I t should be noticed that the ma gnitude o f the fi g ures i n
thi s table does not necessar i ly reflect upon the re i gn in g
r ulers
G enerally the ruler of the b e g innin g o f a dynasty
was an able or good man and t h at of its decay a weak or
b ad man But at th e be g innin g o f a dyn asty the p O p u la
tion would be small and a b out the t i me o f its decay i t would
b e larg e ; for in the forme r c ase it would su ffe r from the
hard times of the past and in t h e l atte r c ase it would enj oy
the g ood fortune o f the past Th is ta b le ind icates only the
f acts of h istory an d does not s h ow exactly what the go v
e rn m e n t s were du r in
the
i
ven
years
As
a
rule
how
g
g
eve r a lar g e pop u l at ion would b e p rod uced under a good
r
a
o
overnment
b
ut
suc
h
esult
would
f
cou
r
se
follow
only
g
afte r a conside rab le pe r iod
,
,
-
-
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
8
33
TH E
E C ONO MIC
P RI N CI P L E S O F C ON
FU C I US
most wonderful i n crease o f population was durin g
the Su i dynasty I n the first year o f Su i W én Ti s rei g n
o
1
2
A
he
had
nly
mouths
In
his
n
inth
1
( 3
year ( 1 1 4 0 A
he took
mouths from the
Th e total number was
Southern C hen dynasty
mouths But i n 1 1 5 7 A K when o nly twenty fiv e years
m o nt h s
had passed h is s o n had
Th e p o p ul a
tion increased over fourfold w ithin twe n ty fiv e years I t
seems that the fi g ures for populatio n increased not on ac
count of the birth rate only but mainly o n account of the
system of taxation
After the g reat statesman o f Su i
named Kao Kun g established a system of taxation in fa v o r
of the free citizens by makin g the taxes l i ght t h e people d id
not l i ke to be the dependents of th e hi gher class fo r the pur
pose of evadi ng taxes ; hen ce the number o f citizens w h o
paid taxes increased rapi dly I ndeed the Su i dynasty was
the richest one in C hinese financial h isto ry
Accord in g to this table before 2 30 0 the population never
numbered o ver one hundred millions W hy should the
population fi g ures o f the present dynasty be much larger
than those o f all the past dynasties ? It is because the
“
present dyn asty has neither doo r tax nor mouth tax
I n 2 2 1 2 A K the number was
and in 2 2 6 2 2 4
Throu ghout fifty peaceful years the population
increased only
But i n 2 30 0 A K t h e number
was
I t i ncreased more than seven times in
the th irty ei ght years W hy should the fi g ures increase so
rap idly as this ? I t was because Sh éng Ts u had abol ished
these two taxes i n 2 2 6 3 H is decree i s as follow s
Th e
’
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.
.
.
.
-
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.
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,
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,
-
.
-
,
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,
,
,
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,
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,
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”
.
.
,
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.
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-
.
'
.
emp i re h as b een pe ace f ul for a lon g t i me so t h at t h e
popul at i o n i n c reases nume rously I f I i ncre ase t h e am o unt o f
t axes ac co rd i n g to t h e p resent numb e r o f p o pul at i on i t i s not
r i gh t ; fo r alt h ou h t h e popul at i on b ec o m es l ar e r t h e ac re
g
g
Th e
,
.
,
,
,
C HA P TE R
N A TU R E
L
1
C A P I TA L
AND
N AT
XIX
U RE
Th e F ive E l e m en t s
.
land is only one part o f nature we should first
consider all the element s of nature
F or this reason we
may take up the five elements as presentin g an exhaustive
classification of natural forces Although the five elements
are the b asis o f C hinese ph ilosophy we are concerned here
with their e conomic aspects only
Th e
Great M odel puts the fiv e elements i n the first
of the ni ne cate gories Th e first element is water ; the sec
ond fire ; the third wood ; the fourth metal ; the fifth earth
“
Th e five elements in the C h i nese lan g ua g e are called
the
five movements because they move and revolv e through
out heaven and earth w i thout ceasin g I n 6 A K ( 5 4 6
B
Tz ii han prime minister of Sun g says :
H eaven
has produced the five elements which supply men s requ i re
ments and the people use them all N o t one of them can
be d ispensed w ith
Th e C h inese re g ard all the five ele
ments as the natural forces upon wh i ch human l ife depends
After havi n g g iven the names of the five elements the
G reat Model
descri b es thei r nature
Th e nature of
water i s to soak and descend ; of fire t o blaze and ascend
o f wood to be crooked and to be strai ght ; of metal to
obey and to chan g e ; w h ile the v 1rt u e of earth is seen i n seed
SI N C E
,
.
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,
.
”
.
,
,
,
,
.
”
,
.
.
.
-
.
,
,
’
.
,
” 1
.
.
,
”
.
°
,
,
,
1
C l as s ics
,
vo
l
.
v
,
pt
.
ii p
,
.
5 34
.
URE
A N D C A P I TA L
NA T
34
1
sowin g and i n g ather i n g
Then it g ives the tastes of the
That which soaks and descends becomes
five elements
salt ; that which blazes and ascends becomes bi tter ; that
wh ich is croo k ed and st rai g h t b e comes sour ; that which
obeys and chan g es becomes acri d ; and from s eed sow in g
and in g atherin g comes sweetness
Th e five elements have
thei r several sounds colors and airs as well as tas t es ; but
the text speaks only o f the i r tastes because they are of
reater
importance
to
the
people
than
the
others
and
t
h
ey
g
can be the representatives of the others L eavin g out all
philosophical points w e may say that the five elements are
the basis o f production and consumpt i on
Th e G r e at C o m m e n t ary o f t h e C an o n o f H is t o ry says :
W ater and fire are the thin gs by wh ich the people eat and
drink ; metal and wood are the th in gs b y wh ich the people
labo r ; earth is the thin g upon wh i ch the l i fe of everyth i n g
depends All these g ive thei r utilities to man
Th erefo re
the five elements are ori g inally free go o d s b ec ause t h e v
are p roduced by nature
Addi n g the g rai n to t h e five elements t h e C h i nese c all
t h em the s i x treasuries
Such a te rm fi rst appears i n
I t s ay s that the six t reasu r i es are
the Tr i bute o f Y ii
Because the g rai n i s the food of the
g reatly re g ulated
people t h ey re g ard i t as equally impo rt ant with t h e five
elemen ts Acco rd i n g to Ts o s C o m m e n t ary w ate r fire
metal wood ea rth and g rain are c alled t h e s ix treasu ries
They are called t reasuries b ec ause t h ey are the sou rc e s o f
wealth w h ic h depend upon natu re Th e rect i ficat ion o f t h e
people s vi rtue t h e conven iences o f l i fe and the secu r i n g
ab und ant me ans of susten ance are called
the th ree bus i
Th e s i x t re asu r ies an d the t h ree b usiness e s are
nesses
called t h e n i ne services
Th e d ist inct ion between the
.
-
” 1
.
,
,
,
,
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,
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,
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.
“
”
.
“
”
.
2
.
,
’
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
.
’
,
,
“
,
.
”
.
‘
C l as s ic s
C l as s ic s
,
,
vo
l
.
vo l.
iii p
pp
v pt i p 5
,
,
t
.
.
11,
.
,
.
.
2 0
2
3 5 6
.
.
pt
.
i p
,
.
14 1
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
42
3
R IN C I P LE S
OF C ON
F U CI US
six treasuries and t h e three businesses is tha t the former
are produced by natural power B ut the six treasuries al
t h ough they depend upon nature are to be reg ulated by
human power There fore all these are called nine services
Th e manner of re g ulat in g the six treasuri e s may be illus
t rat e d by a few examples
In ancient times there were
many o fficers controlling these s ix thin gs D urin g the rei g n
of Shun t h e ch ief duty of t h e p rime minister was t o re g u
“
late water and earth E ven after the g reat floods had
been repressed ( 1 7 2 5 B K or 2 2 7 6 B
the reg ulatio n
o f water remained important to man I rri g ation navi g a
t i on and carryin g o ff the floods are examples of reg ulat i n g
water Anciently the regulat i ons of fire were numerous
Accordin g to the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o w there is a bureau
of fire I n p ro curin g fire by borin g wood certain woods
were assi g ned to be employ e d in the four seasons i n order
to prevent the seasonal diseases
In spri n g the fire was
taken fro m the elm and w illow ; i n summer from the date
and almond trees ; in the last m o nth of summer from the
mulberry and the w ild mulberry trees ; in autumn fr o m the
oak and the y a ; in wi nter from the h u ai and the t an I n
the third month the people were ordered to use fire for
pottery and foundery and i n the ninth month the y were
forbi dden to use fire for th is purpose I n the huntin g of
the second month fire was used for the burnin g o f the old
rass
after
that
time
the
people
should
be
fined
i
f
they
set
;
g
fire to the field w ithout permission
Metals and woods
were similarly re g ulated by rules i n regard t o the mana g e
ment o f mi nes and forests
As to the re gulatin g o f the
e arth and of the g rains we shall speak later
.
,
,
.
.
,
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,
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,
,
.
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,
,
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,
,
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,
,
,
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,
-
,
.
1
.
.
.
,
1
O ffic ial Sy s t e m
o
f C hou
,
ch .
xxx
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
34 4
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI U S
shows t h at the accumulat ion of cap i t al and t h e prese r
vat i on of la b or are both dependent upon man and not upon
h eaven
Accordi n g to the theory of Hsun Tz u man i s the one
who can form a triumv i rate w i th H eaven and E arth What
d iv i ne i s s i mply t h e natu ral deed
A sa g e
w e call
does not care to know the H eaven the supernatu ral p ower
“
When a man has the natural feelin gs an d the natural
senses the most important thin g fo r the control of them
is the natural k in g the mind To use the mind for t h e
“
control o f those thin gs outsi de of the human race is t h e
“
natural support
and
the law o f natural selection
“
Therefore when the natural k i n g is supreme man
can
employ the heaven and earth as the o fficers and exploit all
thin gs as the slaves
Th i s is a m aterial ist i c and scientific
doctr i ne i n reg ard t o the relati on o f man and natu re Th e
chief power is the human mind th e natural kin g
N o w he makes a comparison betw een those who can con
t rol nature and those w h o cannot as follows :
Th is
,
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,
.
“
”
”
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.
,
”
,
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,
”
.
,
,
,
”
.
.
.
,
,
,
e x pe c t s o m et h i n g f ro m i t i s n o t as
To f oll o w
go o d as t o ac cumul ate t hi n gs an d t o s h ape t h em
n atu re an d t o p rai se i t i s n o t as go o d as to c o nt ro l w h at
n atu re h as gi ven an d t o em pl o y t h em To expe c t t h e t i me
To
an d w ai t fo r i t i s not s o go od as t o se i ze i t an d to use i t
i n c re ase t h e t h i n gs ac c o rd i n g t o t h em selves i s not so go o d as
to t rans f o rm t h em b y t h e e x e rc i se o f h u m an p o we r To w i s h
t h e t h i n g an d to ge t t h e t h i n g as i t i s i s n o t so go o d as t o
de al w i t h t h e t h i n g an d not t o lose any ut i l i ty of i t To ex
p e c t t h e t h i n g grown b y n atu re i s not s o go o d as to h ave t h e
t hi n g m anu f ac tu red b y m an Th e re f o re to set as i de t h e
powe r o f m an an d t o depend o n t h e p o we r o f n atu re i s t o los e
t h e n atu r e o f eve ryt h i n g
To
h on r n atu e
r
o
an d t o
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
Hence accordin g to H sun
o f n ature but its controller
Tz ii
'
,
,
.
,
man is not the dependent
UR E
A N D C A P I TA L
NA T
3
C o ns e rv at io n
.
o
34 5
a
t
ral R e s o u rc es
u
N
f
conservat i on of natu ral resou rces ta k es th ree fo rm s
In
Th e first i s the conse rvation o f the l i v i n g creatures
ancient times there we re fou r hunt i n gs i n each qua rter of
the year B ut C on fucius lays down a rule that no huntin g
should b e held in summer b ecause at that season the c rea
tures are g row in g Th e R oyal Re g ulations says : To
hunt wi thout observ i n g t h e rules fo r huntin g i s deemed
c ruelty to the creatu res of H eaven
Th e rules of hunti n g
and fishin g are these : Th e emperor should not surround
the huntin g—
round
but
should
leave
one
O
penin
for
t
h
e
g
g
rd b y
ame
and
the
pr
i
nces
s
h
ould
not
ta
k
e
a
whole
he
;
g
su rprise When the wol f sac ri fices i ts prey b etween the
ninth and t h e tenth month the huntin g commences U nt i l
the i nsects have all w i thdrawn i nto t h ei r b urrows t h e tenth
month fi re should not b e used fo r hunt i n g l Nh e n the
otter sacr i fices i t s fish t h e tenth mont h t h e fo resters beg i n
to enter the me res and dams fo r fis h in g When the dove
chan g es i nto a h awk the e i gh th mont h t h e la rg e an d sm all
nets b e g i n to b e set for th e catch i n g of b i rds They should
not t ak e fawns n o r e gg s They should not ki ll pre g nant
an i mals
n o r those which h ave not att ai ned to thei r full
r
T
a
r
rowth
T
h
ey
s
h
ould
not
th
ow
down
nests
hese
e
g
t h e rules set fo rt h i n the Ro y al Re g ul at i ons
F rom the eth i c al p o i nt o f v i ew t h ese rules are des i g ned
to foster ki ndness an d symp at h y b ut from t h e econom i c
o in t
o
r
r
o
f
v
i
ew
they
re
f
t
h
e
conse
vat
i
on
o
f
natural
a
p
resou rce s
Bot h po i nts are the o b j ects o f t h ese rules F o r
t h e p ract i cin g of t h em we m ay t ak e C on fucius as an ex
ample
Th e A nal e c t s tells t h at h e an gled b ut d i d not use
a net : and s h ot
b ut not at b i rds perchin g
Th is is the
Th e
.
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
,
.
.
"
.
,
.
.
.
,
2
.
1
k
Li
t a e.
Ki
,
bk
.
iii pp
,
b e c au s e it
C l as s ic s
,
vo
.
.
s ay s t
l
.
i p
,
.
220 - 22 1
hth
a
20
3
.
.
i
Th e
u n t ng
is
f P ro f Le gg e
o rb d d e n in au t u
n
no t e
f
i
o
.
m
mk
a es
.
a
m is
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
4
3
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
pri nciple of humanity O n the other hand Mencius points
“
out the economic principle as follows : I f close nets are
not allowed to e nter the pools and ponds the fishes and
turtles will be more than can be secured
Th e meshes of
a net were anciently requi red to be four inches i n s i ze and
the people mi ght not eat fish under a foot lon g Therefore
the conservation o f the livin g cre atures is preservation of
food for the people
Th e second is the conservation o f the forests
Mencius
says : I f the axes and hatchets enter the hills and forests
only at the p roper time the wood w ill be more than can be
?
i
used
B ut what s t h e proper t ime W e may find this in
the R oyal R e g ulations
I t says when the plants and
trees drop thei r leaves the tenth month the people enter
the h i lls and forests w ith the axes
Accordin g to the O il?
c ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u
there is a forester to ta k e charg e o f
the rules o f forests F o r instance in midw inter th e trees
on the south of the hill are cut down and in mi dsummer
those on the no rth W hen the people are admitted to cut
down the trees they are reg ulated by the number of days
Althou gh we do not know the len g th of the t i me period we
may be sure that this rule preserved the trees I n sprin g
an d autumn the people should not enter forbidden places to
cut down trees althou gh they may cut the w ild trees I f
the people steal trees duri n g the forbi dden time they should
b e fine d These rules are for th e conservation o f the
forests
Th e thi rd is the conservation of the mines
Th e Do c
t rine o f the Mean says that the precious t reasuries are
.
,
,
,
” 1
.
,
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,
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,
2
.
,
,
,
3
.
,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
,
4
.
.
.
”
C l as s ics
2
3
4
I b id
Li
,
vo l
p
11,
.
.
1 30
.
.
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
O ffic ia l Sy s t e m
.
o
22 1 .
f Chou
,
ch .
xvi
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
34
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I U S
t h e i tempe ram ents as h ard o r
r r ap i d ; t h e t aste o f t h e i r p re f e r
o
o
ve
sl
a
w
g
as t o fl av o rs ; t h e f as h i on o f t h e i r i mplements an d
enc e s
—
f
r
o
e
p
ns
n
t
h
e
su
i
t
bi
l
i
ty
o
t
h
e
i
c
l
t
h
es
all ar e d i ffe re nt
a
w a o
; a d
ent c ust o m s
l i gh t o
so ft
Th e m e asu re
.
,
r
r
o
f
r
,
,
1
.
Accord i n g t o th is stat e ment the natu ral envi ronment
shap e s the man Fi rst i t fixes the physical capacities o f the
people ; second i t fosters thei r tem perament s ; th ird i t pro
duces d i fferent customs ; fourth it establ i shes di fferent eco
nom i c cond it i ons either i n production o r in consumpt i on
Th e teach i n g is furt her that these d i ffe rences shoul d not
—
be d i sturbed by g overnment a l ais s e z faire policy i n so
far ; an d there is a reco g n i ti o n that in t h ese d i fferences is
t h e bas i s o f i nternational trade
F o r the influence of the natur al envi ronment upon the
people there is a g eneral p rinc ip le g iv e n b y C h i n g C hi an g
a w i dow of the noble fam i ly of L u
Sh e says :
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
-
,
2
.
.
An c i ently w h en t h e s age ki n gs settle d t h e pe o ple t h e y sele c ted
t h e p o o r l and fo r t h e settlement o f t h em an d m ade t h em w o rk
h ard fo r t h e e m ployment H en c e t h ey ruled t h e e m p i re fo r
a lon g t i m e
For i f t h e pe o ple are wo rki n g h ard t h ey w i ll
t hi n k I f t h ey t hi n k t h e i r go od t h o ugh ts ar i se I f t h ey are
l i v i n g i n an e asy w ay t h ey w i ll b e l i c ent i ous I f t h ey are
l i c ent i o us t h ey f o rget w h at i s go o d I f t h ey f o rget w h at i s
Th e ref o re t h e pe o ple o f t h e
go o d t h e i r b ad t h o u gh t s ari se
r i c h l and h ave n o st ron
i
n
l
c
e
r
c
h
r
te
r
b
e
c
a
use
t
h
ey
a
e
a
a
c
g
t i o ns ; an d t h ose o f t h e po o r l and all d i re c t t h e i r m i nd t o
ri gh te o usness b e c ause t h ey are w o rki n
r
h
a
d
g
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
3
.
,
she describes the di fferent bus i nesses of th e two s e xes
of d i fferent classes from the emperor to the common people
Then
.
,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 28
.
2
C f infra,
.
p
.
450
.
UR E
NA T
A N D C A P I TA L
3 9
4
W h en C onfuc i us h as heard h e r words h e tells h is pupils to
reco rd them
Th e principle g i ven b y C h i n g C h i an g i s a mixtu r e o f e c o
n o m ic s and ethics
\ Ve now come to the pu re economic
p ri nciple I n t h e
B i o g raphy of Merchants
Ss u ma
H e desc r i b es t h e
C hien g ives a commercial g eo g raphy
f
r
r
r
e
eo
raph
ical
situat
i
ons
the
eat
c
i
t
i
es
the
i
natu
al
o
r
g g
g
sou rces thei r populat i on the i r h i story t h e i r p rom i nent o c c u
i
n
l
l
t
a
o
thei
r
customs
t
c
We
cannot
ente
r
i
nto
a
t
h
e
s
e
p
deta i ls but we may condense h i s conclusion Acco rd i n g t o
h im i n Southern C h i na land was plenty t h e popul ation was
sparse the soil was rich and food w as ab undant w i thout
the fea r of fami ne O n th i s account t h e people we re l az v
s h ort s i ghted and had no sav i n g Therefo re t h e re w as
none who su ffered from hun ge r b ut the re was no family
wh i ch possessed a tho u sand doll ars
I n N o rthe rn C h i n a
the land was scarce t h e popul at i on was dense the s o i l w as
red
r
f
d
a
riculture
b
ut
t
h
e
people
o
ften
su
fe
from
o
f
o
o
g
g
fl ood and d rou ght Hence they h ad a desire for s av i n g
Therefore they we re d ili gent i n d i ffe rent indust r ies suc h
—
as a g ri culture animal b reed i n g s i l k worm comme rce and
i n d i fferent localities Such a d i ffe rence b e
Speculat i on
tween Southern and N orthern C h i na was t rue only i n an
c i ent times ; it has g radually d i sappe ared s i nce t h e end o f
But
t h e H an dynasty ( a b out 7 3 5 A K o r 1 84
t h e theo ry of Ss u ma C h ien is h el d t rue b y t h e g e ne ral min d
H is theory i s l ik e t h at o f C h i n g C h i an g : b ot h are b ased on
the i dea that the people are spoiled i f they ma k e thei r livin g
too eas i ly Th e only d i fference i s t h at C h i n g C h i an g loo k s
at it from b oth econom i c an d et h i c al po i nts o f view wh i le
Ss ii m a C h i en re g ard s i t f rom the econom i c v i ewpo i nt onl y
I n d ee d natu ral env i r o nment h as a g reat i nfluence in deter
m i n i n g the econom i c cond i t i ons an d the cha racters o f men
It i s only when t h e hum an p o we r g ro ws g reate r th at t h e
natu ral power d im i n i shes
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
35
RI N C IP LE S
11
I
F U CI US
LA N D
.
L im it e d in
.
OF C O N
u an t it y
Q
the land is the ch ief representat i ve of the natural
thin gs which help p roduction we may consider it separ
ately W hen we study the land question t h e first thin g that
confronts u s is that land is limited in quantity Th e R oyal
Re g ulations
says
Since
,
.
,
.
.
A sp ac e o n e m i le s q u are cont ai ns fields amount i n g t o 90 0
ac res
Te n m i les s q u are i s e q ual to 1 0 0 sp aces one m i le
s q ua re and cont ai ns
A h und red m i les s q u are i s
ac r es
e q u al t o 1 0 0 sp aces ten m i les s q u ar e an d cont ai ns
acres
A t h ous and m i les s q u are i s e q u al t o 1 0 0 sp aces one
h und red m i les s qu are an d cont ai ns
All
ac res
w i t h i n t h e f our se as t aki n g t h e len gt h w i t h t h e b re adt h mak es
ac res
up a space
m i les s q u are an d co nt ai ns
A sp ac e 1 0 0 m i l e s s q u are cont ai ns gro und to t h e amount of
Hi lls an d m o unds forests an d t hi c k ets
ac res
r i vers an d ma rs h es d i tc h es an d c an als c i ty w alls an d su b u rb s
h ouses ro ads and l anes ta k e up one t h i rd of i t le av i n g
ac res
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1
.
2
Vario us in
.
Quality
second thin g that confronts us is that land is vari o us
i n qual ity This is most clearly set forth in the Tribute
of Yii
A fter Yii repressed the g rea t floods he d ivided
the C hinese E mp ire i nto nine provinces and classified the
land into ni ne g radations F or convenience of review we
m ay reduce the statements to the form o f a tabl e
Th e
.
”
.
,
,
.
2
1
2
Li
Ki
,
bk
C las s ic s
,
.
iii pp
l iii
vo
,
.
,
.
2 44
pt
.
-
6
.
i pp
,
.
94
-
12 5 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
35
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
mentary of C héng H suan impl ies that there are nine gra
dat i ons o f land and that only the middle class is g iven as
I n the h i ghest class the land can support
an example
e i ther e i ght or n ine o r ten persons I n the lowest class it
can support either two o r three or four persons In the
rand
d
ivis
ion
land
is
d
ivid
d
into
three
classes
and
i
n
i
ts
e
g
subd i vis ion it is div ided int o n i ne g rades Such a g rada
tion is determined by the number o f p eople w h i ch t h e land
can support
,
,
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,
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D
e
i
n
i
n
L
o
a
o
re
n
t
c
t
i
f
f
3
.
D i fference
in lands are due n o t only to thei r quali ti es but
also to thei r locations Accordin g to the C onfucian theory
the capital city of a state should b e in its center Tak in g
the city as the central point the land of the whole state i s
divided up into five zones O uts ide o f the city i t is called
“
suburb ; outs ide of the sub urb
country ; outsi de of
“
the country
forest ; o utside of the forest
fronti er
These five names are merely g eo g raphical divisions for the
i ndication of the d i fference of location Th e w idths of all
the zones are equal an d they vary only accordin g to the
extent o f the whole state In fact the di fference of loca
tion is measured from the central city I n a simple way
there are only three d ivisions namely the city the suburb
and the country which includes the forest and frontier
,
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,
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'
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,
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” 1
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,
4
.
F o rm
o
.
i
e
l
F
d
f
F o r the d ivision o f the land we must study the system o f
t ing t i n
This syst em is so i mportant that w e discuss it
separately i n another chapter What w e cons i de here is
s
e
.
r
.
only the form of t s ing t ien
In ancient C hina the land was divided up into the form
of t s ing Ts ing means well which written i n C hi nese i s
.
.
1
,
Th e O l d es t C h in e s e Dic t i o n ary ( E r h Ya )
,
ch
.
ix
.
UR E
NA T
Since
1
it
w as
called
A N D C A P I TA L
3 33
the shape of the field was like the word
t s in g t ie n
means field
Tie n
.
I
O ne
.
contained n i ne s q uares of land ; each square was o f
one hund red acres and was called one t u ; the total amount
of a t s ing was ni ne hund red ac res Th i s system be g an w ith
the re ig n o f H uan g Ti ; i t was un i versally esta b l ished b y
Yii and i t was completed i n deta i ls by the Du k e of C hou
In one square of land the one h und red acres contained
ten thousand paces
Accord i n g to the anc i ent measures
s i x feet w as one pace and one h und red paces was one acre
Th erefo re one acre was six feet w ide and s i x hundred feet
lon g Hen c e the C an o n o f P o e t ry says Th e g rain i s well
cult i vated all o ver the lon g ac res
Between two ac res
there was a small ditch I f t h ere were one hund red ac res
the re we re one hund red small d i tches Th e ac re was h i gher
and the d i tc h w as lowe r Since one plou g h sha re was five
i nches wide and two men us i n g t w o plou gh shares we re
called a pa i r the cultiv at i on of a pai r was a foot w ide and
d ee p and t h i s was the form of a small d i tch In cult i vation
t h e farmer fi rst used th e plou gh to tu rn ove r t h e g rass and
then formed l i nes suc h as the acres and d i tc h es This w as
the plan o f one square o f land and t h e sm all d i tch w as the
bas i s of the me asure o f all t h e w ater channels
F o r the system of t s ing t ie n t h e water c h annels were very
i mportant bec ause t h ey dete rm i ned t h e b ounda ries of the
field and carr i ed O ff the wate r o f floods Suc h a system o f
wate r channels was o ri g i n ate d b v Yii A fte r h e had fixed
the natural wate rway h e d evoted h i s attenti o n to the art i
fic ial wate rway alon g t h e fiel d s
I n the C h ou dynasty t h e t s ing t ie n sy s tem was at its hei ght
and t h e w ater channels we re complete Accord in g to the
t s ing
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t as s ic s , vo l
.
iv
.
pt
.
11,
p
.
378
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
35 4
R I N CI P LE S
O F C ON
F U CI US
of Industry
the bureau of civil en g i neer i n g i s
i n charg e o f water channels and it g ives t he follow i n g
stand ard measu res fo r the mak i n g o f d i fferent waterways :
W ithin th e fu a field o f one hundred acres the small d itch
runnin g between t w o acres i s one foot w ide and deep
H ence one in has one hundred small d i tches Alon g the
h ead —
l i ne of the field the larg e d i tch runn in g outside o f the
u
is
two
feet
w
ide
and
deep
H
ence
three
u
h
a
ve
only
f
f
one lar g e ditch in common
O utsi de o f the t s ing which
contains nine fu the d itch is four feet w ide and deep
H ence ten t s ing have only one such di tch in common Te n
miles square make one C h eng wh ich contains one hundred
t s in g and outside of the C éng the lar g er di tch is ei g ht feet
w ide and deep H ence ten C h eng have only one larger
d itch
O n e hundred miles square make one t u ng which
contains ten thou sand t s ing and o utsi de of the t ung the
largest ditch is s ixteen feet w i de an d deep Th e len g th o f
the larg est ditch is uncertai n and it s water flo ws to the nat
ural stre am d irec tly
I n a t ung the t s ing t ie n system is
complete and it has five g rades of water channels : ( 1 ) the
one foot ditch ( 2 ) the t w o foot ditch ( 3 ) the four foot
d i tch ( 4 ) the ei ght foot ditch and 5 ) the sixteen foot
ditch
This is the g eneral rule but it must be modified
accord in g to the g eo g raphical s ituation
Alon g all the water channels except the one foot ditch
there were di fferent roads Alon g the two foot d itch the
road was lar g e enou gh for the ox and horse ; alon g the
fou r foot d itch it was larg e enou gh for the wa gon ; alon g
the ei ght f o ot d itch fo r one chariot ; alon g the sixteen foot
d i tch for two chariots ; and alon g the natural stream or
artificial canal for three chariots
These waterways and
roads were the
t
s ing t ie n
eneral
rules
for
the
formation
of
g
Record
” 1
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-
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,
"
2
.
,
.
1
It w as
a se
i
n o w c o nt a n e d
2
p
arat e
in t h e
Offic ial Sy s t e m
o
boo
k w it t
r
i
d u r ng
en
t he
C
“
f t h e O ffic ial Sy s t e m
e nd o
f Chon
,
ch .
xv
.
h
o
ou
f
d y n as t y
C h o u,
.
ch .
B u t it is
x l ii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
35
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
says
that
this
sentence
expresses
rief
g
f
t h at d i sorde r i s caused by luxury and extrava gan ce w i t h
out s av i n g
accumul ated
C hen H uan says that the
Therefore the word t ail i n C h i nese
we alt h is called t ai l
i s exactly the word c apital i n E n glish I n the C an o n o f
Travel i n g
wh ich refers
C h ang e s there is a boo k o n
espec i ally to the travel i n g merchant althou g h it i ncludes
travelers g en erally I t descr i bes the good cond i tion of a
travelin g merchant as follows : Th e traveler occupies the
p roper place carri es w ith him h is t ai l and secures the
trusty servants
This statement i ncludes the three factors
of production ; the word t z i t means cap i tal wh i le the proper
place and the trusty servants refer t o land and l abor re
s p e c t iv e ly
I ndeed the word t ent is used by C onfucius as
capital because t z i i means accumulation or stora ge H ence
the C hines e comb ine the word t z u either w ith the word t s ai
h
T
e
wealth
or
w
ith
the
word
e
n
fo
r
the
term
cap
i
tal
(
)
p
Japanese adopt the latter express ion
Th e wo rd wealth i n the C h inese lan g ua g e is sometimes
the same as the w ord capital Such a case has be e n alre ady
shown in the Great L e arnin g
Som e times the word
wealth comb in i n g w ith th e word commodity forms the term
capi tal F or instance Mencius says : Th e fields and w i lds
not be i n g developed and th e commodit i es and wealth not
bein g accumulated these are not the chief dan g er of a
state
commod it i es and wealth
The t w o words
stand as the E n glish word cap i tal while fields and w i lds
stand for land This i s the styl e of C hi nese express i on
Since the word wealth is sometimes identified w ith the
P ark
N arrat ives
o
,
1
.
2
.
,
.
”
,
,
.
,
,
” 3
.
‘
,
.
,
‘
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,
,
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,
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.
” 4
.
.
,
,
,
” 5
.
,
.
.
1
Bk
.
vn
.
In h is E x p l anat i o n o f M ao
ub l s e d in 2 398 ( 1 8
47 A
2
p ih
3
5
Vi
’
s
C o m m e n t ary
o
f
t h e C an o n
.
King
C las s ic s
,
,
p
1 88
.
vo l
.
4
.
ii p
,
.
29 1
.
Se e
'
su
p
r a,
p
.
2 93
.
o
f
P o e t ry ,
URE
NA T
A N D C A P I TA L
35 7
wo rd capi tal we may find out what is meant by wealth
H s ii Sh en s Dic t io n ary
says : W ealth i s what man re
ards
as
valuable
h
n
Hsuan
says
that
wealth
includes
e
C
g
g
all money and g rain M oney and g ra i n as we shall see
are the ch ief representatives of capital goods ; hence C h éng
H s ii an takes them for the explanati on of the word wealth
E ven in the present day the C h inese still use the t w o words
money and g rai n to cover the whole economic field
“
Althou gh they are not so d i g nified as the term foo d and
commod ities they are synonyms But the best definition
—
O f the word wealth is g iven b y Hsian g A n shih ( di ed i n
1 7 5 9 A K or 1 2 0 8 A
He says : Th e word w ealth
is the collective name o f all the th in gs i n wh i ch the people
find thei r util ities
In short weal th i s t h e general term
coverin g al l production and consumpti on goods while cap
ital i s the particular term cover i n g only production g oods
and those consumption goods which are used for product i ve
purposes
Hence the C hinese use such terms as funds
“
p r i nci pal money
accumulat ed wealth and mother
wealth for the word capital
To understand the mean in g of wealth we may loo k at the
pro b lem from the standpo int of di fferent classes Accord
ing to the
Deta ils o f R ites
each class has speci al re p re
s e n t at iv e s of its wealth
.
,
’
1
”
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,
,
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”
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,
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”
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,
,
”
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,
,
”
”
,
.
.
“
”
,
.
W h en one as k s ab o ut t h e we alt h o f t h e rule r o f a st ate t h e
eply s h ould b e gi v en by tell i n g t h e e x tent o f h i s te r i t o y
an d t h e p rodu c t i o ns o f i ts h i lls an d l ak e s
To a q uest i on ab out
t h e we alt h o f t h e g re at o fli c ial i t s h ould b e s ai d : H e h as t h e
l ands allott e d t o h im an d i s supp o rted by t h e t axes o f h i s
pe o ple H e n e eds n o t t o b o rro w vessels o r d resses fo r h i s
To a q uest i o n ab o ut t h e we alt h o f t h e
s ac i fi c i al o c c as i o ns
,
’
r
r
r
,
.
,
,
.
r
l
A
.
”
.
I t w as b e g u n in 6 5 1
,
an d
p
re s e n t e d
to the e
mp
e ro r
in 6 72 ( 100 - 1 2 1
TH E E C ON O M I C P
8
35
R IN C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
student t h e reply s h ould b e by gi v i n g t h e numb e r of h i s c ar
by
riage s ; an d t o o n e ab out th e we alt h o f a c o mmon m an
tell i n g t h e numb e r o f t h e an i mals t h at h e k eeps
,
,
1
.
Accord in g to th is passa g e the wealth o f any class is a
collect i ve nam e fo r all material thi n gs It does not confine
the term w ealth t o any particular thin g I f the people
understand this they never ma k e the mistake of thi nk i n g
that money i s the only w ealth because it does not mention
money at all Indeed wealth includes bot h production and
consumpti on goods
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
2
.
Grain
C ap it al
as
W hi l e g ra i n is a consumption g ood the C onfucians re
i
t
ard
also as a very i mportant capital g ood ; hence there
g
,
,
is the principle of accumulatin g g rain
u l at io n s
says
R oyal Re g
Th e
.
3
I f i n a st ate t h e re i s not an ac c umul at i on o f s av i n g su ffi c i ent
fo r n i ne ye ars i ts c ond i t i o n i s c alled one o f i nsu ffi c i en c y ; i f
t h e re i s n o t enou gh fo r s ix ye ars o n e o f u rgency I f t h e re i s
not a s av i n g su ffi c i ent fo r t h ree ye ars t h e st ate c ann o t c o n
t in u e
Th e h us b and ry o f t h ree ye ars i s h eld to gi ve an ove r
plus o f f o o d su ffic i ent fo r o n e ye ar ; t h at o f n i ne ye a s an
o v e rplus su ffi c i ent fo r t h ree ye ars
Go i n g t h ro u gh t h i rty ye ars
i n t h i s w ay t h o u gh t h e re m i gh t b e b ad ye ars d ro u gh t and in
u n d at io n s
t h e people would h ave n o l ac k n o r b e re duced to
eat i n g me rely ve get ab les
,
.
,
,
.
r
,
.
,
,
,
,
?
short every family must save g rain at such a rate that
every three years should yield a surplus su ffic i ent fo r one
year Th i s is the g eneral rule of savin g and g rai n is only
the example as i t was the most important thin g in anc i ent
times
In
,
.
,
,
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
i pp
,
.
1 15
-
6
2
.
I b id
.
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 22
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
0
3
RIN CI P L ES
OF C ON
F U CI US
tion will b e su fficien t and the people w ill enj oy the i r li fe
This policy i s fo r the wealth and safety of the empi re
Han W én Ti was influenced by the w o rds of C hia Y i and
he O pened the borrow in g fi eld for his person al cultivation
in order to set a good example to his people ( 37 4 A K
or 1 7 8 B
I n 384 ( 1 68 B C ) C hao Ts o als o said to Han W én Ti
that when the sa g e kin g s were i n the g ov ernment thei r
people d id not su ffer from cold and hun g er Th is c ame
about not because they could feed and clothe them by thei r
own cultivation and weavin g but because they opened the
sources of cap ital for them Therefore althou gh Yao and
Y ii had the fl ood of n ine years and T an g had the drou ght
o f seven years the empire d i d not su ffer from famine o r
pestilence Th is was because savin g and accumulation
were abundant and preparation was completed beforehand
Therefore the w is e ruler encoura ges the people to take up
a g ricultural occupation li g htens the i r taxes and extends
the accumulations fo r the fill i n g of g ranari es an d the prep
aration a g ainst flood and drought Th e immediate policy
of C hao Ts o was to call upon the people for the sendi n g
of g rain t o the g ranaries i n the northern boundary where
the C hinese g uarded a g ainst the Huns Th e p eop le sho uld
receive titles from the g overnment and the g radati o n of
the title should be accordin g to the amount of g rain wh i c h
they sent
After H an W en Ti had put his pol i cy i nto
e ffect he proposed ag a in t o order t h e peop le t o se nd the i r
and W én Ti followed his advice a gain
g rain inland
Th erefore durin g the rei g ns of W én Ti and C hin g Ti ( 3 7 3
1
1
or 1 7 9 1 4 1 B C ) C hina was very rich both the g o v
4
e rn m e n t and the
l
r
C
It
was
the
cont
ibution
of
h
i
a
eO
e
p
p
Y i and C hao Ts o and their theory was d rawn fr o m C o n
.
.
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
‘
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
"
,
.
,
,
-
,
.
.
,
1
.
,
fu c iu s
.
1
H is t o ry
o
f H an
,
ch
.
xxiv
.
UR E
A N D CA
NA T
3
PI TA L
1
6
3
Saving
.
capital is the result of sav i n g w e now come to the
principle of savin g C onfucius spea k s o f savin g not only
fo r the private family but also for t h e state I n rulin g a
state of a thousand chariots one of the five th i n gs i s savin g
in expenditure
I n the C an o n o f C h ang es there is a book
“
called C h ie h wh i ch means abst i nence control restraint
—
economy s av in g e t c I t i ncludes th ree ph ases l aw eth ics
I n the b eg inn i n g of th i s b oo k it is stated
an d economics
t h at abstinence i s the b asis of pro g ress and attainment But
the r eade r i s reminded that i f the abst i nence is ve ry seve re
Thi s shows that the
and di fficult i t cannot b e ri ght
principle of sav i n g i n the teachin g o f C on fucius is not cruel
parsimony but reasonable abstinence
Basin g on the
Th e ch ief po i nt of this book i s t h is :
p rinciple o f absti nence fo r the ma k in g of re g ulat ions it w i ll
Th i s is a n
no t i nj ure the wealth no r hurt the peopl e
ab st ract economic principle
I t refers to e i the r pu b l i c o r
pr i vate economy As soon as wealth is i nj ured people are
hurt even in the case o f a p r ivate person Therefo re i f
you w ish not to inj ure the wealth the re must be some so rt
o f re g ulations such as financial le g islat i on i n a g ove rnment
o r as control o f expend iture in a private person
acco rd in g
to the p rinciple o f abstinence H ence abst i nence i s t h e
b asis fo r the prese rvation of wealth and the b enefit o f the
people
When C onfucius spea k s of the filial p i ety of the feudal
p ri nces he says : M a k in g the savin g and c arefully o b s e rv
an t o f the re ulations
they
are
full
w
ithout
overflowi
n
g
g
To b e full w ithout ove r fl ow in g is the way lon g to
preserve riches
A g ain when h e spea k s of the fil ial piety
Since
,
,
.
.
,
,
‘
.
”
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
.
2
.
,
.
,
” 3
.
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
Se e
”
I b id
su
.
,
p ra
p
,
.
p
26 2
.
79
,
Yi
.
4
.
Ki ng
,
p
.
1 97 .
Sac r e d B o o ks
,
vo
l
.
iii p
,
.
4 68
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
6
3
R IN CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
of the common p eople he mention s sav in g in expend it ure
Therefore every class from the emperor to the common
people must observe the principle of savi n g
Th e importance of savi n g is thus told by Hsun Tz ii
1
,
.
,
,
.
,
In t h e l i v i n g o f a man h e k eeps f owls dogs and p i gs
an d h e k eeps also oxen an d s h e ep ; b ut i n h is e at in g h e does
not d are to h ave w i ne an d me at H e h as plenty of money an d
sto res o f grai n b ut i n h i s d ress i n g h e does not d are to h ave
s i l k H e h as t h e dep o s i t o f t h e most v alu ab le t h i n gs b ut i n
h i s go i n g h e does no t d are to h ave c arri age an d h o rse Wh at
?
i s t h e reaso n It i s no t b ec ause h e does no t w an t t h em b ut
b ecause h e h as a lon g t h o u gh t an d c ares f or t h e f utu re lest
not hi n g w i ll succeed h ereaf te r Th e re fo re h e s aves e x p e n
d it u re controls w ants an d ac cu m ul ates we alt h fo r t h e suc c es
s i on H ow goo d i t i s t h at h e h as a lon g t h ou gh t an d c ares fo r
t h e future i n regard to h i msel f ! Th e s h o rt s i gh ted people
w h o are c areless fo r t h e i r l i v i n g d o not k n o w even t h i s Th ey
consum e f oo d extr avagantly an d d o n o t care fo r t h e futu re
Th i s i s t h e re ason
Th en t h ey exh aust q u i c k ly all t h e me ans
t h ey cannot esc ape fro m co ld an d h un ge r and b e c o me b eggars
o r v i ct i m s dy i n g i n t h e d i tc h es
,
,
,
i
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
-
.
r
.
,
.
,
2
.
I ndeed the openin g of the sources of income and the savin g
o f expen d iture are the only ways fo r the increase of wealth
,
.
They
are both famil i ar to all the C h inese but the latter
only is the w ay o f incre asi ng capital
,
.
1
Se e
su
p ra,
p
.
1 57 .
2
Bk
.
iv
.
CO
Y
TH E FA C U L T
PY R G H T
OF
C O L U M B IA U N I
I
P
,
19 1 1
O L I TI C AL
V R
E
SI TY ,
SC I E N C E
R
OF
N E W YO K
C O N TE N TS
V O LU ME I I
III
PA RT
P R O D U C TI O N
BOOK VI
B R A N C H E S O F P R O D U C TI O N
.
C H A P TE R
XX
XXI
X XII
X X III
.
B ran c
h
es of
X XV
on
in G e n e ral
.
,
,
I n d u s t ry
Co
mm
e rc e
B O O K V II
X X IV
i
P ro d u c t
.
,
G e n e ral P r
i ip l
nc
DI ST R I B U TI O N
.
i i
f D s t r b ut
es o
i
o n:
R en t , I n
t
e re s t an d
W ag e s
B O O K V III
Th e Ts
i
ng
p ly
Ex l i
m
G v
G v
m
m
G v
M o no
.
S O C I A L I STI C
i
T e n Sy s
t m
4 97
e
o
c us o n o
P O L IC I E S
f t h e Ru l
i
ng
C las s
m
i
o
e rn
e nt
C o n t ro l
o
f De
o
e rn
e nt
C o n t ro l
o
f G ra
o
e rn
e nt
L o an s
an d
P
f m th
ro
an d an d
n
i
ub l c
Re l
if
e
e
Ec o no
Su
pp ly
mi
c
F
i
5 34
e ld
543
5 52
5 68
5 86
C O N TE N TS
6
6
3
PA R T
PUB L I C
B O O K IX
P
.
IV
I
F NA NCE
P U B LIC F IN AN C E
C H A TE R
X X XII
X X X III
X X X IV
X X XV
.
.
.
.
P ub l
i
c
x i
E
xp
e nd
it
ure s
Ta at o n in G e n e ral
D re c t Ta e s
I n d re c t Ta e s
i
x
i
x
PA R T V
C O N C L U SI O N
X X XVI
A PP N D X
A PP N D X
,
C o n c lu s
i
on
E
I
I
Tab l e
E
I
II
L I St
I N DE X
o
of
C
Ch
hi
th
it i i
f Au
ro n o l o g y
ne s e
or
es
n
En gl
ih
s
9
an d
C
hi
ne s e
oooo oooo
TH E E C O N O M I C P
68
3
RIN CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
Th i s
was the system o f the anci ents and the same c las s ifi
cation i s still used now
U nder the influence of C onfuci us C h i na had no social
class or caste B ut by the division of lab or Sh e had and
has four g roups of people I n the statements j ust quo ted
ab o ve we may note three po ints of spec i al Si g nificance
All the fou r g roups are indis
Th e first is social equality
and no g roup is hi gher th an the
c rim in at e ly called people
others Th e second i s that the merchant is product i ve as
well as the student the farmer and the arti s an
I n the
C h inese lan g ua g e the order o f these four g roups is usually
this : the first is student the second farmer the third art i
san and the fourth merchant B ut acco rd i n g t o Ku liang s
C o m m en t ary t h e merchant is next to the student
It is
obvious that the C onfuci ans reco gnize the productivity of
t h e merchant and t hat t hey are not ho s tile to h im no matter
whether he is put second o r fourth in or der Th e third i s
the principle of divis ion of labor These four g roups are
divi ded i n o rder to make the p roductive power more s u ffi
cien t ; and the people are not confined to any g iven g roup
but simply fall into o n e through the class i fic ation of o cc u
i
a
t
o
n
s
T
hese
are
the
esse
n
tials
of
this
roup
in
system
p
g
g
In ancient times there was a stat i c theory about the four
Accordin g t o Ku an Tz ii the sa g e kin gs settled
g roups
the students i n the quiet place the artisans in the factory
the me rchants in the market place and the farmers in the
country E ach g roup collectively l ived i n a special district
by itsel f and attended to i ts own business day and ni g ht
They practised the i r occupation when they w ere youn g ;
the i r minds were satisfied ; and they di d n o t l ike to chan g e
thei r occupations even when they saw stran ge thin gs
Therefore the teachin g of their fathers and o lder brothers
was e ffective w ithout severity and the learnin g o f thei r
so n s and youn g er brothers w as successful without d i fficulty
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
’
'
-
.
,
,
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,
,
,
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,
.
.
‘
.
,
,
,
-
,
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.
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,
,
,
.
B
RA N C H E S
OF P
R O D U C TI O N
I N GE N E
RA L
6
3 9
H ence the sons of each g roup usually took up the occupa
tion of their fathers Therefore these four g roups should
live separately H ad they all l ived to gether thei r talkin g
would be confused and thei r bus iness wo ul d be chan ged
Such a theo ry was carri ed out successfully by Kuan Tz ii
and it was harmonious w i th the theo ry o f the C onfucians
I n fact the s eparation of the four g roups was not for social
d istincti on but fo r occupational special ization
Because the ancient C h i nese had static ec onomi cs i n mind
they thou ght that it was a good thin g for people not to
chan g e their occupat i ons When Tz ii nan g prime minister
o f C h u described the g ood social conditions of Ts in ( 2 7
B K or 5 7 8 B
he sai d : Th e students of the pri nce
of Tsi n vi go rously study their lessons ; his co m mon people
attend d il i gently to a g riculture ; hi s merchants artisans
and servants k now noth i n g o f chan g in g the i r occupat ions
Acco rdi n g to this statement Tz ii n an g j ud g ed the economic
condi tion of Tsin by the adherence to t h ei r occupations of
the four g roups Such a j ud gment i s correct F or if the
peo ple are not satisfie d w ith their occupations they must
chan g e from g roup to g roup SO lon g as the people can
rema i n in thei r own g roup wi thout movi n g it means that
they can ea rn a livin g in thei r g roup and there is no in
d u c e m e n t o ffered by other g roups
It is a static state b e
cause the four g roups stand on the same level and the people
do not want to chan ge thei r occup ations
,
.
,
.
,
1
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,
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,
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,
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-
,
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‘
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,
,
” 2
.
-
,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
.
II
F RE E DO M
.
OF
OC C
U P A TI O N
Althou gh by the system of fou r g roups the people are
d ivi ded up on account o f t h e i r d i ffe rent occupations there
i s freedom o f occupation Acco rd i n g to the theory of the
,
,
.
‘
N arrat iv e s
C l as s
i
cs ,
o
vo l
f
.
N atio ns
v
,
pt
.
11,
,
p
bk
.
.
vi
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
0
37
C onfucians
R I N C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
every o ne should have free cho ice of h is o w n
occupation and th is was the fact in anci e nt tim e s Men
cius says :
,
,
.
Is t h e
ow m ak er less b enevolent t h an t h e m ak er o f armor
—
o f de f en c e ? And yet t h e arro w mak er s only f e ar i s le st men
s h ould not b e h u rt an d t h e arm o r mak er s only fe ar i s lest
men s h ould b e h u rt So i t i s w i t h t h e p ri e st an d t h e c o ffin
m ak e r Th e c h o i ce o f a p ro fess i on t h ere f o re i s a t hi n g i n
w h i c h gre at c aut i on i s re q u i red
arr
-
’
,
’
-
,
.
.
,
,
1
.
Accordin g to this statement M e ncius refers to any kind
o f pro fession and the arrow maker armo r maker c o ffin
maker and priest are on ly examples
H is essential
point is that a man should be careful to choos e his pro
fe s s io n for the development o f moral sense
A n arrow
maker and a c o ffin maker are not inhumane but thei r pro
fe ssions make them w ish men t o di e Pan Ku says that
the reason thos e w h o sell co ffins w ish t o have an ep idemic
i n the year is not because they hate men and w ish to kill
them but because thei r profit depends upon the death of
men
H is ide a is the same as that of M enci us
I ndeed a profession can g enerally a ffect the mot ives of
man F or this reason the C hi nese still h ave a g eneral con
c e p t io n about the choice of an occup atio n from the stand
point o i moral ity O u r discussion here ho w ever is not
from the mo ral po in t o f vi ew but from t h e economic
Since Mencius teaches men to be careful i n choosin g thei r
professions it indic ates t hat there is freedom of occupati o n
and every one may make his own choice freely O ther
w ise if there were no cho ice h o w could a man be careful
about his choice ?
,
-
-
,
,
,
.
.
-
,
.
,
2
.
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
1
C l as s ics ,
H is t o ry
,
vo l
o
.
p
11,
f H an
,
.
20 4 .
ch
.
xxiii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
37
RIN CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
Therefore P an Kén g ( 8 5 0 8 2 3 B K
e i ther r i ce or millet
or 1 4 0 1 1 37 4 B C ) rep roved his people by sayin g : You
the myriads of the people unexpectedly do not know how
to p roduce wealth
And he encoura g ed them t o move
the cap ital ci ty by sayi n g : Go ! Produce wealth there
Indeed the production of wealth is the necessary business
of the people and they must not b e lazy Therefore there
is a proverb : Th e l i fe O f the people depends on dili g ence
w ith d i li g ence there is no want
Accordin g to C onfuc i us the lazy man is very bad H e
says : Hard i s it to deal w i th him who w ill stu ff himself
w ith food the whole day w ithout applyin g his m i nd to any
thin g A re ther e not g amesters and chessplayers ? To be
o n e of thes e would still be better than do i n g noth in g at
all
C onfuc i us does not teach man to be a g amester or
chessplayer but he st i ll th i nks that t hey are b e tter than the
idler Therefore either phys i cal work or ment al work is
necessary for the l ife of man
Second let us see why wor k i s j ust
C onfucius says :
‘
.
.
,
.
-
.
.
,
,
.
” 1
.
,
.
.
,
:
” 2
.
.
,
.
” 3
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
W h at t h e supe ri o r m an c alls j ust i c e i s t h at nob le an d mean
all d o t h e i r w o rk i n t h e wo rld
Th e empe ro r h i msel f plou gh s
t h e ground fo r t h e ri c e w i t h w h i c h to fill t h e vessels an d t h e
b l ac k m i llet f ro m w h i c h to d i st i l t h e sp i r i t t o b e m i xed w i t h
f ragrant h e rb s fo r t h e se rv i c es o f Go d ; an d t h e f eud al p ri n c es
are d i l i gent i n d i s c h arg i n g t h e i r dut i es to t h e empe ro r
,
.
,
,
1
‘
.
Indeed in the world none should be i dle E ven the em
peror and the pri nces mus t have to d o t heir wor k ; it i s
what the superior man calls j ust ice In other words no t
to work is unj ust
.
,
.
.
1
2
3
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
C l as s i cs ,
vo l.
C l as s ic s
vo l
,
.
iii p t i pp
v pt i p 3
i p 39
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
.
,
2
.
2 26 - 7, 2 39, 2 4 1 .
18
.
4
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xxix p
,
.
338
.
B
RA N C H E S
R O D U C TI O N
OF P
I N GE N E
RAL
37 3
let us find out h o w wo rk is hono rable Ta k e
H e was a g ood wor k er He was
C onfucius fo r example
once k eepe r of g ranar i es and h i s calculat i ons we re all co r
rect He was once i n char ge o f the pu b l i c fields and the
oxen and sheep were fat stron g and superior C onfucius
wor k ed i n many ways and was famous on account of his
var i ous ab i l it i es
B ut he h imself spoke of it modestly
W h en I was youn g my cond i tion was lo w and therefore
I acqu i red my ability i n many mean matters
This was
only a modest description of himsel f but it i nd i cates that
he d i d not th i n k wo rk a d i shonor to t h e wor k er
F o r t h e i llustrat i on of th i s p r inc i ple we may go to Men
c i us H e says
Third
.
,
.
.
.
.
,
1
.
,
,
,
°
.
,
” 2
.
,
.
.
h un
mo n g t h e c h annelled fields Eu Yu e h w as
c alled to o f
fic e f rom t h e m i dst o f h i s b u i ld i n g f ame s ; C h i ao KO
f rom h i s fis h an d s alt ; Ku an Y i w u f ro m t h e h ands o f h i s
r
n
h
a
o
u
s
u
A
le
f
r
om
h
i
s
h
i
d
i
n
b
y
t
h
e
e
s
h
o
e
P
i
l
i
S
O
s
r
n
a
a
a
d
;
;
g
g
H s i f rom t h e m ark et pl ac e
Th u s w h en H e aven i s ab out to
c on f e r a gre at w o r k on an y m an
i t mu s t fi rs t e x e rc i s e hi s
m i nd w i t h su ffe i n g an d h i s s i ne w s an d b ones w i t h to i l ; ex
pose h i s b ody to h un ge r ; su bj ect h i m to ext reme p ove rty ; an d
c o n f o und h i s unde rt aki n gs By al l t h ese met h o d s i t st i mul ates
h i s m i nd h a dens hi s n atu re an d suppl i es h i s i n c om p e ten c i es
S
ro
se f
ro
m
a
.
-
r
-
-
-
-
.
,
,
r
,
.
3
r
,
.
.
Accord in g to Menc i us all g reat men are developed b y
h ardsh ips The refo re the fa rm er t h e art i san or the
merchant may b ecome a g reat empe ro r or a g reat min ister
L i fe sp ri n gs f r om sorrow and
H i s conclus i on i s t h i s :
calam i ty and death f rom ease and pleasure
Therefore
,
.
,
,
,
.
“
”
.
i
C l as s
‘
h
S
3
un
mi i t
cs ,
.
vo l
w as
.
ii pp
,
the
383 4
.
b e st
e
mp
.
e ro r
f t h e Yin d y n as t y ;
e r e g re a
an d P ai l i H s i
n s e rs o
w
-
Ch i
‘
n
.
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
ii pp
,
Eu Yiie h
;
Ku an
t mi n i
.
C las s ic s
7
-
s t e rs
44 6 7
-
.
an d
Yi w u
-
o
f the
,
vo l
Ch
i
.
,
i p
,
ao
o
.
w
KO
( Ku an Tz fi )
s t at e s
2 18
.
,
e re
Su n
f Ch i
‘
,
-
t
g re a
sh u
Ch
‘
u
AO
,
an d
TH E E C ON O M I C P
37 4
RIN CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
we should not d i sli k e work and should accep t the hardship
wi th than k fulness to H eaven Indeed pov erty is a con
d i tion under which g reat men are produced and a man s
workin g does not br i n g him any d i shono r at all U nder
the i nfluence o f s uch t each i ngs the poor may ke ep t hei r
ambitions even hi gher t han the rich and w o rkin gmen may
hold an hon orabl e posit i on i n society
,
.
,
’
,
.
,
,
.
IV
A
.
B SE N C E
SL A V E
OF
RY
I n C h inese h i sto ry there is a very gl o rious thin g—that i s
C hina has never had Slavery existin g as a general ins t it u
t i on U nder the t s ing t ien system every one received one
hundred acres of land from the government so that every
one was a landlord Who w o uld be a slave ? And h o w
could slavery come to ex i st ? Si nce the land was rich and
eas ily cultivated and landholdi n g was l imited to one h u n
dred acres there w as n o need of sl aves Moreover such
int ensive cult ivat io n was not fitted to slave lab or and t h e free
labor would not permit slavery to exist under co mpetiti o n
becaus e there was a lar g e population F urthermore C hi na
has b e en an a g ricultural country and the C hinese have been
a d i li g ent p eople s ince the r e motest t imes Therefo re they
made a g riculture the fundamental and honorabl e occupa
ti on and even the empero r took up such work Th e theory
that slavery becomes an institution most often i n the a g ri
cultural sta g e seems refuted when w e study C hinese history
Slavery may have existed i n the p rehi storic pe r i od but i f
so there is no trace o f it
Alt h ou g h C h ina had no slavery as a g eneral institution
there were st i ll a fe w sl aves Acc o rd in g to t h e O ffic ial Sys
t e m o f C h o u slavery resulted from crime
B ut no inno
cent man became a slave I t was only a kind of punish
men t and i t exempted those who had t i tles and those whose
ag e w as either a b ove seventy or b elow ei h t
But
i
t
a
s
w
g
,
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,
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,
1
.
1
Ch
.
xxxvi
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
37
RI N CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI U S
lthou gh C on fuc i us syst em has n o Slavery t h e economic
cond i t ion chan g ed i n the C h i n dynasty After the t s ing
con
t ie n system was destroyed ( 2 0 2 A K o r 3 5 0 B
t in u o u s wars w ent on taxes were very heavy and wealth
was unequally d istributed so the poo r people were un able to
mai ntai n thei r i ndependent cond i tion Hence the market
of slaves was established and there was t ra ffic in slaves
who came from the kidnapper and the robber
Therefore
slavery arose durin g the C h in dyn asty
I n 34 7 A K ( 2 0 5 B
durin g the war between Han
and C h u a g reat famine occurred so that the people ate
hum an flesh Then H an Kao Ti permitted the people to
sell their sons I t w as the first time that the people were
allow ed to sell themselve s as Slaves But in 3 5 0 A K when
Han Kao Ti conquered C h u and b ecame emperor h e issued a
decree : Th e people who have sold themselves to be slaves
of others on acc o unt o f famine are all emancipated as free
citizens
This s h ows that sl avery was not an institution
B ut it was bad e n ough t hat criminals became government
slaves and that the poor sold themselves as p rivate sl aves
Th e Slaves how e ver were very fe w in number and d i d not
form a special class Th ey should be called servants rather
than slaves F or example Wei Ts in g ( died i n 4 4 6 A K
o r 1 0 6 B C ) w as a slave B ut he was later the c o m m an
der in chief of the army wh ich conquered the Huns the
marquis o f an honorary estate amounti n g t o twenty thou
sand two hundred famil i e s and the husband of the oldest
s i ste r of Han W u Ti
Th e first to make a publ ic announcem ent a g a inst slavery
was Tun g C hun g Sh u I n 4 32 A K ( 1 2 0 B C ) he peti
t io n e d W u Ti i n the followi n g words :
W e should abol ish
slavery and pr e vent the master from kill in g the Slave by
’
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1
H is t o ry
o
f H an
,
ch
.
x ix
c
.
.
.
B
RA N C H E S
OF P
R O D U C TI ON
I N GE N E
RA L
37 7
arb i trary oppress ion
But th is p rO p o s al was not carried
out b y W u Ti
I n 5 60
Th e first to abol ish slavery was \ V an g M an g
A K ( 9 A D ) he decreed that all slaves should be called
private dependents and should not b e bou ght and sold
B ut there was st i ll slavery as a punishment Since hi s go v
i n 5 6 3 A K he allowed the
e rn m e n t was not successful
people to sel l and buy the pr i vate de p endents
Th e C onfucian emperor most influen tial i n the abol it i on
o f slavery was Kuan g—
w u whose re i g n was f rom 5 7 6 to
I n 5 7 7 he dec reed : Th e
60 8 A K (2 5 57 A
people have formerly married thei r w i ves away and sold
thei r sons ; now they are all allowed to g o b ac k to thei r
p arents i f they w ish Who da res to hold them shall be
punished acco rd in g to law
In 5 8 1 he decreed : Th e
o fficials and the commons who dur i n g the t i me of Wan g
M an g were su b dued to slavery w ithout the acco rdance of
O l d l aw
are all emancipated to be free c i t i zens
In 5 8 2
he decreed : Th e o ffic i als and the commons w h o became
slaves or in ferior w ives either on account of famine and
warfare or throu gh the ro bb ers o f Sii C h ow an d Ts in g
C how are all allowed e i ther to go o r to stay as t h ey please
Who dares to hold them and not g ive them retu rn shall be
punished by the law of sell in g persons
I n the second month o f 5 86 he dec reed : Amon g all the
l ives g iven by Heaven and E a rth that o f man is the noblest
I f anyone k i lls a slave h is cr i me cannot b e less th an ord i
na ry murder
In the ei ghth month he dec reed : H e who
da res to torture a sl ave w i th fire s h all b e pun i shed acco rd
in g to law and those w h o are to rtu red are emancipated as
I n the elevent h month he a b ol ished t h e law
f ree citi zens
that the slave who wounded any person was to b e punished
by death
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‘
H is t o ry
o
f Ho n
,
ch
.
xxiv
1
.
I b id
.
,
ch
.
x ix
c
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
37
RI N CI P LES
OF C O N
FU CI US
I n 5 8 7 he decreed : Th e people o f L un g and Sh u
who w ere captured and made slaves whether those who
have appealed to the courts o r those who hav e not b een
reported by t h e j ud g es are all emancipated to be free c i ti
zens
I n 5 88 he decreed : Since the ei ghth year
the people of Y i C how who were captured and made
slaves are all emancipated to be free c itizens Those who
depend on others as i nferior w ives are all allow ed to go
away i f they w ish W ho dares to keep them shall be pun
is h e d by the law of capturin g perso n s as i t has been app lied
to Sii C how and Ts i n g C how
I n 5 89 he decreed :
Since the ei g hth year the slaves o f Y i C how and L ian g
C how who have appealed to the local courts are all eman
c ip at e d to be free citizens
Those who we re s o ld need not
pay back the pr ice t o their
I n C hinese history althoug h there were many em p erors
—
who freed s laves Kuan g w u was the most important H e
decreed freedom to th e slaves nine times Since his rei g n
Some o ther em
C hina virtually has had no slaves at all
—
n o t do
r
r
paid
the
p
rice
to
the
slave
owner
but
he
did
o
s
e
p
so H e was the Abraham L incoln of C hina but he abol
I n an absolute g overn
is h e d slavery w ithout civil w ar
ment althou gh the emperor can do wron g eas i ly he can
also do good easily
U nfortunately durin g the disturbance o f the F iv e Bar
b arians ( 8 5 5 990 A K o r 30 4 4 39 A D ) an d the con
quest o f the Tartars and the Mon golians sl avery was ih
F r om the
t ro d u c e d into C hina by those barbaric tribes
N orthern Wei dynasty t o the be g i nnin g of the present
h ow ever
dynasty ( 93 7 2 1 9 5 A K o r 38 6 1 6 4 4 A
the slaves w ere generally not actual slaves Th ey were
1
2
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1
2
Kan s u
p vi
H is t o ry
ro
O
nce
2
.
f L at t er H an
,
ch
.
i
.
Sz e c
h
u an
p vi
ro
nc e
.
XX I
C HA P TE R
A G R I C U L TU R E
I
.
IM
P O RTA N C E
OF
AG
R I C U L TU R E
B A SI N G our classification on the system of four g roups
we shall d ivide the b ranches of producti on i nto three cate
—
i
o
r
s
e
namely a g riculture i ndustry and commerce A l
g
thoug h the g roup O f students i s product i ve l ik e the othe r
three g roups they do not produce mater ial wealt h There
fore we shall take up the other three g roups first discussin g
t h e prod uct i vi ty of students later
Amon g these three
roups
the
farmers
stand
first
hence
w
e
shall
be
in
w
ith
;
g
g
a g ri culture As man is suppo rted b y food and food comes
from the land a g riculture is always the primary occupat i on
And as the land of C hi na is fitted to a g riculture and she
h as had a larg e population the C hinese always attach the
chief importance to a g riculture Therefore the C hinese
economy i s mostly an a g ricultural economy
Th e i mportance o f a g riculture is in dicated i n the Great
Model
We have already seen that t h e G reat Model
puts food and commodities as the fi rst and second of the
e i ght obj ects of g overnment
F o r th i s reason i t says : I t
i s on t h e bas i s of a g riculture that the ei ght o b j ects of go v
e rn m e n t can be atta i ned
It is very clear that the Great
M odel lays the emph as i s on ag ricultu r e because food i s
the first of the ei ght O bj ects
,
,
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,
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,
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1
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1
1
3
Se e infra,
Se e
-
.
s u p ra,
C las s ic s ,
380
pp 487 8
p 5
l iii p t ii
vo
.
0
.
.
.
,
.
,
D 324
«
AG
R I C UL TUR E
8
3
A.
anc i ent t i mes t h e re has been a system of b o r
Th i s field conta i ns one thous an d acres and
rowin g field
the emperor cult i v ates it personally As the empero r has
no time to fin ish the cultivation of t h e w h ole field and so
b orrows the labo r Of the people i t is called b orrow i n g
field In 2 7 6 B K ( 8 2 7 B
when H s ii an Wan g d id
not plough the b orrow i n g field Du k e W én o f Kuo g ave
hi m a remonstrance In i ts b e g inn i n g h e po i nted out th e
i mportance o f a g ricul ture as follows
Si nce
,
.
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
b us i ness o f t h e peop le i s ag i ultu
F m ag i
ultu e t h e m i llet w h i h i s used f t h e s a i fi e to G d i s
p oduced ; t h e dens i ty f p pul at i n g w s ; t h e e x pense f t h e
b us i ne se i s uppl i ed ; s i al h a mony and pe a e a i se ; t h
f we alt h b e gin ; an d t h e
m ult i pl i at i n
h a acte s o f h
sty g e at m i ndedness i nte g i ty an d s l i d i ty b e me a gen al
h abi t f t h e pe ple
Th e g re ates t
c
r
r c
r
o
o
oc
r
o
s
s
s
o
c
e
or
c
,
r
,
o
c
o
ro
o
c
c
o
r
,
r
ro
.
cr
s
-
o
re
e
r
r
on
r
co
er
1
o
.
Acco rd i n g to the R e c o rd o f R it es i n the fi rst month the
e mperor selects a g ood day puts the plou gh in h i s own
carria g e and conducts h is thr e e ducal m i nisters n ine h i g h
mini sters the feudal pr i nces and h is g reat o ffic ial s for the
pe rsonal cultivat i on o f t h e b orrowin g field
Th e em
o r plou hs the l and three t i mes
e
r
eac
h
of
the
ducal
m
i
n
p
g
is t e rs five and the o ther m i nisters and feud al princes n i ne
In the
Th is system is si g n i ficant from t w o p o ints o f v iew
first place i t touches rel i g ion Th e P rinciples o f Sacr i
fic e s
says th at th i s system is fo r t h e se rvice o f Heaven
E arth the spir i ts of the l and and g rai n and the ancesto rs
because the ne w w i ne cre am and vessels o f g ra i n are ma d e
from the products o f the b orrow i n g field Th is proced u re
then is a g re at exp ressi o n o f reve rence
It i s si g nifican t
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2
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1
1
N ar rat iv e s
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
o
f
N at io n s
iv pp
,
.
25 4
-
,
5
bk
.
i
.
3
.
.
I b id
bk
.
xxi p
,
.
222
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
8
3
R IN CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
too from the economic viewpoi nt Th e emperor honor
able as he i s ploughs the field perso n ally ; it is an e nc o u r
ag e m e n t of a g r i culture
To day this system still exists
and the emperor and h is representatives all perform th is
serv i ce throughout the p rovinces This shows well the
i mportance ascribed to a g riculture
I n the 2 8t h year of the rei g n of Duke C huan g the Sp ring
an d A u t u m n records :
There is g reatly no wheat and rice
This means that there w as a g reat famine
I n 4 32 A K
1
2
0
T
i
B
C
un
hun
S
h
u
said
H
an
W
u
C
t
o
T
(
)
g
g
.
,
,
,
-
.
,
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.
.
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.
-
.
.
d o es no t r eco rd any ot h e r grai n
But w h en w h e at an d ri c e h ave n o c rop i t reco rds t h em By
s t h at t h e H o ly M an g i ves t h e gre atest
t hi s st atement i t s h o w
i mport an c e to w h e at and ri ce amon g t h e five grai ns N o w
t h e people o f t h e met ro p o l i t an p ro v i n c e h ave a c usto m o f
d i sl iki n g to pl ant w h e at It loses annu ally w h at t h e Sp ring
an d A u t u m n re gar ds as i mpo rt ant an d d i m i n i s h es t h e n o u r
is h m e n t o f t h e people
I w i s h you r M aj esty grac i o usly t o de
c ree t h at t h e M i n i ster of A gri cultu re order t h e people o f th i s
p rov i n c e to pl ant mo re w h e at w i t h o ut del ay
Th e Sp ring
an d
A u tumn
.
,
.
,
1
.
,
2
.
,
.
2
.
Th is
Thus we see the
proposal was c arried i nto e ffect
theory of C onfucius put int o practice
All the C onfuci ans are i n favor of a g riculture and it is
needless t o quote all thei r words on the subj ect Durin g
the Han dynasty there was a popular theory that the g reat
profit of the world in last analysis is ascribable to a g ri
culture I n urg in g t h e importance o f a g riculture C hao Ts o
speaks stron g ly
H e says that poverty comes from ln
s u ffic ie n c y of food
and i nsu fficiency o f food from the
ne glect of a g riculture When the people neglect ag ric ul
.
.
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,
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,
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,
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1
h
S
1
i
i p vi
Th e fiv e
ens
H is t o ry
g ra n s are
ro
o
i
r ce ,
mi l l
nc e .
f H an
,
ch .
xxiv
.
et ,
p i
an c l e d
mi ll
et,
wh
e at
an d
p
ul s e .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
portant so far as fo o d i s concerned he does not think that
every one should b e a farmer and that besides a g riculture
there is no productive labor To prove th is point there is
a case in the A n ale c t s O ne day F an C h ih requested C o n
fu c iu s to teach him husbandry
He said : I am not so
ood
for
that
as
an
old
husbandman
hen
F
an
re
T
g
quested C onfucius to teach him g ardenin g H e replied : I
am not so good fo r that as an old g ardener
Althou gh
C onfucius had shown his d i sapproval of F an C h i b s learn
ing a g ri culture by these two answers yet he was still afra i d
that F an would fail to understand Therefore wh e n F an
“
C h ih had g one out he said : A small man indeed is F an
H s ii !
Then he descr i bed the e ffect of a g ood g overnment
upon the people and hi s conclusion was that there is no
need o f the knowled ge o f husbandry C onfucius sai d this
i ntend in g that it should be repeated t o F an C h ih
Th e reason C onfucius refused to teach F an C h ih ag ri
culture is that a g riculture i s an occupation of the common
people only an d it shoul d not be learned by the students
Since the students are the cand i dates for the publ ic o ffices
they should learn h o w to mana g e the g overnme n t and how
to influence the people but they should not learn how to
practise a g riculture Moreover as C onfuc i us was a g reat
reforme r and F an C h ih was h i s pupil why should he ask
h im about such a small th in g as a g riculture ? I t ind i cated
that the ambi tion of F an was not h i g her than to become a
farmer Therefore C onfucius pointed out the g reat in
fl u e n c e of a g ood g overnment a ffectin g the people and said
that a g riculture is not a necessary th in g for a student I n
s h ort C onfucius tau ght F an C h ih politics instead of a g ri
culture Therefore accordin g to C onfucius a g riculture is
t h e profession of only one o f the four g roups of people
,
,
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‘
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“
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”
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” 1
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,
‘
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‘
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,
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,
‘
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,
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‘
,
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,
,
,
1
F ro
m t hi
c u l t u re .
s co n
v
C l as s ic s ,
i w k w th
i pp 64 5
e rs at o n
vo l
.
,
e
.
2
no
-
.
at t
h
e re
w as t h e
i
s c e nc e o
f agr
i
AG
R I C UL TUR E
8
3 5
and the student may produce even more utili ty for societ y
than the farmer
F o r this reason most o f t h e pup i ls of C onfucius we re
not farmers
When he fol
Take Tz ii l u for example
lowed C onfucius and happened to fall b eh ind he as k ed an
?
r
Th e answer
old farmer
H ave you seen my maste
Your four limbs are unaccustomed to to i l ; you can
w as :
—
not d istin g uish the five k inds of g ra i n who is your mas
ter
We may t ak e t h e words o f the old farm er as typical
o f the pupi ls of C onfucius
In Menc i us time there was a founder of the ag ric u l
tural school named H s ii Hs i n g
H e pretended that he
stud ied the doctr i ne of Sh én N un g He had a lar g e num
b er o f disciples seve ral tens i n all All of them wo re
cl o t h es of ha i rcloth and made sandals of hemp and wo v e
mats for the i r livin g H i s doct rine i s th i s : A w ise and
able ruler should cultivate the land equally and alon g w ith
h i s people an d eat the fruit o f h i s labor He s h oul d p re
pa re h i s own me als mornin g and even i n g wh i le at t h e
same time he carries on h i s g overnment A ruler should
not have g rana r ies treasu ri es and arsen als I f he has
such thin g s i t i s oppress i n g t h e people fo r h is own sup
port
H i s doctri ne i s extremely democratic b ut i t is im
p racticable b ecause it impl i es the abolition o f g overnment
an d advocates the un i ve r s al appl ication o f a commun i st i c
scheme
Th e a r g ument of M enc i us a g ainst t h e doctr i ne o f H su
H s i n g is based o n t h e p r inciple o f d i vision o f la b o r But
h ere we w ish to s h ow simply that Mencius does not
.
-
.
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”
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1
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’
2
.
.
“
”
.
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
,
2
.
,
,
.
‘
.
1
1
\
.
h
2
C las s ic s
,
i D 335
vo l .
,
i mi gh t m f m Shih C hi
i
hih t
m th
dv
t d th
—
l ii pp
6
4 7
H s u H s in g s d o c t r
an g Y an g s n c e S
’
,
C l as s ic s
,
vo
.
Se e infra p p
,
.
.
ne
'
i
2
—
.
4 85 6
co
.
.
a
e
o ca e
ro
e
sa
e
ao , t h e t e ac
e o ry
.
h
er o
f
TH E E C ON O M I C P
6
8
3
RIN CI P LE )
OF C ON
.
FU CI US
t h i nk a g riculture alone pro ductive H e makes use of h is
F or in
t o ric al facts for the suppo rt o f his ar g ument
st ance he says : Y ii was ei ght years away from his home
and though he thrice p assed the door of it he did not enter
Although he had w ished t o cultivate the land could he
have done so
W hen the sa ges were exercisi n g thei r
sol icitude fo r the peopl e i n this way had they leisur e to
cultivate the land ?
He whose anxiety is about his hun
dred acres not bein g p roperly cultivated is a mere husband
man
I n their g overnin g of the empi re were ther e no
?
subj ects o n wh ich Yao and Shun employed their minds
There were subj ects only they di d not employ thei r minds
on the cultivation o f the land
Thus we see that M en
cius believes that publ ic o fficers also are p roducers and that
they should n o t take up the work of a farmer
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
”
.
,
,
” 1
.
.
III
M ET
.
H ODS
OF
AG
RI C U L TU RE
In describi ng the form o f the field w e have already shown
the methods o f ag ri culture i n a g eneral way B ut we must
now study them in some detail Th e ch ief feature is th e
”
system of alternative fields
I t was a ve ry old system
Hou C h i the mi nister o f a g ricultu re o f E mperor Y ao
i
n
1
about
2
B
K
B
bein
the
one
who
r
2
2
o
8
(
73
3
g
ven ted it As the acre was s ix feet w ide and six hundred
feet lon g the system o f alternative fields was t o make three
low lines w ithi n o ne acre Th e low line was made by two
plou ghshares and was a foot w i de and deep and as lon g
as the acre I n the field o f one hundred acres there were
three hundred low l ines an d parallel w ith them wer e th re e
hundred hi gh lines Th e seed was sowed i nto the low
line and the blade spran g up W hen the g rass of the h i gh
line was weeded o u t the soil o f the hi gh line was put down
,
.
0
.
.
,
'
,
.
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
1
C las s ics ,
v o l . 11,
pp
.
2 5 1- 3
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
8
3 8
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
there was a loc al O fficer to arran g e the pai rs i n the twel fth
month Suc h an ar ran gement was to equalize thei r a ges
I n C onfucius t i me th i s method
an d p h ys i c al cond i t i ons
still existed Th e A n al e c t s says that C h an g ch ii and C h i eh
Th i s method lasted durin g
n i were cultivat in g in a pa i r
the H an dynasty
Th e th ird feature i s the ploug h in g w i th oxen
Accord
ing to the C an o n o f M o u n t ains an d S e as this method was
i nvented by the g randson of H o n C h i whose name was
I n C onfucius t ime th i s method prevailed
Sh u c h iin
Amon g h i s pupils one was named Jan Kén g and h i s d e s ig
n at ion was P o n i u ; another was named Ss iI ma Kéng an d
his desi g nat i on w as Tz ii niu Jan and Ss iI ma were family
names and Kéng meant cult i vation Si nce there was a
connection between cultivation and the ox t h ey both used
the word N iu for thei r desi gnations because N iu meant
“
ox M oreover C onfuci us himself spoke of the calf of a
plou ghin g c o w
Therefore the C hinese be g an to em
ploy the o x o r cow for ploughin g a lon g t i me ago but they
still do the same to day They very seldom employ the
horse for this purpose
Th e fourth feature is the appl icat i on of a g ricultural che m
is t ry
Accord i n g to t h e O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u there are
n i ne ki nds o f soils Th e d i fferent seeds are chosen to fit the
di fferent so ils Th e bones of di fferent an i mals are b o i led
and thei r j uice is discriminately used to so ak the di fferent
seeds fo r the d i fferent so i ls ; o r the bones are b urned and
thei r ashes are put on di fferent soi ls
Th e fifth fe atu r e i s the two —
crop system W e do not
k now when this system began b ut w e find a stateme nt
r
o
h
iven
by
Hsun
H
e
says
land
i
s
N
o
t
T
z
:
w
e
ii
g
p
.
’
.
-
.
1
.
.
.
,
,
’
-
.
.
,
,
'
-
-
,
'
-
-
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
-
.
.
.
,
.
.
.
2
.
.
,
.
1
C l as s ic s
Ch
.
x vi
,
.
vo l
.
i p
,
,
1
.
C l as s ic s
vo l
.
i p
,
.
1 86
.
AG
R I C U L TUR E
8
3 9
the five g ra i ns I f man cultivates i t well each ac re
will yield several bushels and he w ill reap the harvest tw ice
i n one yea r
Althou gh the two crop system mi ght not
have prevai led ove r the whole empi re on account of di f
fe re n t cl imates and so i ls i t was a g re at advance
All these five th i n g s are most impo rtant met h ods o f t h e
ancient C h i nese
d u c ing
.
,
,
”
1
-
.
.
,
.
IV
E X TE N S H E
.
AND
I N TE N SI
VE
C
U L TI V A TI O N
F o r the cultivation of l and the e a e two methods ex
tens i ve and i ntensive I f t h e land i s poo the fa me must
cult i vate a larger a e a t h an i f it i s g ood i n o de to g e t
the same return
If th
Th is is extens i ve cult i v at i on
land i s g ood h e may cultivate it intens i vely by us i n g m o e
lab or and cap i tal on a smalle a ea g ett in g the same
turn Th i s i s intensive cultivat i on Th e ma g i n of ex
tensive cult i vat i on is dete mined by the ima g inary boundary
beyond wh ich the land i s not fitted to b e used at al l Th
marg i n of intensive cultivat i on i s dete m i ned by the law of
d imin ish in g returns In a static cond i tion the p ro d u t i it v
o f labo r and capital at t h ese two ma g ins w ill b e equal
F or the extensive cult i vation the e i s a t h eo y g iven b v
r
r
,
r,
.
r
r
r
,
.
r
r
e
.
r
,
r
r
re
,
.
r
.
r
e
.
r
.
c
,
r
r
A
comment ato r
o f Ts o s C o m m e n t ary
H e d ivides t h e l and i nto n ine
ki nds and ta k es the b est k ind as the standard In t h e best
ki nd of land w h i ch i s r i ch and pla in one fu 1 0 0 ac res is
the uni t ; and nine t u i s one t s ing N o w i f you measu re
all the other e i g h t ki nds o f land b y t h e extent o f n ine fu
f
r
cres
the
d
i
fe
ences w i ll b e : i n the second k ind wh ic h
a
0
0
9
is low an d wet n i ne fu i s a m u and two m u equal o ne
t s ing ; i n the th i rd ki nd the l and b etween the d i k es n i ne fi t
is a t ing and th ree l ing e q u al one t s ing : in the fou rth k i nd
C hia
K uei ( 5 8 1
‘
-
652
A K
.
r
.
v
.
.
or
0
3
-
10 1
.
2
’
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
Bk
.
x
1
.
C l a ss ic s
,
vo
l
.
v
.
pt
.
ii p
,
.
5 17
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
39
R I N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
the low land wi th water n ine t u is a ku e i and fou r ku e i
e q ual one t s ing ; i n t h e fifth kind the land hav i n g sand and
small stones n ine fu is a s h u and five s h u equal one t s ing ;
i n the s ixth kind poo r and salt n i ne fu is a p iao and s i x
i
n
i
a
equal
one
t
s
i
n
the
seventh
kind
the
hills
n
i
ne
u
o
;
g
p
f
i s a p ie n and seven p ien equal one t s ing in the ei ghth k ind
the marshes n i ne fu is a c h iu and ei g ht c h iu equal one
t s ing ; i n the ninth kind the wooded mountains n i ne fu is
a t u and nine t u equal one t s ing These nine kinds of land
are the classification for the land tax but they represent at
the same time the d i fferent de g rees of extensive cult i vation
O ne t s ing of the b e st land is the standard ; and i f we want
to ge t the same return from the low er g rades of land as
that from the best we must extend our cultivation ov e r an
area from t w o to nine times as g reat Th e poorer the land
the larg er must be its area
Such a math e matical calculat ion is only a g eneral theory
and cannot be the exact measure o f the value o f the land
Yet it was the classification o f t h e land t ax of C h u ( 4 A K
or 5 4 8 B G ) Since C h u was a n e w country i n southern
C hina where the land was plenty but poor extensive culti
v ation would p revail
I n the M i ddle Kin g dom the C hina
proper of the ancient times the land was g ood and the
population was dense ; hence there was intensive cultiva
tion Takin g anci ent C h in a as a whole cultivation was
mostly intensive because under the ts ing t ie n system one
family cultivated only one hundred acres
Accord i n g t o M encius and the R oyal Re g ulations
intens i ve cultivat i on is th is : W hen a farmer cultivates one
hundred acres of land to g ether w ith some capital such as
manure he g ets di fferent amounts of return from the land
accord i n g to the i ntensi ty of his cultivation I f he is the
best farmer the return can support n ine persons ; next t o
the best ei ght persons ; i f h e is an ord inary farm e r s e v e n
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
.
‘
.
.
‘
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
R I N C I P LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
V DI M I N I S H I N G RE TU R N S
F or the law of dimin i sh i n g returns t h e C h inese do not
ive
a
complete
pri
nciple
Yet
they
poi
nt
out
the
facts
g
H an s E x t e rnal C o m m e n t ary o f t h e C an o n o f P o e t ry says :
“
Th e produce of the land cannot be increased and the
y i eld i n g of the mounta i ns and marshes can be exhausted
Th e first part of the sentence refers to ag riculture and the
second to n atural resources i n g eneral
This sentence
shows a very g ood apprehens i on of essent i al elements o f
the law of dimin i shi n g returns
When Yeh Sh i h describes the ev i ls of con gest ion O f t h e
re g i ons surround i n g the cap i tal he says :
.
,
.
.
’
,
” 1
.
,
.
.
2
,
In t h e over p o pul ated l and t h e people dig t h e mount ai ns an d
dam t h e s e a p i c ki n g o u t an y p rofit w h i c h i s le f t
W h i le t h e
p ro duct i v i ty o f t h e l and i s l i m i ted t h e c ult i v at i o n o f t h e pe o ple
i s endles s H en c e i t h u rts t h e n atu ral p h eno m en a and i n
j u res t h e five el e ments Th e refo re t h e p o wer o f l and i s ex
h an sted w i t h o ut su p p ly i n g t h e d em and o f m e n an d t h e air b e
c o m es d ry w i t h o ut t h e n atu ral h arm o ny
-
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
‘
.
,
,
.
are the ill e ffects of over populat i on upon natu ral
resources
In fact the reason a larg e population livin g on
a small area of land is an economic e v i l is because land is
subj ect to the law of d iminishin g returns a poi nt s hown
very clearly by Yeh Sh ih
These
-
.
,
,
.
VI
.
AG
R I C U L TU R A L
LI
FE
us study the a g ricultural li fe O f the ancients as a
whole b e g innin g w ith the earliest we can find
I n the
C an o n O f P o e t ry there i s a poem w ritten by t h e people of
Pin descr ib in g the economic li fe of Pin at the time of
Ku ng L iu ( a b out 1 2 4 5 B K o r 1 796 B
It was
L et
.
,
,
,
.
1
Bk
.
v
.
.
.
2
Se e
s u p ra,
p
.
30 3
.
i G R I C UL TUR E
39 3
presented b y t h e Du k e of C hou to t h e emperor as the foun
dati on of the C h ou dynasty Th is poem is very valuable
re o f t h e actual li fe at that t i me
ivin
us
a
p
i
ctu
T
here
g
g
fore we shall g ive i t fully
.
.
.
v t h m t h h Fi S p
m i di
th
I th
i th m th l th
t ;
g iv
I th d y
f th [ l v
h ] m t h h wi d b l w
f h
h t h i i ld
I th d y
[ w lf h ] m
With t th l t h
d g m
t
f h i
In t h e
en
se
on
on
n
e
n n
n
e
a s o
n
e
a s o
ou
Ho w
c o u ld w e
In t h e d ay s
In t h e d ay s
To g e t
t
f t he
o
m
er
We
c arr
Th e
sur
o ur
oo
e
s o ut
o se
o
or o
e
m
e
h
h
m
h
er
t
e
n
e
a r
s
co
pl
o ug
w e c u lt
,
co ld
s
t
n
o nt
en
se
n nt
e
t
e
n
e
on
.
iv
h
;
s
at e t h e
fie ld s
.
i s g l ad t o
an d
or o e
o un
e
n
oo
n
s
e
e
r n
a
er
n
e
en
er
a s
n
ar r
a
wi t h
e at
a
en
e
ns ,
as
t
o
ou
er
e s,
s o ut
te
are
e rr
e rn
o un
re e s
oo
.
.
ar d s
e
t
ea
on
co
u
e
n
e e
n
e s
o
o
n
e
se
n
e
e
ur
t
s
an u
t
e
o
ac t u re
r nce s s e s,
e
S
e
er
ro
es
o
re e
u
e
er
an ;
r an c
es o
e
s
e rr
e s.
an
r
e
n
t
e
er
as s e s
an
,
t
t re e s o
we
s
t
s t an t
e
.
.
es
a r c s an
ar
re
o r
o nt
t
se
at c
o un
e
t ar
w e st r
are
o nt
en
a e
e
t
n
re
e
an
a
o se
o
e
are
a es
e
t
,
o nt
or
st r
n
o nt
on
a e
n
hip
wi hi
,
s
ng
.
e nt
se
an ;
.
v h m h h Fi S p
th
m idi
dg
I th
i gh t h m t h
th
d
d ;
I th
i lk w m m h
ip h m l b y b h
d h
A d t k th
x
ht
di
d hi g h
T l p ff t h
th t
f h i l v
ippi g h y g
O ly
v th m h t h h ik i h d
I th
b gi
h
i gh h m h
pi i g f fl
I th
d y ll w ;
W m k d k f b i
i v y b i l li
f
O
d m
b
f
h l w
pi
I i f
In t h e
.
,
e ar s
e
ou
ee
e
es
en
e
us
s,
ea es
’
.
.
e r
s
a e
o
so n
en
c ro
o un
e
e
e
s
a
t
ar
e
a e
as s e s
are
es
s
s
e
or
en
e rs
en
o
a on
o
t
a s
u
t
t ar
re
e
c o
,
r n
s
t
,
;
re n ,
ac re s
es,
o
v t h m h h Fi S p
m i di
th
h
I
i h m th l h
t
g iv
Wi h t h p i g d y h w m h b gi
A d th
i l t t it
g
Th y
t k
th i
d p b k t
g w m
A d g
l g th
m ll p t h
f h m lb
L ki g f
l v
th
t
d
y t
t
A th
p i g d y l gt h
Th y g t h
w d t h whi
h w d
i
h t
w d d wi t h h
Wh
th
g l di
y
Th y b g i t h v t h
mm i d wi h t h p i
m y
In t h e
an ;
a r,
o
hi l d
e rn
co
s
,
o nt
an d c
es
e
f t h e y e ar ?
w e fix t h e
o nt
[ s e co nd ]
h wi t h
wiv
d t
th
y f
v y f t h fi ld
,
en s
e nd o
[ firs t ]
f t he
o
the
,
o nt
ar
as s e s
en o u
on
t
e
ge t t o
are
ent
an
es
t ar
re
es
e e
e
c o
e
e
c o
,
e
t
t
,
e ar
s
e
e r
s
ea
o ur
;
;
nn n
o
o
r
es
an t ,
r nce s se s
.
ax
.
f
v
le a
e;
,
R I N C I P LE S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
f
In t h e
hm
o u rt
h
o nt
the s
m
a
es
,
al l g ras s
OF C O N
is in
s eed
;
t it
f h t h i d g iv
t ;
i gh t h w
p;
I th
l v
th th
f ll ;
I th t
f th
I
ft
th
d y
[ l v th] m th w g
A d t k th
f x
d wi l d
t
T m k f
f
pi
;
I th d y
f t h [ t w l ft h ] m
th w
hv g
A d p
x i
f wa
d t k p p th
f
Th b
f
lv ;
y
Th
f th
ff
d t
l d
y
In t h e fi t
n
e e
n
e
n
e
en
a e
o
a e
n
e
o
o se
u rs
n
e
o ar s
o ne
o
on
u
n
e
s
n
e
se
n
e e
n
e n n
n
o r o u rs e
ar e o
e re
o
e
en
are
s
no r
a
o ur
.
e
u
or
.
e ar
en er
s
s
s
un
e n e rs
ra s
e r o ur
are s
e
u
an
,
s
.
ou
e
o
e
e
p l as t e re d
d o o rs
an
n
,
an
e
.
ix t h m t h w t t h p w p l m d g ap
I th
v th w
k th k i d p l ;
I th
i gh t h w k k d w t h d t ;
I th t
p th i
th w
A d m k th
pi i t f t h p i g
F
fit
f t h b hy y b w ;
th
b
I th
v t h m th w t th m l ;
I th
i gh t h w t d w t h b t t l g d ;
I th
i t h w ll t t h h mp d ;
W g th th
d f th f tid
w thi tl
d m k fi w
T f d
h b dm
In t h e
on
s
n
e se
n
e e
n
e
en
en
a e
or
e
e
se
n
e
e
n
e
n n
a
ee
o
e
no c
o
en
on
e
,
er
e
o ur
us
,
e
an
i hm
r
n
n nt
n
e
,
e s,
e
e
e
ro
e
s
e o ns
o ur
e
o
s
see
e
a e
re
e
o
oo
ar e s
s
o
o
re
e con
e
e
e ar
e
e
,
are
e
so
s
ea e s
n an
u s e,
e
e a
e
e
an
e
o
e
.
ar e n s
e
,
a e,
e
ea
.
e n,
a
e
co
o
n,
t re e,
.
we
,
;
,
e
e an
en
e
r ce,
an
us
,
o
us
o ur
ur
en
e
e
o nt
es
u se
p p th v g t bl g d
A d i th t
v y th h v t th m
th w
Th mi l l t b t h t h
w d th l t
ly
Wi t h t h i
h mp t h p l
th
d t h wh t
O
h b dm
O
h v t i l l ll t d
L t
t
th
t w
k
h m
d b
t w
g
In t h e
h
r n
n
e
s
us
s
ea
o
so
an
a es
e
e
ec
co
s
r c e,
e
cu
e
,
u
-
an
n
or
s
arro
s
ue
o
e
r
s
e ne
n
e
e re a
,
e
co o
e
,
n
e
e
ea
e
,
,
.
re n
o use s
ese
n
s
ar e s o
s
c
c
e
s
o o rs
e
o
e s an
unt ,
s
an
,
n
s
h
e ea es
cr c
e
e rn
e
e
er
e
,
o ur
e
un
e
a ou
,
en
n
,
es
es
o
nn e r s o u n
s
,
o cus
e
,
e
,
,
e
n
on
b adg e rs
r.
f h m t h t h l t m v it l g ;
I th
ix t h t h pi
d it wi g ;
I th
v t h i t h fi ld ;
I th
i gh t h d t h v ;
I th
i th b t th d ;
I th t
ikt t
th th
d
b d
fill d p
m k d t;
C hi k
t
d
Th
th
wi d w
t pp d
d th
p
Ah !
wiv
!
d hi l d
Th t t h y
i
h gi g
W
h
t
th
d d w ll
In t h e fi t
er
e n e ral
a e a
e
,
e rc s e s o
e
e
e ar are
e ar s
re e
o
a
o
c a s,
e
ee
e
,
r nce s ses
e
o
o se
e s an
o r o ur
ro c e e
on
en
e e
o
a s o
e
no e
s
a
ea es
e
,
a s
ou
e re a
,
n
c ca
e
,
FU CI US
ec e
an
.
e
a
or
o n o ur
o
e s,
s t ac
k
s
;
TH E E C O N O MI C P
6
39
OF CON
FU C I US
f arme r h as a f am i ly o f five pe rsons t h e numb e r fo r
se rv i n g at pub l i c l abo r i s not less t h an two pe rs o ns But t h e
l and w hi c h h e c an cult i vate i s n o m o re t h an one h und red ac res
an d t h e h arvest o f one h und re d ac res c an b e no mo re t h an
o n e h und red b us h els o f r i ce
In sp ri n g h e c ult i v ates t h e l and ;
i n su m mer weeds t h e field ; i n au t umn gat h e rs t h e h arvest ;
i n w i nte r sto res up t h e grai n H e c uts t h e woods rep ai rs t h e
pu b l i c b u i ld i n gs an d se rves t h e pu b l i c l ab or
H e c ann o t
e s c ape f rom t h e w i nd an d dust i n
r
r
o
t
h
e
h
e
a
t
i
n
sum
n
sp i n g
m e r n o r t h e s o aki n g rai n i n au t ui n n n o r t h e cold i n w i nte r
W i t hi n t h e fou r se asons h e does n o t h ave a d ay o f rest M o r e
o ve r
h e must p ay t h e expense fo rt h e c om i n g an d go i n g o f
hi s guests t h e f une ral an d s i c k ness o f h i s f r i ends an d t h e
n o u r i s h ment an d b ri ngi ng u p o f h i s c h i ld ren Wo rki n g h ar d
as h e does h e st i ll su ffe rs f ro m t h e c al am i t i es o f fl o o d an d
d ro u gh t an d fro m o pp ress i ve gove rnment an d uncert ai n t axa
t i on w hi c h i s d i ffe rent f rom mo rn i n g t o even i n g W h en h e
h as goods h e i s c ompelled to s e ll t h em at h al f pr i c e ; w h en h e
h as not hi n g h e must b o rrow money at t h e r ate o f o n e h un
d red p e r c ent Th e re f o re am o n g t h e f arme rs t h e re are t h o se
w h o l iq u i d ate t h e i r de b ts b y sell i n g t h e i r f arms o r h ouses, t h e i
s o ns o r grandsons
O n t h e ot h er h and t h e gre at me rc h ants ac cumul ate money
an d ge t i nte rest at t h e rate o f o n e hundred p e r c e nt ; an d t h e
sm all ones sell goods i n t h e mark et Th ey c ont ro l e x t rao rdi
n ary p rofit an d specul ate aro und t h e m ark et d ay b y day
Taki n g adv ant age o f any i mmed i ate de m and o f t h e govern
ment t h ey rai se t h e i r p ri c e to dou b le Th e re f o re alt h o u gh
t h e i r men d o n o t cult i vate an d weed t h e l and no r t h e i r women
t ak e up t h e s i l kwor m an d we av i n g t h e i r clot h es must b e of
b e aut i f ul s i l k an d t h e i r f ood must b e t h e b est r i ce to get h e r
w i t h me at
W i t h out t h e h ards h i p o f t h e f arme r t h ey se c u re
h und reds o r t h ous ands o f l arge c o i ns O n account o f t h e i r
we alt h t h ey c onne c t t h ems e lves w i t h t h e pr i nces an d m ar
q u i ses Th e i r powe r i s ev e n gre ate r t h an t h e i n fl uence o f t h e
o ffi c i als
Travel i n g ove r
an d t h ey c ont ro l s o c i ety b y money
t h ou s ands o f m i les i n a gr e at style t h e i r c ar ri ages h o rses h ats
N ow ,
if
R IN CI P LE S
a
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-
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r
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AG
R I C UL TUR E
39 7
s h oes all are o f t h e fi st gr ade Suc h a cond i t i on i s t h e
re ason t h e me rc h ants c an c rus h t h e f arme rs
an d t h e re ason
t h e f arme rs em i grate To day t h e l aw d i s h ono rs t h e m e r
c h ants b u t t h ey are ri c h an d h ono rab le al re ady ; i t h ono rs t h e
f arme rs b ut t h ey a e p o o r an d me an al re ady
an d
r
.
,
-
.
,
‘
r
,
.
F rom the end of the C hou dynasty to the beg innin g of
the Han dynasty economic li fe was dynamic Hence the
condi tion o f the farmers was much worse than that o f the
merchants NVh at C hao Ts o described referred to th e b e
f
innin
O
Han
but
it
was
true
at
the
end
of
hou
uch
S
C
g
g
a cond it i on be g an a b out the time o f C onfucius and i t pre
vailed about the time o f Mencius B ut since the pol icy o f
C hao Ts o was carried out b y Han W en Ti the cond ition
o f the farmers was g reatly improved and durin g his rei gn
14 1 B
and that of his son ( 37 3 4 1 1 A K o r
C )
there was a g olden age
I n fact th is period was one o f
national prosperity based upon a g riculture and it was the
result of encoura g in g a g riculture
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,
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,
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2
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-
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1
1
H is t o ry
Se e
su
o
f H an
p ra
,
p
.
,
360
ch . x
.
xiv
.
.
XX I I
C HA P TE R
I N DU STRY
occupation o f the group of artisans is industry
By industry we mean the makin g of thin gs by the power of
m an
Th e wo rd handi craft g ives the exact mean i n g but
we are obli g ed t o use the word i ndustry I n the C h i nese
lan g ua g e the word hung really means industry althou gh
the i ndustry of the ancients was done by hand Th erefore
we cannot use the word handicraft i n place of the word
h u ng
I f w e do so i t means that we must put the word s h o u
before the w o rd h ung hand industry ; and such a term
will chan g e the sense of t h e word kung from a g eneral and
abstract sense which can be applied to all a ges to a narrow
and defin ite meanin g w hich is fitted only to the ancien t
t ime
TH E
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I
IM
.
P O RTA N C E
OF I N D
U STRY
importance of in dustry is indicated by C onfucius
himself As we hav e se en amon g the nine s t andard rules
o f a
o f arti
overnment
he
says
By
induc
i
n
all
classes
:
g
g
Therefore if
sans to come i n wealth i s m ade su fficient
a g overnment w ishes t o make the national wealth su fficient
i t must welcome all classes of artisans because they are the
industrial workmen I t is i ndus t ry alone that can produce
n e w wealth at all independent of nature
I ndustry can pro
duce wealth in g reater de gree an d more eas ily than ag ric ul
ture H ence C onfucius does not men tion a g riculture in the
Th e
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” 1
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1
Se e
s u p r a,
p
.
31 8
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
0
4
R IN CI P L E S
OF CON
FU CI US
first the superintendent of the land ; second the s up e rin
tendent o f the wood ; thi rd the superintendent o f the
waters ; fourth the superintendent of the g ra s s ; fifth the
sup erintendent o f the manufactured articles ; s ixth the
superi ntendent of the mineral commod i t ies At that time
the taxes were pai d in ki nd much more than i n money
Therefore the imp erial g overnment establ i shed the six
treasuries for the keep in g of the d i fferent commodities All
the products paid by the farmers the foresters the inh ab i
tants alon g the waters t h e gardeners the artisans and the
merchants were stored up i n these six treasuries Th e
stores of these six treasuries came from the taxes but they
were mostly raw materi als ; hence they needed to be manu
,
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“
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fac t u re d
.
this account there were six imperial factories Hence
i ndustry was d ivided into six ki nds an d thus there were
workers i n eart h workers i n met al wor k e rs i n s tone wo rk
ers i n wood workers i n the skins of animals and workers
i n tw i g s These six fact o ries were for workin g up the ma
Th e r e ason the s ix t reas
t e rial s o f those six treasuries
stone and the skins o f an imals w as
u rie s left out metal
b ecause these were i ncluded in t h e manufactured articles and
mi neral commodities F or the same reason the six factories
left out the products of the water the manufactured articles
and the mineral commodities b ecause they were included
i n the factories of metal workers and St one wor k ers Th e
s i x factories however d id not n ecessarily correspond w ith
t h e s i x treasuries i n details F or i nstance the s u p e rin
tendent of the land had char g e o f the products of the farmer
which mi ght be ready fo r consumption b ut the factory of
earth workers was a factory of pottery Therefore the s ix
t reasur i es were simply warehouses of the d i fferent products
On
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1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
i p
,
.
1 10 .
U S TR Y
IN D
1
0
4
the i r g oods were not necessarily tu rned over to the s ix
factories for production O n the other hand the s ix fac
tories were places for manufactur i n g d i fferent articles and
they d id not necessarily ta k e their materials from those s ix
treasuries o nly O f course the six factories had a very
close connect i on w ith the six treasuries but there was no
ex act correspondence Th e six treasuries and the six fac
tories were the system o f the Y i n dynasty ( 1 2 1 5 5 7 1 B K
or 1 7 66 1 1 2 2 B
H ence w e know that even at that
time C h i nese i ndustry was d iv i ded up i nto six k i nds
Durin g the C hou dynasty industry was h i ghly developed ;
“
yet there were still s ix k i nds only Accord in g to th e Record
o f I ndustry there are the industry of wood the indust ry
of metal the industry of ski n the i ndustry o f colorin g the
i ndustry o f pol ish i n g and the indust ry o f earth Th ese are
the g rand d ivis i ons of industry
F or thei r sub divisions the branches of the i ndustry of
—
w o o d are seven n amel y t h e wheelw ri ght t h e c ar ria ge
wri ght the b o w make r the ma k er o f the handle o f d i fferent
weapons the mason the car maker and the carpenter Th e
—
b ranches o f th e industry o f metal are six n amely th e
make r o f the kni fe ( used as a pen ) the ma k er o f d ifferent
weapons the maker of b ells the maker of measures the
maker o f a g ricultural implements and the sword make r
—
Th e b ranc h Es o f the industry of s k i n are fiv e namely the
maker o f armo rs o f defense the tanner o f h ides the ma k e r
o f d rums the wor k e r i n leat h er an d the furrier Th e
—
branches o f the industry o f colorin g are fiv e namely the de
si gn d rawer the m ak er o f em b roidery the dye r o f feathers
the d rawer o f b as k ets and the steeper o f s ilk Th e b ranches o f
the i ndust ry o f p ol i sh in g are five—namely th e lapidary th e
com b ma k er the sculptor the arrow ma k e r an d the ma k er
Th e b ranches o f the indust ry o f earth are
o f mus ic al stones
—
two namely the maker o f d i fferent pots and the maker o f
an d
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
2
4
R IN C I P LE S
OF C ON
F U CI US
d i fferent vessels I n the s i x g rand d i vi s i on s four d ivision s
are based upon materials such as woo d and met al ; the other
tw o upon the nature of arts such as color in g and pol ish i n g
Th e total number of the branches of i ndustry is th i rty bu t
th i s number i s incomplete These thirty b ranches are simply
t h e represen tatives of the prominent s k i lled w o r k manship
and this R ecord do es not g ive all the branches of industry
of that time Moreover there is e ven a branch g i ven i n
this R ecord which is not includ ed In t h e thirty branches ;
the ma k er of the shaft where the yoke for the t w o inside
horses is attached Th e refore these th i rty branches are
merely examples
All the thirty branches are g overnment factories and are
controlled by o fficials H ence they are subj ect to the pro
motion o f the g overnment Since the pro g ress O f civil iza
tion is from simpl icity to complexity the d ivis i on of labo r
follows the same law and the domination o f di fferent ih
d us t rie s chan g es alon g this d i rection
Therefore i n the Y it
dynasty the g overnment p romoted the industry of pottery ;
i n the Hs ia that of masonry ; i n the Yin that of carpen t ry
and i n t h e C hou that of carria g e ma k in g Such a g o v
e rn m e nt promot i o n simply followed the n atural course
In
the Yii dynasty society was s i mplest ; hen ce pottery w as the
prominen t industry because i t was the s i mples t fo rm o f in
“
d us t ry
I n the Hsi a dynasty w h en the g reat flood h ad
j ust been settl ed there w as a g reat demand for shelter an d
the land needed th e system of water channels s o t he in
d u s t ry of the mason was prom i nent
In the Yi n dynasty
when civilization had advanced and soc i ety had demands
b eyond the necessaries o f li fe the industry o f the carp enter
was dominant Accordin g to the Record of Industry
the works o f the carpenter are : the makin g of the stands
of the musical instruments which are carved wi th the fig
ures of animals ; t he ma k in g o f drinkin g cups ; and the ma k
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
40 4
R I N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
sp ri n g the ho rn is steeped ; i n summer the s inew is mad e
ready ; i n autumn these three materia s are united by the
i
I n W i nter
lue
s
l
k
and
varnish
the
bow
is
finished
and
;
g
it s cond i tion is fixed by the cold
I n short the di fferent
processes of ma ki n g a bow are i n harm ony w i th the seasons
Th i s is an example of the adaptation to the seasons of
heaven
2
T
h
n
e
h
kni
fe
of
the
adze
o
f
un
both
i
n
the
é
C
S
( )
g
g (
province of Honan ) the knife used as a pen of L u ( Shan
tun g provi nce ) the sword of W u ( Kian gsu ) and Yii e h
r
a
hekian
all
very
famous
Yet
they
could
not
be
C
e
,
(
g)
excellent if they were made o f the same materials but
chan g ed to o ther local ities Therefore any industry should
be i n harmony w ith the climate of the e arth
r
T
h
f
o
horn
o
f
Yen
hihli
the
wood
bow
of
C
e
(3)
(
)
Kin g the wood for arrow of H u ( both in H upei province )
and the metals and ti n of W u and Y ii e h are the materials
of superiority Therefore any i ndustry should take its
materials from those places where they are especially g ood
for the i ndustry
I
n
Y
h
anyone
can
make
a
ricultural
implements
e
ii
(4 )
g
because its soil needs such t hin gs and it s mines supply the
materials
I n Yen anyone can m ake armors of defen se
because i ts boundary is near to the H uns I n C h i n ( Shen
s i ) anyone can make handles of weapons because its woods
are fitted to this occupation
I n H u ( where the Huns l ive )
anyone can ma k e the bow and the car b ecause i t is a no
m ad i c country This shows the d i fferent workmanshi p of
di fferent nat i ons I ndeed the sk i ll of workmen is deter
m i ned by the natur al resources and the natural envi ronment
Where the place is fitted to a particular industry t h e people
ar e accustomed to it
Hence
an d develop a special skill
an y industry needs the skill of the workm an
All t h ese four th i n g s are important for any I ndustry I f
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IND
US TR Y
40 5
the materials ar e g ood and the wor k men are skilful but
the article is not excellent i t may b e because the article is
made e ither durin g the improper season o r II O pposition
to the cl imate These four thin g s are the g rounds upon
which any i ndustry i s built B u t the s k ill o f the workman
i s the most important o f all because it can mod i fy the other
three elements
,
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I
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IV
.
IM
P O RTA N C E
O F TO O L S
I n the Re c o rd of Industry there are many deta i ls
about the methods of indust ry But they are ve ry tech
n ic al and we shall not enter i nto them
Si nce those four
elements o f i ndustry mentioned above left out the element
of tools which mi ght be included i n t he element of s k ill we
n o w po i nt it out espec i ally and s h ow the i m p o r t ance of the
tools
Th e C an o n o f H is t o ry quotes these words from C h ih J en
a g ood h istorian o f the ancients :
Wh ile i n the employment
o f men we see k the old friends in the employment o f tools
Therefo re any
w e see k not the old ones b ut the ne w
indust ry needs new tools
Si nce the newer to o ls are the
b etter there should always b e a chan ge i n the methods o f
p roduction Th i s principle o f seekin g n e w tools i s a dy
n am ic force i n economic l i fe
Th e importance of the tools is ind icated b y C on fuci us
h imsel f H e says : Th e arti san who w ishes to do h i s wo rk
There fo re next to t h e
w ell must fi rst sh arpen h is tools
tools are most important This i s why
artisan h i msel f
cap i tal i s as i m p ort ant as labor i n production A nd this is
why tools are th e dete rmi n in g forces o f industry Th e arti
i f he w ishes to do
s an should imp ro ve h is tools all the time
rk
o
od
wo
g
i
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C l as s ic s
1
I b id
,
vo l
iii
i p
\ OI
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pt
.
29 7
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i pp
,
.
2 29- 2 30
.
0
4
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
V P O SI TI O N O F TH E A R TI SA N S
F or t h e pos i t i o n of t h e art i sans i t is best to refer to
b eg i nn i n g of the Reco rd of Industry
I t s ays
.
,
the
’
.
A st ate h as s i x f un c t i o ns an d t h e h und red art i s ans t ak e
up o n e o f t h em So me are s i tt i n g d o wn an d d i s c uss i n g t h e
pr i n c i ples So me are ri s i n g an d exe c ut i n g t h em So m e are
j udgi n g t h e c u rve t h e pl ane an d al l t h e c o nd i t i o ns o f t h e m a
t e r ial s fo r t h e ut i l i z at i o n o f t h e five elements an d t h e p rep ara
t i o n o f t h e art i c le s So m e are t ransp o t i n g t h e v alu ab le an d
st ran ge goo d s of t h e f ou r c o rne rs an d sto ri n g t h e m up So m e
are us i n g t h ei r ene gy fo r t h e i nc re ase o f we alt h f ro m t h e l and
So m e are m ak i n g t h e s i l k an d fl ax e ady fo r t h e fin i s h i n g o f
c l o t h es
Th o se w h o are s i tt i n g d o wn an d d i s c uss i n g t h e p r i n
c ip l e s are c alled e m p e o r an d p r i n c es
Th o se w h o are r i s i n g
an d e x e c ut i n g t h e m ar e c al led s t udents an d gr e at o ffic i als
Th o se w h o a e j ud gi n g t h e c u r v e t h e pl ane an d al l t h e c ond i
t i o ns o f t h e m ate ri als fo r t h e ut i l i z at i o n o f t h e five elements
an d t h e p r ep arat i o n o f t h e ar t i c les
are c alled t h e h und e d
art i s ans
Th o se w h o are t ransp o rt i n g t h e v alu ab le an d str an ge
e
r
r
o
f
r
r
r
n
r
c
a
ds
t
h
e
f
u
ne
s
st
i
n
t
h
e
up
lled
o
o
c
o
a
o
m
a
e
o
d
g
g
n
c h ants
Th o se w h o are us i n g t h e i r e ner gy fo r t h e i n c re ase o f
Th o se w h o are m ak
w e alt h f ro m t h e l and are c alled f arme rs
in g t h e s i l k an d fl ax re ady fo r t h e fin i s hi n g o f c l o t h es are c alled
w o rki n g w omen
,
.
.
.
,
,
r
.
.
r
.
r
.
r
.
.
r
,
,
r
,
.
r
.
.
1
.
In th i s statement we find four important points F irst
i t s h ows industr i al democracy I t classifies the emper o r
t h e pr i nces t h e students an
d the g reat o fficials al o n g w ith the
h undred art i sans the merchants the farmers and the wo rk
in g women
All of them are i n the lab orin g class N o o n e
i s personally h i gher than any other but eve ryone must fulfil
o n e of the s i x functions of the state ; h e nce there is a divis i on
i nto s i x g roups Such a g ro upin g system is not a caste
b ut a d i v is i on of lab or Second it attaches the chief im
.
,
,
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,
,
,
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.
,
,
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.
1
O ffic ial Sy s t e m
,
o
f
Chou
,
ch
.
xxxix
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
408
RI N CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
large b ody of men and is the richest org an i zat i on of the
whole society i t has the g reatest power for consumpt i on
E very important
The refore the g overnment factories r i se
i ndustry has a factory and all the factories belon g to t h e
department of labor Th e art isans of h i gh g rade are
v
f
overnment
o
ficers
wh
i
le
the
common
artisans
are
o
g
g
employees F rom this point of view w e may
e rn m e n t
say that i t i s a factory system Th e g overnment is the em
ployer supplies all the materials and tools takes the finished
n
o
t
roducts
and
pays
the
wa
es
B
ut
i
t
does
sell
the
p
g
products which are produced i n the factories but consumes
them i tsel f Th e employees are simply the wa ge earners
dependent upon the g overnment ; but they may ge t g o o d pay
b ecause theirs is not forced labor and the government does
not lay the burden upon any particular g roup of p eople as
the artisans Moreover thei r work may be very re g ular
and unemployment is unknow n to them Therefore we
may venture to say that the co n d itions of art isans i n the
overnment
factories
are
better
than
i
n
the
private
fac
g
tories
R ecord
Second the d i fferent crafts are hereditary Th e
of Industry g ives a definitio n o f the wo rd i ndustry as
follows : A fter the sa g e has i nvented a thin g the expert
—
transmits i t and holds it generation after generation th i s
is call ed an in dustry
Since the d ivi sion of labor is not
—
complete the technical trainin g I S complex and the secret
of the industry is not w ritten out the artisans usually gettin g
the i r special tra ini n g from thei r fathers Hence the craft
b ecomes hered itary This is not a caste system ; but i t nec
e s s ar il
co
es
about
throu
h
special
ization
of
i
ndustry
m
y
g
fam i ly educat i on and the careful transmission o f secrets
Therefore althou g h the artisans have freedom of occupa
tion they usually take up the work o f t hei r fathers B ut we
m u s t understand that any i ndustry does not excl ude the
,
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IN D
US TR Y
0
4 9
outsider who does not b elon g to the same fam i ly Th e
fundamental thin g i s this ; since the g overnment controls
al l industries
the re i s no room for any private family to
monopol ize any industry B ecause the cra fts are mostly
h e r ed i tary however the artisans so m
etimes adopt the name
o f thei r i ndustry for thei r surname—C h i u ( furrier ) T ao
( potter ) e t c
Thi rd every i ndustry has a master to p reside over the
whol e o f i t H e is an o ffice r of the g overnment Accord
in g to the
Record of Indust ry
the industry o f carpentry
has a master ; from thi s we may presume that there is a
master fo r every i ndustry Mencius spea k s o f the master
Th e dut i es o f the master are to choose
o f the workmen
an d to i nspect the mate r ials
to overs e e the wo rk to test
the fini shed articles to educate the workmen e t c B ut
teach in g may be th e chief duty o f a master Mencius says
A master workman in teachi n g others uses the compass
and square and his pupils d o the same
Th e relation
between mas t e r and workmen is in part l ike that between
teacher and pupils Such technical trainin g i s open to any
one who wishes to special ize i n the particular industry but
we do not know the len gth o f the term o f apprenticeshi p
F ourth the a rt i sans are mostly confined to a sin gle indus
try for a l i fetime Accord in g to the Royal Re gulations
all the publ ic a rtisans who se rve the government w ith thei r
particula r arts are not allowed to practise any other thi n g
There
o r to chan ge thei r o ffices outsi de o f their industry
are two reasons for th is : fi rst i t ma k es them concentrate
thei r attention on the i r o w n special izat i on : and second they
are not qual ified for general activities
F i fth the a rtisans l i ve to gether in a special d istrict and
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,
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”
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,
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8
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,
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,
‘
C las s ic s
Li
Ki
,
,
vo l
bk
.
p
11,
.
iii p
,
.
.
16 7
2 35
.
.
I b id
.
,
p
.
42
1
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
1
0
4
b y t hemselves
R IN C IP LE S
OF CON
FU CI US
Since
we have stated above t h e theory of
—
Kuan Tz ii that the four g r o ups of people are separated
w e need not enter i nt o details n o w
O n the o n e hand
they can eas i ly l earn thei r pr ofess i on w ith in thei r g roup ;
an d on the other they do not pay any attent i on t o the out
s i de This is a schem e for s pec i al izat i o n of arts
Sixth we are sure that t h e g roup o f a rt isans i s i n the t rue
handicraft sta ge All those five char acteristics belon g to
the artisans o f the g overnmen t f acto ries but they are com
mon to all the independent artisans except that the first and
t h e fourth character istics should be somewhat modified
Th e i ndependent artisans t o o are controlled by the go v
e rn m e n t ; thei r crafts are her editary ; there is a master in
every industry ; they co nfine the mselve s to a s i n gle i ndustry
for l i fe ; and they l ive i n a special d istrict B ut they have
their ow n factory or w orkshop ; buy their ow n m ateri als
and to ols ; sell thei r own p roducts ; and are b o th em
i
r
and
employees
r
d
i
f
ferent
from
the
art
l
o
T
h
e
a
s
e
e
p y
y
sans o f t h e g overnment facto ries Th e l atter are really
i n a factory sys tem and they are simply wa g e e arners
but the former are in the handicraft system Tz fi hsia says
Th e artisans have their shops to dwell in i n order to ac
co mplish the i r wor ks
Su c h shop s are i n the market
place for the d i splay and sale o f g o ods I n so far as the
artisans dwell i n the shops they are not only artisans but
also merchants Thi s is a very i mportant ch aracteristic o f
the independent artisan
All these s ix characteristics mark the l i fe of the artisans
o f anc i en t C hina and they show the i ndustrial conditi ons o f
the t i me To day C h ina is comin g from the domestic sys
tem to the modern fac t ory system and i n dustrial conditions
are q u i te di fferent from those o f the ancients
.
1
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1
Se e su p r a
,
pp
.
—
368 9
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2
C las s ic s
,
vo l
.
i p
,
.
34 1
.
4
TH E E C ON O M I C P
12
RI N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
them b y heavy t axes It was the first law appl i ed t o the
whole emp ire for the supp ression o f merchants F ro m tha t
t i me on there w ere several periods i n C h i nese economic his
tory i n which merchants su ffered a g reat deal But such a
pol i cy i s not accord i n g to the pr i nciple of C onfuc i us
As w e have seen i n Ka—
liang s C o m m e n t ary merchant s
are ranked next only to students and are not the worst class
of people at all Th e reason w h y the C hin e se usually put
the merchants in the last of the four g roups i s simply th is
Since the farmers produce the raw materials and the art i
s ans the manufactured g oods the merchants who exchan ge
the raw materi als and the manufactured goods should not
come before them It is the o rder of the processes o f pro
duction not t h e o rder o f social position no r of mo ral d i s
tinct i on Therefore t h e C hines e call a g r i culture the prima ry
occupation industry and commerce the secondary occupa
tions I t is the natural order of product i o n but there is
n o contempt for industry an d c o mmerce
And
C onfuci us never underestimates the merchants
before the H an dynasty no C onfuci an ever advocated the
pol i cy o f supp ressin g the merchants fo r the encoura g in g o f
farmers Th e principle that the four groups of people are
equally useful t o society is pointed out by Yeh Shih as fol
lows : I t i s because the fou r g roups of people all to gether
cont ribute thei r usefulness to society th at civil i z ation can
be advanced To depress the secondary occupations and t o
promote the primary one is not a correct theory
Th e relative importance of ag r i culture and commerc e
.
1
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,
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’
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,
2
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3
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,
1
h gY gw
m h t f
S
in g
an
an
an s
e rc
360 338 B
e c o rd
ch
l
or
R
.
,
2
3
Se e
su
xviii
p 367
e n c o u rag e
o
.
p ra
G e n e ral
t he
o ne w h o
firs t
Se e B o o k
-
.
as t h e
,
R
.
.
e s e arc h ,
ch
.
xx
.
f
m
i h d t h p li
f m (9
e s t ab l s
e nt
o
t he L o rd
f
e
ar
o
f
e
1
e rs
Sh ang
o
,
cy o
2- 2 1 4
bk
.
ii ;
f
s u p re s s
A
.
K
.
or
H is t o ric al
C O MM E
var i es w i th t h e t i mes
C h ien as follows
Th is
.
RCE
4
p ri nc i ple
stated by
is
s
ii
S
13
ma
t h e i nte rv al o f t h e Tan g an d t h e
Y ii dyn ast i es an d t h e C an o n o f P o e t ry rel at e s t h e ages o f t h e
Y i n an d t h e C h ou dyn ast i es : I n t i me o f c alm an d repose t h ey
h o n o red t h e s c h o o l as t h e c hi e f s o c i al i nst i tut i o n ; t h ey p re
f e rred t h e p ri m ary o c c up at i o n at fi rst an d put t h e second ary
o nes i n t h e b ac k gro un d ; t h ey used t h e r i tes an d j ust i c e to con
tro l pe rs o n al i nte re s t But t h i n gs c h an ge an d i n t h e c o m
l
u
s
e
s
i
s
h
w
x
i
t
o
f
m
a
ny
c
a
i
t
s
ne
c
e
a
y
t
o
t
a
k
e
t
e
o
ppos
i
te
v
i
e
e
p
y
Th e re f o r e w h en a t h i n g i s at i ts apo gee i t dec ays an d w h en
a t i me c omes to t h e c l i m ax
i t turns Somet i mes t h e s i mple
re al i ty p red o m i n ates
an d s o met i m es t h e c o mplex c i v i l i z at i o n ;
u c h i s t h e e v olut i o n o f an e n d an d of a b egi nn i n g
Th e C an o n
o
t e l ls
t
i
H
o
r
s
f
y
o
f
,
,
,
~
.
,
s
,
r
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
1
s
.
Accord in g to h i s t h eo ry i n a dyn am i c state and a complex
civil izat ion comme rce i s n atu rally mo re i mpo rtant than
a g r i culture The refo re even thou gh the mo ral i n fl uence
i s wea k ened b y economic i n terest and capitalistic production
destroys the equality of distribut i on it is a natural resul t
which i s b ound to come In fact when the re is a un iversal
emp i re w i thout stru ggle outside and t h e people l ive o n t h e
the C h inese attach more im
so c i al income by themselves
po rtance to a g r i culture : i t i s l o o k ed at from the standpo i nt
of d istri b ut i on But w h en the re i s a n at i onal stru ggle they
attach more imp o rtance to i ndustr y an d comme rce : it is
loo k ed at f rom the standpo i nt o f production
,
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U N I C A TI O N A N D TR A N SP O R TA TI O N
Th e imp o rt ant t h i n g s help i n g the g rowth of comme rce
These t w o th in g s
are commun i cat ion an d t ranspo rtat i on
II
.
COM M
.
‘
I l is t o r ic al
R
e c o rd ,
ch
.
xxx
.
4
TH E E C O N O M I C P
14
R I N CI P LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
usually wor k alon g the same l ine R e gardin g commun i
cation in C onfucius time it depended on the stren g th of
horses and the speed and endurance of man Therefore
Th e flowin g p ro g ress of v irt u e is more
C onfucius says :
r apid than the transmission of royal orders by sta es and
g
cour iers
Alon g the roads there were stations at fixed
d istances As the g overnment dispatch reached any station
the station e mployed i ts own sta g e o r courie r to transmit i t
to the next s tation and the next station di d the same In
this way the d ispatch was rapidly sent forward
Accordin g to t h e L aw C o d e o f t h e Ts ing Dyn as t y
every fifteen miles a post stat i on i s e stabl ished ; and at
every station there are one postmaster and four postmen
W ithi n twenty four hours the dispatch must pass o ver thre e
hundred miles Th e p ostman must not delay mi dway
W hen any dispatch comes i n no matter h o w many or h o w
fe w t h e postmaster must g ive it immediately to the postman
w ithout waitin g for the com i n g dispatch Such a system is
the surv ival of an old fash i on but it is g radually bein g
abolished
F ormerly private letters were del ivered by a private post
o ffic e
N o w communication is usually throu g h the n e w
postal tele g raph and telephone system These three th i n gs
b elong to the Department of C ommunication and Trans
s
e
wh
ich
controls
also
steamships
and
railroads
o
i
n
r
t
a
t
o
(
p
t ab l is h e d i n 2 4 5 7 A K or 1 90 6 A
Si nce transportation is even more important than c o m m u
n ic at io n we shall discuss it at g reater len g th
Since trans
p o rt at io n by land was naturally easier than transportation
b y water it shall receive first at ention Accordin g to his
.
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t
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1
C l as s ics
Ch
.
v o l . 11,
,
xxii
.
p
.
1 84.
.
4
TH E E C O N O M I C P
16
R IN CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
Accordin g to t h e imperial process i o n next t o the po i nt
the
reco rd i n g miles drum car
w as
ing south c ar
W i t h i n the car there w as a wooden person hold i n g a ham
mer tow ard a drum and strikin g the drum once when i t
passed each m i le I t w as discovered in 96 8 b ut the ia
I n lat er times it had many m o difi
v e n t o r is unknown
c at i ons This o r i g inal form of speedometer was also im
portant to the development of transportation
O n e of the most wonderful i nvent i ons alon g the l i ne of
transportat i on was the i nvention of wooden o xe n and
fl owi n g ho rses
I n 7 82 ( 2 3 1 A
C h u ko Li an g the
reatest
statesman
of
the
hree
Kin
doms
invented
the
T
g
g
wooden oxen and the fl ow in g horses for the transportation
o f food to his army
Th ey were labor savin g mach i nes
and thei r o perat ion w as very successful U nfortunately
after his death
no one was able t o make u se O f his in
v e n t io n althou h a descripti o n O f it is still preserved
g
U ni formity which is a very important principle of C o n
fu c iu s is especially appl ica b le t o the system of transport a
t ion Th e Do c trine O f the M ean says that all over the
This i s
world carria g es have whee ls of the same s i ze
the theoretical view o f the C onfucians ; it requ i res the roads
o f the whole w orld to b e uniform Such a theo ry w ill be
easily real ized when the railway system is perfected
Accordin g to the Ro yal Reg ulat ions one road is di
v id e d up i nto three parts
Men take the ri g ht way ; women
take the left way ; and carria ges k ee p in the m i ddle There
fore the road is very broad ; the two sexes are kept apart ;
and the carria ges never can hurt the people This is t h e
g eneral system O f ro ads
,
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4
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1
2
3
4
G e n e ral
R
H is t o ry
o
C l as s ic s
vo l
Li
Ki
,
,
bk
.
e s e arc h ,
f
ch . c
i p 4
iii p 44
.
,
.
,
.
2
24
.
.
Kin g d o m s
Th r e e
the
xvii
.
,
ch
.
xxxv
.
C OMM E
R CE
4 17
Accord i n g to t h e O ffic ial Sys t e m o f Ch o u the syst e m O f
roads is very complete There is the su rveyor ( l iang j én )
to fix the di ffe rent standards of d i fferent roads which va ry
i n wi dth from e i ght feet to seventy t w o feet There is the
super i ntendent O f strate g ical p ositions ( s s ii h s ien ) to con
neet the roads throu gh t h e mounta i ns and r ivers and to
plant trees alon g the roads Th ere i s the inspector o f hotels
( y e h l i t s h ih ) to loo k af t e r t h e roads o f the whole i mperial
state and the stations hotels w ells and trees alon g the
roads There is a g en e ral rule E very ten m i les there i s a
station alon g the ro ad and food and dri n k are served there
E very th i rty miles t h e re i s a lod g i n g place where the
h otel stands ; and w ithi n the hotel a small store of g rain i s
k ept E very fi fty miles there is a mar k et place where a
towe r i s built ; and wi thin the tower a large store is kept
A ll these publ ic b u i ld i n g s are fo r the conveni ence of travel
ers There is th e chief o f g uards ( h o u j e n ) who sends the
n
uar
s
carryin
lances
a
d
halberds
on
the
roads
for
the
d
g
g
safety o f travele rs Fi nally and most impo rtant for th e
economic l i fe the re is the O fficer called the combiner O f all
d i rections ( h o fang s h ih )
H is function is to control all
the roads O f the empi re fo r the exchan g e o f wealth
Throu gh these re g ulations p rescribin g the dut i es O f d i fferent
o fficers the ope ration of an e fficient system O f roads is as
su red
F or transport at ion b y water we must go bac k to t he
This boo k is a description O f the d i ffe r
Tribute o f Yu
ent water—
ways b y wh i ch the t ribute o f the nine p rovinces
was presented to the c apital c i ty The c apit al city was i n
K i C how the present prov i nces O f C h ihl i and Shansi Alon g
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4
TH E E C O N O M I C P
18
RIN CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU C I US
the three d i rect i ons o f Ki C how west south and east ther e
i s the H O t h e Yellow R iver Th e reason why the cap ital
was there was fo r the convenience O f transportatio n A c
cordin g t o the theory O f C onfuci us a capital must be i n a
place where the water way is good in o rder to facili
tate the payin g o f visi ts and tribute by the pri nces and the
exchan ges o f the merchants Therefore the Tribute o f
Yii
after telli n g about the t axation an d the tribute o f d if
fe re nt provinces describes t h e water ways connected w it h
the cap ital Th e fundamental point w as the Ho becaus e
when anyth i n g came t o the H O it was easily conveyed t o
the capital Th e routes to b e ta k en b y boats from the d if
fe re n t provinces are descri b ed in detail
This is the O ldest
system O f water tra nsportation in the h i story O f the empire
Transportation by s e a can be traced b ack to t h e
Tribute o f Y ii
W hen Yan g C how ( Kian gsu A n
hu i K i an g si C he k ian g F u kie n ) sent i t s tr i bute they fol
lowed the course of the Kian g ( the Yan g tze R iver ) and
the s e a and s o reached the Hwai and the Sze ; the n they
came to the H o F rom t h e mouth o f the Kiang t o t h e
mouth o f the H wa i however are only six or seven hundred
miles Th e lon g way o f transportation by sea conducted by
the g overnment really be g an under the Tan g dynasty In
1 2 90
A
the
overnor
f
Y
u
how
hihli
pro
O
C
C
(
( 7 39
g
v ince ) was appointed as a commissioner o f sea transporta
t ion
At that time the rice o f Kian gsu was transported by
sea to C hihl i for the su p port O f t h e soldiers Durin g the
Y u an dynasty sea transportati on became very i mportant
I t began i n 1 8 33 ( 1 2 82 A
and ended in 1 9 1 4 about
the end o f that dynasty
I t transported rice from
Kian gsu and C hekian g t o Pekin g tw ice a year and the an
nual amou nt of rice at the hi ghest point was more than thre e
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1
C las s i c s
,
vo l
.
iii
,
pt
.
i pp
,
.
2
9 12 7
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
0
4
R IN C I P L E S
OF CON
FU CI US
led t h e Ts i n southward connectin g w ith the Ho and north
ward reach i n g Pe ki n g I n 1 1 6 1 ( 6 1 0 A
the Sout h
ern C anal was opened from C h en k ian g to Han gchow I ts
len g th w as more than e ight hundred miles and i ts w i dth
more than one hundred feet Thus the Imper i al C anal was
completed Since the larg e rivers of C h i na run mostly
from t h e west to the east there is only t h e Imperial C anal
runn i n g from the north to t h e south for a g reat d istance
In fact i t connected the no rth and the south and had a
n
reat
influe
ce upon eve ry aspect O f C h i nese l ife Before
g
the modern railway system beg an there was no means o f
communication comparable w ith the Imperial C anal
F or t ransportat ion by water the best i nven t i on w as
t he
thousand miles shi p
I t was the invention of Ts u
—
C hun g chih and was made between 1 0 34 and 1 0 5 1 ( 4 8 3
0
0
A
I
t
was
moved
by
machine
power
W
hen
it
5
was tested it sailed more than one hundred miles i n o n e
day
I t was l ike the mode rn ste ams h ip but it produced
no p ractical e ffect
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I II
.
W E I G H TS
U RE S
A N D M EA S
Amon g the i nstruments of commerce the di fferent kinds
o f measures are very important I n anci ent C hina all the
measures were based upon the standard tubes Th e twelve
tubes were o ri g i nally made b y Huan g Ti of bamb oo then
of j ade and in the H an dynasty O f brass o r copper They
w ere a l ittle more tha nt hree tenths of an i nch in diameter
and t h e c i rcumference of t h e bore was exactly n i ne tenths
Th e lon g est called the
yellow cup was 9 inches lon g
and the shortest the responsive cup only
inches
Six tubes o f them g ave the sharped note s i n music and the
other s i x gave the flat notes ; the twelve to gether fo rmed a
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1
H is t o ry
‘
o
f S o u t h e rn C h i
,
ch
.
l ii
.
COMME
RCE
1
2
4
chromatic scale Bes i des the i r ap pl icat i on to music ( I ) the
yellow cup was t h e standard measure o f len g th Since the
b readth of a g ra i n of millet made 1 fen 90 grains deter
m i ned the len g th O f the yellow cup ; 1 0 fen were 1 i nc h ; 1 0
i nc h es were 1 foot ; 1 0 feet we re 1 c h ang ; and 1 0 C h ang
were 1 y in ( 2 ) Th e yellow cup was also t h e standard fo r
measures of capacity
m i llet g rains filled I fen O f it
and 1 2 0 0 g rai ns filled the whole : so much mad e 1 y o ; 2 y o
made 1 ko ; I O 13 0 1 s he ng o r pi nt : 1 0 Sh ét l g I t o n or
pe c k ; I O t an 1 h a o r bus h el ( 3 ) Thi s tub e a g a i n sup
pl ied the standard for we i g h ts 1 0 0 g ra i ns O f m i llet wei ghed
1 ch u ; 2 4 Ch u
1 l ian
1 c h in or catty ; 30
or
tael
1
taels
6
:
g
catti es 1 C h iin ; and 4 c h u n 1 s h ih or stone Th erefore it
was said that the yellow cup was the b as i s of all h uman af
fai rs
Th e comparison b etween t h e anc i ent measu res and the
modern measures we may state as s i mply as possible F irst
r e ard in
f
the
measure
O
len
t
h
the
ancient
foot
was
only
g
g
g
inches of the modern foot ( the foot of the D epartment
O f L abo r )
and the mode rn foo r i s 1 foot
i nches of the
ancient foot I f w e ta k e t h i s standard to measure the land
t h e anci ent pace was 6 feet and the modern pace i s 5 feet
i nc h es of the
hence the anc i ent pace was only 4 feet
m ode r n pace and t h e modern pace is 1 pace
i nc h es o f
t h e anci ent pace In ancient times 30 0 paces made 1 mile :
and i n mode rn t i mes 36 0 p aces ma k e 1 mile Therefore
1 0 0 miles o f t h e anc i ent we re l it t le more than 5 5 miles and
I n ancient times 1 0 0 paces made
2 2 paces o f the mode rn
from
the
Han
dynasty
to
the
I ac re : and i n mode r n times
(
p resent ) 2 4 0 p aces ma k e 1 acre Accord in g to the d i ffer
ence o f me asu res t h e 2 4 0 paces o f t h e mode rn ac re are l ittle
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H
i
s
Al l
t o ry
t he
o
m
f H an
,
e as u re s
xxi
m i
ch
.
.
e nt o ne d
in
t
hi
i
s t re at s e
re
f
er
to t
hi p
s
ph
ar ag ra
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 22
RI N C IP LE S
OF CO N
FU CI US
more than 36 4 paces of the ancient Therefore 1 0 0 ac res
of the anc i ent were l ittle more than 2 7 acres of the modern
Second re g ardin g t h e measures o f capacity the propor
t i on i s 1 0 to 2 F or example 1 0 p ints O f the ancient equaled
only 2 p ints O f t h e modern
Third re g ardin g weights
the p roportion is 3 to 1 F o r e xample the ancient wei ght
of 3 catt i es e qualed only 1 catty of the modern wei ght ( s i nce
the Su i dynasty ) It thus appears that all the measures and
we ights of the modern are much g reater than those o f the
ancient
Since the d i fferent measures are v e ry important for
human a ffairs and especially for commerce the g overnmen t
should pay much attention to them Accordin g to t h e
C an o n o f H is t o ry the E mpero r Shun made a tour of in
s p e c t io n every five years ; and durin g t hat time he made
uni form the standard tubes the measures o f len g th o f
Ac
capacity and O f wei ght throu ghout the whole empi r e
cordin g to the R e c o rd o f R it es at the equinox o f the sec
on d month the g overnment ma k es uniform the measures
of len g th and capaci ty ; the w ei ght of 30 catties t h e s t e e l
yard and the wei ght of 1 2 0 catt i es I t corrects the peck
and bushel the steelyard wei ghts and the bushel scraper
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1
C an o n ic al I n t e rp r e t at io n
R
G e n e ral
2
e s e ar c h
f
s
,
co
nc
n
s
ac re
ua
e
e as u re
n es e -
‘
vo
an
ch .
,
u ar e
.
,
n
s
as s c s ,
vo
ii
,
xxxix
vo l.
c h . 11.
,
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o n ar
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,
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n
e
.
.
es.
ac re s
ne se
a no e o
en s
ar e
ee
,
ca
c
s.
ce
e
uo e
s
1
ua
e
an
s a ou
n
s
an
ac re
1 00
or
ra
or
s a e
ese
o
ac e s
re a
e
ne s e
0
n
s
ne s e
or
ro
e
s
e
.
.
uo e
an d
c
ne s e
a o r u o s,
s
oo
s
n
a
.
c
.
.
s,
2
.
n
e
o
ar
e
s
s
e as u r e s
e e rs
n
1
o
en
ee
s
m
ne s e
or
,
ne se
an
ne s e
e
1
s
n
hi
Dy n as t y
Dy nas t y
r es e n t
d e rn C
a
re a
as s cs ,
s
.
ess
o
s :
o
n
es
ua s
o ur
e
o
re a
e
e
s as
re s u
a
f
ar s o n o
m
f
P
t he
t h e P res e n t
w i gh t wi t h E g
li h
f ll w ( ) Th C hi
f t ( h ih ) i fix d b y t t y
lt
Th C hi
i h E gl i h
mt
t
(m ) i
l
fix d b y t
q
hi
q
C
ty
d
t 7 33 %
y
E gl i h
8
mi l ( li ) i 36 p
f t d it
A C hi
q l
pi t ( h é g ) i b t
E gl i h f t
( ) A C hi
i
t
h
hi
t
h
i
T
f th l th
E gl i h pi t
C
(
)
y
(3)
Ex pt t h t
q l b y t t y t % lb v i d p i
g m
th
f L gg ( C h i
m
m t f t h pi t i q t d f m
t
q t d f m th
l i p
t
Cl
i
ll t h
t t m
C hi
E g l i h Di t i
f H A Gi l
y
Cl
i
l iii p t i p 36
A
3
mp i
o
o
o ne
n
s
a
nes e
e
ro
e
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
4 4
b ecause
RIN C IP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
people cannot l i ve w ithout them B ut they
h ave no value when they are abund an t and can b e Oh
pulse and g rain
O n the other h and
t ain e d eas i ly
h ave b oth ut i l i ty and value b ec ause they are l i mite d i n
supply Therefore the sa ge wants to m ake them as a b un
dant as water an d fire I n o ther words the sa g e wants
to make econom i c goods as abundant as free goods Th e
multiplic at io n o f the i r quant i ty i n sup ply i s t h e funda
mental cause o f lower i n g the i r value provided that there i s
a constant demand for them I f all the econom i c goods
were converted into free goods they would have n o valu e
but util ity and the people would O b tai n them W ithout pay
ment ; hence the p e ople would all be v i rtuous This is the
obj ect of the sag e who wants t o solve th e ethical problem
b y the solution O f the e c o no mic problem ; and th is is als o
the pri nciple of value
Th e d i fference between econom i c g o ods and free goods
is po i nt e d out very clearly by Su Sh i h a g reat wri ter o f the
In o ne
Sun g dynasty ( 1 5 8 7 1 6 5 2 o r 1 0 36 1 1 0 1 A
of h i s famous essays he says :
th e
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-
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i n t h e w ld eve yt h i n g h a i ts wne I f i t d es
t b el n g to us we
u gh t n t to t ak e e en a l i ttle bi t B u t
t h e gentle w i nd ab o ve t h e i ve w h i h i b t ai ned b y t h e a
a a
und an d t h e ad i ant m nl i gh t i n t h e m unt ai n w h i h i s
m t b y t h e eye a a b e auty a
to b e t ak en w i t h o t p o hibi t i n
an d to b e
onsumed w i t h ut ex h aust i n Th ey a suppl i e d
b y t h e une x h austed t e asu y f n atu e
G en e rally ,
no
or
o
r
,
o
o
,
r
s
so
,
e
v
r
c
s
s
o
o
c
r
r
o
o
r
e
r
o
,
c
u
re
,
.
o
oo
r
o
r.
o
s
r
re
.
.
H i s essay is not a tre atise on eco nomic subj ect s at all but
th i s statement is a g ood principle of economics Acco rd i n g
to i t economic g oods are l imited in supply and b elon g
to t h eir owners ; but free g oo ds are n o t l imited in supply
,
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,
,
.
and belon g to nature only Hence the former have value
an d t h e latter have not
Therefore economi c g oods di ffer
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C O MM E
R CE
2
4 5
from free goods as re gards thei r supply ; while as reg ards
demand there i s no d i fference b etween them
But the re is one
C onfuc ius very seldom speaks O f price
statement i n reference to pr i ce and it is i n harmony w ith eco
nom i c pri nciples Tz fi k un g as k s C onfuci us : Th ere i s a
?
r
b eaut i ful j ade he e Should I lay i t up in a case and keep it
P
o r should I see k fo r a
ood
pr
i
ce
and
sell
i
t
onfucius
C
g
’
says : Sell i t Sell i t ! But I would w ai t for some o ne to
Th i s conve rsation i s not about an eco
o ffer t h e price
nom i c p roblem at all but i s alle go r i cal T ii k un g ta k es the
j ade as the represent ative O f C onfucius and then asks h im
w h y he should not O ffer h i msel f fo r o fficial employment
Th e answe r of C onfucius i s t h at sel f respect i s mo re im
po rtant and more proper t h an O fl ice see ki n g Therefo re he
does not b end h i msel f for the see k in g O f O ffice Th i s is the
w hole meanin g O f t h i s conversat i on
Accord i n g to thei r
wo rds however i t i s a p r i nc i ple o f p ri ce Since pri c e i s
dete rm i ned b y demand an d supply i f the seller O ffers his
commod i ty fo r sale b efore t h e re i s an y demand fo r i t i ts
price must be lo w ; but i f he k eeps i t on h i s own h ands and
wa i ts unt i l the r i se of dem an d its p ri ce must b e h i g h This
i s really a true p r i nc i ple o f p r i ce alt h ou g h i t is stated in an
i llus i ve way
Althou gh C onfuc i us ve ry seldom s p o k e about p rice h e
d id i nfluence the m ark et p r i ce by h is admi n i st rat i on A c
co rd i n g to H sun T ii w h en h e was a b out to b ecome the
m i n iste r of j ust i ce t h e selle rs o f cows and h orses in t h e
st ate o f L u d id not h ave f rau d ulent p r i ces t h ou gh f raud
Th e selle rs
u l e n t p r ices we re comm o n i n anc i ent t i mes
made dev i ces to decei v e t h e b uyers fo r t h e purpose O f ra i s
But when C o n
ing p r i ces espec i ally t h e selle rs o f an im als
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2
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l
C las s ic s
Bk
.
viii
,
.
vo
l
.
i p
,
.
22 1
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
42 6
R I N C I P LE S
fu c iu s
O F CO N
FU CI US
was a b out to take that O ffice his moral influence pre
va i led even over the market place Therefore the whol e
mar k et was free from frau dul e nt p ric e s
Menc i us g ave a very g ood principle a b out p rice i n his
reply t o C hen H s i an
t
h
follower
f
H
sin
Af
er
O
H
s
ii
e
t
g
g
C h en Hs i an g had been defeated by M e n c iu s fi he advanced
t h e followin g a r g ument
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
l
I f the d o c t r i nes o f H s ii T ii w e re f oll o wed t h en t h e re would
n o t b e two p r i ces i n t h e m ar k et nor any d e ce i t i n t h e st ate
If
a b oy o f five c u bi ts we r e sent t o t h e m ark et no one w o uld
i mpose o n h i m L i n e n an d s i l k O f t h e s am e len gt h would b e o f
t h e s ame p ri c e SO i t w o uld b e w i t h b u ndles o f h emp an d
s i l k b e i ng o f t h e s am e w e i gh t ; w i t h t h e d i ffe rent ki n d s O f
grai n b e i n g t h e s ame i n q u ant i ty ; an d w i t h s h oes w h i c h were
o f t h e s ame s i ze
z
,
.
,
,
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.
,
,
.
Mencius repl ied
It i s t h e n atu re o f t h i n gs t o b e O f une q u al q u al i ty Som e are
w o rt h tw i ce s o me five t i m es s o me ten t i mes s o me a h und red
t i m es some a t h o us and t i mes s o me ten t h ous and t i mes as m u c h
as o t h e rs
I f y o u redu c e t h em al l to t h e s ame st and ard t h at
must t h row t h e w o rld i nto c on f us i o n I f c oarse h oes an d fine
s h o es we re o f t h e s am e p r i c e
w h o w o uld m ak e t h e l atte r ?
F Or p e o ple t o f o ll o w t h e d o ct r i nes o f H s ii T ii w o uld b e fo r
t h em to le ad one anot h e r on to p ract i se de c e i t H o w c an suc h
?
o
r
d c t i nes av ai l fo r t h e gove rnment o f a st ate
«
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,
,
,
‘
,
,
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,
s
.
,
z
,
.
2
Accordin g to th ese arg uments Hsu s doctrine is that the
price should be made uni form on the bas is of th e quantity
of thin g s ; but M encius principle is that price should vary
accordin g to the quality o f thin gs W e cannot make a com
p arison between these t w o ar g uments b ecause th e former
’
,
’
.
,
1
Se e
s u p ra,
C l as s ic s
,
p
vo l
.
.
385 ,
ii p
,
infra, p p
an d
.
2 56
.
.
56
48
-
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
8
4
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
throughout t h e empi re ] he orders the superintendents o f
mar k ets to p resent lists of p rices that he may see what t h e
people want I f their mi n d were l uxurious they would
want the extraord inary thin gs
C h en g Hsuan explains :
I f t hei r wants are s i mple t h e price o f necessaries w ill
b e hi g h ; and i f they are luxurious that of luxuries w ill
Therefore prices are the index of consumers
he hi gh
wants I f we d o not know what is the characteristic o f
their wants w e may j ud g e them by the l ists O f prices I n
fact t h e wants of consumers are usually the causes and
prices are thei r e ffect s although the lat t e r may sometime s
a ffect the former
,
,
.
,
” 1
.
,
,
”
’
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
V
I
.
M ON E
.
H is t o ry
o
Y
AN D
B A N KI N G
o ne
M
f
y
an d
B an king
h istory o f C hinese money be g ins i n t h e r emotest
t ime
I t is said that money had been used since the rei g n
D ur
o f Pao Hs i ( 2 4 0 2 2 2 88 B K
2 8 39 B
ing the dynasties of Y ii and Hsia three metals were used
fo r money Gol d occupied first place as a standard si lver
the next and copper the lowest i n the class of money A c
cordin g to the Tribute o f Yii the provinces o f Yan g
and Kin g both sent these three kinds of metal to the imp e rial
C
over
ment
as
tribute
W
e
may
say
that
the
hinese
ive
n
g
g
us o u r o ldest example of the gold standard
D urin g the be g innin g O f the C hou dynasty T ai Kun g
established the n ine tr easuries to have char g e of the money
system Th e gold money was an inch square and its wei ght
was one catty Th e shape of copper money was round and
there was a s q uare hole i n its middle ; its wei gh t was counted
Th e
.
-
-
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.
.
-
,
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,
2
.
,
,
3
.
.
‘
,
.
,
,
.
1
’
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
H is t o ric al
C l as s ic s
,
iii p
,
R
vo l
.
.
2 16
,
pt
xxx
i pp
ch .
e c o r d,
iii
.
.
,
.
.
1 10 ,
1 15
.
C OMM E
R CE
2
4 9
by c h u Th e name of the gol d coi n was catty and that O f
the copper w as coi n Acco rd in g to C hia K uei the mone
tary system O f all the four dynasties the Yii t h e Hsai th e
Yi n and the C hou was the same They used gold silve r
and copper as the three k i nds of money
Therefore the
state of C h u had t he treasuries o f three kinds of money
W e do not k now the ratio o f the three kinds O f money
durin g ancient t imes b ut we do k now i t durin g the Han
dynasty At the time o f Wan g M an g ( 5 6 1 A K o r 1 0
A
the smallest copper coin wei gh in g 1 c h u was the
unit and the lar gest one wei gh in g 1 1 c h u was worth 5 0 of
the smallest coins ; a silver co in wei ghi n g 8 taels was the
uni t and was wo rth
of the smallest copper co ins ; the
1
old
coin
wei
hed
cat
y
and
was
wo
r
h
of
small
t
h
t
t
e
g
g
est copper coins These were the rat i os o f the th ree kinds o f
money i n the Han dynasty Accord in g to these ratios one
tael of silver exchan g ed fo r a l ittle more than one catty and
ten taels o f copper and one tael O f g old exchan ged fo r a l ittle
more than ei gh t catties and two taels o f copper I n fact
one tael o f gold w as equal to only five taels of s ilver A c
cord in g to H u W ei ( h is book was publ ished i n 2 2 5 2 o r
1 70 1 A
i n ancient times the value of all commod ities
was measured by the copper coin and the value o f copper
coi n was measured by the g ol d and silver coins W hen the
payment was larg e gold and silve r took the place o f copper ;
and when g ol d and silver were insufficient copper took
thei r place even thou gh they were to be pa id Th is system
was used to make the t hree k inds O f money supplement one
another
.
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,
,
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,
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,
‘
.
H is t o ry
2
o
f H an
N arrat iv e s
H is t o r ic al
4
o
R
f
,
ch
.
xxiv
N a t io ns
e c o rd ,
ch
.
,
.
bk
.
iii
( co
mm
e n t ary
)
.
x li
C an o n ic al I n t e rp re t at io n
.
o
f
t he
Ts ing Dy nas t y
‘
,
vo l
,
ix
,
ch
.
vu
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
43
D urin g
R I N C I P LE S
OF CON
FU CI US
the C h i n dynasty there were only t w o ki n ds O f
money Gold was the h i gher money ; its wei ght w as one
i
twenty
taels
and
its
name
was
therefore
opper
i
C
;
y
y
was t h e lower money ; it was inscribed w i th the two words
hal f tael and i ts we ig ht conform e d to the inscription
H an Kao Ti chan ged the wei ght of the c oppe r co i n ma ki n g
i t li ghter and also that o f the gold money w h ich was one
catty Therefore in the C h i n d vn as t y and in the be g i nnin g
o f the Han dynasty the money s ystems w ere similar
As C hina had used g old as the standard O f money since
the Yii dynasty why d id she g i v e i t u p after the Ts in dy
?
nasty In the first place it was because g ol d had decreased
i n quantity Durin g the C hou and the Han dynasties gold
was used by both g overnment an d people Th e Han and
the N orthern Wei dynasties allowed the pun i s h ment of
cr ime t o be commuted w ith gold I n the N ort h ern W ei dy
nasty howeve r O n account o f the scarcity O f g old ten rolls
of s ilk were accepted as the equivalent o f one tael O f gold
I n the Tan g dynasty the ransom was pai d w it h c 0 p p e r in
stead O f gol d Therefore the decr e as e of gold be gan in
the period o f the Southern and the N orthern Dynasties
Th e causes for such a decrease were four F i rst there was
a g reat consumption of g old ; t h e B udd h ist church was the
chief consumer and the court w as the s econd Second the
a
s
w
old
was
exported
to
forei
n
countries
hird
it
T
g
g
hoarded by those w ho kept i t secretly F ourth fe w g old
mines were O pe ned hence there was no production on a
larg e scale These reasons made g ol d scarce and prevented
C hina from usin g g ol d continuously
I n the second place i t was sub j ect t o Gresh am s law
E xcept durin g the rei g ns of Han W u Ti and W an g Man g
the Han dynasty had only two kinds o f money and each
was as much le g al tender as the other ; hence copper drov e
o u t g old
Althou gh t h ese t w o metals were ranked one
‘
,
.
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,
,
“
”
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,
,
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‘
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
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’
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
43
RIN CIP LE S
OF CON
FU CI US
Kao Ts u ( 1 1 7 2 or 6 2 1 A
W ith a diameter of
i nch it was presumably one tenth o f the modern tael of 5 7 0
to 5 80 g rai ns
Paper money was a C hinese invention Th e Official Sys
t e m o f Ch o u speaks o f the li p u
C h en g C hun g the com
m e n t at o r ( died i n 6 34 or 8 3 A
says : I t was a p i ece
of cloth stamp ed w ith seals and w ri tten w ith words two
inches wi de and t w o feet lon g I t was used as money for
t he exchan g e of thin g s
H o Y i sun l iv in g at the b e
o
f
i
innin
the
Yuan
dynasty
says
that
it
was
l
ke
the
pap
r
e
g
g
money of moder n times Accordin g to the same book there
”
was t h e writ ten tally
It w as made of a p i ece o f wood
which was divi ded into t w o parts wi th inscriptio n in their
ed g e Such a tally was pai d an d accepted by the buyer and
seller and i t was inspected by t h e auditor o f p rice It re
sem bled the check of modern time s Th erefore t he forms
of paper money were develop ed in the C hou d ynasty al
thou gh the materials we re n o t p ap e r b ecause at that time
there was no paper
Th e paper money issued by the g overnment was an inve n
tion of the Tan g dynasty Durin g the middle part of that
dynasty there was a scarcity of money ; hence money was
not allowed to be taken out of c ertain local ities Ther e
fore durin g t h e re i gn o f Ta ng Hsie n Tsun g ( 1 3 5 7
when merchants cam e t o the cap ital they deposited their
money in the O ffices w h ich repre sented the di fferent pro
.
,
-
,
1
.
.
?
,
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,
,
,
.
-
.
,
,
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,
4
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,
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,
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,
,
u
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
ihi h
p
H e re t h e En gl s
nc
C u rre n c y in C h in a
4
U n d e r t h e C o u d y n as t y o n t h e e d e n c e o f t h e
1
24
t he
2
3
c hu
c hu
—P
w as
”
.
xiv
Ev
th
Ch
.
en
Ch
.
.
,
ro b ab l y
i
g ra n s ,
,
vi
g ivi
.
i
M o rs e
.
g ra n s
ng
i
c o n s,
as
al s o s ay s
t h e liang
the
w i gh t
e
o
f
o
f
8
.
.
h e h ad t h e
4
p
h
.
xv
.
o ug
h
co nce
h is
pt i
co
mm t y m
m
f p p
on o
e n ar
a er
ay n o t
o ney .
be
c o rre c t ,
it is
Ob
vi
o us
t
h
at
C OMM E
R CE
4 33
vinces at the capital and received bonds from them I n this
way wherever they went they d rew money w i th their bonds
very easily This was called flyi n g money
Such a
practice how ever was proh ibited by th e central govern
ment because i t thou g ht that the O ffices would keep the
money out of c i rculat i on and the prices of commodi ties
would be lowered B ut the result was still worse tha n
before There fore in 1 36 3 ( 8 1 2 A
the government
opened its own o ffices at the c i p it al for carryin g on the
business o f flyin g money—that is the government issued
bonds to depositors and they exchan ge b onds for money
at the great ci ti es of d i fferent provi nces This was the first
t i me that the government issued paper money Th is system
prevailed durin g the earl ier part o f the Sun g dynasty ( 1 5 1 1
.
,
,
,
“
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,
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,
,
,
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.
.
,
,
,
.
.
Durin g the Sun g dynasty wh ile the flyin g money was
l i k e the b i ll O f exchan ge true paper money was i ntroduced
by C han g Yun g i n the province of Szechuan This also was
a spontaneous g rowth O n account o f the we i ght and trou
the
b le s o m e ne s s O f the i ron money about 1 5 5 6 ( 1 0 0 5 A
people of that province i ssued notes pr i vately which were
“
called chan gelin gs for the convenience o f exchan g e
and the notes were mana ged by sixteen rich house s
In
later times when the rich houses became bankrupt and
were unable to pay thei r debts there arose many lawsuits
Therefore a b out 1 5 7 2 the g overnment establ ished a bank
i n that province for the mana gement o f the chan gel in gs
A fter 1 5 7 4 th is kind o f paper money prevailed over the
whol e empi re ; and th rou ghout the Sun g dynasty there we re
many k inds o f paper money
Passin g throu gh the Kin the Yu an an d the M in g dynas
t ies the c h ie f k i nd O f C hinese money was paper especially
dur i n g the Yii an dynasty Th e only d i ff e rence was that
befo re the K i n dynasty the paper money represented only
,
,
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,
”
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,
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 34
R I N CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
copper and that after the K i n dynasty it represented both
copper and silver B ut i t would take too lon g to narrate the
whole h i story of C h i nese paper money an d the facts m en
t io n e d above are su ffic i ent t o show its ori g in
W e have no intention of d iscussin g the private bank i n g
system but g ive only a g eneral concept i on o f the develop
ment o f g overnment banks Accordin g to the O ffic ial Sy s
t e m o f C h o u there was a g overnment bank called Money
Treasury
I t kept the money w h ich came from di fferent
sources ; boug ht and sold special goods ; and lent money t o
the people either w ith o r w ithout i nterest This was the
first government bank of C hina
After the C hou dynasty there was n o government ban k
E ven durin g the Tan g dynasty when th e fl yin g money
system was i n operation there w as no special bank althoug h
there was a system of bankin g Th e true g overnment ban k
was e stabl ished i n the beg inn i n g of the Sun g dynasty ( 1 5 2 1
or 9 7 0 A
fo r the O peration of
the
flyin
money
sys
g
—
tem I t was called Th e Bank O f Convenient Money In
later times there were many banks for the ma n a g emen t o f
the chan gel in gs and the e xchan ges
Durin g the Kin
dynasty the E xchan ge Bank w as establ ished i n 1 7 4 9 ( 1 1 98
A D ) and durin g the Yii an dynasty the L evel Standa rd
Bank was establ ished in 1 8 1 4 ( 1 2 6 3 A
and i ts branche s
,
.
,
.
1
,
.
,
.
?
.
.
,
-
,
,
,
.
,
-
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
i i t it t i k w
th
m y
f
ly
t
l
t i
i ti
i
p
i
i
m
t
d
E
b
t
m y d m y g t l g m f it b y ff i g t h hi gh t p mi m
t wh
i
t i t
mp t i t iv b i d d i g
b y l t t y wi t h
t
th
li k
i
m y Th
i ti
d m
d f
t ld b y
p t iv b k p p l b k
vi g b k W
d
t
di t i
i v t d b y M g K g h mi t l i
t h t t hi
y t m w
C
1
c a
hi
”
,
an
e re
s
e ra
ra
in g
’
s
s
e s
s e
g re at
an s
ro
o e
e
e
xi i
i
re .
pp
o ne
an
s,
as
n
O
or
er n
ese
sa
an
an
an
en e
un
,
.
5 87 8
-
.
k w
ag o ,
an d
ih
th y h v
e
a e
.
.
b r an c
e
are
a
,
o r 22 0
A
e
o
eo
ro u
co
o
er
p pl
h t h gh
es
en
are
e
s.
O
u
re
n e re s
ou
as s o c a o n s
n
o un
a
es
e
er
o
.
a cer a n
ca
as s o
o ne
e
f t h e L at t e r H an d y n as t y ( 7 7 1 A K
s t n g b an s
e re e s t ab l s e d b y t h e
n c e c e nt u r e s
Se e infra,
,
n as
no
er o
o
n
or
o n,
u
u es
con r
e
eo
s,
ns
ar e s u
ab o u t t h e e n d o
Th e
2
er
an
e
a
e n e fic al
a
e
an
on
e
co
h i p vi
wh l mpi
S
e
no
e
er
a
a s e c re
n
v yb
h m mb
a
ac
o n.
o ne
o
h as
na
v
.
f the
o ut
the
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
43
C onfuc i ans
OF C O N
FU CI US
we g ive his theory Accordin g to
h im money i tself must have hi g h value
B ecause it is an
i t can measure the value
O bj ect which is di fficult to O btain
Therefore he puts pearl and j ade as the
o f oth e r thin g s
h i ghest k ind of m oney g old as the middle an d copper as
the lowest H e says
.
Therefore
R I N CI P L E S
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
Th e se
t h ree ki nds o f money c annot p rote c t you agai nst c old
i f you h old t h em n o r c an t h ey s at i sfy you agai nst h un ge r
i f y o u e at t h em By t h e use O f t h em h o weve r t h e anc i ent
ki n gs gu arded wealt h c o nt ro lled h um an affai rs an d e qu al
i e d t h e wo rld
Th e re f o re m o ney w as c alled st an da rd w h i c h
m e ans t h at i t mak es t h e r i se an d f all o f p r i c e not affe c t t h e
st an d ard i tsel f
,
.
,
,
,
z
,
.
,
,
.
Th i s t h eo ry
has been accepted by t h e C onfuc i ans
I ndeed
the chief function of money is to serve as the standard o f
value
1
.
.
b
a
i
t
o
r
u
n
e
t
T
h
( ) Q
y
y
Th e most important t heory is the quantity t heory
I t is
the theory O f the C onfucians but i t had arisen before C o n
fu c iu s
Accord in g to the O ffic ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u when
the re was a famine or ep i dem i c the g overnment d i d not
tax commodities b ut coined money
Accordin g t o the
D uke M u
N arrat ives o f N at io ns i n 2 8 A K ( 5 2 4 B
of Shan says :
.
,
.
,
,
?
,
.
,
.
.
n i ent t i m es w h en t h e re w as an y n atu ral c alam i ty t h e
n
o
v
r
a
d
e
m
r
c
a
n
ent
i
ned
oney
i
n
d
n
e
w
i
t
h
i
ts
q
u
nt
i
ty
c
o
m
c
c
o
a
a
g
it s v alue fo r t h e rel i e f o f t h e people
I f t h e pe o ple su ffe red
f ro m t h e c h eapness O f m o ney t h e govern m ent c o i ned dear
m o n e y an d put i t i n c i rcul at i on fo r t h e m
Th e re f o re t h e de ar
m o n e y c o nt ro lled t h e c h e ap money i n t h e m ark e t an d all t h e
In
a c
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
1
2
R
G e n e ral
Ch
.
xiv
.
e s e ar c h ,
ch
.
viii
.
C OMM E
R CE
4 37
people go t t h e b enefit I f t h ey f elt t h e money too de ar t h e
rnment c o i ned m o re c h e ap money an d put i t i n c i rcul a
ove
g
t i on b ut d i d n o t ab ol i s h t h e de ar Th e re f o re t h e c h e ap money
c ont rolled t h e de ar money i n t h e m ark e t
an d al l t h e people
we re also b e n e fit e d
.
,
.
,
,
,
1
.
theory needs much explanation F i rst w e must
understand w h y there should be a coina g e of money dur
ing a period o f natural calamiti es
I n ancient times not
o nly were the metals money
but g rain too was used as
money Grain however was not a standard o f value
but only a med ium of exchan g e Th erefo re whenever there
was any natural calam i ty i t was l i k e a crisis of modern
t i mes because g ra i n was very dear and was not s u ffi
ci ent to be used as money Hence the g overnment suppl i ed
metallic money to take the place of g ra in and save i t from
bein g circulated in orde r to leave it fo r food o f the people
Th is w as why money was coi ned at such a time
Accordin g to the quantity theory i f money is mo re p le nt i
ful prices are hi gher N o w when g rai n is dear durin g
?
a b ad time why should money be coi ned at all
I t would
In order to answer th i s ques
ra ise the price o f g rain
tion we must unde rstand the sit u ation o f the ancients A t
that time the people were mostl y farmers They possessed
the i r own g rai n fo r food but could not ge t othe r n e c e s
unless they exchan ged for them thei r g rai n I f
s ar ies
they d id so thei r g rain would not b e su ffici e nt for thei r
ow n use There fore the government suppl ied money fo r
them in order to en ab le them to exch an g e i t fo r o t h e r
th in gs
Th is w as s i mply to enl arg e thei r pu rchasin g
power b ut not to inc re ase the price O f g rai n particularly
E ven i f t h e farmers had not s u fli c ie n t food they could buy
it w ith money otherw i se they had no me dium of exchan ge
This
.
,
.
,
,
,
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,
,
,
,
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,
,
,
,
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
,
,
Bk
.
iii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C
8
43
PRI N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
all Th erefore even though the increased money ra i sed
the price o f food a l ittle i t st ill woul d be better for them
than i f they had no money at all B u t h o w could the
?
farmers ge t the money
I t woul d be lent o r distributed
to them b y the g overnment duri n g such a bad time I n
s h ort the ancient government coinin g money for such pur
poses was l ike the modern government issuin g ban k notes
for the relief of a cr i sis There w as really g reat demand for
money but not an over supply of it
Moreover dur i ng famine or ep idem ic commoditi es in
eneral
were
cheap
excep
t
rain
T
purchasin
power
h
e
g
g
g
of society was d imin ished and the demand for commodit i es
was lowered Th e merchants would b e ru i ned or discour
a ged and the whole society bec ame sta g nant At such a
time coppe r was also very cheap Therefo re the g overn
ment took the cheap copper and transformed it into money
Th en i t i ssued the money t o the market for the rais in g of
the price of commodities i n o rd e r t o aid the merchants ;
and i f the merchants could not sell their goods it would
b uy them wi th the money so that they could utilize the
money t o do t h ei r business anywhere and the whole soc i ety
was st imulated This explains w h y t h e g overnment coined
money durin g a bad time Indeed i t was not contra ry t o
the quantity theory but i n harmony w ith it
Ac
Second let us ta k e up the quantity t heory proper
cordin g to the D uke M u of Shan the coina ge o f money
should be i n accordance with its quantity and its value
When there is an over supply O f money its value is low
an d the price of commod i ties is hi h
o
v
herefore
the
T
g
g
e rnm e n t should reduce the quantity of cheap money
and
i ssue de ar money Th e dear money whi ch is hi gher in value
i s called mother and the cheap money is called son Th e
mother should be used as the standard and the son as sub
s id iar
f
o
i
F
or
instance
i
f
the
price
of
a
th
in
the
sum
s
y
g
at
.
,
,
.
-
.
,
.
-
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
-
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
44
R I N CI P L E S
(c )
O F C ON
FU CI US
C o in ag e
F rom the b eg innin g O f history money was always coined
,
by
overnment I t was only durin g the re ig n of H an
that the people were allowed
W en Ti ( 37 7 o r 1 7 5 B
to coi n money A g ainst this law C h i a Y i g ave his protest
H is theo ry is as follows : ( 1 ) I t w ill i n duce the people to
make g reat profit on a small part o f ille gal alloy which
canno t be stopped by punishment ( 2 ) I t will destroy the
universal standard and introduce confusion int o the mar k et
It
will
encoura
e
the
people
to
leave
the
farms
for
the
3)
g
coinin g o f unlawful money These are the g reat calamiti es
O n the other hand i f coina g e is exclusively controlled by
the g overnment there w ill be seven blessin gs ( 1 ) Th e
people are save d from crime
2 ) Th e confidence of the
n
people is establ ished
miners
the
co
iners
will
T
h
a
d
e
3)
return to thei r farms ( 4 ) Th e government can control the
h
o
v
T
e
quanti ty o f money and equalize prices
5)
g
h
overnment
e rn m e nt can control the social order
6
T
e
( )
g
can control the demand for and the supply of commodities
r
It
can
compete
w
ith
the
Huns
by
financial
cont
ol
(7 )
W én Ti d id not accep t C hia Yi s advice In 4 0 8 ( 1 4 4 B
this l aw was abol ished by C hin g Ti an d the l aw of punish
ing the coi ner by death w as enacted
Hence the statement
of C hia Y i has become a classical theo ry
F o r the prevention o f illicit coini n g money should be
accordin g to the standard quali ty and wei ght I n 1 0 33
2
i
8
A
K
un
a
courtier
sai
d
that
the
reason
h
C
(4
g
ill i cit coinin g cannot be stopped by severe punishment i s
b ecause the g overnment co ins bad money Presumin g that
money i s useless except as a medi um of exchan g e the go v
e rn m e n t makes the money cheaper and more i n quantity
Its O bj ect is simply to save the e xpense of metal an d labor
the g
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
.
?
.
?
.
’
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
‘
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
1
Se e
s u p r a,
p
.
439
2
.
Se e infra
,
pp
.
2
55 6
.
C O MM E
R CE
44
1
but the results are very bad Th is th eory was reco g ni zed
as the fundamental principle of coina g e by L ii Ts u chien
a g reat C onfuc i an o f the Sun g dynasty ( 1 688 1 7 32 or
1 1 37 1 1 8 1 A
H e said that the reason the state coins
money is for the establ ishment o f the standard of value and
not fo r the makin g of profit Th ose who do not under
stand economic princ i ples clearly reco g n ize as a profit only
the amount o f sei gniora g e ; but it is merely a small profit
while the controll in g power of the state is a g reat profit
I f the government does not save the e xpense co i na g e has
no profit I f i t has no profit i l l icit coini n g w ill not arise
I f there is no illici t coin i n g the state controls exclusively
the power of issuin g and w ithdrawi n g m oney As the go v
e rn m e n t does not lose the power o f co inin
money
i
t
is
g
rofit the money
reat
profit
I
f
it
looks
only
for
the
small
p
g
w i ll be debased in wei gh t and qual i ty Then all th e bad
people can coi n money and the state loses the cont roll in g
power I t i s a loss o f g reat profit for the sake o f small
profit Therefore g ood money i s the prevent i on o f the
ill ici t co inin g because there is no profit in the coi ni n g O f
money
Accord in g to h istory the system o f free coi na g e was de
v e lo e d i n 1 0 4 6 ( 4 9 5 A
Durin
the
rei
n
of
hao
S
p
g
g
the government
w én Ti o f the N orthern Wei dynasty
opened the mints and prepared the co i ners I f th e people
w ished to coin money they were allowed to coin it there
Th e copper was requ i red to b e o f the standard qual ity w ith
out any mixture Th is law was probably for the e nc o u r
ag e m e n t o f usin g money and fo r the supply O f copper to the
mint because Shao w en Ti w as the first one o f t h e N orthern
Wei dynasty who decreed that people should use money and
who esta b l i shed the m int I f we put th is law into mode rn
ter m s it was free coina ge
.
-
,
-
,
-
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
-
,
.
,
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
443
,
RI N CIP LE S
O F C ON
FU CI US
e
a
d
P
r
M
o
n
e
( )
p
y
TO re g ulate the value of paper money some provision
fo r redemption is necessary
This theory was advocated
by Sh én Kai and approved by Sun g Kao Tsun g ( 1 6 7 8
They held that the g overnment shoul d always have
cash amountin g to one million strin gs I f the pr i ce of the
“
ch an g elin g s decreases the g overnment shoul d imme
d iat e ly buy the paper w ith the cash
I n this way paper
money w ill have no evil consequences M a Tuan lin also
ives
a
very
ood
theory
abo
t
paper
money
He
says
u
:
g
g
F ormerly makin g paper on account of the h eaviness of
cash paper was really convenie n t n o w makin g paper O n
account o f the scarcity of cash paper i s really evil
Ac
co rdin g to thei r op i nions paper can represent money but
cannot be money i tsel f I n other words paper can be used
when there is specie payment ; but i t shoul d n o t be used
when there is no specie payment
There is a very conclusive t he ory g ive n by Ye h t i ch i
He says
,
.
,
.
”
,
.
-
.
.
,
,
,
,
”
.
,
,
,
.
,
?
‘
-
.
p ape r money of t h e Yuan dynasty w as l ik e t h e c h an ge
”
l i n gs an d t h e e x c h an ges of t h e Sun g dyn asty and t h e
c h an ge ab le p ape r
of t h e K i n dynasty Du ri n g t h e i r good
t i m e t h ey all used p ape r to rep re s e nt c as h But du ri n g t h e i r
de c ay w h en t h e i r m o n e y w as not su ffic i ent t h ey s i mply m anu
fac t u re d a gre at q u ant i ty O f p ape r to b e money
Th e re f o re
t h e p ape r money w as unab le t o m e asu re t h e v alue o f exc h an ge
an d all c om m od i t i es w e re b loc k ed i n t h e m ark et
Now i f w e
w ant t o est ab l i s h p ape r money it i s ne c ess ary to r e se rve c as h
as a f und
It s h ould b e l ik e t h e c e rt i fic at e of t e a o r salt ;
Th e
”
,
“
”
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
1
i
S
n ce
wi t h t h
i
pp m
e
1 682
co
n c e n s e , al u
a er
2
o ne
H is b o o
A
K ( 1 1 31
.
.
mm d i t y t xi g
m t hv b
id
h
y b
k w w it t i
o
,
,
e c
-
.
,
a
n
a e
A
ki g
mm di t i
i ly f
t h e b an
.
n
an d c o
b u re au ,
o
b u re au h as c o
o
e e n u s e d un c o n s c o us
mp t i
es
es
c as
re d e
as
r
en
n 1 92 9
A
.
o n.
K
.
o r 1 378
the
or
G e n e ral
A
R
.
suc
es
h
D
.
e rat e d
as t e a, s al t ,
re d e
es e ar c h,
p
mp t i
h ix
c
on O f
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
44 4
RI N CIP L E S
OF C ON
F U CI US
e
r
a
e
G
s
h
m s L aw
( )
F ourth s i nce paper money was used under the Sun g d y
nasty there was a theory l i ke Gresham s L aw Ye h Shih
says
’
,
’
.
,
men w h o do not i n q u i e i nt o t h e f und ament al c ause s i mply
t h i n k t h at p ape r s h ould b e used w h en m o ney i s sc arc e But
as s oon as p ape r i s empl o yed money b ecomes st i ll less
Th e re
f o re i t i s not o nly t h at t h e su ffic i en c y o f goods c an not b e s e en
b ut als o t h at t h e su ffic i e n c y o f m o ney c ann o t b e seen
Th e
r
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
H i s statement combines t h e q uantity theory and Gres
h am s L aw
F or the fo rine r theory he means that the
wealth o f a nati on is dependent upon the increase o f goods
and not upon the increase of money W hen goods are
abundant they w i ll be cheap an d the value o f money w ill
be hi g h I f g oods are not su fficient they cause the value of
money to be l o w Th erefore h e says that the su fficiency
O f g oods cannot be seen because he compares the quantity
O f money w ith that o f g oods
F or the latter theory he
means that paper drives out money when they are both c ir
As paper is employed money
c u l at e d in the same market
is kept out o f ci rculation Therefore he says that the s u ffi
This is in principle l ike
c ie n c y o f money cannot be seen
Hence we may say that Gresham s L aw
G resham s L aw
was d iscovered b y Yeh Shih because he saw the fact that
paper drives out money
In
Yii an Hs ieh states Gresham s L aw still more clearly
1 7 74 ( 1 2 2
:
A
he
says
3
’
’
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
’
’
.
,
.
.
’
.
.
nx i ous t o i n c re ase we alt h an d w ant
to put b o t h i ro n m o ney an d coppe r m oney i n c i rcul at i o n I f
m o ney we re suddenly m ade ab und ant du r i n g a pe r i od o f sc ar
c i ty
But t h e f act nev e r c an b e so
it s h o uld b e v e ry go o d
F o rme rly b e c ause t h e p ape r m o ney w as t o o m uc h t h e coppe r
m o ney b e c am e l e ss
I f we now ad d t h e i ron money t o i t
No w ,
th e
i ls
fic a
Of
are
a
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
C O MM E
R CE
44 5
h o l d n t t h e ppe m ney b ut b e me st i ll les
F o me ly
b a e t h e p ap m ney w a t mu h t h e p i e f omm
w a de a
I f we w ad d t h e i n m ney t t h e m a k et
d it i
w uld t h e p i e
t be
me st i ll de a e ?
W h en we lo k
ve t h e d i ffe ent p v i n es t h e gene al f a t s a t h ese
W h e e p ape an d m ney a b ot h employed p ape i s supe
W h e e t h e coppe
ab nd ant b ut m ney i s alw ays i nsu ffi i en
t an y t h e money money
m n y i s t h e nly u en y w i t h
Th e e f e w k n w t h at t h e p ape
is
ally ab un d ant
a
nly i n j u e t h e ppe m ney b ut n t h el p i ts i nsu ffi i en y
o
u
s
co
us
ec
er
es
r
s
o
r
c
oo
s
no
r
co
o
no
ro
co
r
.
r c
o
o
r
?
s
ro
c
r c
,
o
r
r
,
o
c
O
r
o
,
o
r
c
r
,
re
.
'
r
r
u
o
o
re
o
,
c
u su
rr
c
co
r
ou
or
r
.
o
t
c
o
e
r
o
r
,
,
r
r
r
o
,
r c
o
e
o
,
r
c
n
?
c
Accord i n g to Y ii an H s i e h t h e ev i l o f bi met all i sm i s
v er y clea r I f i ron m o ney i s empl oyed s i de b y si d e w i t h
copper money it simply ma k es the copper still less because
iron is cheaper than coppe r and the cheaper money always
dr i ves out dea re r money It i s exactly the case when pape r
i s employed side b s i de w i th c o ppe r money I f they bot h
I f copper i s
are emplo y ed t h e coppe r w i ll be d riven out
the only money i t w i ll rema i n su fficient Therefore t h e
moneta ry system should c h oose a s i n g le standard
Th is
pri nc i ple i s t rue i n eve ry c ase It i s t rue b etween i ron and
copper but also t rue b etween s i lve r an d g old In f act it
i s G res h am s Law
,
.
,
,
,
.
y
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
.
.
,
’
.
VI
.
C O M M E RC I A L
R EG U L A TI O N S
Acco rd i n g to the theo ry O f C on fucians the g overnment
s h ould ta k e positive measures t o re g ulate the commerce
f t h e people
Th e
Royal Re g ulations
says :
,
”
o
.
All w h h av e c h arge f t h e p ro h ibi t i o ns fo t h e e gul at i o n O f
t h e mult i t u de s d o n o t f o gi ve t ran s gre ss i ns O f t h em
T
o
1
w
h
o
a
a
o
e
h
se
h
v
e
n
k
t
k
ns t h e l o ng o r t h e round an d
[ ]
a
o
c
u
r
s
a
e n t all o we d t o s e l l t h em i n t h e ma rk et
i
lt
l
ib
t
i
n
p
g
2
a
c
n
r a
o
a
n
o
l
l
es
ll
w
ed
e
l
b
es
c
h
i
ts
t
h
e
a
o
ro
r
t
o
a
r
o
:
p
]
[
y
h
n
i
f
t
ki
f
t
o
e
v
s els o f an an c est ral temple ; [ 4 ] o r
e
;
g
g [3]
vi c t i m s fo r s ac ri fi c e ; [ 5 ] r i ns t rument o f w ar ; [ 6 ] o r ves
o
o
r
r
r
o
r
.
-
,
,
o
-
re
s
o r
s
o
C o n t in u at io n
o
,
f
the
s
G e n eral
R
e s e arc h ,
ch
.
vn
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
44
s e ls w h i c h
R IN CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
d i n g t o t h e p rescr ib ed me asurements ;
r i o ts o f w ar w hi c h are n o t ac c o rd i n
r
a
c
h
to
t
h
e
s
me
o
a
;
[7]
g
r c lot h o r s i l k
r c o arse
8
o
fine
o
n
o
o
d
i
n
to
t
h
e
pre
t
c
c
r
a
[ ]
g
sc rib ed q u al i ty o r b ro ader o r n arro wer t h an t h e p rope r rule
r
f
o
o
i llegi t i m ate c olo rs c o n f us i n g t h ose t h at are c o r
[ 9]
rec t ; [ 1 0 ] o r c l o t h
e mb ro i d e red o r fi gu red ; o r vessels m a z
le
w i t h pe arls o r j ade ; [ I I ] o r c lot h es o r f ood o r d ri n k i n an y
w ay e x t rav agant ; [ 1 2 ] o r grai n w h i c h i s not i n se as o n or f ru i t
w hi c h i s un r i pe ; [ 1 3 ] o r wo o d w h i c h i s n o t fit fo r t h e axe ;
r
r
1
o
e
a
r
bi
ds
b
sts
fis
h
es
or
pt
i
les
w
h
i
c
h
r
not
fit
to
e
a
e
4
[ ]
b e ki lled At t h e f ront i e r gates t h ose i n c h arge of t h e p ro h ib i
t i ons e x am i ne t ravele rs f o rbi dd i n g su c h as w e ar st ran ge
c l o th es an d t aki n g note o f su c h as spe ak a st ran ge l an gu a e
g
are n o t ac c o r
,
,
'
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
1
.
,
There
fourteen proh ibitions and we may classify
them i nto four classes ( a ) F rom the first to the fifth pro
h ib it io n the th in g s should not be possessed by the com
—
mon people rules for the maintainin g of social order ( b )
F rom th e sixth to the ninth the th i n gs are not good for
consumption and these four prohib i ti ons maintain the le gal
standards ( c ) F rom the tenth to the e leventh the t w o
proh ibitions are for the prevention of extrava g ance and dis
r
m
the
twelfth
t
o
the
fourteenth
the
rules
o
s ip at io n
F
d
( )
refer to thi n gs which are not ready to b e consumed ; hen c e
these three prohibi tions promote the mature g rowth o f
natural thin g s on the one hand and prevent the harm which
may come from unseasonable c onsump t ion on the other
All these fourteen prohibitions are examples of commercial
re g ulations
Accordin g to th e O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o w there i s a con
troller o f market ( m i Sh ih ) to take charg e of commer
U nder his administration there are many
c ial re g ulations
subordinate o fficers F or the convenience of the re ader w e
m ay class ify the commercial rules under the followin g six
are
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 38
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
448
RI N CI P L E S
O F C ON
FU CI U S
price accord i n g to the cost W hen t h ere is any natural
calam i ty the merchants are not allowed to ra ise the ir
p rice F or example durin g a fam ine g rain shoul d be sold
at the natural price ; and durin g a g reat ep idemic
co ffins
should be sold i n the same way
Moreover seasonal
th i n gs are also re g ulated by t h e natural price I n short
the price should be constant
There i s the aud itor o f
price ( c h ih j én ) to oversee the prices o f the most valuabl e
thin gs throu g h whom the transactions are carried on ( e )
B y the ra isin g and lowerin g of price the g overnment con
trols the supply W hen a thin g 18 not i n ex i s t ence the go v
e rn m e n t causes i t to ex i st ; when a thin
is
useful
i
t
cause
s
g
i t to be abundant ; when a th i n g IS harmful i t causes it to
be extin g u i shed ; when a th in g is luxurious it caus e s it to b e
lessened Th e former two pol icies are carried out by t h e
raisin g of prices ; and the latter t w o by lowerin g them ( f )
There is the g overnment bank to buy the goods which t h e
people cannot sell and to lend them out when the peopl e
need them I n this way the g overnment adj usts the de
mand and supply and prices are kept at a fixed level
F i fth all the transactions of buyin g an d s ell ing are done
by bills of sal e and purchase These b ills are made of one
piece of wood wh i ch is div i ded i nto t w o parts one for
the seller and the other for the buyer They are i ssued by
the g overnment i n char g e of the audi tor o f price for
the purpose o f establishin g confi dence and preventin g l iti g a
t i on W hen the transaction involves a larg e sum the lon g
bill i s issue d ; and when i t i s small the short bill is i ssued
I f there is any l i ti gation arisin g f rom the bills and also from
the wri tten tally i t is heard by the audi tor o f price F rom
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,
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,
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2
.
,
1
in g
in
2
In
a
m
m d
f mi
o
a
o re
Se e
e rn
t
ne, t h e
i
g ra n
su
im
p ra
,
es,
pi
.
hi p l i
r ce
.
p
t
4 32
.
s
o
o
cy
i
h as b e e n
f g r a n is
i
c
ra s e d
h
pp i t
m h t t
an ge d t o t h e o
to
i
n du c e
e rc
os
an s
e.
o
Du r
br
i
ng
C O MM E
R CE
44 9
the time when t h e b ill o r t h e tally i s issued to the time when
the l i ti gation i s b rou ght to the co urt however there are d if
fe re n t l im i ts accord in g to th e d istance of th e complai nant
I f he l ives in the i mpe r ial capital the period is ten days ; i n a
subu rb twenty days ; in the country th i rty days ; i n the sur
roundin g ci t i es th ree mont h s ; in the feudal states one year
Beyond these periods the l iti gation shall not b e heard
Th e g ate of the market
Sixth there is the pol ice system
i s g uarded by policemen who hold wh i ps an d halberds F or
every two shops t h ere i s a pol iceman ( 115 12) to keep watch
F o r eve ry ten shops the re i s a captai n ( s s iz p ao ) to take
char g e o f fi ghters noise make rs peace disturbers o ffenders
and persons eatin g and drinkin g i n parties F or every five
shops there is a detect i ve ( s s ii c h i) H is functi ons are t o
find out t h e trans g ressor to watch t h e stran ger to take note
o f the loun ge r w h o stops lon ge r than a proper len g th of
time and to capture the th ie f Th e pun ishments o f t h e
—
o ffender i n the market are three to declare his rans g re s
s ion by w ri tten not i ce to set forth h is body as a bad ex
ample and to wh ip h im as the most severe puni shment I f
i t belon g s to the crim inal law i t goes to th e court of j ustice
All these re g ulations are g iven by the O ffic ial Sy s t e m o f
Althou gh thi s b oo k was compiled by L iu Hsi n
Chou
these re gu lations were the actual rules under the C hou dy
nasty I n fact in the classical time the government d id in
t e r fe re w ith the com m e rcial l i fe very minutely
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1
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VII
.
I N TE
R N A TI O N A L TRA DE
Si nce
t h e e i ghth o f the nine standard rules is the in d ul
f
ent
treatment
o
forei
ners
fore
i
n
trade
occupies
a
g
g
g
special cate gory in the g overnmental system o f C on fucius
Th e practice o f th is rule i s
to escort them on thei r de
” 2
,
.
“
Ch s
2
.
Se e
xiv
.
xv
an d
s u p r a,
pp
.
.
1
6
17
3
.
RI N C I P L E S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
45
OF C O N
FU CI US
parture and meet them o n their comin g ; t o commend t h e
ood
amon
them
and
show
compassio
to
the
n
i
n
co
m
g
g
petent There fore accordi ng to the principle o f C onfucius
a stat e should not o n ly open the door to forei g ners for
forei g n trade but should also g ive them special favor b e
cause they live a lon g distance a w ay
Th e principle of international trade i s based upon t h e
f
eo
raphical
di
ferences
of
economic
condition
T
h
e
g g
Royal Re g ulati ons
says
,
”
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,
,
,
.
.
people o f t h e M i d dle Ki n gdom an d t h ose o f t h e t rib es of
t h e e ast t h e south t h e west and t h e n o rt h all h ave c o m
fo rt ab l e dwell i n gs del i c i ou s fl avors su i ta b le d resses use f ul
i mplements an d fin i s h ed art i cles In t h ese five regi ons t h e
lan gu ages o f t h e people are not mutu ally i ntell i gib le and t h e i r
t astes and des i res are d i ffe re nt To exp re ss t h e i r t h ou gh t s
an d t o ex c h an ge t h e i r w ants t h ere are t h e o ffice rs to h andle
f o re i gn affai rs : F o r t h e e ast t h ey are c alled t ransm i tte rs ; for
t h e sout h rep resent at i ves ; for t h e west i nt erp ret e rs ; an d fo r
t h e no rt h tran slators
Th e
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,
Accordi ng to t his statement the chief functio n of t h e
o fficers i n charge o f forei g n a ff airs is to promote forei g n
trade Thei r duty is t o interpret forei g n lan g ua ges for
the expression o f thoughts and t h e exchan g e of wants which
are i n the minds of the forei g ners Since the people of t h e
five re g ions all have comfortable dwelli n gs delicious fl avors
suitable dresses useful implements and finished articles
forei g n trade is simply t o s up p ly t h e reciprocal demand o f
each other and there are mutual g a i ns M oreover sinc e
thei r tastes and desires are d i fferent forei g n tr ade can e x
chan ge their wants so as to develop the di ffere n t tastes and
to make use o f anyth in g wh ich i s not w anted in one re g ion
but demanded in another Therefore forei g n trade is nec
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
'
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,
,
,
,
,
.
Li
Ki
,
,
bk
.
iii pp
,
.
2 29- 2 30
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
45
R I N C I P LE S
OF CON
FU CI US
trade became a very i mportant problem Accordin g to Ts o s
C o m m e n t ary D uke W en of W ei ( 1 1 8 84 B K or 6 6 9 6 3 5
B C ) reorg anized his rui ned state b y the promotion of
“
t rade Hence the term international trade has come t o
exist ; in the ori g inal C hinese i t is called communica t in g
trade
When there is any internati onal trade there must b e some
sort o f commercial treaty I f w e want to trace bac k such
tr e a t i es i n the ancient times w e may g ive a fe w examples
I n 10 0 B K (6 5 1 B
there was a conference held in
K uei C h iu by the princes o f s e ven states O n i tem of the
fi fth art i cl e of thei r a g reement read : I mpose no re
stri ctions on the sale of g rai n
Since g rain w as the ch ief
a rticle o f food they made it the o b j ect of free exportation
W hen M encius spo k e of this conference he approved thei r
a g reement
E i g hteen years before C onfuci us ( 5 6 9 B
the ad
vanta ges o f peaceful i ntercourse b etween the C hinese and
t h e barbarian tribes were po i nt ed out by W ei C hian g a
mi nister o f Ts in He enumerated five advanta ges wh ich
came from the peace ful treaty made w i th the barbarians
Th e firs t o f them w as the profi t o f exchan g e ; and the sec
ond the conti nuity o f production H e sai d
’
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-
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” 1
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‘
e
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”
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2
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,
b a b a i ans a c nt i nu al ly h an gi n g t h e i
a
f ond o f x h an gi n g land fo goods Th i
—
h ased t h i s i s t h fi st adv ant age O u b
p
b e k pt i n app h ns i n Th p ple an l ab
an d t h e f a m e s
mpl te t h i to i ls —t hi s i s t h e
Th e
r
r
re
o
re
r
c
e
u rc
r
e
e
re
r
e
o
co
r
.
.
e
.
e r
e
eo
s i den c e an d
e r l ands c an b e
r
o rde r s w i ll not
o r o n t h e i r fields
second
r
c
c
re
,
,
3
.
years before C on fucius ( 5 6 2 B
th e prince s
o f th irteen states made a covenant to gether i n Po Th e firs t
E leven
.
.
1
C l as s ic s ,
I b id
.
I b id
.
,
vo l
v
,
o
v pt i p 3
ii pp 4 37 8
v p t ii p 4 4
vo l
l
.
.
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,
1
-
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,
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2
.
1
.
C O MM E
RCE
453
items of t h e i r treaty were : All we who covenan t
to g ether a g ree not to hoard up the produce of good years
and not to shut one another out from advanta ges we pos
By th is tre aty t h e first i tem referred to g rai n ;
sess
a nd the second to commodi ties i n g eneral wh ich should
come e ither from the natu ral resources o f certa i n local it i es
o r from the super i o r s k ill o f certa i n peopl e I t was a treaty
to make exportation free
Th e C onfucian theory o f i nternat i onal trade i s an extreme
doctr i ne of f ree trade Accordin g to E ld e r Tai s R e c o rd
F o rmerly w i se ki n gs i nspected t r av
C onfucius says :
e l e rs at
the custom h ouses b ut d i d not levy duty upon
commodi t i es
Such a statement i s repeated b y Mencius
H sun Tz ii and the Royal Reg ulat i ons
Menc i us men
t ions th is doctrine several times ; and i n one i nstance he
says : I f at h is custom houses there be an i nspecti on o f
pe rsons but no taxes char g ed on commod ities then all the
t ravele rs o f the whole world will be pleased and w ish to
make thei r tours on h is roads
An
O ne day he says :
c ie n t ly t h e establishment o f the custom houses w as to g uard
a g ainst violence N owadays i t is to exercise
“
In another day he compares i t w ith the th ievin g of fowls
I ndeed Mencius condemns custom duties as unj ust W hen
H sun Tz ii describes the e ffect o f free t rade he says :
Transport the money commod ities and g rain wi thout any
delay and stoppin g in orde r to satis fy the reciprocal de
mand : it makes the whole world l ike a sin gl e
There fore accord in g to the C on fucians international trade
should be absolutely free Si nce thei r pri nciple is cosmo
tw o
,
”
1
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-
,
” 2
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“
"
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-
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” 3
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-
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,
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,
,
,
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,
,
.
C l as s ic s
Bk
.
xxxix
C l as s ics
5
I b id
,
vo
p
.
,
l
.
l
.
v
,
pt
.
p
11.
.
vo
2 78
.
ii p
,
.
20 0
.
.
453
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 54
R IN CIP L E S
OF C ON
F U CI US
the i r o b j ect is to equal ize the whole world it
is no wonder that they advocate the doctrine of free trade
i n i ts extreme form
F ree t rade was only a theory of the C onfucians There
were custom duties under the C hou d y nasty Accordin g
to the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u there was the d irector o f
custom houses who char ged duties and stora g e I f any
commod i ty was smu ggled it sh ould b e confiscated and
the smuggler shoul d be punish e d I t was only durin g a
famine o r a g reat mortality that the custom duti e s were
suspended but the persons were still under inspection
F rom this example we can see the di fference between the
O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u and the principles of the C o n fu
Th e for mer is a record of facts while the latter are
c ian s
theor i es Sometimes they go alon g to gether an d sometimes
they do not
n is m an d
li
a
t
o
p
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-
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1
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,
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VI I I
.
P O SI TI O N
OF M E
R C H A N TS
Durin g the C hou dynasty the position of m erchants
was very prominent They were mostly indivi duals for the
carry i n g on o f thei r trade but there was also associated an d
incorporated enterprise Th e best example of the partner
ship was g iven b y Kuan Tz ii and Pao Sh u ( before the dat e
of 1 4 3 B K or 6 94 B
I n later times they both b e
came famous ministers of C h i C orporations are men
“
t io n e d in the O ffic ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u
I t says :
All the
people who own commoditi es and money i n common are
re gulated by the l aw of the state ; and i f they v iolate the
re gulations they shall be punished
C h en g C hu ng say s
that these peopl e are those who form j oint stock companies
,
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‘
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” 3
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1
’
3
Ch
.
xv
.
R
H is t o ri c al
Ch
.
xxxv
.
e c o r d, c h .
1x 11
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 56
RIN C IP L E S
OF C ON
F U CI US
themselves into a le g al b ody H ence thei r co r
rat io n h ad a perpetual l i fe for the makin g and preservin g
o
p
of t h e cove nant w ith the state from generat i on to g enera
t i on In order t o g uard th is covenant the statesman o f t h e
wea k state even dared to refuse the demand for a rin g raised
b y the envoy o f the chief power I t proves that the internal
contract between the state and the corporation was stron g er
even than the i nternat ional relation I n fact C h en g was a
commercial state and the cor p oration had a stron g hold
there
U nderstand i n g that commercial corporat i ons existed in
the t ime o f C onfucius we n o w come to consider th e posi
t i on of the i ndividual merchants F or th is purpose we may
ment i on a few o f the most p rominent merchants as e x
amples
In 7 6 B K ( 6 2 7 B
when the army of C h in was
i
o
n
to
invade
h
n
Hs
ien
a
merchant
of
h
n
K
a
o
e
e
C
C
g
g
g
g
on h is b us i ness j ourney met it Pretendin g that he was sent
b y his pri nce he went w ith four d ressed hides precedin g
twelve oxen to distribute them amon g the sold i ers and to
delay the g enerals w i th compl iments At the same time he
sent i ntelli g ence of what was takin g place w ith all possible
speed to C h en g Therefore C h en g was saved This was
a case where a merchant saved the country
Th e ch i ef fi g ure in the
B io g raphy of Merchants in
the H is t o ric al R e c o rd is Tz ii kun g H e was a p up i l o f C o n
fu c iu s but he was als o a merchant
H e used h i s cap ital for
speculat i ve purposes and sold his money He made a g reat
p rofit Amon g all th e pupils of C onfucius he was the rich
est o ne Wheneve r he visited any prince he was received
an d treated as i f he were o f t h e same rank wi th the prince
c o rp o rat e d
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2
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‘
2
C l as s ics
,
vo l.
H is t o ric al
R
v
,
pt
e c o r d,
.
i p
,
ch
.
.
c
224
.
xxix
.
C O IWM E R C E
457
the reputat i on even of C onfuc i us was partly due
to the e ffort of Tz ii kun g
A li ttle later than Tz it k un g w as F an Li He w as the
prime mi nister of Y u eh and he became a merch ant a fter hi s
r
K
o
oli
tical
success
B
He
to
k
hi
s
o
4
(
7
p
79
3
economic theory from his teache r and it is worth mention
ing
C h i Jan hi s teacher says :
Therefore
,
'
-
.
’
-
.
,
.
.
.
.
,
pet i t i o n n e s h o uld m ak e a p rep arat i on o f
o n e s h ould k no w t h e
Su pply ; an d fo r s e as o n al c onsum p t i on
th i n gs dem anded W h en t h ese t w o p o i nt s app e ar t h e s i tu a
t i on o f all c o mm o d i t i e s c an b e s een
W h e n t h e re i s a
d o u gh t o n e s h o uld s t o re up t h e b o ats ; an d w h en t h e re i s a
fl o o d o n e s h o uld s t o re up t h e c ars
To k eep t h e p i c e o f grai n o n a l e v e l t o put al l c o m m od i t i es
i n t h e n o m al o nd i t i o n an d t o m ak e t h e c u s t o m h ouses an d
t h e m a k et go o n n atu rally w i t h o ut an y i nte rru p t i on al l
t h e s e a e t h e p i n c i ples o f a good go v e rnm e nt
Th e l aw o f ac c u m u l at i n g c ap i t al are : O n e m u s t k eep al l t h e
c ap i t al go ods i nt ac t
O n e mu s t n o t allo w m o ney t o b e i dle
An e x c h an ge i s b et w een c o m m o d i ty an d c o mm o d i ty Th e in
s t ru m e n t s w h i c h h av e w o rn o u t an d c ann o t p rodu c e an y t h i n g
e m ai n
s h o u ld n o t
Do n o t d a e t o k e p go d w h e n t h e i r p ri c e i s hi gh
By
t u d y i n g t h e am o unt o f go o ds e i t h e r o v e r suppl i ed o r unde r
up p l i ed t h at t h e i r p ri c e w i ll e i t h e ri s e r f all c an b e k n o wn
b e f o e h and W h en t h e hi gh p i c e i ses o t h e ext reme i t w i ll
t u rn d o w n ; an d w h en t h e lo w p i c e f all t o t h e ext re m e i t w i ll
o
o
r
i
d
u
o
o
t
At
i
ts
h
i
h
est
p
i
e
t
h
e
mm
d
i
ty
s
h
uld
b
e
c
c
o
g
g
p
g
o f as m anu re an d c l ay : an d at i ts l o we s t p ri c e
i t s h o uld b e
t ak en a p e a l an d j ade A l l ki n d o f we alt h an d pe c i ally
m n e y s h o uld fl o w l ik e t h e u r e nt w at r
Fo r
ki l f ul
,
s
co m
o
,
,
.
,
.
r
,
1
.
.
,
r
r
,
c
r
-
,
s
,
r
r
.
s
.
.
.
r
.
r
o
e
s
.
s
-
s
r
.
r
r
r
.
o
t
r
r
.
,
s
,
.
.
s
r
o
l
c
Th is is
an d
wii
c an
be
t he
a t ng
u s u ally
ih
ne t
l e ad s
p i ipl f
h t im wh
r nc
fo r t
er
to
e
e
o
a c o n s t an
a g re at
ac c u
e
t
p
en
d ro u
ro
s
s
.
fit
.
e
r
m l ti g
i
th
gh
u a
n
e re
s
t
no r
a t
a
de
hi
m
.
ng
an d
wh
en
it h as
fo r it
a c o n s t an t
fl
oo
d
,
use.
i th
p li
t hi
S
.
no
nc e
s
e re
o
cy
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
45
RIN CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
are the econom i c princ i ples o f C h i J an After
F an L i had successfully applied these pri nciples to the
state he wanted to apply them to his family ; hence he
b ecame a rich merchant H is methods were to select the
n d to seize the ri g ht times
r i h t men
a
I
n
fact
i
t
was
g
speculative I n a period of ni neteen years he accumulated
wealth thre e times an d he d istributed it to the poor tw ice
Th e amount of his wealth was over one hundred millions ;
hence he distin g uished h imself by his wealth
About the time of M encius t here was Pai Kuei
He
was called the father o f economics but he looked upon eco
n o m ics as an art rather than as a sci ence
He was mostly
pleased to s peculate upon the chan ges of times H is pol icy
was : Take what others throw away and g i ve away what
”
others ta k e
H e w as able to lessen food and dri nk t o re
strai n the pass i ons and desi res t o simpli fy dre ss and to
share both hardship and pleasure w ith his workin g servants
But when he was goin g to se i ze th e r ight t imes it was l ike
the start o f the cruel beast and t h et e rrib le bird Therefore
he compared h is economic principles w ith the politics o f the
f
o
reatest
statesmen
th
e
strate
y
of
the
founders
the
mil
i
g
g
tary school and the laws of the fo under of the law school
He said
Th e se
.
,
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,
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,
,
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,
1
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,
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"
,
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,
,
,
,
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,
,
.
,
I f e i t h e r h i s w i sd o m c annot s e e t h e c h an ge s of a t hi n g o r hi s
b rave ry c annot m ak e out a dec i s i o n o r h i s ki ndness i s n o t
eno u gh fo r t h e gi v i n g of som e t h i n g o r hi s fi rmness i s n o t
st ro n g e n o u gh to h o ld t h e p ri nc i ple I s h all neve r tell h im
ab o ut m y m et h o ds
e v en t h o u gh h e m ay w ant t o le arn t h e m
,
,
,
,
f
,
ro m
me
.
we are to ld by Ss u ma C hien that the econom i sts
o f t h e C hinese world reco n i zed Pai Kuei as the father of
g
The refore
-
,
1
He
i
w as ac c o r d n g l y a
Co n
f i
u c an .
B OO K V I I
.
DI ST R I B U T I O N
XXIV
C HA P TE R
D I STR I BU TI O N
A N D P R O F I TS
G E N E RA L P R I N C I P L E S
I
.
GE N E
or
RA L P RI N C I P L E S O F
:
RE N T,
I N TE R E ST
R BU TI O N
DI ST I
the economic theories of the C on fucians mor e im
portance is attached to the problems of d istribution than t o
those of production because the C onfucians are more social
is t ic tha n indivi dualistic
There are many principles i n re
ard
to
the
d
istribution
of
we
a
lth
but
we
may
classi
fy
g
them under three heads namely equal i ty productivity and
need
IN
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
1
.
Dis t rib u t io n A c c o rding
t o t h e P rinc ip l e o f E q u al it y
F i rst wealth should be d istributed equally
,
.
B y an equal
distribution it is not meant that everyone should have the
same amount o f income but that everyone should have t h e
same opportunity from wh ich he w ill be enabled to g e t the
same amount o f i ncome Therefore t here is the minority
of men who receive j ustly an unequal amount o f wealth o n
account o f thei r ability and service
B ut as soon as the
maj ori ty of men can have equal opportuni ty of production
and can l ive at the social standard w i thout the su fferin g of
poverty i t is an equal distributi on I n fact there never c an
be an absolute equality but only a proximate equality
Hsun Tz ii says :
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
'
to b e as d i gn i fied as an emp e ro r an d as r i c h as pos
ses s i n g t h e w h o le e m p i re are o bj e c t s fo r w hi c h al l m e n ac
No w
,
,
,
4 60
,
GE N E
RA L P R IN C IP LE S
R U TI O N
O F DI S T IB
1
6
4
o rd i n g to h um an n atu re h ave a c ommon des ire But i f we
i ndul ge t h e d es i res o f m e n t h e re i s no ro om fo r so m any
d e s i res an d t h e re i s no su ffic i ency o f t h i n gs to s at i sfy t h em
Th e anc i ent ki n gs ac co rd i n gly e s t ab l i s h ed r i tes an d j ust i c e
Th ey d i st i n gu i s h ed
fo r men i n o r d e r to d i st ib u te we alt h
t h e cl asses b et w e e n t h e h o no ab le an d t h e me an t h e d i ffe r
en c e b etween t h e old an d t h e youn g an d t h e sep arat i on b e
tween t h e w i s e an d t h e i gno rant and b etween t h e ab le an d t h e
i nc ap ab le Th ey m ade all men t ak e u p t h e i r wo r k an d ge t
t h e i r j ust i ce re s pe c t i vely Th en t h e d i ffe rent amo u nts o f
i n c ome e i t h e r gre at o r sm all we re all m ade su i t ab le to eve ry
o ne
Thi s i s t h e p i n c i ple o f h arm o ny an d un i ty o f a s o c i ety
Th e re f o re w h e n t h e b enevolent m an i s on t h e t h rone t h e
farme rs w i ll gi ve al l t h e i r st ren gt h t o t h e f arms ; t h e m e
c h an ts
t h e i r s agac i ty to we alt h ; t h e art i sans t h e i r s ki ll to t h e
from t h e stu de nts up t o t h e
art i c les ; an d al l t h e o ffi c i als
d u k es t h e i r v i rt u e an d abi l i t i es to t h e i r o ffic i al dut i e s
Th i s
i s w h at i s c alled per f e c t e q u al i ty Th e refo re some rece i ve
i n c ome fr o m t h e w h o le emp i re [ as an empe ro r ] b ut t h ey do
not t h i n k t h at i t i s t o o mu c h ; an d so m e re c e i ve i t as a d oo r
k e e pe r o r a w ai te on a t ravell e r o r a gu a d alon g t h e gate
but t h ey do not t h i n k t h at i t i s too l i ttle
o r a w at c h m an
It i s s ai d : Alt h o u gh i t l o o k s un e q u al i t i s e q u al ; alt h ou gh i t
loo k s p art i al i t i s j ust ; alt h ou gh i t l o o k s d i ffe rent i t i s un i
Thi s i s w h at are c alled so c i al rel at i ons
fo rm
c
.
,
,
.
,
r
.
r
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
r
.
.
,
,
r
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
r
,
r
,
,
.
,
“
,
,
,
‘
.
.
Accord in g to the social principles o f C on fuci u s there are
t w o d iv is ions o f men
Th e one i i n t h e honorable position
such as the emperor the princes the g reat o ffi cials and the
students while the othe r is i n t h e mean posi tion the com
mon peopl e Th e cl ass o f honorable men should be rich
and the cla s s o f common people poor Hence the word
r ich comes to ether w ith the word honorable and th e wo rd
g
poo r w ith the wo rd mean B ut there i s nothin g to confine
,
s
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
Bk
.
iv
.
RI N CI P L E S
TH E E C O N O Il/I I C P
2
6
4
OF CON
FU C I US
anyone to e i t h er cl ass an d he w i ll e i ther rise o r fall ao
cord i n g to h i s own abil ity Amon g the fiv e classes of men
the emperor the princes the g reat o fficials the students
—
and the common peo ple the re i s no e q ual i ty of wealth
But amon g the common p eopl e themselves t h e g reatest
numb er of men wealth must be equally d i st ri b uted O n the
one hand no o n e of them is ena b led to ge t any special ad
vanta ge over his fellow members for the i ncreas in g of his
i ncome ; and on the other the upper classes are not allowed
to take up any g a inful occupation for competitio n w ith t h e
common people Th i s i s what C onfuci us means by an equal
d istribution
We must understand t hat accordin g to the p rinc i ples o f
C onfucius t h e two classes r ich and poor Should not be
w i dely separated They are s imp ly comparatively rich and
poor but they should not have too much di fference D ur
in g the C hou dynasty there was a class stru gg le and it is
—
shown i n the C an o n o f P o e t ry I t says
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
-
,
.
.
-
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
h
h v t h i g d pi i t
A d th i fi
vi d l g wit h t h m
Th y
m b l t h i i gh b
f ll f t h i p i
A d th i
l t iv
li
I t hi k
f my l
Wh
My
wi g h t i f ll f d i t
T
a e
ey
n
e r
as s e
e
an
ne
e r
oo
en
n
es
e
u
ne s s,
u
s
ra s e .
e r
o
o ne
e ar
.
o rs ,
ar e
o
n
s o r ro
s,
s a on
e r ne
e
e r re a
n
r
s
s re s s
o
.
fi rst four l ines describe the wealth and j oll i ty of the
unworthy favorites of the court ; the last two the writer s
distress in th ink i n g o f the existin g disorder and the comin g
ru i n I t conti nues
Th e
’
,
,
.
ik th h v th i h
;
Ab j t t h y h v t h i
l y
B t t h p pl
w h v
m i t
F
H v
i p
d i g t h m wi t h it
Th
i h j y t h m lv ;
B t
lit y !
f
l
th
h lp l
d
pp 3 9 3
l iv p t
Cl
i
Me an l
e,
-
ec
a e
e
,
e
or
ea en
u
1
eo
en o
r c
a as
or
as s c s ,
vo
n
e
e
.
s a ar
.
a n e n an c e
a e no
o un
s
o use s
e r
e r
e no
u
o se
a e
o se
e
,
e ss
.
11,
mi t i
s c al a
e
se
.
es
an
ar
so
.
1
-
20
.
1
es.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 64
R I N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
It i s s ai d by Co n f uc i us We are n o t t ro ub led w i t h f e a s o f
p o ve rty b ut are tro u b led w i t h f e ar s of a l ac k o f e q u al i ty o f
Th e re f o re w h en t h e r e i s h e re a c o n c ent rat i on o f
we alt h
w e alt h t h e re must b e an empt i ness t h e re
G re at r i c h es m ak e
t h e pe o ple p ro ud ; an d gr e at pove rty m ak es t h em w re t c h ed
W h e n t h ey are w re tc h ed t h ey would b eco m e robb e r s ; w h en
t h e y are p ro ud t h ey w o uld b e c o me opp re s so rs ; i t i s h um an
n atu re Fr o m t h e n atu re o f t h e av e rage m an t h e s ages d is
Th e refo re w h en t h ey e st ab
c o v e r e d t h e o r i g i n o f d i so r d e r
l is h e d soc i al l aws an d d i v i ded u p t h e so c i al o rd e rs t h ey
m ad e t h e ri c h ab le t o s h ow t h e i r d i st i nct i o n w i t h out b e i n g
p ro ud an d t h e p o or ab le to m ak e t h e i r l i v i n g w i t h o ut m i se ry ;
t hi s w as t h e st and ar d fo r t h e e q u al i z at i o n o f s o c i ety
In t h i s
w ay
we alt h w as s u ffi c i e nt an d t h e hi gh an d low cl asses
we re pe ace f ul H e n c e soc i ety w as e as i ly gove rned well
In t h e p resent d ay t h e regul at i ons are ab an do ned s o t h at
ev ery o ne pu rsues w h at h e w ants A S h uman w ants h ave no
l i m i t t h e w h ole s o c i ety b e c o mes i ndul gent w i t h out e n d
Th e gre at m e n o f t h e h igh cl ass n o tw i t h st and i n g t h ey h ave
f
r
e
t
f
r
tune
fe
l
b
d
f
o
r
t
h
e
nsu
fic
i
ency
o
f
t
h
e
i
r
we
a
lt
h
a
o
e
a
I
;
g
w hi le t h e sm all people of t h e low cl ass are dep ressed Th e re
f o re t h e ri c h i ncre ase t h e i r av ar i ce fo r m o n e y an d d o n o t
w i s h to do good ; w hi le t h e p o o r v i ol ate t h e l aws eve ry d ay
an d no w ay c an st o p t h em
H en c e so c i ety i s d i ffi c ult t o go v
e rn well
r
,
,
”
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
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,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
1
.
Th i s
is an explanation o f the principl e of C onfucius
E quali ty is a g reat pr inciple o f C onfucius and i t has also
i ts world aspect Therefore he advocates i t from the inter
national point of view I n the Great L earnin g the last
an d lon g es t chapter i s entitled
Th e E qual ization of the
Whol e W orld in wh i ch the most important subj ect is ad
minister i n g wealth
I n the Doctri ne of the M ean C o n
fu c iu s says :
Th e world the st ates and the famil ies may
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
”
,
2
.
,
,
1
Bk
.
x x vn
.
,
,
2
Se e
su
p ra
,
p
.
1 40
.
GE N E
R A L P R IN C IP L ES
R U TI O N
O F DI S T IB
6
4 5
be equal ized
Therefore C onfucius plans an equal dis
t rib u t io n appl ied to the world as a whol e
D urin g the time o f C onfucius the pri nces o f states and
the chiefs o f noble families made war a ga inst each other i n
order to extend the i r territory an d to increase their people
because they thou ght that havin g more land and more p o p u
lation would ma k e them richer B ut th e people not only
had no i nterest in these wars but also sacrificed the i r l ives
and property i n them Therefore when the head o f the C h i
family was g oin g to attack C huan y u a dependent state of
L u C onfucius g ave the g reat pri n
cipl e of equal ity He sa id
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
-
,
.
,
I h ave h e ard t h at rul e rs o f st ates an d c h i e f s o f f am i l i es are
n o t t rou b led lest t h e i r people s h ould b e fe w
b u t are t ro u b led
le s t t h e y s h o uld not h ave e q u al i ty o f we alt h ; t h at t h ey are
not t ro u b led w i t h f e ars of pove rty b ut are t rou bled w i t h
f e ars of a l ac k o f pe ace amon g t h e people t h emsel v es F o
w h en t h e peo le h av e e q u al i t y o f we alt h
t
h
e
re w i ll b e n o
p
m
ov
e rt
w
h
en
ffie e wi ll b e no s c a c i t y f
;
p
y
eo
r
d
i
r
n
e
o
a
m
t
h
e
pe
o
ple
t
h
e
e
o
e
e
a
e
n
i
i
c
s
p
a
n
wh e i h e
g ;
al
c
w i ll b e no f all o f st at e o r f ami ly
4
,
,
r,
.
.
,
w
‘
e ;
T
r
r
i
u
S
t
i r
r
-
r
r
o
fy
,
2
.
_
_
2
These
th ree characteristics eq ual ity harmony and peace
are the a ims o f the economic t h eories o f C on fucius B ut
harmony and peace are th e results o f e q ual i ty Therefore
e qual ity o f wealth is the fundamental th in g
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
P r o d uc t iv it y
Second d istribut ion shoul d be accord in g to producti vity
C on fucius says :
2
.
D is t rib u t io n A c c o rd ing
to
,
.
emony t ak e s pl ac e b e f o re t h e s i l k s o ff e red i n c o n
n e c t io n w i t h i t are p esented —
t h i s i s i nten d e d t o t e ac h t h e
pe o p le t o m ak e t h e do i n g o f t h e i r dut i es t h e fi st t h i n g an d
Th e
cer
r
r
‘
C las s ic s
,
vo
l
.
i p
,
.
389
.
I b id
.
,
p
.
,
30 8
.
RI N CIP L E S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 66
t h e i r s al ari es
f te
He
C an n f C h ang
h e m ay eap ; h e gat h e s
w i t h ut h av i n g ult i v ated
r
r
r
c
o
FU CI US
ns i d erat i o n
It i s s ai d i n t h e
re aps w i t h o ut h av i n g pl o u gh ed t h at
t h e p ro du c e of t h e t hi rd ye ar s fiel d
i t t h e fi rst ye ar ; i t i s an ev i l
co
es ,
o
o
a
an
OF C O N
.
’
” 1
.
ma k es a rule fo r t h e C onfuc i ans :
They must first do the wor k and then take the pay
Hence accordin g t o t h e princ i ples o f C onfuc i us d is t rib u
tion must be i n accordance wi th the product E ven thou gh
it is d i fficul t to find out the exact amount of productivity
this principle is a j ust o ne Th e further discussion o f it we
s h all defer t i ll w e take up the problem of wa g es
Therefore
C onfucius
,
” 2
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
.
D
i
t
o
o
i
t
r
u
i
r
i
n
s
b
n
A
cc
d
3
g
.
Thi rd
t o N eed
distribution shoul d be acco rdin g to need This is
a very important principle i n the Sp ring an d A u t u m n I n
the first year o f D uke Yi n of L u it fe co rds : Th e emp eror
sent the sub admin i strato r H s iian to return a present o f two
c arria ges and ei ght horses for the funeral s of D uke Hu i
and his w i fe C hun g t z ii
N o w as this present w as not
the o l d property of L u and j ust g i ven by the empero r why
shoul d C onfucius use the word return P I t is because
he wants to i ndicate th at the receiver Duke Yin should
have a common ownership i n those thi n gs with the E mperor
Ho Hs i u expla i ns this principle as follows : W ealth is pro
d u ce d by the p ow er o f Heav e n and E arth and it is not a
possession of any sin g le family Therefore those w h o have
much wealth and those wh o have noth i n g should share i t
for thei r common i nterest
Th is i s l i k e the communistic
i dea But we must understand it more clearly C onfucius
reco n i zes the private ownership of wealth
but he denies
g
that the owne r has an absolute ri ght to it Therefo re he
.
,
.
,
-
”
-
.
,
,
.
,
”
,
,
.
,
.
,
”
.
.
.
,
.
1
2
Li
Ki
I hid
,
,
pp
xxxviii p 4
bk
bk
.
.
x xvu ,
,
.
.
2 95 - 6 .
04
.
,
»
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
4 8
RIN CI P LE S
O F C ON
F U CI U S
s at i sfi e d an d t h at i n b ad ye ars t h e y s h all escape t h e
A f te r t h i s h e m ay u rge t h em an d t h ey
d an ge r o f p e r i s h i n g
w i l l p ro c eed to w h at i s good fo r i n t hi s case t h e people w i ll
fo llow af te r i t w i t h e ase
N o w t h e p rope rty o f t h e people i s so re gul ated t h at ab o v e
t h ey h ave n o t su ffi c i ent w h e rew i t h to s e rve t h e i r p arents
an d b elow t h ey h ave n o t su ffic i ent w h e rew i t h t o supp o r t t h e i r
N otw i t h st and i n g go o d ye ars t h e i r l i ves
w i ves an d c h i l dr en
i n b ad ye ars t h ey d o n o t
an d
are c ont i nu ally e m bi tte red
es c ape pe r i s hi ng In su c h c i rc umst an c es t h ey o nly t ry t o
s ave t h emselves f ro m d e at h an d are e ven afrai d t h ey w i ll not
su c c ee d W h at l e i su re h ave t h ey to c ult i v ate p rop ri ety an d
r i h te o usness ?
g
an t ly
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
1
Wh at Mencius means by permanent property i s ex
pla i ned in the t s ing t ie n system
A fter he has g iven th i s
advice to the ki n g he immediat e ly describes such a syste m
in short outl ine I ndeed what is necessary to make a man
a g ood ci ti zen is the basis of d istributive j ustice I f hi s
physi cal needs are not satisfied w ith v e ry fe w exceptions
no one can fully develop his i ntellectual and moral po w
e rs
‘
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
2
.
II
1
A b s enc e o
.
RE N I
’
.
a
L
n
d
f
o w n e rs h i
p
-
does n o t allow the princes to
confer feudal e states on anyone at thei r pleasure nor the
Th e Sp ring
A u t um n
an d
,
1
C l as s ic s
vo l
,
.
pp
11,
1 4 7- 8
.
.
f J m L gg m k H i p i ip l t h t g d g v m t
i
h l d t mp l t d wi ll b
m t i l w ll b i g f t h
th
p p l i w t h y f ll h
M
i t h t h t wi t h
Wh
th
m
wi l l h v l i t t l
wh l if i
f m
d
ti
m b i t t d b y mi b l p v t y h h w him l f w ll q i t d
lly t
wi h h m
t
it w m g
Ed
ti
g i
it b t I t hi k it i
i
E
h
m
p
l y wi t hi
i
h
d
t
t
t
t
y
th
d fi it
d imp t
wi t h whi h it pp d t M i
h i Chi t w t h
l ii pp
d y
Cl
i
C hi
g
—
P
f L gg p b l i h d h i t l t i i 894 A D
49 5
P ro
ou
s
eo
a
.
es
a e an
con e
e,
s
or
as s
e
e
en
o
u
s e ra
an
u
,
n
e
e
e re
0
n a u re
n
n
.
na
ro
e
.
e
e
,
on s s
s
o
no
e ar s
u
s
e
s
a o
e
e nc u s
e ac
a
nes e
on
n
1
n
e
e are
u ro
.
e
e n c us
o
as s c s , v o
.
s
n ze
re c o
o
c
.
e
ac u a n e
e n e ra
as as s u
e
a
es
e
se
en
o
e re
a
”
e n
-
su cce ss
s
e rn
o
oo
a er a
see
ran s a
a
e
e
o r an c e
o u s an
e
a e
n a ce n ur
an
o
e
en
er
o
s on
en e s s
n.
seen
on
uc a
.
r nc
s
o n o r.
uca
e
s :
e
a
o
e re
t
ar
re
e
e
.
,
.
GEN E
RA L P RI N C I P LE S
R U TI O N
O F DI S T I B
6
4 9
r in c i l e
eat
o
f
ficials
to
w
in
the
land
exclusively
h
is
T
g
means that none can be the true landl ord exce p t the em
“
h
e
r
r
T
o
e
e
:
P
says
U
nder
the
w
ide
heaven
a
n
o
t
r
C
o
n
o
p
f
y
all 15 the k i n g 5 lan e
I n anc i ent t 1m e s t he Em g o r em
W
pe t o r represented the sovere i g n power o f the whole e m p 1re ;
h ence when anythi n g belon ged to the tate i t belon ged to
the k in g o r empero r Therefore accord i ng to t h e ri n
c ip l e
o
f
onfucius
non
should
o w n th
C
s
e
Stat e. ve
n e pr1n c es a
n t he g e a
c al s h a ve n o ri ht
g
to take t
l and un der thei r s w ay ; h o w can the commo n
r
.
.
,
1
.
,
s
s
,
.
,
,
,
"
i
I t shoul
ted that C onfu c ius would j usti fy the ta k
ing o f rent i f the land had been the private property o f its
owner for a lon g time L and is only one k i nd o f capita ?
oods
and
ince
on
fuc
i
us
does
no
t
condemn
the
taki
n
S
C
;
g
g
o f interest by the capital ist he must not condemn the takin g
of ren t by the landowner Jud g in g f rom his idea i f th e
land had not been private property he would no t let i t go
to private hands : but i f i t had been so he would not deny
the owner the ri ght of ta k in g it s rent
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
2
.
Th e L an d Tax t h e E q u ival e n t
o
e
R
n
t
f
C on fucius
and his d isciples g ive no theory about the rent
o f land because i n thei r day the land was under publ ic
owne rsh i p Th e essentials o f thei r princ i ples however can
b e appli e d to the problem o f rent Since the government
w as the land owner and the people paid the land tax to i t
t h e land tax really took t h e place o f rent Al thou gh the
term land tax i s d i fferent from t h e term rent in modern
t i mes they were not d i ff erent in ancient t imes Therefore
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
.
‘
C las s ic s
,
vo
l
.
iv
,
pt
.
ii p
,
.
360
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
470
R I N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
even i n t h e H an and t h e Tan g dynasties t h e word rent was
used i n t h e sense of tax ; an d even i n the p resent day there
i s t h e s o called g overnment re n t which goes to the govern
Hence the p rinc i ples of
ftl e n t for the use o f public l and
the l and tax g iven by the C o n fuc i anSare als o the principles
of rent
,
,
-
.
,
.
m
A
o
u
n
t
3
.
Accord
o
en t
R
f
i n g to the theory of the C onfuc i ans the amount o f
,
re nt should be one tenth o f the total p ro duce of the land
Th i s i s the moderate rate of land tax ; hence, it is also that
of rent There i s als o no tax land e q u l v ale n t t o n o rent
land
Accord in g t o the historical facts the earliest custom of
p ay in g rent was the m e t ay e r system Th e cultivator t e
—
i
n
t a e d o n e half of the h arvest and pa i d t h e ot h er half to the
landow ner as rent Th i s was s t ron gly co n d e nm e d by the
But such a p ract i ce has ex i sted from the C h in
C onfucians
dynasty to the pre sent day
D u rin g the W ei and the Tsi n dynasti es when people
to o k l and and oxen from the government for cultivation
the g overnment go t Six tenths of the harvest as rent and
the p eople go t four tenths I f the cultivato rs suppl ied pr i
vate oxen and cultivated government land they conformed
to the m e t ay e r system
In 1 0 7 7 A K ( 5 2 6 A
the N o rthern W ei dynasty
r e ulated the land tax as fiv e pints o f rice for each acre
g
I f the cultivator was a tenant o f government land each
acre pa i d one p e e k o f rice Therefore the amount of re nt
was equal to that of tax five p ints
Th e Kin dynasty obtained a g reat amount of rent from
-
.
-
-
.
-
,
.
,
’
.
.
.
‘
.
1
.
,
,
-
,
-
.
,
’
.
.
.
.
.
,
.
,
2
,
1
3
H is t o ry
o
G e n e ral
R
f H an
,
xxiv
ch .
e s e ar c h ,
ch
.
11
.
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
47
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
ri ght o f private receipt o f rent H is conclusion was t h a t
land owne rsh i p should be l imited and rent should be le g ally
B ut he lost his posi tion at the end of the year
r educed
above mentioned so his theory w as not carried out Pass
ing throu g h the Sun g the Y ii an and the M in g dynasties
t h e g eneral amount o f rent was practically the same one
b ushel of rice for each acre o f good land At the present
d ay the rent is paid partly i n money
.
,
1
.
.
,
2
3
,
,
,
.
.
,
III
I N TE
.
RE ST
I n the C h inese lan gua g e there are two words interest
and profi t B ut the word profit can be used either for the
word i nteres t only or for both interest an d profit Hence
there is g reat confus ion
Th e word interest however
never can be used fo r the word profit nor can it include the
meanin g o f profit Therefore we shall d iscuss the prob
lem of interes t first
,
,
.
.
,
,
1
‘
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
1
I us t ific at io n
.
o
es t
I
t
r
n
e
f
word interest i n C hinese is called h s i w h i ch me ans
“
ch i ld I n the H is t o ric al R e c o rd it is termed the ch ild
money
I n the C an o n o f H is t o ry i t i s called s h e ng
which means produce Th e oldest statement is i n the C ano n
o
B
K
o
r
2
i
o
r
8
0
8
H
I
t
was
said
by
P
an
K
n
s
t
e
3
f
y
g ( 5
1 4 0 1 1 37 4 B C
I
will
not
employ
those
who
are
fond
)
of wealth and make their l ivin g upon the multiplication of
interest
Therefore the capi talists makin g their l i vin g
upon interest were very prominent duri ng the Yin dynasty
Th e reason why P an K en g d i d not want to employ these
Th e
,
.
,
” 5
‘
.
,
,
.
‘
-
.
.
-
.
.
” 11
.
,
‘
1
2
1
4
G e n e ral P o li t ic al H is t o ry
H is t o ry
H is t o ry
f Su ng
o f M ing
o
C f infr a
.
,
p
C f C l as s ics
.
,
,
.
,
475
vo l
,
ch . c c
xxiii
l xxviii
ch . c l
ch .
xxxiv
.
.
5
.
.
iii
,
pt
.
i p
,
.
.
24 7 .
Ch
.
c
xxix
.
.
GE N E
RA L P R I N C I P L E S
R U TI O N
O F DI S T I B
473
men is that l ivin g upon interest i s not a proper th in g for
the o fficials because o fficials should not ma k e any material
ain
l
ike
private
persons
B
ut
he
d
i
d
not
prohi
b
i
t
the
g
ta k in g o f interest Therefore anyone had the ri ght of tak
in g i nterest and the only d iscoura gement w as that he would
not be employed as an o fficial This is t h e pri nc i ple o f C o n
,
1
.
.
,
,
.
fuc iu s
.
Accordin g to the principles of C on fucius ta k in g interest
i s not w ron g C apital is the mother and interest is her
child As an immed iate cause capi tal can produce i nterest
b ecause i t is employed under the g ui d ance of the entre
preneur B ut as the remote cause the entrepreneur can em
ploy the capital for the producin g of i nterest because he h im
sel f either i s a c apitalist o r can borrow i t from the capital
is t fo r he cannot make interest c u t of nothi n g
There fore
interest is imputed to capital j ust as a child is imputed to
its mother I n C hinese literature wh ich calls i t child
the re never has been a sin gle que tion about i ts j ustification
It is j ust i fied ve ry plainly by the lan g ua g e i t sel f and i t
causes no a rg ument Th e di fferent usa g e in the E uropean
lan g ua ges may account for part o f the controversy about
the takin g o f intere st C on fucius g ives no condemnation
of it
When Mencius quotes t h e words o f L u ng Tz ii who says
that the farmers borrow money at the rate o f one hundred
per cent fo r the cleari n g u p o f tax payment he does not
b lame the lender for the h i gh rate o f interes t but simply
b lam e s the system o f taxation He k nows that the rate
o f interest is determi ned by demand and supply so that he
does not say anyth in g a ga inst i t E ven o f s u c n a h i g h rate
o f interest he
ives
no
condemnation
and
certainly
h
e
o
e
s
d
g
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
”
.
,
s
.
,
.
.
.
,
-
-
,
,
’
.
,
.
.
1
Se e infra
,
2
Se e
i
f
n ra,
pp
pp
543 8
-
.
.
.
62 3 4
-
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 74
RIN C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
not condemn those w h o take interest at the natural rate
I n f act the C onfuc i ans j usti fy the t akin g o f i ntere st
.
.
.
2
R at e
-
.
o
e
es t
I
t
r
n
f
Alt h ou g h i nterest i s j ust i fiable wh at Should b e i ts natural
rate ? O n th is point C onfucius does not t ouch Jud g in g
from the pri nciples o f the C onfucians and the common
“
phrase the profit of one t en th we may venture t o s ay
that the ideal rate of interest from the C onfuc ian point of
v iew would be ten per cent
In the A nn o t at io n o f t h e O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u C h en g
H s ii an g ives h is theory as to the rate o f i nterest as follows :
W hen the g overnment bank lends cap i tal to the people the
annual rates of interest are d i fferent accord i n g to the res i
dence of borrowers I f they l ive in the c ap i tal c i ty the rate
is 5 per cent ; i f in the suburb I O per cent ; i f i n the country
1 5 per cent ; if i n the prov i nces
2 0 per cent
Th erefore
the rate of intere st is hi gher i f the borrower l ives further
from the i mperial ci ty W e are riot sure whether this rule
was made by the D u k e o f C hou o r not ; but the theo ry o f
C h en g H s ii an i s very interestin g
Since h e was one o f t h e
i
n
reatest
onfucians
an
d
his
commentar
had
a
reat
C
g
y
g
fl u e n c e upon historical facts w e are safe i n sayi n g that
i t is the theory of the rate of interest o f t h e C onfucians I n
expl anation o f th i s theo ry w e may make a su ggestion : As
the imperi al city is the commercial center the rate is the
lowest one ; wh ile t h e fu rt h e r a locality is from the center
the h i gher w ill be the rate This is the pri n cipl e that de
mand and supply d etermine the rate of interest But as
t h e hi ghest rate i s fixed at 2 0 per cent it shows that the
g overnment bank is for the good of the people
Th e rates j ust ment ioned may have b een theoretical o r
i deal rates We now come to t h e h istor i cal facts concern
,
,
.
,
”
-
-
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
1
.
,
,
~
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
‘
,
.
.
,
.
.
1
Ch
.
xv
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 76
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
Therefore C onfucius sai d :
order
He who acts w ith
a constant view to his own profit w ill be much murmured
ag ainst
I ndeed C onfucius was afraid that man woul d
care too much for selfish g ain D urin g the time of Men
cius the su b j ect o f profi t became st i ll more promi nent
Therefore Mencius not only seldom used but also v e h e
m e nt ly attacked the word p ro fit
These facts ind i cate that
the economic principles o f the C onfucians are from the
soc i al and moral po ints o f view r ather t h an f rom the purely
econom i c po 1nt of view
.
,
” 2
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
3
.
,
.
o
P
r
fi
t
f
Althou gh C onfucius seldom spo k e o f profit he di d not
ive
any
statement
a
ainst
the
commo
n
people
who
mak
e
g
g
profit Th e C ano n o f P o e t ry says : As a merchant g a i ns
a profit o f three hundred per cent a super ior man has k nown
”
it
This means that the makin g o f profit is a proper bus i
ness of the merchant but not of the superio r m an the o ffi
c ial
It is a condemnation of the o ffic i al w h o makes profit
l i ke a merchant but not a condemnation of the merchant
To g ain a g ood profit is a proper thin g fo r all the common
people ei ther farmers or artisans o r merchants ; and it is
j ustified by C onfucius
E ven his o w n pupils C onfucius did n o t co n demn fo r the
makin g o f profit As we have known Tz fi kun g was a very
o
f
reat
merchant
o
f
that
time
and
the
first
one
the
founders
g
“
of the commercial s c h o b l O ne day C onfucius said : There
i s H u i ! He has nearly attained to perfect v irtue He i s
often i n want Tz it does not acquiesce i n the appointment
of Heaven but accumulates commodities fo r the multi
2
J us t ific at io n
.
o
,
.
,
1
‘
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,
,
.
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,
,
,
,
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-
.
,
,
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,
.
‘
’
.
,
1
1
1
4
H is t o ric al
C las s ic s
I b id
I hid
.
,
,
,
R
.
vo l
.
.
l
i p 69
ii pp 5 7 4
iv p t ii p 5 6
vo l
vo l
e c o rd , c h
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
1
12
,
xxiv
.
.
-
,
.
2 8- 30
2.
.
GE N E
RA L P RIN C I P L E S
R U TI O N
O F DI S T I B
4 77
plicat i on of we al t h Yet his specul ations are o ften success
ful
H ui was the personal name of Yen Y il an and Tz fi
Most o f the commentators say that
w as that o f Tz fi kun g
But
C onfucius praised Yen Yii an and sati rized Tz ii k un g
this w as not the case C on fuc i us praised Yen Y ii an indeed
b ut he praised Tz ft kun g also Yen Yiian d isti n guished
h i msel f b y h is v i rtue an d T ii k un g by his ab i l i ty ; hence
they are b ot h appreci ated in this statement o f C onfucius
O f course when Tz ii k un g was compared w i th Yen Y ii an
Ye n Y u an was b etter than h e ; b ut when h e was compared
w i th all th e pupils of C on fuc i us h e stood as t h e second
fi g ure and next only to Ye n Yil an Therefore C onfucius
praised Yen Y u an first and sai d that he had nearly attained
to perfect v i rtue But he praised Tz ii kun g next and said
t h at h e d i d n o t ac q u i esce i n the appointment o f H eaven and
t h at h i s speculat i ons were o ften successful L e t us thi n k
h ow d i fficult i t i s not to accept the appo i ntment of Heaven
an d t o succeed frequently i n speculation
Th is showed the
abili ty o f Tz it kun g
and C on fucius appreciated i t h i ghly
F rom the moral point of view Yen Yiian w as t h e
b est b ecause he h ad the best i ntellectu al power b ut d i d not
c are fo r h i s economic li fe
F rom the intellectual po i nt o f
v iew Tz ft k un g w as a ve ry a b le man yet h i s moral cha r
acter had no wron g
This is the true meanin g o f this state
ment o f C on fucius N o w even thou gh we g rant that he
d id n o t praise Tz ii k un g at all he had noth i n g against h im
F o r the ma k in g o f comparison between Yen Y ii an and
Tz h k un g does not me an that one is i g h t and the other
w ron g Th erefore w e may say that C on fucius d id approve
t h e m aki n g o f profit by Tz ii—
kun g E ven i f he d id not do
so
he ce rta i nly d id not condemn it
I n the De b at e o n t h e G o v e rn m e n t M o n o p o ly o f Sal t and
.
” 1
‘
.
,
-
.
-
.
.
.
-
.
z
.
-
,
.
-
,
,
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.
,
,
-
.
,
.
.
’
-
.
,
.
.
.
-
,
,
.
.
,
-
.
,
,
r
-
.
.
.
.
,
.
C las s ic s
,
vo l .
i p
,
.
243.
1
1b id
.
,
p
.
1 76
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 78
R I N CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
kung is defended I t says that he i n employi n g
his cap i tal was not necessarily getti n g profit out of the
p e ople H e simply worked w i th his brai ns e xchan g ed
commodit i es accordin g to the conditions of the market and
took profit in the d i fferences o f prices F rom this poi n t o f
View pro fit is the result o f a s k ilful exchan g e and it is not
nec essarily taken from the people
I ro n ,
1
Tz ii
-
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
A
m
o
u
n
t
3
o
.
r o fit s
P
f
Since
the amount of profits is uncertain we c annot make
o u t the rate of profits
Accordin g to the statements o f the
ancient books however w e may ge t a g eneral idea about it
As we have j ust seen the C an o n o f P o e t ry ment i ons a profit
E xplanat i on of the Tri
o f three hundr e d per cent
Th e
rams
also
speaks
about
the
profit
of
three
hundred
per
g
cent i n the marke t Therefore we may say that three hun
dred per cent was considered as a g ood pro fit i n t h e a ncient
t imes ; but it was not an extraordinarily h i gh p rofit
In the P lans o f t h e Warring S t at es there is a statement
tell i n g about the rates o f p rofits as follows : L ii P u wei asks
his father H o w many times more is t h e profit of culti
?
n times
v at in
T
e
land
than
the
amount
of
capital
g
answers hi s father
H o w many times more is the profit
o f a j eweller than t h e amount of capital ?
he asks a gain
is the answer
Jud g in g from this
O ne hundred times
statement the rates o f p ro fit s durin g the period of W arrin g
States were very hi gh
Such hi g h rates of profits how
ever beg an in the period of Sprin g and Autumn Kuan
Tz ii says that the merchants may g ain a profit o f one
h und red t i mes the amount o f capital and that for the pre
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
?
,
-
.
,
1
-
,
.
”
.
”
3
.
_
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
1
I t w as
( 4 79 50 3
,
2
Yi
w it t
r
or
King
,
en
b y H u an
7 3 49 B
-
p
.
431
.
Ku an
‘
Bk
.
dur
xvii
i
ng t h e
re
n o
f H an H s u an Ti
.
3
.
ig
Bk
.
v 11.
XXV
C HA P TE R
VVA GE S
I.
O
RI GI N
OF
W A GE S
W H E N everyone works for h imsel f there are no wa ges
,
to be paid out although the element o f wa ges w ill remain
W a ges come when men work for others Th e slave works
for others yet he receives no wa ges W a ges come when
there are free laborers I n the historical period C hina had
no slavery as a g eneral insti tution in the economic field
E very m an was free and every man received one hundred
acres o f publ ic lan d from the g ov e rnment
U nder such a
system no one would work for any private person nor in
publ ic employment unless he could g e t a return e qu zil to
what he coul d ge t on h is farm Thi s is the or ig in of
wa ges I t is expressed by Mencius an d the R oyal Re g u
l at io ns
as the substitute for tilla ge
As the word salary is s imply the hi gher form o f wa ges
there is no essential di fference between salary and wa ges
N o w i n the C hinese lan g ua g e salary i s called [ i t and g rain
is called ki t Th e commentator o f the Royal Re gula
tions says that In is ku I n other words salary is g rain
Just as i n modern times wa ges paid by money are ex
pressed in money so in ancient C h ina salary paid by g rai n
was expressed i n g rain B ut what we want to point out
here is that th e C h inese wa ges system came from the
independent fa rmer Instead o f workin g h is own farm
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480
,
WA GE S
1
8
4
he wor k ed for others and received h i s wa ges i n g rai n as
a substitute for t i lla g e
I n the western world the wa ges system came from slav
ery
B ut i n C h ina this was not the case I n the C o n
fu c ian w ri tin g s all publ ic o fficers are re garded as laborers
an d all thei r salaries as a substi tute fo r tilla g e
H ad
C hi na had a slave class the public o fficers would not ge t
any pay because they would have slaves to do the tilla ge
for them and they should serve throu gh thei r leisure the
public for noth in g This had been done in ancient Greece
M oreover even i f the public o fficers should receive pay
?
If
w h y should M encius call i t a substitute for tilla g e
they had had slaves and had not tilled the land at all
why should thei r salary be called by a name wh ich would
not have b een appropriate ? \ Ve know perfectly n o w that
b ecause C h ina had no slavery and because the ancient
C hinese all worked on farms such an expression as the sub
F or th is reason even
s t it u t e for tilla g e came to be used
at the present day
i n the E n gl ish lan g ua g e th e publ ic
o fficers are called publ ic servants ; but i n C hinese they are
called publ ic laborers ( p ai h u ng o r c h en h u ng ) Th e word
servant comes from the dependent slave but the word
laborer from the i ndependent workman
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II
.
EM
PLOYER
A N D E M P L O YE E
wa g es system i n C h ina i s very ol d and we do not
k now its beg innin g Accord i n g to M O Tail we know that
F u Yueh arose f rom a wa g e earner i n t h e build in g business
to be the prime ministe r o f the Y in dynasty
There fore
the wa ges system must have existed lon g be fore that t ime
2
B
K
or
1
1
B
0
(77
3
I n the b e g innin g o f the C hou dynasty the h ire system
Th e
,
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-
?
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.
L ab o r P r o b l e m s
1
Bk
.
ix
.
,
m
b y T S Ada
.
.
s
an d
H L Su
.
.
m
n e r,
p
.
7
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
8
4
R I N CI P L E S
OF C ON
F U CI U S
ex i sted i n a g ricultural l i fe Th e C an o n o f P o e t ry says
There are the master and h i s elder son ; his youn g er sons
and all thei r children ; thei r stron g help e rs and the i r h ired
laborers
All of them work on the farms Th e stron g
helpers are those who after doin g thei r own work are able
to go and g ive a hand where they are needed Th e h ired
laborers are those who serve thei r master at his d isposal
Here we find that there is a separation o f these t w o classes
—
the master and the hi red laborer
Accordin g t o the Offic ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u the separati o n
of these tw o classes is very clear I t says : Th e master
T
m
ains
the
p
ople
w
ith
profit
h
is
eans
that
the
e
e
m
g
ployer w ith the power of wealth which comes from h is
profits can g ain a g reat number o f people who are the
wa ge earners I t i s noth in g a gai nst the employer but
rather ind i cates the fact that he is the leader o f the people
fo r the comb i nat ion of e conomic forces It div i des the
—
wa g e earners into tw o classes servants and laborers Th e
servants mostly work at home ; thei r labor is somewhat
easy ; and thei r relation to the master is close and s o me
what permanent Th e laborers wo rk anywhere ; their labor
is heavy ; and th e i r relatio n to the master is loose and not
permanent I t i s a matter o f fact that the class of wa ge
earners ex i sts even under the most favorable conditions
because the abil ities of men are unequal
F or deal in gs betwee n employer and employee there i s
a g eneral rule g iven i n the R e c o r d o f R it es W hen an em
l
o
w
i
shes
to
undertake
some
work
for
an
employer
he
e
e
p y
should measure his ability and duty and all the labor con
I n th is
d it io ns first befo re enterin g o n his employment
way the one party has no g ro und fo r o ffense and the other
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1
1
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C l as s ic s ,
Ch
.
ii
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vo l.
iv
,
pt
.
11,
p
.
60 1
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
4 84
R IN C IP LE S
OF C O N
FU CI U S
i mmi g rate nor stay and the weal th of the state w ill not b e
,
s u fficient Kuan Tz ii also reco g nizes t h e importance o f
encoura g in g artisans t o come in but h is policy for carry
ing i t out is to raise wa g es to a rate three times as g reat
This policy cannot be a ge n
as that of o ther states
eral principle b ut s imply a temporary measure for an
emergent demand for labo r F rom the statements of C o n
fu c ius and Kuan Tz ii we know that in the C hou dynasty
there w as a free movement o f labor and there was i nter
national competition for the labor m arket ; hence the
amount of wa ges was the determ i nin g factor in the move
ment of labor
Th e productiv ity theory is applied not only to ma n u al
la b or but also to mental labor C onfucius says
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,
1
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~
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:
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.
In t h e serv i c e o f a rul e r w h en gre at w o r d s are sp o k e n t o an d
r
h
m
accepted b y h i m
e
a
t
a
dv
a
nt
a
es
t
o
t
e
st
a
te
a
b
e
ex
g
g
y
r
r
a
e
t
d
n
m
r
f
om
t
h
m
w
h
en
words
of
s
ll
i
mpo
t
nce
e
c
e
e
a
a
a
d
;
p
p resented to h i m only sm all adv ant ages are to b e loo k ed fo
Th e r efo re a supe r i o r m an w i ll not fo r w o rds o f sm all im
po rt ance re c e i v e a gre at s al ary n o r fo r wo rds o f great i mp o rt
an c e a s m all s al ary
,
,
r
,
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,
,
2
.
E ven
in re gard to the value of words they Should be
neither overpaid nor underpai d Th is i s the pri nciple of
j ustice and it is the rule of acceptin g wa ges
Accordi n g to C onfucius however a superior man may
accept underpay but not overpay
H e says :
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,
superi o r m an w i ll decl i ne a pos i t i o n o f h i gh h on o r b ut
n o t o n e t h at i s m e an
In t hi s
; and r i c h es b ut not p o ve rty
w ay
d i so rde r w i ll mo re an d m o re d i s appe ar
H ence t h e
s u p er i o r m an rat h e r t h an h ave h i s emoluments supe ri or t o
h is w o rt h w i ll h ave h i s wo rt h supe r i o r t o h i s emoluments
Th e
,
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,
,
1
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,
1
B k li
1
Li
1
.
.
Ki
,
bk
.
x x vu ,
p
.
2 86
.
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
xxix p
,
.
34 5
.
WA GE S
485
principle is b ased on moral and social reasons but not
on economic law Accord in g to econo m ic law men sho uld
never b e ove rpaid nor underpaid
Accord i n g to th e princ i ples of t h e C onfucians d ivi
s i on of labo r i s a ve ry important thin g fo r society an d all
l ab or i s p roduct i ve N o t only i s the f armer product i ve b ut
also th e artisan an d the merchant A gai n n o t only are
t h ese th ree classes o f people productive b ut a l so the pol iti
R eferrin g to these two
c al o fficer and the moral teac h er
cl asses o f men there are many ar g uments sayi n g tha t they
F or this reason let us study t h e i r pro
ar e unprod u ctive
Th is
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d u c t iv it y
,
.
Fi rst let us see
the pol itical o fficer i s productive
When C hen H sian g formerly a C onfucian but converted
b y H s ii Hsin g visited Mencius he quoted the words o f
H s ii Hsin g to the e ffect that the ruler should cultivate the
land e q ually an d alon g w ith h i s people
Menci us said : I
suppose that H s ii T fi sows g rai n and e ats the prod u ce Is
?
i t not so
I t is so w as the answer
I sup p o se also
h e weaves cloth and wears h is ow n manu facture Is i t not
?
so
No
H s ii Tz ii wears clothes o f hai r cloth
“
“
?
Does he wear a cap
H e wears a cap
W hat
?
k ind of cap
A plain cap
I s it woven by h imself
No
He gets it i n exchan ge for g rai n
W hy does
?
That would i nj u re h i s h us
H s ii not weave i t h imsel f
b and ry
Does H s ii cook h i s food in b oilers and earthen
?
w are pans
and does h e plou gh w ith an i ron share
?
No
Yes
Does he ma k e those articles h imsel f
H e gets them in exchan g e fo r g rai n
Menc i us then s ai d :
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ho w
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”
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”
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”
”
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”
"
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”
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i n g t h se v a i us a t i les i n exc h an ge f g ai n i s
opp ss i v e t t h potte an d t h e founde and t h e potte
Th e ge tt
no t
re
r o
o
o
r
c
or
r
e
1
Se e
s u p ra,
r,
p
.
38 5
.
r
,
r
TH E E C O N O M I C P
86
4
RI N C IP L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
t h e f ounde i n t h e i r tu rn i n ex c h an gi n g t h e i r v ari ou s
How
ar t i c les fo r grai n are n o t o pp r ess i ve to t h e h us b andm an
s h o uld suc h a t h i ng b e supp o sed ? And m o re o ve r w h y d o es
supply i n g
n o t H s ii T ii e st ab l i s h t h e pot tery an d f o undery
hi msel f w i t h t h e art i c les w hi c h h e uses s o lely fro m h i s o w n
est ab l i s h ment ? W h y d o es h e go c o n f used ly de al i ng an d e x
W h y does h e n o t sp are h im
c h an g i n g w i t h al l t h e ar t i s ans ?
s e lf s o m u c h t r oub le ?
an d
r
,
.
,
,
z
C hen
,
H s i ang replied :
b us i ness of the artisans can b y
Th e
no means be carr ied on
bandry
Menc i us resume d
lon g w ith the bus in e ss of hus
a
”
.
Th en
i s i t t h e gove nment o f t h emp i e w hi h alone an be
G e at m
n al n g w i t h t h e p act i ce o f h us b and y ?
a i ed
h ave t h e i p pe b us i ness an d l i ttle men h ave t h e i p ope
bus i ness M o e e even i n t h e ase f any s i n gle pe s n
h e m ay e q u i e v a i ous a t i cles w h i c h a p d uced b y all
—
a
l sses o f a t i s ans if h e must fi st m ak e t h em f h i s
f do i n g w uld le ad t h e w h ole w ld i nt
w n use t h i s w ay
c
r
,
o
rr
ro
.
r
c
r
r
,
r ov
r,
r
r
c
r
p o ve rty
r
r o
,
ro
re
or
o
or
o
o
r
o
r
,
en
r
r
r
o
c
c
r
o
r
r
e
1
.
doctri ne of H su H s i n g is extremely democrat i c H e
teaches that everyone Should support h i s mouth by his o w n
hand and that all rulers s h ould be farmers B ut it i s im
possible Menc i us doctrine is based on the pri nciple o f
d i vision of labor Th e governin g class suppo rted by others
does not O pp ress the people because the m en of this class
cannot cultivate the land at the s a me t i me t hey work i n the
government and because their mental wor k cannot b e done
b y the governed I t is merely an exchan ge of serv i ces and
the govern i n g class and the governed class d e pend upon
each other Th e ruler exchan ges his g overnmen t al work
for food from the farmer j ust as the potter and the fou n der
Th e
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’
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,
,
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1
C l as s ic s
,
v o l . 11,
pp
.
2 4 7- 9
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
8
4
R IN CI P LE S
OF C O N
FU C I US
Menc i us as k s h im : Th ere is a man here w h o brea k s
your t i les an d d is fig u re s your pa i nted walls w i th h i s knife ;
h i s purpose may b e thereby to seek for his l i v in g but w ill
you i ndeed remunerate him ?
says P éng Then
No
Mencius concludes : That be in g the case it is not the pur
pose wh i ch you remunerate but the work done
F ro m
M enc ius poi nt of view the formula of distributive j ustic e
i s : to each accordin g to his productiv i ty not his wants
Kun g sun C h ou pupil of M e ncius says to him : I t i s
said i n the C an o n o f P o e t ry H e will n o t e at t h e bread of
i dleness
H ow is it that w e see super ior me n e at i n g w ith
out farmin g ?
Mencius repl ies : When a super i o r man
resides in a country i f its sovere i g n e mploy h is counsels
he comes to tranquill ity wealth honor and glory I f the
youn g in i t follow h is instructions they become fil ial fra
ternal fa i thful and S i ncere Wh at g reater example can
there be than th i s of not eat i n g the b read of idleness ?
Th e ar g uments of both P en g Kén g and Kun g sun C h o u
r efer t o Mencius h i mself
B ut he ma i nt a
i ns that reward
should be accord i n g to pro ductivity and that a m oral
teacher is much more productive than a carpenter mason
wheel maker carria ge wri ght o r farmer I n Short b y pro
d u c t iv it y he means production of utili ty and n o t m e re lv
production of thi ng s Since a moral teacher produces a
g reat amount of social utili ty he is j ustified i n re c e 1v ing a
reward from society
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IV
.
STA N DA
RD
OF
W A GE S
we h ave seen that wa ges are a sub st i tute fo r t i ll
age
the p roducts o f the former are therefore the bases
o f wa g es Just as th e amount o f products is d i fferent
amon g farmers s o th e amount of wa ges i s als o d i fferent
AS
,
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,
1
1
C las s ic s
I b id ,
.
p
,
.
v o l . 11,
4 67
.
pp
.
2 69- 2 7 1 .
WA GE S
8
4 9
amon g labo rers Yet there must b e an equality b etw een
the products o f t h e farme rs and the wa ges o f ot h er laborers
otherwise no one s wa ges would be enou gh to subst i t ute fo r
tilla g e and no one would g i ve up his farm for ot h e r em
ployment
Accord ing to Mencius and t h e Royal Re gulations
t h e standard o f wa ges is someth i n g l ike th is : E ach farme r
tills one hun d red acres to gethe r w i th some capital such as
manure Ye t the products of the farmers are d ifferent
from each other They are classified i nto five g rades Th e
r
p oducts o f th e b est farme r can support nine persons and
t h e p roducts o f those ran ki n g next to him can support ei ght
Th e p rod ucts of t h e avera g e farmer can suppo rt seven per
s ons
and t h e products of those ran k in g next to h i m can
support s i x Th e products o f the poo r farme r can support
only five persons These d i fferences i n thei r pr o ducts are
due to the fact that thei r e fficiency is v a rious Yet they
serve as t h e standard fo r the w ag e scale o f comm o n
l abo re rs Th e s alar i es of the common people who are em
plo y ed a b out t h e g o v ernment o ffices are re g ulated acco rd i n g
to these five g rades
Th e wa ges theo ry o f M encius is quite l ike t h at o f Henry
G eo rg e
Hen ry Georg e takes the marg in o f production of
the fa rme r as the standard o f wa ges Th e amount wh ich
the fa rmer can produce upon free land fo r himsel f i s the
“
b asis o f wa ges otherw ise he w ill not work fo r others Th e
cond it ion of labor in these first and w idest o f o ccupations
he says determines the general condi tion o f labor j ust as
the level o f the ocean dete rm i nes the lev e l o f all its arms and
b ays an d seas
Th is i s exactly wh at Menci us means
In
the t i me of Menc i us the re was no pr i v ate owne rsh ip of
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” 1
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.
.
C las s ic s
1
,
vo
l
.
S o c ial P ro b l e
p 376
m p
9
11,
.
,
.
,
1 0
an d
.
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 10
.
TH E
0
49
E C ONO MIC PR IN CIPLES
OF
C ONF U CI U S
land ; eve ry man rece i ved free land from the gove rnmen t ;
and ag r i culture was the dom i nant i ndustry U nder such
condit i ons the standard of wa g es was necessarily equal to
the g a i n of t h e f armer although t h e latter s gain was mixed
w i th land values
In the statements of M enc i us and the Royal R e g ula
t ions wa g es means real wa ges Those statements do not
measure wa g es i n terms of money nor i n terms of any
part icular go o d but i n a certa i n amount of g eneral
products wh i ch can support a certai n number of p e r
sons This theory of real wa ges will hold true in all places
E ven the standard o f l i vi n g a ffects the
and all t imes
rise and fall of w a g es but it cannot a ffect the wa g e scale
itself I f the standard of livin g is hi gher i t requires hi gher
wa ges ; i f it i s lower i t allows lower wa ges B ut i n either
case the lowest wa ges in the scale must be su fficient to sup
port five pe rsons and the relation amon g the di fferent wa g es
will remai n the same i n the scale B ecause the scale is
based on real wa ges the pri nciple of wa g e measurin g w ill
not be chan g ed by chan g es in t h e q uantity of money no r by
the movement o f p rice nor by the standard of l ivin g
R oyal R e g ula
Th e statemen ts of M encius and the
t i ons also fix the l i mit o f the minimum wa g e C ant i l
“
lon says : Th e l owest spec i es o f c o mmon laborers must
ev erywhere earn at least doubl e their ow n ma in t e nance in
order that one w i th another they may be ena b led to bri n g
up two ch i ldren
Adam Smith sai d that i n Great B ritain
the w ages of labor seemed i n his day to be evident l y more
than what w as precisely necessary t o ena b le the laborer t o
b r i n g up a family B ut M encius and t h e Royal R e gula
—
o
t i ns g ive d e finitely th e law o f minimum wa ge that is
t h e lowest r ate o f the wa e of the poorest l aborer must be
g
.
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” 1
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,
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2
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,
1
We al t h o f N at io n s
,
bk
.
i
,
ch
.
viii p
,
.
70
2
.
I b id
.
,
P
75
2
49
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N CI P LE S
OF
C ONF U CI US
yet it is impl ied i n the pr i nc i ple that the salary of the ruler
is ten times that of hi s minister W e can say therefore
that the salary of the emperor is three thousand two hun
dred times the product o f the best farm e r because the in
come o f his mi nister is equal to that of the prince o f t h e
reat
state
I
n
short
the
emperor
and
all
other
publ
ic
f
fi
o
g
cers are laborers who are substitutes fo r the farmers work
ing i n the g overnment ; and all thei r salaries are wa ges
which are the substitute for tilla g e Although thei r labor
is not of the same kind and thei r wa ges are not of the same
amounts the scale of thei r wa g es nevertheless i s propor
t io n al to the product of the farmer
N o w w hat is the scale of wa ges o f commo n laborers ?
This scale has been stated before but it should be made
clearer no w Th e scale of common wa ges is based o n the
amount of pro duct of the poo r farmer which is lar g e
enou gh to support five persons Then the sca l e goes up t o
the d i fferent amounts o f wa ges which can support six sev en
ei ght and nine perso n s I n th is scale there are five g rades
Th e hi g hest wa g e for common labor is su fficient t o s up
port nine persons and the lowest , to support five
Therefore we can see the whole scale of all the various
wa ges in the whole society Th e s o called pro fessional men
or salaried class should belon g to the o fficial cl ass There
are six main g radations in their wa g es B ut i f we com e
t o details there are really eleven g rades as shown by the
di fferent amounts of salary Th e manual labor o r wa g e
earnin g class belon g to the farmer class Thei r wa ges are
of five g rades Th e salary of the subordi nate scholar and
the product of the best farmer stand exactly o n the d ivid
Tak
ing line between the o fficial and the farmer classes
ing two extremes in this scale the poor farmer re ceives
the lowest wa ge the emperor the h i ghest O r i n other
words the minimum wa ge can support five persons and the
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WA GE S
4 93
max i mum wa g e can suppo rt two mill ion e i ght hundred
ei ghty thousand persons
.
VI
.
U C A TI O N
ED
A S A SO L
U TI O N
W A GES
O F TH E
P
ROB L E M
there are officials and thei r salary i s g re at how
can we solve the problem of wa g es an d d istribute wealth
?
j ustly I t is by education Adam Smith says : Th e d i f
ference b etween the most d i ssimilar c h aracters between a
ph ilosopher and a common street porter for example seems
to ari se not so much from nature as from habi t custom
and education
Th i s i s exactly the iew o f C onfuci us
H e says
Since
,
,
.
,
,
,
”
,
,
,
1
v
.
.
Th ose
w h o are b o rn w i t h t h e p o ssess i on o f k n o wle dge a e
t h e h i gh est c l ass o f men Th ose w h o le arn an d so re ad i ly
T
e
e
t
possess
i
on
o
f
k
n
o
wle
d
e
r
e
t
h
e
next
h
ose
w
h
o
a
a
g
g
dull an d stup i d an d yet comp ass learn i n g ar e anot h e r c l ass
next t o t h ese As to t h ose w h o are dull an d stup i d an d yet
do n o t le arn t h e y are t h e l o w est o f t h e p e O p l e
r
.
,
r
.
,
,
,
.
2
.
,
There fore
man is determined not by n ature but by edu
I f he has education even thou gh he be dull and
cation
stupid he will be ranked w i th those t w o classes o f men in
the final result
And the really l o w class o f people are only
those who do not educate themselves Si nce education
determines the stand in g o f men it determines also thei r
wa ges
When Tz fi chan g wants to learn someth in g about the
ettin
o
f
a
n
o
cial
salary
onfucius
says
f
fi
C
g
g
.
,
.
,
,
,
8
.
.
,
.
-
,
H e a muc h and put as i d e t h e po i nts o f w h i h you st and i n
d u b t w h i le you spe ak c aut i ously at t h e s ame t i me of t h e
t h s t h en y w i ll affo d f ew occ as i ons f b l ame S
mu h and put as i d e t h e t h i n gs w h i c h seem pe i lous w h i le you
r
o
o
c
,
er
ou
:
or
r
c
Se e
.
r
s up ra,
C las s ic s
,
p
.
vo l
.
1 35
.
i pp
,
,
.
1
3 3 4
Ib id
p
.
40 7
.
ee
E C ONO MIC P RI N CI P LE S O F
TH E
4 94
C ON
F U CI US
ut i ous at t h e s ame t i me i n c arry i n g t h e ot h ers i nt o
prac t i c e : t h en you w i ll h ave f ew o cc as i ons fo r repent an c e
W h en one gi ves few o c c as i ons for b l ame i n h i s wo rds an d
fe w o c c as i o ns f or repent an c e i n hi s conduct h e i s i n t h e
w ay to ge t a sala ry
ca
are
.
,
,
1
.
day C onfucius sai d : There is plou gh in g ; even i n
that there is sometimes want So with learnin g ; an o ffi
c ial salary may be found i n it
Accordin g to h im al
thou gh education i s not for the sake of g ett i n g a salary i t
is the way of gettin g it Therefore he points out t hat the
salary is the result o f education i n order to encoura ge the
people to l e arn
Accordin g to M encius everyone may become l ike Y ao
and Shun ; an d accordin g to Hsu n Tz ii anyone on t h e
stree t may become l ike Yii Thei r meanin g is that eve ryon e
may become a sa ge B ut Hsun Tz u explains t his po in t
more clearly H e says
O ne
.
” 2
.
,
,
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,
,
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,
3
,
.
.
.
on t h e st reet add i ct hi mself to t h e art o f le arn i n g
w i t h all hi s h e art an d t h e ent i re b ent o f h i s w i ll t h i n ki n g an d
closely exam i n i n g ; let h im do t h i s day after day t h rou gh
a lon g sp ac e o f t i me accumul at i n g w h at i s good an d h e w i ll
penetrate as far as a sp i r i tu al i ntell i gence an d h e w i ll b ecome
It foll o ws t h at t h e c h ar
a t r i umv i r w i t h H e aven an d E art h
ac t ers of t h e s ages we re w h at an y man m ay r e ac h b y ac
c umul at i on
Le t
any
m an
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
4
.
Hence accordin g to Hsun Tz u education i s the only th in g
which make s the mean noble the fool w ise an d the poor
ri ch I ndeed education has g reat power to make the man
E ven i f the educated man is poor he is really rich on ac
“
count o f his worth iness
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1
2
C l as s ic s
I b id
.
I b id
.
,
vo l
,
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i p
p 33
pp 85 6
0
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15 1.
I b id
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5
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Bk
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v o l . 11,
viii
.
p
.
4 24
.
6
49
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N CI P L E S O F
C ON
FU CI US
laborer I f he wants to ge t the salary o f the mana ger he
must first educate himsel f as a mana ger I t is sometimes
the case that he cannot ge t a good salary e ven though he
has a good education B ut there is no hope of his gettin g a
ood
salary
w
ithout
educati
n
himsel
f
herefore
j
ust
as
T
g
g
pol itical democracy is based o n educatio n so also i s in
I n short from the
d us t rial democracy based on e ducation
C on fucian point of view education is the sol u tion of the
wa ges problem whi ch is the chief problem in the d is t rib u
tion of wealth
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BO O K V I I I
S O C I A L I S T I C PO L I C I E S
.
C HA P TE R
XXV I
TH E TSI N G TI E N SY STE M
1
H I STO RY
.
1
O F TSI N G TI E N
system i s th e most impo rtant element i n
Accord i n g to a
C h inese economic thou ght and h isto ry
few modern scholars th i s system was never in actual opera
ti on b ut onl y a t h eory of C onfucians I t i s true that i n
ancient times the t s ing t ie n system could not h ave been as
perfect as the C onfucians tau ght : but i t i s also true that
this system had been partly real i zed before the time o f C o n
fuc iu s
Pro b a b ly th e ori gi nal form o f th is system was not
unli k e the manorial system o f E n gland ; it was then im
p roved by many o f the ancient g reat k in gs ; and finally i t
was mod ified by the C on fucians into a n ideal system B ut
so far as we can j ud g e from C hinese l iterature however
imperfect the t s ing t ie n system was ori g inally i t was never
as bad as the E n glish manorial system nor was t h e cond ition
o f the people so w retched as that of the villeins L e t us
study the h istory of t s ing t ie n sys t em
TH E
t s ing t ie n
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I
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Th e R e ig n
o
n
H
u
a
T
i
f
g
Accord in g to h istorians the t s ing t ie n system b e gan i n
the le g end ary age Huan g Ti ( 2 1 4 7 2 0 4 8 B K o r 2 6 98
2 5 99 B
the fo under o f t h e C h i nese E mpi re was its
,
-
.
.
.
.
1
Fo r t h e
.
m
i
e an n g an d
t he
f m
o r
o
f t s ing l ie n
see s u
p
ra,
pp
.
2
35 5
497
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
49
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
or i g inator He w as the first one who e s ta b l ished the rules
of measure and re g ulated the d ivision o f land into paces
and acres i n order to prevent d isputes and poverty H e
made one t s ing con sist of ei ght famil ies W i thin the l imits
o f one t s ing four ro ads were opened t h e ei ght houses were
sepa rated and a t s ing ( well ) was d ug i n the center Th e
pr i nciples o f this system were thes e : first it d i d not
w aste land because there was only one well fo r all ei gh t
fam ilies ; second i t saved e xpense for each sin g le fam
i ly because they had a w ell i n common ; th ird it unified
thei r customs ; fourth i t improved thei r productive arts
b ecause they could imitate one another ; fi fth they exchan ged
eas ily thei r commodities ; s i xth dur in g t h e absence of some
others g uarded for them ; seventh when they went out and
came in they took care for one another ; ei ghth they i n tro
d u c e d i ntermarri a g e ; ninth
i n case of need they lent
w ealth to o ne another ; and tenth i n time o f sic k ness they
cared for o ne a nother Therefore their feelin gs were har
m o nize d w i thout quarrels or l iti g ation ; and thei r wealth
was equalized wi thout dece it or o ppression
According to the pol itical divis i ons one t s ing was also
called a nei ghbor thr e e nei ghbors made up o n e fri end
ship ; three friendsh ips one ward
five wards o ne
town ; ten towns a cen ter ; ten centers one multi
tude ; and ten multitudes one prov ince
By these
divis ions the t s ing was the startin g point because the settle
ment of the people was the basis ; and when it came to the
provi nce the statisti cs were compl ete Throu gh t h e Hsi a
an d the Yin d ynasties
t h is system of division w as not
c h an ged Therefore i n the rei g n of Hua ng Ti there was
already the form of t s ing t ie n that is the division o f land
b ut t h e num ber o f laws had not been completed
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1
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1
G e n e ral
R
e s e ar c h ,
c h . x 11.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
50 0
R I N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
acres of fallow land which was purposely left idle for t h e
preparation of another cr 0 p O f the ordinary land o ne
man received a home one hundred acres o f land and one
h undred acres o f fallow land ; and of the inferior land one
man received h is home and one hundred acres o f land
to gether w ith t w o hundred acres of fallow land I f any
fam i ly had a lar ge number the supernumerary male re
c e iv e d an amount of land as follows : of the superior lan d
twelve and a half acres o f fallow land ; of ordi n ary land
twenty fiv e acres ; of i nferior land fifty acres ; while i n all
three g rades he received twenty fiv e acres of land to b e
Th e d i fferences between t h e law wh ich was
cultivated
appl ied to the nei ghborhood o f cities and that wh i ch was for
the country were these : around the cities no fallow land
was g iven as an add ition to superior land and nothi n g was
d istributed to the supernumerary males Th e reason t h e
countrymen were shown more favor was because the g o v
e rn m e n t g ave special g race to those people who were far
away from the ci ties Moreover near the cities w ith a
larg e population and a l imited amount of land i t w as im
possible to use the same law as in the country And t h e
favorable law o f the country mi ght have been a p o licy o f
t h e g overnment to draw the population from the cities
There is still another point : as the economic li fe of the ci ties
was d i fferent from that of the country the people of the
c i ties di d not need so much land as those in the country
F or the distribution of la nd there was also anoth e r pri n
c ip l e : the qual ity of land was i n accordance w i th the size of
t h e fam i ly
To a lar g e family from ei ght persons up to
ten superior land was d istributed ; t o an ord inary family
f rom five to seven ordinary land was d i stributed ; and to a
s mall family
from two to four inferi or land was dis
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1
C an o n ic al I n t e rp r e t at io n
,
o
f
the
Ts ing Dy nas t y
‘
,
vo l .
l
iii
,
ch .
i
.
TH E TSI N G TIEN S YS TE M
tr ibuted
1
0
5
F or each grade of land there was a sub d i vision
-
.
,
and al to g ether there were nine di fferent classes of land
Y
FU C I US
Since we have already stud i ed the form o f t s ing
11
TH E TSI N G TI E N S STE M O F C O N
.
1
.
2
and
its hi story w e n o w turn to the details wh ich are described
by the C on fucians F irst w e take up the t s ing t ien itsel f
and see what i t is Accord in g to M encius a square mile
for m s a t s ing and i t contains nine hundred acres Th e cen
t ral s q uare of the t s ing i s called the pu b l ic field ; and th e su r
round in g e i ght squares are called private fields for assi g n
ment to the ei gh t families
In the cente r o f t h e pu b l ic field
twenty ac res are ta k en out fo r the cotta ges o f the ei ght
f amilies each hav i n g a share o f t w o acres and a hal f Th e
remainin
e
i
hty
acres
of
the
publi
c
field
are
cultivated
i
n
g
g
common by the ei ght famil ies each really cul tiva t n g ten
ac res E ach family rece ives one hund red acres o f the
p rivate field from the pu b lic and g ives its labor to the publ ic
fo r the cultivation of ten acres in the public field : th i s is the
system of tithe
Si nce a t s ing is t h e smallest communit y based upon com
mon economic inte rest i t is no t only a community o f a g ri
cul ture b ut also a community o f commerce As the ex
chan g e o f wealth is very small a market place is establ ished
i n eve ry t s ing and people can ge t t h e necessities o f li fe
t ie n
,
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3
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i
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-
,
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‘
h
ph d i ff
T
g ra
i
b as e d
is
an d
Me nc
h
ese
be
tw o
as s u
d y n as t y
’
A
1 st h
m
i
p
us ,
f d
o
e r so
s
t on
t
f
i t ib ti
m wh t f m t h
ru l e s
es e
on
iv
ph
it g
to
mp l
ete
t he
es
c o r re s
p
o nd
l an d
o se
t
h
and
i
eo r e s
is b as e d
s
o
ro
Sp r ing
the
arag ra
ed
a
e
on
u
s r
o
en
f t he
o
t he
t
t he
f Co n
i
o ne d
ne
A u t umn
on
wi h
m ti
,
xt
the
in t
i
h
se ct o n
“
f i
u c an s
ese
.
p
two
As
t
h
at
i
ara
sec
"
Ro y al Re g u l at o n s
; t h e d e s c r t o n in
ip i
,
O ff c ial S y s t e m o f C h o u an d m ay
r ac t c e
unde r t h e C o u
ac t u al
p
i
h
.
co
y e ar
o
C las s ic s
,
ip t i
de s c r
k H
l ii p
f Du
vo
.
e
,
on
s ii an
.
24 5
.
.
is g
iv
en
in
the
A n n o t at io n
o
f Ku ng
-
y ang
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
2
0
3
R IN CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
very eas i ly Because every t s ing i s at the same time a
mar k et the com m on term s h ih t s ing comes i nto e x
is t e n c e ; s h ih means market and t s ing is the t s ing t ie n
Th is
term is sti ll used for the commercial district of the g reat
c i t i es
To secure an equal distribution of t h e land ther e w ere
the followin g rules : Generally five persons make up a
—
family that is husband and w ife to g ether w ith parents
A farmer s fam i ly receives one hundred
an d c h ildren
acres of the private field five acre s for the house in the town
t w o acres and a half for the cotta g e i n the field and ten
ac res of the pu b l ic fi eld ; the total amount is one hundred
seventeen and a half acres I f the family has more than
five persons i ts youn g man i s called a supernumerary male
and he receives twenty fiv e acres w ithout pay i n g taxes
Th e family of the student artisan and merchant als o
receives
a share o f land but its amount i s d i m inished
When these come to the age of maturi ty t hey rece i ve ind i
—
vidually half the amount of the farmer fift y acres ; and
the i r su p ernumerary male receives one fift h the a m ount
of the farmer—twenty acres
Th e ag e of maturity is twenty and t h e people receive a
full share of land one hundred acres at that time B ut the
land can nei ther be handed down to descendants nor sold to
others I t must be returned t o the govern m ent at the age
of sixty F rom s ixteen to twenty youths are called super
numerary males and receive a quarter of the full s h a re
Amon g all the people those above seventy yea rs o f age are
supported by the state ; those below ten are brou ght up by
i t ; and those above e leven are compelled to practise by it
Th e land is d ivided i nto three g rades accord in g to its
.
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2
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,
1
H is t o ry
Ch ou
2
,
ch
.
o
xiii
H is t o ry
o
f Hon
,
ch
.
xxiv
.
f Hon
,
ch
.
xxiv
.
.
A nn o t at io n
o
f
the
O ffic ial Sy s t e m
o
f
TH E E C ON O M I C P
0
5 4
RI N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
Durin g sprin g summer and autumn the people all work
i n the field I n the mornin g and evenin g the patr i arch and
the j ustice as overseers sit i n the houses wh ich are in the
two sides o f the g ate of the v i lla g e Those who g o out too
l ate are not allowed to g o out and those who do not brin g
some fuel back are n o t allowed to come in W hen they
brin g fuel they help each other accordin g to the wei ght of
thei r burd ens and assume the e ntire load of the g rey
haired men Th e patriarch and the j ust i ce can go back to
their home only after the p e ople have all g one out o r after
they have all come in
Besides the cotta ges i n the fi e ld the people have homes i n
A t own c o v
t he town which is not far away fro m the field
ers several villa g es and a villa ge i s made up of ei ghty fam i
l i es wh ich come from ten t s ing ; whil e ei ght fami l i es occupy
one street to gether Around thei r homes each occupyin g
five acres t h e space bene ath the walls is planted with mul
berry trees wi th which the women nourish sil k worms
A fter the harvest the y all l ive in to wn Th e n the j usti ce
hurries them to ma k e the cloth I n the even in g m e n an d
women work to gether in the same street spinnin g until
midni g ht ; hence the work of women amounts to forty five
days labo r i n the len gth of one month Th is work com
menees i n the tenth month and ends in the first They
must work to g ether to save li g ht and heat to disseminate
the arts ; and to make uni form thei r customs All t hese
rules tend to make thei r productive power alike i n order to
equal ize their wealth I n fact the t s ing t ie n system is a
—
pecul i ar form of c o operat ive pro duction
F ourth we shall notice that the t s ing t ien system is as in
d iv idu al is t ic as social istic
E ach man has his ow n land his
own cotta g e h i s o w n home his own mul berry t rees v e ge
,
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C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
11,
p
.
46 1
.
TH E TSI N G TIE N S YS TE M
0
5
5
tables fruits and animals and all other propert ies whi c h
b elon g to him H e reaps what he has produced i n the field
va ryin g from the amount wh ich can support ni ne persons
to that which can support only five M oreover from s ixty
to sixty nine years of age a fter he has returned the land
to the publ i c he is supported ei ther by h i s children or by h is
accumulations Therefore from eleven up to seve n ty he
depends entirely upon his own This is also ind ivi du al is m
I n conclusion the t s ing t ie n system i s a g roup system
b ased on territory I n the field one t s ing is the unit of d ivi
s ion and consists o f ei g h t famil i es ; i n the town one villa ge
i s the unit and consists o f ei ghty families Reg ardless of
—
any blood relationship the only basis for the g roup system
i s territory Therefore the t s ing t ie n s y stem i s not an eth
n ic al society but an economic ethical
social pol itical and
mil itary society F rom the fore goin g descr i pt i on every
one w ill see that it i s an economic society To prove that
i t i s an eth ical soci ety we may quote from Mencius as
follows :
,
,
.
,
.
,
-
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
W h en t h e l and o f t h e d i s t ri c t i s d i v i d e d i nto d i ffe rent t s ing
t h e people l i ve t o get h e r ac c o rd i n g to t h e s am e t s ing Th e re
fo re t h ey rende r all f ri endly o ffices to one anot h e r i n t h e i r
n d c om i n g i n aid o n e anot h e r i n k eep i n g w at c h an d
i
n
out
a
o
g
g
w ard an d sust ai n o ne an o t h e r i n s i c k ness Th us t h e pe o ple
are b o u gh t t o l i ve i n affe c t i o n an d h arm o ny
,
.
,
,
.
,
‘
r
S
.
i nce every villa g e has a school house which serves also
an ethical church and a meetin g house for social and
pol it i cal activ it ies it i s a social and pol i tical society Th e
fa rm ers are at the same time the sold iers and ten t s ing
c o mbine to gether to supply one chariot as the mil ita ry duty
I n time o f peace they are c o workers at home and in time
as
.
,
,
.
-
,
,
'
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
11,
p
.
24 5
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
6
5
RI N CI P L E S
O F C ON
—
figh t
FU CI US
e rs in t h e battle fie l d
of war they are c o
Therefore
t s ing t ie n is a mil itary society
I n Short the ts ing t ien is
the b asis of everyth i n g As we describe many fe atures of
it in other places w e do not ment i on them here
,
-
.
.
,
,
.
,
I II
.
.
R U C TI O N
H I STO RY
O F TH E DE ST
O F TSI N G TI E N
the e nd of the C h ou dynasty i n 2 0 2 A K 3 5 0
B
the state o f C h in destroyed the t s ing t ien system
I t was the policy o f Shan g Yan g minister of C h in H e
thoug ht that i n the three nei ghborin g states the people were
poor and the land was not su fficient for them ; and that in
his own state the people were fe w and the land was mo re
than they needed H ence the land of C h i n was not thor
ou ghly cultivated and the productive power of the so il was
not fully util ized Therefore he lured in th e people of the
three nei ghborin g states w ith a special preparation of good
farms and homes for them and w ith an exemption o f mili
tary duties for three g enera t ions ; the o nly th in g for them
to do w as the a g ricultural work at home Then the native
eople
undertook
the
char
e
of
expeditions
abroad
H
e
de
p
g
stroyed the form of t s ing t ien wh ich was created by the ah
c ie n t s and opened the di fferent roads and boundaries alon g
the field for extensive cultivation Th e people were allow ed
to take as much land as they wanted Th e result of this
policy was that wi thin a fe w years the state was rich and
stron g and g ained powe r for the consol idation of the whole
empi re
This n e w l aw inau g urated a revolution i n the economic
h i story of C h ina
I t was the first t i me the peopl e were
iven
private
wnership
of
land
F
rom
that
time
on
the
o
g
land was not in the hands o f the g overnment and the publ ic
could never control the wealth of the community
I n 336 A K ( 2 1 6 B
the F irst E mperor of the C h i n
dynasty decreed that the people should t h emselves tell the
Toward
.
.
,
‘
.
.
‘
.
,
‘
.
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
»
.
,
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,
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
‘
.
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
8
5
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
P o l icy
Dur i n g t h e t i me of Wan g M an g the poor had no land
an d only borrowed it from the rich ; hence they pa id half
of t h e i r p roduce to the rich Therefore the rich were
v i c ious because of the i r hau ghtiness and the poor were
w i cked b ecause o f thei r poverty ; they both fe l l into g uilt
In 5 6 0 ( 9 A
W an g Man g decreed that the land o f the
whole empire should be called imper i al land and slaves
should be called pr i vate dependents ne i ther could b e sold
o r purchased
Those fam i l i es which had fewer than ei ght
male members b ut had land amountin g to more than one
t s ing should distribute the surplus of land t o the i r rela
Th e o ffender should be punished by
t iv e s an d townsmen
death But the law was not j ustly fixed and the o fficials
took advanta g e of that fact to make fraudulent g ains Hence
the whole emp ire was disturbed and a g reat number o f peo
pl e fell int o punishment In 5 6 3 as Wan g M an g understood
the bad feeli ngs o f the people he decreed that the imperial
l and and the private dependents could be sold wi thout
prohibition Since all hi s pol icies were unwise he d id n o t
succeed i n anyth in g
2
C o nfis c at io n
.
,
,
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,
,
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”
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
-
.
,
.
V H I STO RY
.
O F TH E
1
REVI VA L
O F TSI N G TI E N
Th e Ts in Dy nas t y
.
I n t h e decay of the L atter Han dynasty and throu ghout
the per i od o f the Three Kin g doms ( 7 3 5 8 3 1 or 1 84 2 80
A
the whole empi re w as disturbed by warfa re In
83 1 the year that Tsin W u Ti r eunited the empire the total
population numbered only
Thou gh thes e fig
ures cannot be e xact t h e populatio n w as certainly g reatly
reduced s ince the w arfare had continued about one century
Because the g reat emp ire had only a sparse populat ion b e
cause land ownership was eithe r destroyed or chan ged
an d b ecause the land practically belon g ed t o the g overn
-
-
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
-
.
TH E TSI N G TIE N S YS TE M
0
5 9
ment W u Ti w as ena b led to d i str ib ute th e land to the
r
1
r
2
eopl
e
Hence
f
om
th
is
t
i
me
A
D
to
8
o
8
0
( 3
)
p
t h e Tan g dyn asty ( 1 2 6 4 o r 7 1 3 A
the t s i ng t ie n sys
tem o f C onfuc i us w as p ractic ally ca rr i ed i nto e ffect al
thou g h there w as an i nter rupt i on o f ab o ut o n e centu ry and
a h alf
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
( )
a
C l as s ific at io n
o
e o le
P
f
p
b y A ges
Acc o rd in g to the law o f 8 3 1 ( 2 80 A
the men and
w omen we re classified by a g es
Th e cl ass f rom sixteen to
sixty w as called reg ul ar adult ; f rom thi rteen t o fifteen and
from sixty one to s i xty five secondary adult ; and f rom
twelve down and from sixty s i x up youn g and old w h o
were exempted from labor Th is d istinction amon g d i ffer
e n t a g es embod i ed th e same princ i ple as mode r n labor laws ;
i t gave more wor k to the re g ular adult less to the seconda ry
adul t and none to t h e old and yo un g As modern labo r
laws g ive special protect i on only to c h i ld ren an d women
th e l aw o f the Tsi n dynasty w as mo re complete b ecause i t
l
a
ave
protection
to
t
h
e
o
d
well
s
g
.
.
,
-
-
,
-
,
,
,
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
D
i
t
r
ib u t io n o f L an d
b
E
u
s
a
l
( ) q
Amon g all the people eac h m an w as g iven seven t y ac res
o f lan d and each woman th i rty acres Bes ides these fo r
the reg ular ad ul ts the man was g i ven fifty ac res o f taxed
land w h i c h w as re q u i red to pay the l and tax the woman
tw enty ac res : fo r t h e second ary adults t h e m an was g i ven
twenty five ac res o f t axed l and and t h e wom an was g i ven
not h i n g
By t h i s law f ro m s i x teen t o s i xt y ye ars o f ag e eve ry m an
o
r
t
one
h
und
re
d
twenty
ac
es
o
f
land
and
every
woman
fi
ft
y
g
ac res
F rom t h i rteen t o fi fteen and f ro m Si xty one to sixty
fiv e eve ry man g o t n i nety five acres o f land and eve ry
woman th i rty acres Th is law gave real ri ghts to the
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
-
.
.
,
,
,
-
.
,
-
,
,
.
5
TH E E C O N O M I C P
10
RI N CIP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
women who could become econom i cally indepe n dent of the
men Th e reason women g o t less land than men was b e
cause they could not work so much as men Th e law di d
not favor w o men less but it pitied them more
Th e histori ans tell us t hat in the re i g n o f W u Ti there
was un iversal peace ; taxation was equ al and everyone e n
j oyed his work B ut no fuller details o f the d istrib u tion of
land are g ive n
U nfortunately the successor of W u Ti
was mos t stup id and the whole empire fell into disorder
H o w lon g this law remain ed i n fo rce is unknown but it
must have been about th irty years at the le a st
,
.
.
.
,
,
.
1
'
.
,
,
.
,
.
We i Dynas ty
After the rei g n of Tsi n Wu Ti first came the W ars of
the E i ght Pri nces ( 8 5 1 8 57 o r 30 0 30 6 A
and next
—
the Rebellions of the F ive Barbari ans ( 8 5 5 990 or 30 4 4 39
A
As a g reat part o f the populat i on was swep t away
and also w ith them ownersh ip of land the N o rthe n W e i
dynasty was enabled to re g ul at e a gain the distribution of
land Moreover althoug h the system of Tsi n W u Ti had
been destroyed somethin g must have remained I n 1 0 2 8
—
i
n
A
Hsi
ao
decreed
that
o
man
should
n
T
w
e
e
(4 7 7
cultivate forty acres of land and a youn g man twenty
acres This shows that there must have been a rem ai nder
o f the system of Ts in otherw ise how coul d one man h av
forty acres for cultivation ? At that time th e advocate of
—
h is
n
the equalization of land was L i A shih ( 994
proposal was approved by the e m peror and carried o u t i nto
actual l aw
2
.
Th e N o r t h e rn
,
-
-
.
,
,
-
,
.
,
r
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
e
,
,
,
.
a
( )
I n 1 0 36 ( 4 8 5 A
the equal distr i bution
.
1
Th e O p en e d L an d
Hsiao wen Ti g ave
a decree for
F rom the age of fifteen
-
o
f
H is t o ry
land
o
.
f Ts in
,
ch .
xxvi
.
5
TH E E C ON O M I C P
12
RI N C IP LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
After these lands were returned they were d i s
tri b uted a g ai n
t u t io n
.
,
.
( b ) Th e M al b e rry
L an d
was another k i nd o f land called mulberry land
W h en a man fi rst rece i ved i t he had a s h a re of twenty
acres I t was not subj ect to the law of acceptat i o n and
return
an d it w as classified as the dou b le land ; that i s the
reg ular land was the principal share of e ach person and the
doub le land was the auxiliary I f the amount o f mulberry
land was more than a man s share it should not be counted
as that of O pened land ; but if i t w as less than hi s s h are he
s h oul d ta k e the O pened land to fill up the amount of double
land Th i s means that private land shoul d not be s ub s t i
t u t e d fo r pu b lic land but that publ ic land should b e s ub s t i
t u t e d for private land
Th e recip i ent was required to plant
fifty mulberry trees five date trees an d three elms I n the
non mulberry land a man received one acre ; he shoul d
plant here also elms and d ates Th e slave was treated like
the free c i ti zen W ith in the l i m i t of three years the plan
t at io n should b e fin i shed ; i f i t had not b e en fini s hed the u n
finished part should b e taken away I n the mulberry land
o n e was allowed to plant more mul b erry t rees and elms or
other kinds of fruit All the mul b erry l an d sho uld be her
his l and d i d not
e d it ary property ; when the owner died
need to b e returned Th e d istr i bution of mulberry land was
i n accordance w ith the then ex ist i n g population only ; he who
held more o f i t than his Share had no acceptation nor return
b ut he who hel d less o f i t than h is Share should accept a full
amount and plant someth in
accordin
to
the
law
I
f
he
g
g
h ad more he was allowed to sell the surplus ; i f he had less
he w as allowed to buy it ; b u t no one should sell h is share
o r b uy more than the amount of his share
Th e mulberry land was the pr i vate property on which the
o wne r plante r] mulbe rr i es or el m s
U nder the law of the
There
.
,
.
,
,
,
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’
,
,
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,
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,
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,
-
,
'
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,
,
,
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.
TH E TSI N G TI E N S YS TE M
5
13
Wei dynasty which too k away house and mul
b erry land from those people only w h o were ex i led to dis
tant re g ions o r who had no descendants the private prop
Hence th i s
e rt y o f the people i n g eneral was not touched
l aw g ave freedom o f sale and pu rchase to the people in
o rder to equal i ze thei r private property
There was a
un ive rsal standard for such equal izat i on n amely t w e nt v
acres o f the mulberry land as the share of one man A l
thou gh he who had more than that amoun t w as allowed to
reta i n i t
no one was allowed to sell h is sha re nor to buy
more than his sha re I t was a conven i ent way to e q ual i ze
private land
N orthern
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
e
e
e
r
e
o
o
e
i
d
P
i
r
a
k
P
l
v
h
W
l
s
t
e
)
(
f
p
g
I f the members of a family were all a g ed persons ch i l
dren and Sic k persons who di d not accept any land a hal f
sha re of the land o f one m an was g iven to each Si ck per
son and to each ch ild over eleven years of ag e Th e a ged
man over seventy years was not requi red to re t urn h i s land
Th e widow who d id no t m arry a g a i n alt h ou g h Sh e was
exempted from taxes was g iven th e same Sh are o f l and as
the taxed woman twenty acre s of the O pened land
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
o
i
n
a
n
u
l
a
t
o
e
a
d
n
e
P
A
u
m
e
L
e
d
t
n
t
n
s
t
b
w
d
e
( )
p
j
I n sparsely populated places the g overnment leased the
land to the people as far as possi b le When any newcomer
came i n land was d istr ib uted to h im accord in g to the
a
eneral
I
n
densely
populated
places
i
f
man
who
l
a
w
g
was to receive a ne w Share o f land o n account o f the in
crease in t h e members o f h is family d id not w ish to move
th e mul b erry land o f h is family was ta k en into account as
the sh are of the re gul ar land : t h at i s ta ki n g h i s p ri vate land
to fill the amoun t o f publ ic land wh ich h e s h ould receive
I f i t was sti ll n o t enou gh he was not g iven the double land
-
.
.
,
-
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
5
TH E E C ON O M I C P
14
RI N CIP LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
i n add i tion ; that is he had only the amo u nt of reg ular land
I f it was st i ll not enough the shares of the members of h is
,
.
,
family should be reduced ; that is they should not get the
full amount o f the re g ular land Those places where there
were no mulberries were re gulated by this l aw Anyone
who wished to move was allowed to settle in any place where
land was plentiful ; no discrimination was made a gainst
him who came from a di fferent province or district B ut
i f he s imply w ished to escape from a place where there was
di fficulty and t o come to a place where the re was ease
solely for the sake o f h is ow n advanta g e it was not al
lowed
I n those places where there w as enou gh land he
was not allowed to move wi thout reaso n
F or all the n e w settlers one acre w as g iven to eve ry
three perso ns for a home and th is amount was g iven to
every five slaves also F rom t h e age of fifteen up each
man o r wom an was required to plant on h is share of the
land vegetables coveri n g one fifth o f an acre
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
-
.
i
e
M
l
a
n
e
o
R
u
t
i
L
a
t
r
f
s
D
i
s
i
u
n
n
c
l
u
l
e
o
r
b
d
s
s
( )
g
f
All the acceptat ion and return of land took pla c e in the
first month I f anyone d ied after havin g accepted l an d o r
sold or purchased slaves and oxen the accepta t ion and re
turn o f land should take place in the first month o f the fol
lowin g year
F or the share o f o ne person the re gular land and the
double land should be distin guished Th e one shoul d no t
be confounded with the o ther
W hen a family increased its mem bers it should receive
a new share of land take n from its nei ghborh ood W hen
two fam i l ies w ere to receive land at the same time and they
were both near to that land it should be g iven to the poor
fam i ly first and then to the rich This law was also appl ied
to t he double land
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
5
TH E E C O N O M I C P
16
R IN CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
as thi s l aw was g ood i n general th i s defect should not
b e unduly emp h as ized
Accord i n g to the taxat i on system of the N orthe r n We i
dynasty a h us b and and w i fe should pay one roll of silk
an d two bushels of
rain
as
the
di
rect
tax
and
thi
s
amount
g
was the standard E very four unmarried cit izens above
thirteen ye ars o f age every ei ght slaves w hen t h e male
slaves could cult i vate land o r the female slaves could do sp i n
n i n g and every twenty cult i vatin g oxen were required to
pay th i s amount Probably the l aw make r thou ght that
s i nce slaves and oxen paid a tax they should have the ri ght
to receive land
Th e l aw of the N o rthern W ei dynasty was most im
portant because i t was the model of the N o rthern C h i the
N orthern C hou the Su i and the Tan g dynasties
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
-
-
.
.
1
‘
,
,
.
,
o
t
C
h
i
D
n
t
T
r
a
h
e
h
e
N
n
r
s
3
y
y
‘
.
I n the N orthern C h i dynasty the d istributio n of land
took place in the t enth month of every year Th e land
was not allowed to be sold nor exchan ged In 1 1 1 5 ( 5 64
A
W u C h en g Ti made a law p rov id in g tha t every
man should rece ive land and pay taxes at ei ghteen years of
ag e ; should be enrolled as a soldier at twenty ; should be
—
freed from any forced labor at s i xty ; and at Sixty six should
return the land and should be exempted from faxes E ach
m an shoul d receive ei ghty acres of opened l and ; each woman
fo rty acres ; and the slave was treated l ike the free ci tizen
Th e lim i tation of slaves was : three h undred slaves for
the pri nces of close relation ; t w o hundred for the success ive
p ri nces ; one hundred and fifty fo r the success i ve prince s
from the secon d rank down and the princes outside the
i m pe r i al fam i ly ; one hu n dred fo r t h e o fficials from the third
‘
-
.
.
‘
.
,
.
.
,
1
H is t o ry
o
f We i
,
ch .
ex
.
TH E TSI N G TI E N S YS TE M
5
17
rank up and the imperial clansmen ; e i ghty for the o fficials
from the seventh rank up : and Sixty for the c ffic ials from
the ei ghth rank down and the common people N o land
was g i ven to the slaves who stood beyond th i s l i mit F or
each ox s i xty acres were g iven ; and the l i m i t was four
oxen
E very man rece i ved twenty acres o f mul b erry l an d as
perpetual property which was not sub j ect to the l aw of
acceptation and return \ V hen the land w as not fitted to
mul b erry fl ax land was g iven to wh ich the law of mul
ber ry lan d was appl ied
,
.
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
1
.
a
e
i
t
i
i
m
r
o
t
r
D
n
i
s
n
a
r
c
o
t
a
v
e
t
h
N
r
h
t
e
s
s
C
h
Sl
o
e
e
( )
f
y f
y
There was slave ry i n the N orthern Dynasties because the
rulers o f those dynasties came from the northern bar b arian
tr i bes As they were accustomed to slave ry when they ruled
a g reat part o f C h i na t h ey made i t a pos i tive i nstitut i on
When they conquered a place they took away b oth no b lemen
and commons and made th em Slaves
Mo reover at that
t i me as th e warfare continued the condi tion o f the p e ople
was very bad so they would sell themselves as sl aves But
as the g eneral civil i zation of the N orthe rn Dynast i es was
lower than that of the Southern Dynasties why Sh ould t h e
N orthern h ave shown g reater concern fo r the equal i zation o f
l and ? I t was b ecause this system was esta b l i s h ed b y Hsiao
Dur i n g h is rei g n
w én Ti o f the N ort h ern Wei dynasty
when t h e power o f the
( 1 0 2 2 1 0 5 0 o r 4 7 1 4 99 A
\ V e i dynasty was at i ts he i g ht and there w as a period o f
peace he was especially fond o f C onfucian ism so that th is
system was f o rmed H e moved h is cap ital from northern
C h i n a to cent ral C h i na at the old c apital o f the C hou and
the Han dynasties ; he fo rb ade the wea rin g of ba rb arian cos
fumes : and he ch an g ed nearly all the barba r ian systems and
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
-
-
.
,
'
.
.
,
.
,
H is t o ry
o
f
S u i,
ch
.
xxiv
.
5
TH E E C O N O M I C P
18
R I N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
—
adopted the C h i nese c i vi l i zation h e c han ged even the bar
bar ian names fo r the C hinese names Therefore t h e e q ual i
z at io n o f land i n the N orthern W ei dynasty was the product
of C onfuc i an i sm and the revival of the t s ing t ien system
Sl avery was an i nstitution of the N orthern Dynast i es and
was so firmly established that i t was no t chan ged even dur
ing the rei g n o f H s iao w en Ti
.
,
,
.
,
-
.
4
.
Th e N o rt h e rn C h o u Dy n as t y
dynasty W en Ti ( 1 0 8 5 1 1 0 7 or
6
5 34 5 5 A D ) established the bureau of equality to deal
with land To a family o f more than ten persons five acres
were g iven for thei r home ; above seven four acres and
above five thr e e acres To a married man one hundred
and forty acres were distributed ; to a sin gle man one hun
dred acres This law impl ied that a married woman had
a real share of forty acres
N orthern C hou
I n the
-
,
,
-
.
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
1
.
“
.
5
.
Th e Su i Dyn as t y
A fter the N orthern W ei dynasty was d ivi ded up i nto t h e
N orthern C h i and the N orthern C hou d y nasties the N orth
ern C hou conquered the N orthern C h i and the Su i dynasty
succeeded the N orthern C hou Th e ref 0 1 e the 1r la w s were
similar I n distributin g the O pened land and the perpetual
property Su i conformed to the law of the N orthern C h i
Th e people w ere also requ ired to plant mulberries elms
and dates O n the avera ge every three cit i zens received
one acre for their home and g ard en ; and every fiv e slaves re
ce iv e d the same amount
F rom the princes to the military commanders all wer e
n
i
ve
land for thei r perpetual p roperty its amount varyin g
g
from forty acres to ten thousand acres To the o fficials o f
t h e capital the o fficial land was
iven
accordin
to
rank
g
g
‘
,
‘
,
-
.
,
.
‘
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
1
H is t o ry
o
f Su i
,
ch .
xxiv
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
0
5
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
Those
F U CI US
people w h o moved t o another town or who were
so poor that they could not even pay for thei r funerals
we re allowed to s e ll the i r perpetual property Those people
who moved f rom the thi ckly populated tow n to the th i nly
—
n
populated o e w ere allow ed to sell even their mouth sha re
But after they had sol d thei r land noth in g was g iven to
them a ga i n W hen the land owner died h i s land was taken
b y the government and g iven to t h ose h av i n g no land
I n the tenth month of every yea r the d i stri b ution of
land too k place the g overnment e ither takin g i t back or
r
i
vin
i
t
out
T
h
e
land
was
first
d
ist
ibuted
o
the
poor
t
g
g
an d those w h o pai d taxes and served the publ i c labor
If
a tow n had more land than i t needed fo r distribut i on
the
surplus was g iven to ne ig hbor in g towns ; i f such was the
case i n a district i t was g iven to the ne i ghbor in g d i stricts ;
if i n a p rov i nce i t was g iven to nei g hbor in g prov inces
,
,
.
.
,
,
-
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
1
.
,
a
T
D
n
i
a
n
s
t
r
t
i
i
m
o
h
L
a
o
t
h
a
c
t
C
s
w
e
e
g
y
y
( )
f
f
Th e ch i e f d e fect of the l aw o f the Tan g dynasty was that
—
i t allowed the people to sell the land both the perpetual
property and als o the mouth share Because the p eople
were allowed to sell the land there was n o w ay t o p revent
the i nequali ty o f wealth Hence the rich bou ght up the
land and th is system lasted only about one hundred years
Tan g Kao
About 1 2 0 1 1 2 0 6 A K ( 6 5 0 6 5 5 A
Tsun g fo rbade the people to sell t h e perpetual p roperty and
t h e mouth share ; an d l at e r he decreed tha t the buyer o f
land should return it to the owner and that he shoul d be
fined B ut durin g the rei g n of Tan g H s ii an Tsun g ( 1 2 6 4
1 30 6 o r
A
land
was
monopoli
zed
by
the
r
i
ch
1
7 3 755
Since that t i me all the lands of C h ina h ave been almost e n
t ire l y held b y private owners
Th e t s ing t ie n system never
h as b e en r evived ag ain
-
.
,
.
,
.
,
-
-
.
.
.
-
,
_
,
.
,
-
,
.
.
,
.
2
.
l
2
N e w H is t o ry
Tab l e s
o
o
f Tang
f l an d d
,
ch .
i t ib t i
s r
u
li
.
o n are
f
o und o n
t h e ne
.
xt th
ree
p
ag e s
.
TH E TSI N G TI E N S YS TE M
TA B L E Sn o w m
c
S v s r au
s
U
L A N D-D I S T R I B U TI O N
o r
,
2
5
S I X D Y N A S TI E S
N DER
Dy n as t i e s
P
l
fi d
Cl
f
d b
eo
o
p e
as s i
C i t iz e n s
e
:
P 3 0 9“
C l a fie d
fx
‘
d
y Ages
L an
cd d
on
A
a
0
x
o
m an
20
so
40
M an
ar y
u l tS
lv
3
C o n i t io n
W
Se
S
es
‘
9
W o m an
1
20
M an
l
3
s
Th e fig u r e s
C
d
‘
i iz
t
’
O
is
d
v
un
e n s an d s l a
Th e
re
'
t ri b u t e
Ud
n
er
er t
he
es.
cl
o um n o
d
l
m aini n g fig u r e s u n
am o n g t h e p e o p e
d
the
c
o lu m n o
f0
er
f
th e
.
x, t h e
l an
d
c
c
it iz e n s
an d
o lu m n o
w as gi
v
f
en
d
l
1
1
t
h
at o
f
fo r
l v dc
i d c
h
s a
y n as t i e s
an o x .
1
n
es
in i at e t h e
i at e t
nu m b e r o
f
e n u m b e r o f ac r es
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
2
5
TA B L E
A GE
OF
RIN CI P LE S
-
L I M I TS O F
N D H O L DI N G
LA
-
i
Dy n as t
A
c 1as s
ii t i
es
‘
e
ca
on
Nc
R e g u l ar
ad u l t
Se c o nd ary
li e m
ei
i em
i
q i
No
iiii
'
O ld
FU CI US
OF C O N
éi
z
.
Su i
Tan g
18
18
60
60
ad u l t
’
Yo u ng
1
VI
O
.
—
12
PI N I O N S
Y
S STE M
T H E TSI N G TI E N
ON
the t s ing t ien system was establ ished b y the ce le
b rat e d emperors of the ancients and its principles were
w orked out by C onfucius it has dominated the thou ghts of
scholars g eneration after generation As the l imitation
pol icy of Tun g C hun g shu and Shih Tan has been stated
above we Shall study the most promine nt thou ghts o f o ther
C onfucians
Since
,
,
.
-
-
,
.
1
.
H s un Yu e h
the H an dynasty the landlords to o k half of the
product of land as rent Th e refore Hsun Y iie h ( 6 99 7 6 0
o r 1 4 8 2 0 9 A D ) condemned the landlords as bein g more
tyrann i cal than the C h i n dyn a
sty H e was not however
i n favor of the immed iate aboli tion of land ownership b e
cause he thou ght that there would be g reat c o n fus io n risin g
D urin g
,
-
,
.
-
.
.
‘
.
,
,
-
,
-
1
Th e figu re s
i di
f
n
c at e
t h e y e ars
nas t y , t h e ag e s re e rre d t o
2
At t he
ag e
at t h e ag e o
f
o
f
“
r e g u l ar
o ld
t
h
h
m en
ad u l t
o
f
ag e
o n ly .
”
,
e y r e t u rn e d
the
it
E
.
x pt
p pl
eo
ce
e
un d e r
re c e
iv
ed
w
h
ix
,
,
Ts
i
n
dy
t h e l an d ; an d
.
hi
i
U n d e r t h e N o rt e rn W e i d y n as t y n o t n g w as s a d
b u t it
ty
o u l d b e n o t l e s s t an s
o re t an s
t y no r
3
the
m
h
ix
-
ab o u t o l d ag e ;
Six .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
5 4
be
RIN CIP LE S
OF CON
F U C I US
l i m i tat i on o n t h e o wne rs h i p o f l and accord i n g t o
numb e r o f i nd i v i du als Ev e ry o ne m ay c ult i v ate l and b u t
h e i s n o t allowed to sell o r b uy i t Th i s met h od w i ll enr i h
t h e poor an d t h e we ak p revent t h e ri c h f ro m mon o p o l i i n g
t h e l and an d lay t h e found at i on fo r r e al i z i ng t h e w h o le
syste m of t s ing t ie n Is i t not a good th i n g ?
th
a
.
,
c
.
z
,
,
.
2
Su H s u n
.
As Su Hsun ( 1 5 6 0 1 6 1 7 or 1 0 0 9 1 0 6 6 A D ) was a
g reat writer he condemned the landlords very stron g ly
He sai d
-
-
.
,
.
.
,
Afte r t h e t s ing t ie n system h as b een dest royed t h e land i s not
owned by t h e cult i vators an d t h e l and owne rs d o not cult i v ate
t h e l and t h emselves Th e l and of t h e cult i v ato rs depends
—
r
upon t h e i c h In a r i c h f am i ly t h e land ow n e r h as a gre at
extent o f l and an d employs j ou rneymen fo r t h e d i ffe rent p art s
o f i ts cult i vat i on H e w h i ps t h em an d ensl aves t h em t re at
ing t h em l ik e actu al sl aves
H e e as i ly s i ts down an d loo k s
around fo r t h e i ssue o f h i s d i rect i on ; w hi le am on g h i s em
l
p o y e e s we e d i n g t h e field fo r hi m i n summe r an d re ap i n g t h e
crop fo r hi m i n autumn none of t h em d i s o b eys h i s regul at i ons
But amon g t h e p roducts o f t h e l and
an d t ak es a d i ve rs i on
t h e l and owner h i mself gets h al f an d t h e cult i v ator s all to
r
r
a
et
h
e
r
t
h
e
ot
h
e
r
h
a
lf
T
h
e
e
i
s
only
one
l
nd
owne
e
t
g
g
b ut t h ere are ten c ult i v ator s Th ere f o re t h e l and o wne r ac
cumul ates o ne h alf of t h e l and p roducts d ay after d ay an d
r
o
a
r
r
r
r
n
ows
r
i
c
h
e
n
r
i
h
e
st
on
e
r
d
stron
e
t
h
e
cult
i
v
t
s
r
d
c
a
a
;
g
g
g
c o nsume t h e ot h e r h al f d a
r
n
f
te
f
ll
i
nto
poverty
a
a
d
a
a
d
y
y
an d st arv i n g w i t h out appeal
,
-
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
-
,
-
,
.
-
.
,
-
-
,
,
,
.
Such
a condemnation o f the landlords su ggests the con
d e m n at io n passed by the social ists upon capital ists
I n fact
the separation between land owner and land cultivator is
the g reat evil g row in g out of the destruction of the t s ing
t ie n system
Su Hsun however d id not approve of the policy of t e
.
-
.
,
,
-
,
TH E TSI N G TIE N S YS TE /ll
2
5 5
establ ish in g t s ing t ie n H is ar gument is based not on the
fact that the land o f the rich cannot be taken away but on
the fact that the t s ing t ic n system itsel f is imposs ible o f full
reali zati on H e sa i d that even thou gh the rich shoul d o ffer
the i r land to the pu b l ic and peti tion for the t s ing t ie n sys
tem i t never could b e re esta b l ished Then he described
all the deta ils o f thi s system under the C hou dynasty and
sai d that even thou gh th is system were thorou gh ly re estab
l is h e d throu g h a peri od o f several centuries the people
woul d all have d ied lon g before H is theory is more ad
v an c e d than that o f H sun Y iie h
since he thought that the
fo rm o f t s ing t ie n is impossible
B ut he approved o f the l imitation pol icy and pointed out
that the reason this pol i cy had not been real ized was b e
ca u se the gover nment was a fra id that the ric h would not
rescribed
ive
up
thei
r
land
which
was
beyond
the
l
im
it
p
g
W hen h e cri ticised the law of Han A i T i he said hat the
lim i t o f t h is law w h ic h permitted o ne man to o w n th ree
thousand acres was too h i gh and that the days o f g race
which w ere only th ree years were too short Such a Short
period for the enforcement o f this law meant forc i n g the
people to destroy thei r o w n p roperty I t was not i n ac
and i t w as d ifficult o f reali
c o rd an c e w ith human nature
.
,
.
-
.
,
,
-
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
1
t
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
z at io n
.
Then
he d rew hi s conclusion that th e l imi t o f land owner
sh ip Should be small and that the l imit should not be appl ied
to the p resen t day but Si mply to the future It should not
ta k e away the land which exceeded the l imi t b e fore the l imit
was e stabl ish e d ; b ut i t should mer e ly prevent peopl e in the
future from ownin g mo re than t h e l i mi t A fter a fe w ge n
e rat io ns
the descendants of t h e rich woul d either fall i nto
pove r ty and d i ffus e to others thei r land wh ich h ad be e n
-
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
1
Se e
s up ra,
p
.
50 7
.
2
6
5
TH E E C O N O M I C P
R I N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
more than the l i m i t ; o r they woul d d i vi de It up amon g
themselves Then the rich could not o w n too much land
an d there would be plenty of i t Th e poor could ea s ily g e t
the land and they would not be enslaved by others A l
th ou gh th is policy i s not the system of t s ing t ie n it would
reach the same resul t s as t s ing t ien
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
3 Ch u Hs i
.
Chu
H si a g reed w ith the theory of Hsun Yueh and sai d
,
that the land could not be taken away from the people
Th e only opportuni ty for the re establ ishment o f t s ing t ie n
is after a g re at revolutionary war U nder such a condi tion
when the population is g one and the land b e l on g s to the
overnment
the
lan
d
distribution
can
real
i
zed
I
n
time
b
e
g
o f peace it can never be done
He was the firs t one who discarded t h e limi tati on pol icy
He sai d that i t was absurd I n general at the beg inni n g
it would be e ffective ; but after thr e e or five years it
woul d have n o force At the presen t e v en thou gh the
limitat ion of land ownersh ip mi ght be fixed year after
year i t w ould be only a dead le t ter Then he ga v
e his
O pinion that i f the t s in
system
could
be
reali
zed
we
t
i
e
n
g
Shoul d real ize i t ; but i f i t coul d not be real ized
we should
leave the present insti tution untouched Th e th e ory of
l imitation accord in g to him was only a j oke
.
-
.
,
,
-
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
-
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
Ye h Sh i h
’
4
.
Yeh Shih was the first one who thou ght t h at the t s ing
t ie n system i s not useful i n modern times and that i t is not
the basis o f a g ood g overnment He s ai d tha t eve n i f the
lands of the whole empi re should belon g to the government
and W en Wa ng W u W an g and the Duke of C hou should
rule a g ain i n the empire there is no need of t s ing t ic n b e
cause its numerous and subtle rules cannot b e car ried out
i n modern times Th e mos t importan t poi nt he b rought
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
8
5
R I N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
law i n harmony w i th the actual worl
this is hi s ma i n
point He discarded e nti rely the system of t s ing t ic n an d
emphasized the importance o f leg islatio n for the needs o f
the time He sai d
.
.
,
.
I f t h e go vernment w i ll en act soc i al legi sl at i on t e n ye ars l ate r
t h e pe o ple w i ll b e ne i t h e r t o o ri c h n o r too po o r ; en c ro ac h
m ent b y t h e we alt h y w i ll ce ase t h rou gh i ts o w n n at u e ;
an d t h e w h o le e m p i r e w i ll ge t q u i c k ly t h e b enefit o f p ro
duct i o n ;—
t hi s i s t h e most i mpo rt ant wo rk t h at t h e e m pero r
and t h e o ffic i als s h ould h asten to do
,
,
r
.
5 M a Tu an l in
-
.
theory of Ma Tuan li n is li k e that o f Ye h Shih em
i
i
h
z
n
a
s
also
the
relation
between
feudalism
and
the
t
i
n
s
p
g
g
t ie n system
I n ancient times the feudal estate was small
and its people were fe w ; hence this system was easily estab
lis h e d
H e says that i t would be the same whether the ah
cient feudal pri nces distributed one hundred acres to each
man o r th e modern landlords g i ve thei r tenants the land
of thei r ancestors B ut i n modern times territory is ex
tensive and p opulati on is larg e ; the governors ta k e
the place o f feudal princes and n one can keep the
o ffice for his son ; under such a condit i on the ts ing t ien
system never can exist Therefore under the Ts in the
N orthern W e i the N orthern C h i the N orthern C hou the
Su i and the Tan g dynast i es althou g h the system o f land
distribution had been realized i t di d not last v ery lon g
Th e
-
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
‘
,
,
,
,
1
.
,
VI I
C ON CL
.
U SI O N
There
is no doubt that the t s ing t ie n system has passed
away never to be revived F rom the date of land equali za
tion by Wei H siao w én to the first year of Tan g H s ii an
Tsun g is two hundred twenty ei g ht years ( 1 0 36 1 2 6 4 or
-
.
-
-
-
,
G e n e r al
R
e s e ar c h ,
ch .
i
.
TH E TSI N G TI E N S YS TE M
2
5 9
A
But from the first year of H uan g Ti to the
date of destruction o f t s ing t ie n by Shan g Yan g is t w o thou
sand three hundred forty ei gh t years ( 2 1 4 7 B K 2 0 2 A K
Th e len g th o f t h ese periods Shows the
or 2 6 98 3 5 0 B
d i fference b etween the ancient and the med ieval times B e
cause the ancient times were feudal the t s ing t ie n system
lasted fo r thousands o f years ; and because th e medi eval
times were under a b solute monarchy the system o f equal iza
tion o f land wh ich w as not the exact system of t s ing t ie n
di d not conti nue o fr three hund red years Th e fact is that
the t s ing t ie n system cannot exist w ithout the feudal system
B ut as the
C onfucius was not i n favo r of feudali sm
t s ing t ie n system was bound up w ith feudal ism why w as
?
i
i
n
on
fucius
in
favo
r
o
f
Because
feudal
ism
created
t
s
n
t
e
C
g
pol itical i nequali ty he hated feudalism ; and beca u se th e
t s ing t ie n sys t e m created economic equal ity he loved it
H is
idea w as based enti rely on the p rinci ple o f equal i ty M ore
over as h e l ived in the feudal sta g e and so could not do
away i mmed iately w ith the feudal system he was obl ig ed to
ive
h
is
theory
fo
r
the
better
cond
it
i
on
o
f
the
people
accord
g
ing to h is sta g e
I n hi s t ime when the feudal estate g rew
up as a g reat nation and the t s ing t ie n system was decayin g
the land was taxed at a hi ghe r rate than that o f one tenth
o f i ts product : th e people were c ruelly employed for m il i
ta ry pu rposes at improper seasons ; the forced labor too k
much more than three days ; and the t s ing t ic n system
itsel f i n its decay se rved to make con fusion and inequal
i ty amon g the people I n a word i t was a trans itional sta ge
U nder such a cond ition why should C onfucius r o t advocate
?
s
i
e
t
t
i
n
the
system
Accord
in
to
this
system
not
only
n
g
g
could the people not own more land than thei r ne ighbors
but also th e feudal lords could not tax the peop l e more and
make them work more I ndeed i t was a protect ion for th e
people a ga inst the feudal lords and a remedy fo r the evils
o f the feudal st age
1
8
4 5 7 3
-
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-
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-
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
53
W henever there
RI N CIP LE S
OF C ON
F U C I US
decay of any system there mus t b e
confusion and trouble Durin g the decay of t h e ts ing t ie n
system when Shan g Yan g s aw i t he d e stroyed i t entirely
I t was a destructive pol icy Shan g Yan g was condemne d
b y many C onfuci ans but he was a g reat statesman
H e inv i ted forei g ners t o cultivate the land and g ave
them private land ownersh i p in orde r to send the natives
abroad to en g a g e in war H e cared more for the glory
of the state than for the betterment of the people H is
economic reforms were not for e conomic but fo r military
reasons
Th e results w ere that the state g o t an immediate
political advanta g e but the people lost the economic e quali ty
based on land ownership
Mencius l ivin g at the same time w i th Shan g Yan g when
he saw the t s ing t ien system wanted to make i t as perfect as
possible I t was a constructive policy Mencius cared for
the betterment o f th e people and not for mil itary glo ry
H is economic reforms were for economic reasons for the
i ntellectual and moral e ducation o f the peopl e but no t fo r
the sake of w ar
However Mencius w as also a g reat statesman H e
thought that i f the ts ing t ien system were w isely establ ished
it woul d conquer the whole e mpi r e H is theory i s that the
people are the most important element of the state ; hence
i f any prince coul d w in the heart o f the people in t h e nei gh
b orin g countries h e would w in those states It seems im
practicable B ut i n h is t im e the princes took the people
away in the a g ricultural seaso n s to make them en gag e i n
war and caused hun g er and loss to their families and con
sequently the people had no love for th e i r princes M ore
over as th e people o f the whole C hinese world were p rac
ti cally one and generally had no particular love for thei r
own feudal state i t was easy for the vi rtuous ruler to
unite the whole e mp ire I f there were a truly vi rtuous
is
a
,
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
53
RI N C I P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
equal O pportuni ty for the enj oyment of economic l ife and
also of soci al political intellectual and moral l i fe
I n many o f i ts e ssential idea s the t s ing t ie n system is
Th e two have the same obj ect
Sim ilar to modern socialism
of equal izin g the weal th of the whole society O f course by
t h e chan g es o f methods and or gan i zations the modern in
d u s t rial sta g e must di ffe r from the anci ent a g r i cultural
sta ge I n ancien t t imes land was the mos t important
form o f weal th There fore when land w as equally dis
tri b uted the wealth o f the people was p ractically equal
U nder the t s ing t ien system the people d id n o t o w n even
thei r houses and thei r whole economic l i fe was controlled
by th e state I t was an extreme socialism or state social
ism I n modern times passin g from the a gricultural sta g e
to the i ndustrial sta ge the land is not so important as before
E ven i f the land could be equally distributed or n atio nali zed
the wealth o f the people would still be unequal because
besides the land there are many other capi tal goods There
fore modern socialism has more di fficul ties to overcom e
than that o f the ancients B ut the essential i deas of m b d
ern social i sm are not d ifferent from those o f the t s i ng t ien
system By the t s ing t ien system everyone g o t the whol e
of what he produced because there was no landlo r d When
Su Hsun condemned the landlord i t was because he took
hal f of the produc t from the cultivators
I t is the same
arg ument as that o f t h e s o c ial is t who would allow no cap
it al is t to ta k e half the product of the l aborer
I n a word
the t s ing t ie n system and socialism both aim at equali ty of
weal t h an d at allowin g the p roducers to ge t all that they
p roduce
H owever the C hinese people have been a moderate peo
ple and they never go to extremes W hen the scholars
tho ught ab out the t s ing t ie n system althou g h they h ated
the landlord they never thou gh t that h is land should
,
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TH E TSI N G TIE N S YS TE M
5 33
be taken away by confiscation as i n the theory o f H enry
Geor ge Throu ghout the whole h istory of C h ina W an g
M an g w as the only one who national ized the land by a pol icy
o f confiscation Howeve r even he d id not touch those
who owned no more than one t s ing I f a family had only
one hundred acres i t was saved from c onfiscati on M ore
over after three years he aboli shed the law o f land c o nfis
cation A S \ V an g M an g was condemned by t he C o u t u
c ian s no one thou ght t h as h is confiscation pol ic y was ri ght
There fore th e land o f C hi na w ill pro b ably remai n i n the
hands o f private owners foreve r unless t h ere s h all b e a ne w
fo rm o f socialism
.
,
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XX V I I
C HA P TE R
M O N O P OL Y
I
.
C O N DE M N A TI O N
OF
M O N OP OL
Y
CON FU CI US
hated monopoly ; b u t monopoly w as con
I n 2 98 B K ( 84 9
d e m ne d before th e t ime of C onfucius
B
when C hou L i Wan g loved gain and was g oin g to
employ D u k e Yun g Jui L ian g fu gave h im a warnin g as
follows
.
.
.
.
-
,
P ro fit i s t h e p roduct o f all t hi n gs and t h e f ru i t o f h e aven an d
e art h I f o n e monop o l i zes i t h e w i ll cause mu c h h at red
Si nce al l pe o ple are gett i n g p rofit f rom h eaven and e art h an d
E ven w h en
all t hi n gs w h y s h ould i t b e monopol i zed ?
o n e o f t h e co m m on people m ak es monopoly h e s h ould b e c al e d
l
a ro bb e r
I f you r M aj esty p rac t i c es i t t h e re w i ll b e ve ry fe w
people w h o c o m e to y o u
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
Li
W an g d id not heed th i s admoni tion and employed
,
Du k e
Yun g as minister Th e result was that h e was banished
b y the p e Op le
Th e theory o f Jui L ian g fu is harmonious w ith that of
C onfucius
I t w ill be conven ie nt to treat C onfucius the
ory i n accordance w ith modern cate gories and we may
classify monopoly first into two g rand d ivisions private and
public W e may classify publi c monopoly as fiscal and
social ; private monopoly as personal le gal natural an d
busi ness L e t us consi der them i n this orde r
.
1
.
-
’
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
1
N arrat iv e s
o
f
N at i o n s , b k
.
i
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
53
I II
RIN CI PLE S
PRI VA TE
.
O F C ON
FU CI US
P
M O N O OLIES
P e rs o nal M o n o p o l ies
C onfucius opposes private monopoly wi th few exceptions
Ta k e personal monopoly first
C onfuci us is very g lad in
deed to g ive special honor and wealth to men who possess
Therefore honorin g the
e xtraordinary virtue o r ability
vi rtuous and employin g the abl e and putti n g the distin
i
h
u
s
e
d
men
in
hi
h
posi
tions
is
a
principle
of
onfucius
C
g
g
But such a temporary personal monopoly is not for the
sake of the ind ividuals but for that o f society at lar g e
E mploy the upri ght and put aside all the
C onfucius says :
”
There
crooked ; th is way can make the croo k ed upri ght
fore to g rant rewards to the indivi duals who hold personal
monopoly is not only doin g them j ustice b ut also g ivi n g all
others i nspi ration E ven personal monopoly however C o n
fu c iu s does not let alone but h e makes the peopl e acqui re i t
by education Hence the system o f universal free education
arises and the power o f personal monopoly is diminished by
popular e ducatio n
1
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
1
.
,
,
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,
,
,
.
,
.
2
.
L eg al M o n o p o l ies
As to le g al monopoly C onfucius would not approve it
—
W hen C hun g shu Y u h e an o fficer o f W ei showed m il itary
abili ty ( 38 B
W e i rewarded him w ith a city He re
fused i t and asked for the ri ght to use the suspended in s t ru
—
ments o f music d isp o s e d i ncompletely and the saddle g irth
and b ridle trappin g s These th in g s were legally u sed only
b y the prince o f a state but such a ri ght was granted to
him When C onfucius later heard of thi s he sai d
.
,
-
,
,
i
.
.
,
-
,
-
.
,
.
,
Al as ! It wo u ld h ave b een b etter to gi ve h i m m any c i t i es It
i s o nly p e c ul i ar art i cles of use an d n ames w hi c h c annot b e
r
g ant e d t o o t h e rs t h an t h o s e t o w h o m t h ey b el o n g ; to t h em a
.
,
,
1
C l as s ic s ,
vo l.
i p
,
.
261
.
M ON OPOL Y
5 37
ule r h as p art i cul arly to attend By t h e ri gh t use o f n ames h e
sec u res t h e confiden c e o f t h e people By t h at c onfidence h e
p rese rves t h e art i c les d i s t i n c t i v e o f ran k s In t h o se art i cles
t h e c e remon i al d i st i n c t i ons o f ran k are h i d By t h ose ce re
m o n i al d i st i n c t i o ns j ust i c e i s p ract i s ed By j ust i c e s o c al p rofit
i s p rodu c ed By s o c i al p o fit t h e people are e qu al i zed Atten
t i on t o t h ese t h i n gs i s t h e c o nd i t i o n o f go od gove rnment I f
t h ey b e c o n c ed e d w h e re t h ey o u gh t not to b e c on c eded i t i s
o
r
r
c
v
i
v
i
n
w
y
t
h
e
ove
nm
nt
to
t
h
e
e
i
i
ents
W
h
en
t
h
e
a
a
e
g
g
g
p
g
e rn m e n t t h us pe r i s h es
t h e st ate w i ll f oll o w i t ; i t i s not pos
s ib le to arrest t h at i ssue
r
.
.
.
.
.
,
r
.
.
.
,
.
,
1
.
I f accord in g t o the principles of C on fucius even the ri ght
to use certain articles Should not be g ranted there is no
reason why the g overnment Should g rant le gal monopoly
Th e le gal ri gh t of establ ish in g monopoly is included i n the
word names used by C on fucius I t is a part o f sov
e re ig n power and should not be
iven
to
any
pri
vate
person
g
Th is is fo r the profit o f th e whole society and for the equal
i ty o f the people
I n C h inese hi story no legal monopoly has been g iven to
private persons by the government except in one instance
Y ii an Sh i h Ts u g ranted the seals o f
I n 1 8 37 ( 1 2 86 A
p aper money to C han g H s ii an and C h u Ts i n g and let them
ma k e paper money o n account o f their serv i ce in sea
t ransportation When thei r wealth w as equal to that o f the
state the g overnment ki lled them on some excuse because
it was a fraid that they would be a dan ger to the state
L e g al monopoly is gene rally not g ood for soc i ety at lar g e
A l imited le gal monopoly such as copy r i ghts and patents
however C on fucius w ould approve Since his ph ilosophy
is based on a j ustice that is pract i sed by a system of rewards
,
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‘
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’
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,
,
C las s ic s
1
C o nt
i
,
vo l
.
n u at io n
v,
o
-
f
pt
.
i p
the
,
.
344
.
G e n e ral Rc s c arc h
,
ch
.
ix
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
53
RI N CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
he would
i
rant
a
l
mited
monopoly
to
the
author
or
i
n
g
v e n t o r in order to reward him and to encoura g e others
But t h e C h inese d id no t develop such a monopoly Hence
t h e people had no encoura g ement for invention and man y
invent ions were lost In old times the people g enerally
d i d not care to i nvent anyth in g E ven the scholars who
d id invent thin g s d i d so not for th e sa k e of economic in
t e re s t but for th e sa k e o f curiosity or to show their ability
Therefore thei r i nventions died w ith them
I n those times
t h e people l ived in an isolated way communication and
t ranspo rtation were poo r and there w e re no newspapers
and ma gaz i nes so that the people coul d not have k nown
anythin g about n e w i nventions had there been any
M ore
over e ven if they had known about them h o w could the y
have u nderstood th e secret of the i nven t ors and have dupli
c at e d them ?
Therefore many old inventions are simply
recorded i n history w ithout producin g any g reat e ffect and
many others such as g unpowder and the art of printi ng
are by unknown inventors There were many causes which
retarded C h i nese inventi on but the absence of a pate nt sys
tem was a very important one
—
i
There ari ses a quest on h o w di d t h e ancients develop
and pres e rve thei r inventions ? B ecause they had a quasi
legal m onopoly—the hereditary ri g ht of hol din g o ffice in
di fferent sciences and arts F o r each profession and each
l ine o f wo rkmanship there was a g overnment o ffice which
was hereditarily held; even throu ghout di fferent dynasties
Since thei r division o f labor extended to details and their
spec i ali zat ion lasted fo r many generations they would nat
u rally invent new th in s or improve ol d methods
E
ven
i
f
g
i t we re not so t h e old would scarcely h ave been lost be
cause th e g overnment was its preserver even thou gh t h e
fam i ly shoul d die out Therefore althou gh the hereditary
o ffices were a b ad th in g they still produced some good
e ff e cts
.
,
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,
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
54
3
R I N CI P L E S
N at u ral
.
O F C ON
FU CI US
M o n o p o lies
As to natural monopoly C onfucius pos i t i v e ly does n o t
allow any private person to hold it Accordin g to the pr 1n
the famous mountains
c ip l e s of t h e Sp ring an d A u t u m n
and g reat meres are not conferred to the feudal princes
Because they are the natural resources of heaven and
earth which are not p roduced by human power they ou ght
This pri n
t o be shared in common w ith all the people
R oyal R e g ulations
I f such
c ip le is also set forth in the
n atural resources were conferred on the feudal prince s they
would be thei r ow ners and the people could not make use
of them Therefore they are left as common property for
all the people and t h e pri nces are n o t allowed to hold such
a natural monopoly Since C onfucius does not permit even
the feudal p rinces t o ow n the natural resources how can
any private person have the r i ght to own them ? Subj ect to
this principle is the modern d evelopment of franchise mo
n 0 p o l ie s such as railways waterworks e t c
This principl e is appl ied not only t o local or na t ional
monopoly acqui red by natural advanta g es b ut also to i nter
national monopoly E xplaini n g this pr inciple the G e n e ral
Di sc u s s io n in t h e Wh i t e Tig e r P alac e says
,
.
,
.
,
,
” 1
.
.
-
.
,
,
.
,
,
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,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
It m ak es all t h e pe o ple s h are t h e advant ages an d d o es not
allow an y Si n gle n at i o n to monopol i ze t h e m
Th e r i c h es o f
m ount ai ns an d f o r ests t h e adv ant ages of w ate r an d r i vers
s h ould b e c ommonly d i st rib uted ove r t h ous ands o f m i les It
i s fo r t h e e qu al i z at i on b etween t h ose w h o h ave somet h i n g and
t h o se w h o h ave not hi n g an d fo r t h e fill o f in s u ffic ie nc y
,
.
,
,
.
8
.
,
Si nce C onfucius t a k es t h e
1
2
3
A n n o t at i o n
Se e
su
Bk
iv
.
p ra
.
,
o
p
.
f Ku ng
34 7
.
-
y ang,
whole w o rld as an econom i c unit
1 6t h
y e ar
o
f Du
k
e
H u an
.
,
M ON OP OL Y
54
1
he forb i ds not only private persons b ut also i nd ivi dual
nations to monopoli ze the natural advanta ges I ndeed i f
there i s any natural monopoly a ffectin g the whole world
—
i t should belon g to the g overnment o f the world state Th i s
i s the basis of th e free trad e doctrine of C onfuc i us and that
—
o f his world socialism
Duri n g the Han dynasty w h en San g H un g yan g de
fended the government monopoly o i salt and iron ( 4 7 1 o r
h e referred to this princ i ple and sai d t hat the
81 B
people Should not b e allowed to monopol ize the natural re
sou rces
When the Ts i n dynasty ( 8 1 6 o r 2 6 5 A D )
and th e L ian g dynasty ( 1 0 5 3 or 5 0 2 A D ) distributed
the feudal estates the famous mounta i ns and g reat meres
were not conferred : and all the re g ions producin g salt iron
r dens
a
old
silver
copper
and
tin
and
bamboo
a
capit
l
g
g
c i ties publ ic buildin gs and d i fferent parks we re not i ncluded
i n any feudal estate
These facts show the i n fl uence of
C on fucianism u p o n actual law
,
.
,
,
,
.
-
.
-
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’
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,
-
,
,
,
,
,
?
.
4
.
B us in e s s
M o n o p o l ie s
does not permi t private persons to have b us i
ness monopoli es a principle wh ich is th u s ind icated by Men
cius
C on fucius
,
In old t i mes t h e m ark e t —
pl ac e s w e re fo r t h e e x c h an ge o f t h
art i c les w h i c h t h ey h ad fo r t h o se w hi c h t h ey h ad not
Th e re
we re s i mply s o m e offi c e s t o k eep o rde r amo n g t h em It h ap
pened t h at t h e re w as a me an f ell o w w h o loo k ed o u t fo r a c o n
s p ic u o u s mound an d go t up up o n i t
Th en c e h l o o k ed ri gh t
an d le f t
to c at c h i n h i s net t h e w h ole p ro fit o f t h e m ark et
Th e people al l t h ou gh t hi s c o ndu c t me an an d t h e refo re t h e v
e
,
.
r
.
,
e
.
,
.
,
,
1
Th e De b at e
G e n e ral
R
on
the
e s e ar c h ,
G o v e rn m e n t M o n o p o ly
chs
.
c cl
xxi ii
-
.
o
f Sal t
an d
I ro n b k
,
.
vi
.
P R IN CIPLES
TH E E C O N O M I C
2
54
OF C O N
p roceeded to l ay a t ax up o n hi s b us i ness
e r s t o o k i ts r i se f rom t h i s me an f ellow
FU CI US
Th e
.
t ax i n g of
d
t ra
1
.
does not allow any monopoly profit I f there is
any a tax on such profit is necessary i n o rder to discoura g e
the monopol ist and to equalize the distribut i on o f wealth
F or the prevention of business monopoly there are tw o
reat
p
rinciples
the
exclusi
n
of
the
rulin
class
from
the
o
g
g
economi c field and the g overnment control of demand and
supply W e shall discuss t h em in the followin g chapters
Th e C hinese hate business monopoly
Accord in g to the
L aw C o d e o f t h e Ts ing Dyn as t y any business mo n opoly is
forbidden F o r example people are not allowed to open a
eneral
company
to
control
completely
a
b
ranch
o
f
trade
i
n
g
order t o prevent the merchants from g oin g to other com
m
n
i
o
nor
to
d
ivide
up
territory
w
ithi
n
which
no
a
s
c
e
t
e
p
p
it o r can stand ; nor to control transportation either by sh ip
per o r by carrier H e who monopol izes the market either
as a seller o r as a buyer shall b e punished wi th ei ghty blows
o f the lon g sti ck
I f any has made profit through such
monopol istic schemes that profit shall be re g arded as booty
and he shall be pun ished as a robber accordi n g to the amount
o f booty
As a result of th e taxation s ystem however the re are
some businesses mixed w ith the elem ent of monopoly They
will be discussed under t h e subj e c t of taxation
C onfucius
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
.
‘
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
2
.
,
,
.
.
ii pp z7fi8
pi
m d
-
1
C l as s ic s
two
2
w
Ch
,
vo l .
o rd s , c o n s
.
xv
.
,
.
c uo u s
z
-
.
o un
,
hi
m
H e n ce t h e C
fo r t h e
o rd
w
ne s e
o no
p
so
m t im
o ly .
e
es
u se
t he
TH E E C O N O M I C P
544
R IN CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
th i s pr i nc iple of exclus i on was applied F rom th i s it
is cle ar that C onfucian social i sm g oes further than modern
soc i al i sm
At the t i me of C onfucius feudalism prevailed over the
whole empire Th e feudal pri nces and the noble families
occupied all the lands so that they were the landlords
They owned also a g reat number of cattle and many other
capital goods so that they were the capitalists There was
small room indeed left for the common people More
over they could o ppress the pe ople as they would and the
condition o f the p eople must have been very bad As they
had all the pol itical powers and social di g nities i f they
should become competi tors w ith the people i n the economic
field they would take all the profits and the people coul d
have no foothold to compete w i th them The n the people
would be reduced t o the cond it ion of actual slavery There
fore on the one hand C onfuc i us concentrated the political
power in an absolute monarchy an d denied the hered i tary
ri ght o f o ffic e holdin g in order to destroy feudal ism and to
transform aristocracy into democracy O n the other he
excluded all o ffici als from the economic field in or der to
ive
full
opportunity
to
the
people
g
Th e g eneral law is as follows :
Th e emperor o u ght not
to talk about whether he has wealth or not ; the feudal
princes ou ght not to talk about whether they hav e more
weal th or less ; and all the fam i lies which enj oy a public
salary ou g ht not to compete w ith the people for pr o fit
Promotin g the characte r o f the rul in g class to a hi gher
ethical standard takin g away their favorable condi ti on and
powerful co np e t it io n from the economic field and g ivin g a
—
reat
chance
to
all
common
people
these
are
the
obj
ects
g
of th i s principle I t has been a g reat scheme o f social re
form and its tendency has been toward economic equality
c ial s ,
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
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,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
-
,
.
,
,
” 1
.
,
r
,
,
.
.
,
1
H is t o ry
o
f
L at t e r H an,
ch
.
l
xxiii
.
E
X CL USI O N
1
.
R ULI N G
O F TH E
E x c l us i o n
o
CLA SS
54 5
t h e E m p e ro r
f
principle o f exclusion should be first appl ied to th e
—
rulers the emperor and the feudal princes I n the Sp ring
an d A u t u m n there is a l aw statin g that the emperor should
not demand anythin g pecun iary from the feudal pri n c es
W hen an empero r as k ed the prince fo r anythi n g he was
c ondem ned by C onfucius
Th e demand fo r money was con
d e m n e d most o f all
Since the emperor had th e taxes from
the imperial state and the tribute from the feudal states he
should be a most moderate man and an example to the whole
I f the empero r should care fo r money it would
e mpi re
ma k e the princes avaricious the g reat o fficials miserly and
the students and common people sly Therefore the R e c o rd
o
R
i
r plants only
t
e
says
T
h
empero
ourds
and
flower
s
:
e
f
g
ing plants not such thin g s as mi ght be stored
Th e
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
”
.
,
P rin c es
I n t h e Sp ring an d A u t u m n there is a condemnati on
o f the fishery o f Du k e Y in o f L u
Th e value o f h is fishes
amounted to one hundred catties of g old wh ich w as equal
t o o ne mill ion of copper money i n the Han dynasty
Ho Hsiu states that he should not leave the g overnment and
compete for profit wi th the people To do so is a g rea t
sha m e and not fittin g to a ruler
2
E x c l us io n
.
h
F
e
u
d
a
t
l
e
f
o
,
.
,
.
.
.
,
3
E x c l us io n
.
o
e
i
A
a
l
a
r
i
c
a
l
l
l
d
f
f
i
s
S
O
f
Accord in g to C on fucius all the salar i ed o fficial s shoul d
be excluded from the economic field He says
,
.
supe ri o r m an d o es not t ak e al l t h e p rofit b ut le aves i t
t h e people It i s s ai d i n t h e C ano n o f P o e t ry
Th e
,
.
h
T
e re s
And
h
h
al l
e re
h
be
unt o u c
e ars
F o r t h e b e ne fit
'
Li
f
an d u l s
o
Ki
h
f
le t
ed
i w
f t h e W do
,
bk
.
o n t he
ix p
,
.
.
4 33
.
g ro u n d ,
fo r
TH E
6
54
E C ONO MIC P RI N CIP LE S
H n e w h en
e
c
supe ri o r m an i s i n office
does not do f arm i n g
,
ments
he
,
O F C ON
a
and e
F U CI US
n j oys i ts
e m o lu
1
.
Le avin g
profit for t h e people is the fundamental idea of this
principle I ts aim is to protect the weak a gainst the stron g
Therefore when C onfucius spoke o f Tsan g W en chun g a
f
L
reat
o
ficial
of
u
he
condemned
him
as
wanti
in
vi
rtue
n
g
g
because he made his concubines weave rush mats for sale
Th e Great L earn in g says :
He who keeps horses and
a carria g e does not look after fowls and pi g s
Th e family
wh ich keep s store s of ice does not rear cattle or sheep
Th e first sentence refers to t h e one who is be g inni ng to be
a g reat o fficial ; and the second to the g reat o fficial and m i n
ister I ndeed none of the o fficials should do any bus iness
.
.
-
,
,
,
,
z
.
.
” 8
.
,
.
.
,
11
.
TH E
E STA
1
.
B L I SH M E N T
E xam p l e
o
T
OF
K
u
n
g
f
H E SE PR I N C I P L E S
-
.
i
H
n
i
s
y
.
best example illustratin g the exclusio n o f o fficials
from g ainful occupation i s g iven by Kun g y i Hsi u After
takin g the professorship of L u he became the prime min
He
ist er of D uke M u ( 1 4 5 1 7 6 A K o r 4 0 7 37 6 B
was the firs t one w h o enacted the C onfucian theory of ex
c l us io n as a l eg al law
U nder h is administration the sala
ried o ffici als were not allowed to compete fo r profit w ith t h e
people W hen s ome one g ave h im a fish he declined Th e
I have heard that you l ike fish W hy do yo u
g iver said
refuse my present o f fish ?
Because I like fish I do n o r
accept it answered the minister
N o w as I am a min
ister I am abl e to buy fish mysel f I f I should accept the
fish and should los e my positi on who w ill g iv e me fis h in
”
the future ? F o r this reason I do not accept i t
F rom his
Th e
-
.
,
-
-
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.
.
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
,
.
,
,
.
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
C las s ics
C las s ic s
,
,
.
x x vu ,
vo l
.
vo l
.
p
.
296
.
v p t i p 34
i pp 379 38
,
.
.
.
,
.
-
2
.
0
.
TH E E C ON OM I C P
8
54
RIN C I P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
t h en uses h i s powe rs o f we alt h an d d i gn i ty to c om pete fo
p ro fit w i t h t h e p e o ple w h o are b el o w h im ; h o w c an t h e p e ople
?
i
Th er e f o r e h e i n c r e ases t h e numb e r o f h is
h
m
p
te
w
i
t
h
com e
se rv ants k eeps mo re c attle exten d s hi s l and and h ouses ac c u
He p u
m u l at e s all ki nds o f p ro pe rty an d s aves t h e su rplus
sues t h o se t h i n gs w i t h out an end i n o rde r t o opp ress t h e
people Day af te r d ay an d mont h af te r mo nt h t h e pe o ple are
ro bb ed b y h im
t h en t h ey f all i nt o gre at pove rty W hi le t h e
i c h h ave luxu ry an d supe rab und ance th e poo r are i n grie v
o u s d i st ress
I f t h e pu b l i c s h ould not s ave t h e po o r f rom d i s
t ress an d gri ev ance t h e people could h ave no ple asu re i n l i fe
W h en t h e people h ave no ple asu re i n l i f e t h ey d o not esc ape
even de at h ; h o w c an t h ey es c ape f rom c rime ? Thi s i s t h e
r e ason w h y pun i s h m ents ar e nume rous an d c r i m i n als i nc re ase
Th e re f o re t h e f am i l i es o f s al ari ed o ffic i als s h ould ge t only
t h e i r s al ari es and Sh o uld not compete w i t h t h e people i n gai n
f ul oc c up at i ons Th us p rofits m ay b e e q u ally d i st rib uted t o
t h e pe o ple an d e ac h f am i ly o f t h em m ay h ave su ffi c i ent Th i s
i s t h e n atu ral l aw o f H e aven an d t h e p r i n c i ple of ant iqu i ty as
well Th e empe ro r Sh ould i m i t ate i t i n h i s l aws an d t h e o ffi
c ial s s h ould p rac t i se i t i n t h e i r conduct
an d
r
,
~
,
,
,
r
.
,
,
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,
,
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,
r
,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
.
I n conclus ion he quotes this interestin g passag e fro m the
B earin g on the b ack and ridin g i n the
C an o n o f C h ang e s :
,
carria ge causes robbers to come
He explains t hat ridin g
i n the carria g e refers to the position of the h i gher class
beari n g on the back to the bus iness of t h e lower class
I f one o ccupies the posit ion of an o fficial and t akes up the
busi ness of the common people calami ty must en sue
These statements of Tun g C hun g shu have had g reat infl u
ence on C onfucian social ism
”
.
,
.
,
1
.
,
-
.
3
.
L aw s
o
t
D
n
a
i
s
D
n
t
s
e
i
e
r
e
f
f
y
f
exclus i on o f o ffici als from all g ain h as been car
ried into actual law by ma ny dynast ies D urin g the Tsi n
Th e
.
.
1
H is t o ry
o
f H an
,
ch
.
l vi
.
E
X CL USI O N
O F TH E
R ULIN G
C LA SS
549
dynasty after W u Ti reunited t h e whole emp i re ( 8 3 1 o r
he decreed that the pri nces and du k es Should re
2 80 A
ard
the
i
r
feudal
estates
as
their
famil
i
es
and
that
they
g
should not have lands and houses in t h e imperi al capital as
private property Th e only two th in g s each Should have
were the resi dence w i th i n the city and the pasture near the
suburb Then he made the followi n g l imitation : I n the
capital the princes the du k es and th e marquises were al
lowed to have one residence I f the i r res i dence w as not in
the city but out of it i t was allowed to rema i n t h ere N ear
th e capital those who had a g reat feudal estate were al
lowed to have one thousand five hund red acres o f sub
urban land ; those o f second estate one t h ousand ac res ;
and those o f small estate seven hund red acres
There was also a l imitation upon t h e owne rshi p of land
b y o ffic i als Th e amount o f l and was in acco rdance w ith
thei r rank To the fi rst ran k five thousand acres were
v e hundred acres :
iven
to
the
second
four
thousand
fi
;
g
to the thi rd four thousand acres ; to the fou rth th ree thou
sand five hundred ac res ; to the fifth three thousand acres :
to the sixth two thousand five hund red acres ; to the sev
e nt h
two thousand acres : to the e i ghth fi fteen hundred
acres ; and to the ninth the last one thousand acres More
over their descendants had the hered i tary r i ght to hold the
land and the lim it o f time was also accord in g to thei r ran k
Th e lon gest hered itary ri g ht came down th rou g h n i ne ge n
e rat io n s
and t h e shortest th rou gh three generations
Duri n g the Tan g dynasty in 1 1 7 5 ( 6 2 4 A
a law
was enacted that al l the famili es w h ich had received salaries
were not allowed to comp e te fo r ga in w ith the p e O p le
Accord in g to the L aw C o d e o f t h e Ts ing Dy nas t y all th e
officials a re not allowed to b uy land and h ouses i n those
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
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,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
‘
.
,
.
,
2
.
‘
,
‘
H is t o ry
o
f Ts in
O l d H is t o ry
o
,
ch
.
f Tang
xxvi
,
ch
.
.
x l iii
v
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
0
55
RI N CIP LE S
OF C O N
F U CI US
places where they hold thei r o ffice Th e trans g ressor shall
be b eaten w i th a small stic k fi fty times
He shall be de
f
of
h
i
s
o
fice
and
his
land
or
house
shall
be
n
fi
r
i
v
e
d
o
s
c
p
.
.
,
c at e d
1
.
I f o fficials lend money at interest o r hold property
on mo rt ga g e althou gh conformin g to the le g al rate o f in
t e re s t they Shall be punished w ith ei g hty blows w ith the
lon g stick I f they take interest beyond the le gal rate such
i nterest s hall be consi dered as a bribe and they shall be
pun i shed accord i n g ly
I f the o ffici als buy salt from the govern ment and sell i t
to the people for the sake of makin g profit they shall be
punished w ith one hundred blows o f the lon g stick and
ban i shed to another part of the same province for three
years Thei r salt shall be confiscated
All these laws
keep the o fficials from competin g w ith the people
,
,
,
.
,
,
?
,
?
.
.
III
C ON CL
.
Yi n ( died 1 7 0 2 o r
this exclusion o f o fficials
Hu
1 151
,
He
.
U SI O N
A D)
says
.
Th i s
.
ives
a
criticism
of
g
ex c lus i o n i s a goo d i nst i tut i on i nsp i ri n g mode rat i on i n t h e
o ffic i als
In an c i ent t i m e s t h e go ve rn m ent empl o yed men w h o
w e re fitted t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n
Th en t h ey h eld t h e i r o ffi c e w i t h
o u t c h an ge
somet i mes fo r l i f e an d somet i m es even to t h e i r
descend ants Th e i r s al ary w as pe rmanently gi ven
At
t h at t i me i f t h ey c ompeted w i t h t h e people fo r p rofit t h ey
Sh o uld h ave b een b l amed
In m o de rn t i m es as t h e m e n are
not c are f ully e m ployed t h e i r r i se an d down f all are un c e rtai n
In t h e m o rn i n g t h ey m ay e n j o y t h e grai n o f t h e i m pe ri al gar
n e r b ut i n t h e even i n
o me
a
t
t
h
ey
b
e
b
l
i
ed
to
a
t
h
e
m
a
o
g
y
g
Si nce t h ey m ay h ave p arents w i ves an d c h i ld ren i f t h ey are
n o t supe r i o r men w h o c an b e sel f c ontented i n a poo r p o s i t i on
h ow c an t h ey l i ve w i t h out t aki n g up gai nful occup at i ons ? Fo r
,
.
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
“
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
-
,
1
Ch
.
ix
2
.
Ch
.
xiv
3
.
Ch
.
xiii
.
XX I X
C HA P TE R
GOV E R N M E N T
C O N TR O L
I
GE N E
.
DE M A N D
OF
AND
SU PP L Y
RA L PRI N C I P L E S
econom i c society t her e are two sets of i nterests those
But nothi ng more
O f producer s and those of consumers
markedly a ffects the i nterest of b o th Sides at once than
prices Therefore price is a g reat p roblem for society as a
whole Accordi n g to the C onfucian theory the govern
ment should level price s by the adj ustment of demand and
supply i n order to g uarantee the cost of the producer and
satisfy the wants of the consumer Its chief aim is t o de
stroy all monopoly so that t h e indep endent or small pro
d u c e r can be protected on the one s ide and the consumer o n
the other
I t prevents the m i ddleman from mak i n g l aige
p rofits and g ives the seller and buyer full gai n O ri g inally
this theory was purely for the benefit of the p eopl e and
b rou ght no gai n to the bud g et o f the g overnment I n later
times this theory became a financial scheme by which the
overnment
made
a
lar
e
profit
How
ever
i
f
th
is
scheme
g
g
is carried throug h succes s fully it is a benefit to society b e
cause it takes away profit from t he great merchant on ly
and li ghten s the taxation of everyone O n th e principle
that the rul in g class should be excluded from t h e economic
field the conservat i ve C onfucians always o pposed this
s cheme because th e y said that the
vernme
t
hould
not
o
n
S
g
compete w ith the people for profit But w e should distin
—
t one
g uish two d ivisions in t h e bud g et o f a g overnme n
part for the ruler himsel f and the othe r for the state as a
IN
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
'
.
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
'
.
,
,
.
,
,
5 52
R
C O N T O L O F DE M A N D A N D S
U P PL Y
553
w h ole A S to the rul er himsel f h e o f co urse should be
excluded from any g ainful occupation and Should not com
pete w ith the peopl e But as to the state as a whole the col
l e c t iv e representation o f the pe opl e it s h ould be allowed to
s tate
i
ts
revenue
in
the
most
convenient
way
I
f
the
t
e
g
competes w ith a fe w g reat merchants and lessens the bur
den of the maj o r i ty it i s a g ood plan for meetin g t h e
pu b lic expense M oreover i f t h e admin i stration i s as
r
1
A
D
2
1
1
6
0
L
i
1
o
8
ood
as
that
o
f
An
u
6
)
(
7
7
7 33
g
these th ree thi n g s r e sult : the state g ets profit the people
constantly enj oy a reasona b le price and d istribut i on is
nea rly equal But such an administration i s ve ry di fficult
The r efore Wan g M an g and “fang A n sh ih b oth failed
Thi s theory is applied to all commod ities ; b ut as g rai n and
money have very i mportant pro b lems wh ic h are treated in
d ependentl y th i s chapter wi ll b e c o nce rned w i th only the
p r ice o f commod it ies i n gener al
When we d i scuss the th eor y of C onfucian i sm we must
refer to the C onfucian B ible
Th e C an o n o f C h ang e s says :
Th e superio r man d i min ishes whe re there is an excess and
i ncreases w h ere the re is any deficit i n o rd er to b rin g a b out
a level accord i n g to t h e nature o f th in s
E
xcess
and
g
d efic i t here rel ate t o relations b etween supply and demand
In the forme r case supply should be d imi n ished and i n the
latter case supply should be incre ased Both cases m ay
a rise at d i ff e rent t imes ; o r at the same time b ut in di ff erent
places ; o r at the same time i n the same place but conce rn
ing d ifferen t g oods
I t is the task o f t h e superio r man to
ad just demand and supply so as to k eep prices on a level
In the C an o n o f H is t o ry t h e re i s a passa g e sayin g
To
t ranspo rt the commod ities from where there was plenty to
where there was noth in g was to exchan g e the accumulated
stores In th is way all the p e ople g o t rice to eat and all
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
-
-
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
-
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
” 1
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
.
Vi
King
,
p
.
286 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
5 54
RI N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
the states b e g an to come under good rul e
This commer
W hen there is plenty t h e
c ial pol icy w as the deed of Y ii
supply side i s su fficient ; but when there is noth in g the de
Then transportatio n for both
mand Si de i s unsatisfied
s i des is necessary
F o r inst ance i n the mountai n reg ion
there i s a store of t imber and at the seaboard there is a
store o f fish and salt ; they need to exchan g e w ith each other
N o one can be o nly a g etter from o thers ; h e must be also
a g iver to others Hence the results of commerce are n o t
only that t h e people ge t su ffici ent food but also that all the
states have a good feel in g toward o n e another This is the
theory of commerce
Accord in g t o the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u o n e of the
functions of the government bank is t o control the demand
and supply o f commodi ti e s When co mmodit ies ca n not be
sold because supply exceeds demand the ban k buys them at
thei r mar k et pr ice W hen the demand fo r them rises and
e xceeds the supply it sells them at t h e ir ori g inal price wh ich
has been carefully w ritten on a label of each commod ity
I n the first case the produce r is benefited ; in the secon d the
consumer ; but the g overnment it s el f does not ma k e money
out of the transaction Th e buyers must ge t a cert ificate
from their ma gi strate before the commod i ties are sold to
them This excludes those merchants who may w ish to
b uy cheap g oods from the g overnment and sell them a gain
for profit
Generally after the price has fallen i t rises
ag a i n ; hence
the g overnme nt s hould supply t h e needs of
the common peopl e only
There is a fra gment o f t h e D o c t rin e o f M u s ic wh ich was
p reserved by L iu Té ( d ied in 4 2 2 o r 1 30 B
that says
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,
Th e
em
p e ro r sele c ts t h e s c h o l ars f rom t h e f eud al p ri n c es i n
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
iii
,
pt
.
i p
,
.
78
.
2
Ch
.
xv
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
55
R I N CI P L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
appoint subord i nate o fficers i n; each district to establish the
“
Then even in r e mote
o ffice of equal transpo rtat io n
re g i ons the people Sho uld b e gre q u ire d to pay thei r taxes in
the fo rm of merchand ise wh ich was formerly exchan g ed by
the merchants ; and the me rchandise should be exchan g ed
amon g the o fficers themselves All the merchandise o ffered
as taxes should be the staple products of the local ity so th at
thei r price would be reasonable Then the government
I t would
Should sell them in other places and g e t a profit
save the cost o f transport ation of the local ities and g ive the
remote re g ions convenience equal to thei r nei ghborhood
“
I n the capital the o ffice of level standard should b e
establ ished to control all the trans p ortation o f the whole
empi re All the articles nee ded by the o fficials should b e
suppli ed by the treasury department By all the o fficers of
the treasury department the commodities of the whole em
p ire should be controlled When thei r price was hi gh they
should be s old and when it was l o w they should be bou ght
I n this way r i ch merchants could not ma k e g reat profits
and pr i ces woul d return to the normal level Becau se the
price would be artificially kept down this O ffice should b e
“
call ed level standard
H is p ropo sal was appro ved by
Han W u Ti and carried into practice Durin g the rei g n
of W u Ti the expense of the g overnment was e x t rao rd in ar
ily g reat But by the schemes of equal trans p ortation and
level standard the publ i c finances su fficed w ithout inc re as
ing taxes
”
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,
‘
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‘
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,
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1
.
p li
Th e
‘
o
cy
i
f
o
c o n t ro ll ng
de
m
an d
an d
su
pp ly
by the
w as
s t at e
w kd tv y
f l ly b y K T ii ( d i d 93 B K 644 B
Hi w k
v l b k d li g wi t h t hi q t i b t h
t i
th
t
m l i gh t
i t d f d m d d pp ly
d h vi
d
L i gh t
d m
m
pp ly v d m d d h vi
m
v
ppl y H i p l i y m y b mm d p i f w w d t h g
m
t
h l d t l t h t i b t w m y d mm di t i b y
d t
i i g d d mi g m y i d t l v l i h d p
m k t h t t t h d mi t p w i
mi l if H i t h y i
li k
f S g H
t t
l p
i li m d h w t h
g
g y
or
e
s
e
ou
co n a ns s e
or
er
s
“
ne s s
O
en
s su n
a e
ne s s
e an s
e r su
e rn
s uc c e s s
er
s
an
e
e ra
su
ou
c o n ro
s a e
e s a e so c a
o
e
s
,
e
ra
o
an
,
n an
e
o
as
e
n or
o
”
ns e a
,
er
an
er
n
e re a
o
ea
nes s
e
e c o no
e
r c
c
or
re c u r s o r o
su
s
an
es
an
o
eo r
s
o o r,
.
-
ov
e
o
an
.
an
e
s :
co
e
e us es
u
e an s
e
an
.
an
an
e
o ne
e en
or
o n,
ue s
o
n a
u
.
.
s
e
su
e
z
n
an
e
e
o ne
n
ne s s
er
a
c
ea
s
ea
o
s
ee
oo
an
.
re
u an
u
un
-
an
.
R
C O N T O L O F DE M A N D A N D S
UPPL Y
5 57
I t would be hardly accurate to say that San g H un g yan g
-
a strict C onfucian but as he was born ( 4 2 1 ) after C o n
he was a
fu c ian is m had been made a state reli g ion
I n 4 7 1 (8 1 B
there
C on fucian i n the broad sense
was a debate between h im and the representatives of the
people on the abol i ti on of equal transpo rtation H i s oppo
Their
n e n t s were g ood scholars and strict C onfucians
a rg ument was based on the eth ical teachin g that t h e govern
ment should not ta k e up commerci al business and they were
in favor o f a g riculture rather than industry B ut C o n fu
c ian is m is a g reat ph ilosophy which g ives its principles to
b oth s i des so that San g Hun g yan g based h is ar gument
also on C onfuc i anism H is statement was i n favor o f i n
d u s t ry but not however a gainst a g riculture
H e said that
where the re is plenty o f rich land but not plenty o f food
th e i mprovement o f tool s is needed ; and where there is a
ral resources b ut not a
reat
amount
o
f
natu
reat
amount
g
g
o f wealth commerce and i ndust ry are needed
All the
stapl e commod ities o f d i fferent places are waitin g fo r the
manufactu re o f art i sans and fo r the exchan ge o f me rc h ants
Acco rd in g to the ancient sa ges a g riculture is not the only
subj ec t o f pol itical economy There fo re the representatives
d id not w in the debate and th is system was not abol is h ed
San g H un g yan g s system encounte red much popular o p
pos i tion but it was j ustifia b l e F rom t h e social aspect i t
took away profits from r ich merchants and helped the poor
in time o f need F rom the economic aspect it saved the
expense o f send in g g oods from each place to the cap i tal and
made g reat revenue Moreover at that time there was a
m il ita ry stru ggle fo r national expans i on so th at the rev
enue from the system o f equal t ranspo rt ati on was n e c e s
w as
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1
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-
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,
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H u an
s o n,
Ku an
‘
San g C
hi
c all s
ng,
him wi d ly
f i
C
w as a
a
on
e
an d t
u c an s c
h
h
o ro u g
o l ar.
h ly
e d u c at e d
m an
.
H is
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
55
RI N CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
sary I f we j ud g e San g Hun g yan g from the viewpoint of
nat i onal i sm it was h e who enabled Han W u Ti financially
to expand the C hinese empi re H is serv ices to the nation
as a whole were g reat and last i n g H e was the first one
to practise state social i sm successfully o n a g ig ant i c
scal e ; but h i s system died out after his death b ecause no
one was able to administer such a plan
-
.
,
.
.
1
,
.
I II
1
.
Sy s t e m
WA N G
.
o
MAN G
t
F
E
a
i
a
i
h
v
u
z
o
n
t
e
i
e
l
s
q
f
F rom the phrase five equal izations i n the D o c t rin e o f
M us ic W an g Man g establ ished an o ffice called five equal
i at io ns
I ts purpose was t o equal ize the mass of the
”
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,
”
z
.
peopl e and do away with mo n opoly I n 5 6 1 ( 1 0 A
in the cap ital three bureaux were opened ; and i n each of
the five chief cities there was o ne bureau In each bure au
there were five o fficers i n the trade department and one
o ffice r i n the bankin g department Durin g the second
month o f each season the controller o f markets i n each
bureau fixed the prices for the three g rades of each com
m o d it y
Despite d i fferences i n other places each bureau
”
used its own fixed p rices as th e market level
W hen the
people could not sell thei r commodities after the o fficers
examined the facts the commodities were bou ght by the
bureau at the cost price i n order to prevent loss to the
producers W hen the price was hi g her than the level by
one penny the bureau sold its commodities at the level price
W hen the price was lower than the level it left the people
to exchan ge commodities amon g themselves i n order to
prevent speculato rs from s tori n g the commodi ties B u t
Wan g Man g d id not succeed
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H is t o ric al
H is t o ry
o
R
e c o rd,
f Ho n
,
xxx ;
xxiv
ch .
ch
.
.
H is t o ry
o
f
H an,
ch .
xxiv
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
0
5
RI N C IP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
i
L
u An in not over four or
reat
distance
were
known
to
g
five days Hence he was a b le to determine the we ight of
all commod i ties and keep the i r pr i ces i n normal relati o n
Thus he made g reat profit for the g overnment and in addi
t i on the people w ere benefited as the p roducer d i d not
su ffer from too l o w a price o r the consumer from one t h at
was too hi g h
L iu A n thou g ht that a g ood g overnment Should s how i ts
love for i ts p eople not by bounty but by th e adj ustment of
the ir product ion I n normal years he bou ght commodities
at the market price and i n bad years he sold them for t h
rel ief o f the people O n an avera g e the commod i ties were
annually i ncreased o ne tenth and he wisely cont rolled them
in accorda n ce w i th the s ituations H e appointed o fficials i n
charg e of the local stations E very ten days and every
month they reported the weather conditions of the di fferent
distr icts W hen they saw s i g ns of a b ad year they told
him beforehand how much taxat ion should be exempted
and i n which month and how many commod i t i es should be
sold I n due time w ithout waitin g for the demand o f the
ma g istrate he satisfied the wants of the people w ith the
exact supply Therefore the peopl e never actually fell into
bad conditions and the populat i on was increased W hen L iu
An was made commi ssioner of transportation 1 3 1 1 A
the number o f families was less than two m i ll i ons
but in h i s last year ( 1 33 1 A K ) it was nearly four
millions
However th e increase of population
was under his admin istration only ; under other admi n i stra
t i ons there was no increase H e increased the revenue als o
In h is first year th e annual revenue w as not more than four
millions o f s trin g s but in h is last year i t was more than
ten milli ons
It was ar gued that he should simply g iv e commodities to
the people i nstead o f sellin g them at a cheap pric e
H is
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R
C O N T O L O F DE M A N D A N D S
U P PL Y
1
6
5
theory in reply was that prevention was better than cu re
I n free d istribution there would be two d isadvanta ges
F i rst i f the d istribution was too small it could not save
their l ives or i f i t saved many i t would exhaust the revenue
and b rin g about increase of taxation Second distribution
was near to inj ustice Th e o fficers would be corrupted and
the stron g would ge t more than the weak ; and th is could
not b e prevented even b y pun i shment by death But i n sale
there were two advanta ges F i rst i n the places where b ad
crops occurred althou gh th e i n h a b i tants we re i n want o f
food they possessed other products Sell in g the food supply
at a lo w price to e xchan g e the i r commod i ties then trans
po rt i n g these commod i t i es to places where the season w as
a
n
ood
d
sellin
t
h
em
or
usi
n
them
b
y
the
overnment
g
g
g
g
these schemes would ma k e public finances suffi cient Se c
ond i t b rou gh t a g reat supply of food into the ma rk et and
let the people sell and transport it to a g reat extent When
the retailers came i nto th e villa ges those poo r people w h o
could not go to the market could ind i rectly ge t th e b enefit
and escape hun ger Mo reove r follow in g the system o f
“
co nstantly normal g rana ry L iu An k ept i n stora g e a g reat
—
amount o f rice in each pre fectu re the avera ge sto ra g e o f
r ice was th ree mill ion bushels
Indeed he was a g reat
statesman for the people as well as fo r the state
Th e ch ief a rt i cle from wh i ch L iu
o t lar e revenue
g
g
w as salt
In h is time western C hi na consumed the salt o f
the Shans i province wh ich was controlled b y the t reasury
d epartment ; and e astern C h ina consumed that o f the sea
which was controlled by him
H e thou ght that by salt
wh ich is necessary to people a lar g e revenue could be o b
t aine d
A t the places where salt was prod uced he created
t h e o ffici als o f s alt ; and i n all other places there were no
such O ffic ials b ecause h e thou ght that too many o fficials
would trouble the p e opl e Acco rdi n g to the t imes he gave
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
6
5
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
d i ffe rent ord e rs to teach the people how to produce salt As
salt was a g overnment monopoly the o fficials bought salt
from the people w h o produced it and sold it t o the mer
chants who w ere allowed to go anywhere F ormerly the
ma g i strates taxed the salt when the merchants transported
i t throu g h thei r passes L iu An abolished such a b ad cus
tom and sal t enj oyed free trade Doin g away w ith
smu gglin g he especially appo i nt ed abl e o fficials t o the local
stat i ons w ithout touch in g the ma g istrates
H e transported the g overnment salt to those reg ions
wh i ch were far away from th e s alt producin g places an d
sto red i t up W hen merchant s di d not come t o those places
and the price of salt was hi gh he sold it at a low price Th i
Th e govern
scheme was called constantly normal salt
ment made g reat profit and the people d id not su ffer from
a hi gh price W hen the price of sal t at the capital was
h i gh L iu An was ordered by the e mpero r to transport
there thi rty thousand bushels I t came from Ya ngchow
Ki
an
su
to
ian
hensi
in
o
n
ly
forty
days
and
the
S
S
(
)
g )
(
public thought it m iraculous
I n the first year of L iu A n s administrat i on
the
annual profit from s alt amounted to six hundred thousand
strin g s but in h is last year ( 1 330 ) i t was more th an ten
times th i s amount
I n 1 330 out of the total revenue o f
twelve mill ion stri n g s the profit from s alt was over Six mil
lions Th e publ ic finances were su fficient but the people
bore no burden Co mp arin g i t w ith the salt o f Shansi the
profit there was only about ei ght hundred thousand strin gs
and the price was als o hi g her than that of the salt of the sea
In the time of L iu An the native products o f the southern
prov i nces wh ich were o ffered as a sort o f taxation were
heavy rou gh cheap and defective L iu An t hou ght that
even i f they were transported to the cap i tal i t could n o t
cover the cost Then he stored them up in the valley o f
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TH E E C ON O M I C P
6
5 4
RIN CIP L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
perhaps realized only half of thei r value Thi s simply e n
abled t h e g reat capitalists and merchants to ta k e advanta g e
of t h e em b arrassment of the g overnment and peo ple and t o
exerc i se arbi trary power in the markets N o w the com
m iss i oner o f transportation was charg ed with all the reve
nue of the Six r i ch prov inces ; h i s function was to deal w ith
the taxes of tea salt alum and liquor ; and from him c ame
the g reater part of th e publ ic revenue H ence he should b e
t rusted w ith money and g oods an d he sho uld dispose of
them acco rd i n g to the financ i al condition of the s ix prov
in c e s
Amon g all commod i t i es wh i ch were purch ased by
the g overnment o r were o ffered to the government as
taxes and co ntribut i on he Should b e allowed to make sub
W hen thei r pr ice in one place was
s t it u t io n and exchan g e
hi gh le t him ge t them from other places where the i r pr i ce
was l o w When thei r transportation was not convenient
let h i m exchan g e them i n the ne ighborhood instead of at
a distance
H e Should b e i nfo rmed b eforehand of t h e
amount needed for the annual expenses o f the central g o v
e rn m e n t ; thus he m i ht conven i ently buy o r hold or ex
g
chan g e the commod it ies as c i rcumstances dem anded I n
this way the publ ic would control the demand and supply
i n order to facilitate t ransportat i on to reduce expense to
remove heavy taxes and to relax the burden o n the farmers
Then the publ i c finances would su ffice and the wealth of the
people w ould not be exhausted This propos al was approved
by the empero r and the comm issioner of transportat i on
named Hsieh Hs i an g was char ged w ith the tas k of carryi n g
i nto e ffect this system Th e emperor granted him five m i l
l i on strin gs of cash and three million bushels of rice fo r the
development of it but the plan w as a fa i lure
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R
C O N T O L O F DE M A N D A N D S
2
.
Sy s t e m
o
a
E
h
n
e
s
x
c
g
f
U P PL Y
6
5 5
1
I n imitation o f the system o f level standard W an g A n
shih establ i shed the exchan ge
I t was first proposed by
a man of the common people named We i C h i tsun g H e
said that the capital was the center of all commod it i es ; but
the market had no re g ular price and whether thin g s were
dear or cheap depended only upon speculation A g ood
overnment
hould
b
e
able
to
ta
k
e
someth
i
n
from
the
r
i
ch
S
g
g
and g ive i t to the poo r N o w as ri ch men and g reat fami
l ies tak i n g advanta ge o f the emer genc i es of the people made
larg e p rofits doubl i n g the i r cap i tal many t i mes wealth w as
accumulated by a fe w and pu b l i c finances were also made
i nsu ffic i ent Money Should be g iven to the commod ity tax
ing b u reau to esta b l i sh a constantly normal exchan g e
F or
thi s underta k in g financial o ffice rs should b e selected ; and to
carry out the business g ood merchants s h ould be employed
They should know th e mar k et price o f al l commod i ties
W hen th in g s were cheap the exchan g e should buy them at
a h i ghe r price ; and when they were dear it Sh ould sell them
at a lower price Then the profit would g o to the state I n
162 3 ( 10 72 A
D ) this p rO p o s al was carr i ed out In th e
c api tal an exchan g e w as establ i shed w ith
strin g s of cash as its fund O ve r the whole empire there
were numerous branches establ i shed fo r a sho rt peri od of
t ime
I n the capit al t h e gener al rules o f the exchan g e we re as
follows : Th e gu i ld me rchants and b ro k e rs c ould b e m e r
chants and b ro k e rs o f t h e exc h an g e ; b ut the me rchants should
pled g e themselves b y p ro pe rty eit h e r thei r o w n o r bo rrowed
an d fiv e men should j oin to ether as a
ua
rantee
When
the
g
g
p eople could not sell thei r g oods they were allowed to sell
them at the exchan ge A fter the b ar gain b etween the seller
,
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Se e
al s o
infra,
pp
.
2
59 3
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
6
5
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
the merc h ant was settled at a reasonable price accordin g
to t h e amount o f commod i ty pu rchased by the merc h ant t h e
pr i ce was pa i d in money b y the exch an ge ; i f the seller w ished
to exchan g e h i s commod i ty fo r g overnment commod i t i es i t
By a pled g e of salable goods people were al
w as allowed
lowed to b orrow money o r to buy g ove rnment commod i t i es
on credit i n accordance w ith the value of thei r pled g e ; the
rate of i nterest was 1 0
r cent for a half year o r double that
e
p
rate for a whole year All kinds of g oods which mi g ht not
be immed iately wanted b y the merchants but could be stored
up and exchan g ed i n the future should b e bartered fo r or
b ou ght b y the O ffice rs and should be sold at the mar k et
price w ithout any e ffort to ma k e a special profit When the
o fficials wanted anythin g they should buy i t from th e ex
chan g e W hen these rules were framed there was an article
say i n g that i f the cap italists Should ma k e unj ust profit by
monopol i stic schemes and inj ure th i s new l aw such a pro
ce e d ing shoul d be invest i ated by the exchan e an d pun
g
g
is h e d b y the t reasury department b ut th e emperor struc k
out th is article
As to th e capital o f the exchan g es the exchan g e of t h e
capital city had
strin g s I n the same year
i n the mil i tary station o f C h ent ao ( Kansu ) an exchan g e
was esta b l i shed w ith capital of about
strin gs I n
1 62 4
the exchan ge of Han gchow ( C hekian g ) was e stab
l is h e d wi th
strin gs I n 1 6 2 5 the emperor g ranted
a loan of
strin gs to t h e exchan g e of the capi tal
c i ty In 1 6 2 6 to the exchan g e o f C anton ( Kuan gtun g )
were g iven
strin gs ; and to that o f Y ii n c h o w ( Shan
tun g )
strin g s I n 1 6 2 7 to the exchan g e of Hsiho
strin gs In 1 6 2 8 the amount
( Kansu ) were g iven
of cap i tal in the exchan ge O f the capital city was fixed at
str i n g s ; i f this amount diminished i t should be
filled up by the interest annually received W hen the ex
an d
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C HAP TE R
G OVE R N M E N T
I
.
UA L I Z I N G
EQ
XXX
C O N TR O L
TH E
GRA I N
OF
PR I C E
OF
G
RA I N
1
a food supply h as been necessary fo r human l ife
thro u g h all a ges and C hi na has been an a g ricultural coun
try for thousands of years the g rai n problem has been one
of the g reatest p roblems in its economic histo ry Th e t h e
o rie s and laws concernin
ra
i
n
are
numerous
W
e
s
hall
g g
select o nly the most important of them O n t h e whol e the
policy o f equal izing the price of g rain is of chief importance
because i t a ffects the interest of the whole society
Th e p olicy of equal izin g the price of g rain i s very old
Accordin g to the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u the superintend
ent of g rain ( s s ii c h ia ) lo oked arou n d the fields and de t er
m i ned the amount o f g rain to be collected or issued in ac
c o rd an c e wi th the condi tio n o f t h e crop
He equal ized the
food o f the people fulfilli n g the deficit o f their demand and
adj ust in g their supply
This policy was also carried out
by Kuan Tz ii and F an L i B ut L i K o was the first o ne to
s
ive
special
emphasis
to
it
and
establi
sh
complete
rule
t
o
g
Therefore we Shall take up h i s rules fi rst
AS
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1
.
R u l es
o
L
i
f
Ko
‘
When L i K o became the minister of We i he sai d that i f
the pr i ce of g rai n w ere too hi gh i t would hurt the con
‘
,
,
‘
su
hi
T
pp ly
Ch
s
is
a
.
.
xvi
5 68
.
p ti
ar
c u l ar
ph
as e
o
f go
v
e rn
m
e nt
c o nt ro l
of
de
m
an d
an d
GO VE R N M E N T C O N TR O L O F GR A I N
6
5 9
sumers and that i f i t were too low it would hurt the farm
ers I f the consumers were hurt the people would emi
re hurt
rate
and
i
f
the
farmers
we
the
state
would
be
g
poo r Th e bad results o f a h i gh price and a low pr i ce are
the same Therefore a g ood statesman would keep the
people from inj ury and g ive more encou ra gemen t to the
farmers A fter descri b i n g the b ad cond it i on of the farm
ers he g ives the follow in g law fo r equal iz in g the price of
rain :
g
Those who want to equali ze the price of g rai n must be
careful to loo k at th e crop There are three g rades of good
I n an o rd inary
c rO p s : the first the second and the lowest
yea r one hund red acres of land yield one hundred fifty
b ushels of g rain I n the first g rade of good c rop the
—
amount is fourfold that is one hund red ac res y i eld six
hundred bushels Th rou ghout one yea r a family of five
persons needs t w o hundred bushels fo r thei r l ivin g so that
they have a su rplus o f four hund red bushels Th e govern
ment should buy three hundred bushels f rom them leavin g
th em a surplus of one hundred bushels
I n the second
—
rade
o
f
ood
crop
the
amount
of
rain
is
threefold
that
g
g
g
is one hundred acres yield four hundred fifty b ushels Th e
family would then have a surplus of three hund red bushels
Th e g overnment Should b uy two hundred b ushels leavin g
them o ne hund red bushels
I n the lowest g rade o f good
—
r
c op the amount is two fold that is three hund red b ushels
Th e fami ly would then have a surplus o f one hund red
b ushels Th e g overnment Should b uy fifty bushels and
leave them the other hal f Th e purchase o f the government
i s for the pur p o se of l imitin g the supply accord in g to the
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Se e
h
T
t
at
la io n t
su
m
,
su
h
p
p ra
is
,
,
o
f
.
268
.
c o u rs e ,
s
p ki
e re are o n ly 2 5 0
e s 200
b us
h
e ls
.
ea
h ly
mi i
n g ro u g
b us
h
e l s re
.
A c c o rd
i
i
x t
f mi ly i t l f
ng t o
a n n g, s nc e t h e
an e
a
ac
se
c al c u
co n
TH E E C O N O M I C P
0
57
RI N CIP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
mount demanded by the people and it should be Stopped
when the pr i ce is normal This pol i cy w ill prevent the pr i ce
of g r ai n from fall in g b elow the normal and kee p the farmers
from inj ury
There are also three g rades of fam i ne : the g reat famine
Dur in g the small
t h e middle famine and the small famine
famine one hundred acres yield two thirds as much g ra i n
—
as i n the o rdi nary year that is one hundred b ushels Th e
overnment
should
then
sell
at
the
normal
price
what
i
t
has
g
bou ght in the lowest g rade of g ood crop
Durin g the
mi ddle famine th e hund red acres yield one half as much
—
h
ra
i
n
as
in
an
ordi
nary
year
that
is
seventy
bushels
T
e
g
overnment
should
o
sell
what
it
has
bou
ht
in
the
n
w
g
g
D urin g the g reat famine the
s econd g rade of g ood crop
amount o f g rai n is o nly one fift h of what it is i n an ord i
—
nary year that is thi rty bushels Th e government should
sell what i t has bou ght i n the first grade of good crop
Therefore even i f famine flood and drou ght should occur
the price of g ra in would not b e hi gh and the people would
not be obl i ged to em ig rate This would come about bec ause
the g overnment takes the surplus o f g ood crops to fill the
i nsu fficiency of bad years I n other words the government
controls the excess of supply in a g oo d year in order to meet
the demand i n a bad year
Th e pol icy of Li K o is for the benefit of both society as
a whole and the a g ricul tural class H IS ma i n i dea is for the
wel fare o f the people only and not for the finances of the
state Therefore he is the real C onfucian who stands on
the side of the people and represents the purely economic
doctrine in a practical scheme When his scheme was car
ried out in Wei
he not only made the people r i ch b ut also
made the state stron g
a
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1
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1
H is t o ry
o
f Ho n
,
ch
.
xxiv
PR IN CIP LE S
TH E E C O N O M I C
2
57
OF C ON
F U CI US
K en g Shou ch an g proposed that all the provinces alon g the
bounda ry of the empi re should establish g ranaries W hen
the price of g ra in was l o w they should b uy it at the nor
mal price hi gher than the market price i n order to profit
the farmers W hen t h e price was hi g h they Shoul d sell it
at the normal price lower than the market pr i ce I n o rder
to profit the consumers Such a g ranary was called con
s t an t ly normal g ranary
As t h e result was g ood fo r the
people the emperor g ave K en g Shou ch an g the ti tle o f
Thi s system has cont inued from the time the
marquis
c onstantly normal
ranary
was
establ
ished
i
n
the
o
8
t
49
g
present day Althou gh it was sometimes in practice and
sometimes out o f practice accordin g to the pol itical cond i
tions of di fferent a g es its name has nominally exi sted in
nearly all a ges Despite the modifications o f this system i n
later times the fundamental law o f Kéng Shou ch an g re
mains the same Therefore w e shall not ment i on the di f
fe re n t laws o f d i fferent dynasties
‘
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1
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‘
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,
?
H is t o ry
2
h
T
f m
m
no r
ro u g
t he
ro
o
al
ab o u t
H
f an,
h ll
m k
a
age s ,
ar e t
g ran ary
ch
”
-
the
r ces
.
m
o u nt s
a
o
ar e d
(
1293 1 30 5
pi
v i
xxiv
.
Du r
.
A
2
74 75 4
i
f g ra n
i
ng
ii
Of
ad d t o n
the
un de r
the
re
ig
n
fo r t h e
.
p
an d
to
sy st e
o
m
f d e du ct
o
o
f
i
on
c o n s t an t ly
f Tan g H s u an Ts u n g
u rc
h
as e
o
i
h
,
f g ra n , t re e
I n 1 363 ( 8 12
m kt pi f hp k
A
p i p p k b dd d
T g H i
T
d
d th t t
g
6 A
th
i g f S g Che T g ( 5 5 7
D i g th
dd d t
t
w fix d i p h i g t h
p i w
fi
th
fi
m k t p i ; d i sell i g t h
p i w dd td
f m th m k t p i ; th d d ti w
t b l w th
i gi l p i
A
6
8
A
t
t whi h t h
i
h
t
b
w
b
9
(
7
4
7
g
g
th
p h pi w t b
l w
f t h Ki dy
t t d th t th
ty
w
ll i g p i
tw
m ktpi
t
t h hi gh
d th t th
th
th
t
b
m k t p i I 74 t h lli g p i
t
th l w
th
th
w
I
d
f th m k t p i
d t
t hi d
3 8 ( 75 7 A
K T g f th p
f
lli g p i
t dy
ty
d
d th t th
th
b h l fg i
l w
th
f i lv
h ld b t h m
m kt
h
f
t
d
p i F m th f t m ti d b v w
t
m
i
g
fp i
g
p
i
w
e nn e s
an
.
ur n
e
ra e s
e
ar
e
a
o - en
e o ne
o
as r e
ao
us
en
uce
s un
e
e O
o
an
e
ra n s
ro
r ce s
e
.
e
an
er
r
ac s
uc
e
re e
en
o ne
e,
.
a
e re
ac e s o
a o
r ce
er
s
e
c an
n
1,
n 2 0
er
o
e
-
so
-
an
e
r ce
o
r ce
n
1
n
e se
uc e
e
as
se
e
o
.
r ce
e se
n 1
r ce .
ar e
or
a
an
e
1- 1 1
as e -
u rc
a
na
e or
11
.
e se
e re
0
e
.
e nn e s
e o
e
r c e,
ar e
e
n as
e
a
s a e
e a
ec
e re
12 - 1
1
er
e nn e s
ve
as n o
.
10 0
or
ve
or
ou
e
,
or
on
ec
e nn e s
1
re e
,
ar
en
re e
.
o
re s e n
ou
e
ou
n as
o ne-
o
o
o
r ce.
r an
-
e
a
e ac
O
s un
,
n
as
er
s
as n
n
n
e
o
n
u rc
r ce
e re
or
r ce
ra n
e
c
n
an
e
ar e
un
o
:
r ce
e
a
n
re
ar e
ro
s un
s en
e re
e
t he
ad d e d t o
e re
-
e
as
r ce
.
r ce
o
e
ea o
o ne
ar e
e
GO VE
R N M EN T C O N TR O L
4
.
a
( )
R
O F G A IN
573
C r it ic is m
I t s S t re ng t h
equal ization o f the pr i ce of g rain i s a very bene ficial
and practical scheme I t b enefits the people wi thout cost to
the state When th e price is too l o w thou gh the g overn
ment buys the g ra in at a p r ice h i g he r than the market rate
this does not mean a waste to the g overnment When the
p r ice i s too h i gh thou gh the g overnment sells the g ra in at
a p rice lowe r than the market rate i t does not mean a loss
to th e gove rnment E ven i f i t should b e an expense to the
h
overnment
the
social
benefit
i
s
much
reater
t
an
the
pub
g
g
l ic expense O n the contrary as a matter of fact the go v
I n ancient
e rn m e n t ca n ma k e profit out o f t h is system
times Kuan Tz ii used a s i milar scheme to en rich the state
o f C h i Duri n g the Tan g dynasty th is scheme made
money to meet the need o f publi c finances
D u r in g the
Sun g dynasty i t b ec ame o f g reat importance for the food
supply o f the stand in g army alon g the boundary VYe
do not touch here the side o f publi c finance however
b ut the sid e o f the peopl e only wh i ch was the ori g inal con
s i deration o f th i s system
Accord in g to the lais s e z faire doctr i ne th is system se em s
unnatu ral and w ill do mo re h arm than g ood b ut thi s i s
not true at all I n the fi rst place the farmers are Sho rt
Si g hted and cannot loo k out fo r t h ei r own i n
terests A s
C h i u C h ii n ( 1 97 1 2 0 4 6 or 1 4 2 0 1 4 9 5 A D ) sa i d the
fa rme rs have no fa rthe r thou ght ; when the crop is good
they exchan ge the g ra i n fo r money an d exchan ge the money
fo r consumpt i on g o o d s
In a l i ttle wh i le the whole c rop
i s g one W h en a bad year comes they fail to make a l ivin g
In the second place the fa rmers are helpless to protect
t h e i r own i nterests
even i f they are not short si ghted
Th e
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TH E E C O N O M I C P
'
; 74
F rom the statements of
R I N CI P L E S
OF C O N
K o and
FU CI U S
C hao Tsao
everyo ne
can see that i n ancient times the condition of the farmers
was very bad B ut conditions are about the same i n mod
Because the conditi o n o f the farmers is very
e rn times
bad they are bound t o sell thei r crops at any price W hen
the harvest is finished every farmer is obli g ed to sell g rain
at the same time As there is a g reat supply of g rai n its
price must naturally be lower than usual W hen the art i
fic ial supp ression o f the merchants is added the farmers
have no way t o escape su fferin g Moreover as the farmers
almost always borrow money from the merchants at a hi gh
rate of interest thei r crop is practically sold before the har
ves t I n a word the l i fe of the farmers i s contro lled b y the
mercha n ts
I n the thi rd place as g rain is necessary to human li fe its
price has the g reatest i nfluence upon soci ety at lar ge I f
the merchants controlled its price by keepin g it i n sto r
ag e and l im i tin g i ts supply i n the market
the consumers
would su ffer s everely F rom a study of C hinese h i story i n
fami ne times it appears t hat the hi gh prices o f g rai n usually
d isturbed nati onal peace at least locally and sometimes even
E ven at the present day t h e
produced g reat revolut ions
peopl e are alarmed at a hi gh price Therefore besides the
system o f constantly normal g ranary the C hi nese have now
numerous laws to forbid ex ports of g ra i n t o forei g n coun
tries local prohibitions o f exportation the special stora g e
of the merchants e t c I n fact the price of g rain serves as
a barometer o f C hinese economic cond itions
I n the fourth place last and most important as ag ric u l
ture is subj ect t o nature the crop does not follow the law
of dem and and supply A bad year may come simultan
e o us l
i
m
a
w
th
a
reat
demand
and
several
ood
crops
y
y
g
g
‘
Li
1
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1
Se e
su
p
ra,
pp
.
2 68,
395 7
-
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
57
RI N C IP LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
dep end so much on r ice and demand it i n lar g e amount I t
seems that a chan ge of taste or habi t and a resultin g smaller
consumption o f r ice would be desirable
,
.
,
.
,
b
( )
We akne s s
I ts
Althoug h the system of constantly normal g ranary is
T
h
ood
i
t
still
has
weaknesses
e firs t one to O bj ect to this
g
system was L iu Pan ( 5 7 0 6 2 9 or 1 9 7 8 A
When
H an M in g Ti w ished to establish i t L iu Pan said that it
had the name of benefitin g people but tha t it di d not do s o
i n fact because the rich took advanta ge of the system and
the people failed to ge t the benefit
I n 1 6 3 7 ( 1 0 86 A
SSii ma Kuan g ( 1 5 7 0 1 6 37 o r
1 0 1 9 1 0 86 A
D ) describes very clearly the wea k ness of
thi s system in his day Some o f the ma g istrates have no
public fund to buy g rain and some do not wan t to buy it
because they l ike to save themselves trouble I n some cases
the o fficials do not know the real price and let the employee s
to gether w i th the merchants defraud them W hen the
farmers hurry to sell thei r g rain the employees purp osely
ive
a
lower
price
i
n
order
to
make
the
farmers
sell
it
not
g
to the g overnment but to th e merchants A fter the mer
chants buy enou gh o f it they beg i n t o raise the price
Therefore the farmers g e t only a l o w price and t h e govern
ment pays always a h i g h price ; the profits go only to the
merchants In some other cases even i f the O fficials want
to buy i t at proper times they are obli ged to send wo rd
from the district to the prefecture from the prefecture to
the superior o f th e province and from th e province to the
i mper i al capi tal W hen the answer comes bac k months have
p assed and the price is doubled Therefore a fe w years
l ate r the or i g i nal price of the purchase of the government is
st i ll h i gher than the mar k et price Such g rain cannot be
sold and becomes a waste B ut he said that these defects
.
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GO VE
R N M EN T C O N TR O L
R
O F G A IN
5 77
come from the administration of man not from the law
i tsel f which i s true
As the criticism o f Ss u ma Kuan g refers to the purchase
only we shall g ive a cri ticism referrin g to the sale C h u
Hs i says that as the constantly normal g rana ry is estab
l is h e d only i n cities i t benefits only the lazy suburbans
As
for the g ood farmers in the mountain d istricts even i f they
are dyin g of hun ger the g rain cannot reach them M ore
ove r the l aw i s too compl icated ; its result i s that even when
the o fficials see victims o f famine they do not dare to issue
the g rai n U sually they lock the g ranary up and hand it
down to thei r successors w ithout its bein g touched for sev
eral decades D urin g an emer g ency when th e g rain is
necessarily issued it has become dust and d irt which cannot
be eaten
B ut all these weaknesses are the resul ts not O f
the o ri g inal law i tsel f but o f the admin istration o f man
To day althou g h the constantly normal g ranary ex ists
no t only in name but in fact it is not o f g reat importance
U sually keepin g th e old g rain i n the g r anary the o fficials
nei ther buy new g ra in no r sell old Ther efore the fun
d am e n t al pri nciple o f this l aw has lapsed and the g ranary
h as nothi n g to do w i th the market price
Th e ch ie f reason
fo r th is is that i t i s di fficult for o ffici als to unde rta k e com
m e rc ial functions alon g wi th pol itical duties
,
?
,
-
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2
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,
-
,
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,
,
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11
.
1
.
R BU TI O N
DI ST I
Sys t e m
o
f
OF
G
RAI N
8
t h e F re e G ranary
F rom the system o f constantly normal g ranary
sys
tem o f free g ranary was introduced by the Su i dynasty
There are these d i fferences b etween the two systems : the
,
the
.
‘
G e n er al
A ll
R
i
o c c as o n al
t ire ly l e
ft
o ut
xxi
di t ib t i
e s e ar c h ,
.
ch
s r
.
u
‘
.
o ns
o
i
f g ra n
,
i
dur
ng
any
Ib i d
.
mi t y
c al a
,
are e n
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
57
RIN C IP LE S
OF C O N
FU CI US
constantly normal g ranary belon g s t o the gov e rnment and
t h e g ra i n is b ou g ht and sold by means of payment ; while t h e
free g ranary belon g s to t h e people and the g rain is col
l e c t e d as an additi o n to taxation and i s distributed freely
—
1
1
6
8
In 3 ( 5 5 A
C h an g sun P in g a hi g h o fficial
basin g his plan on the C onfucian doctri ne of storin g g rai n
proposed that e ach villa g e should establ ish the free g ranary
D urin g harvest each farmer should be advised and e nc o u r
ag ed to contribute voluntari ly ric e and wheat pro por
t io n at e ly to h is crop
This shoul d be stored up in the g ran
ary and the committee of that villag e Shoul d be in charg e
of the annual collection the care of stora g e and th e account
Durin g a bad year i f the inhab itants o f that v illa ge shoul d
b e i n want o f fo o d th e g rai n o f the g ranary Should be g iven
to them This proposal was carried out by Su i W én Ti
and this syst em prevailed over many provinces
I n 1 1 4 7 5 96 A
W en Ti decreed that the free
f
o
ranary
should
als
be
establ
ished
in
the
city
each
dis
o
g
triet I n the same year he chan g ed t h e voluntary c o n t rib u
ti on i nt o a tax and re gulated it i n three g rades : the well
t o do family should be taxed not more than one bushel o f
rain
the
ordinary
family
not
more
than
seven
pecks
and
;
g
the poor family not more than four pecks
Th e free g ranary w as also called
v i lla g e g ranary
This system was hi ghly esteemed by H u Yi n who said that
for the rel ief o f famine noth in g is more important than that
the g ranary should be near to the people Th erefore the
system of free g ranary of the Su i dynasty was much better
than that o f modern times when the g ranary was located
i n the cities only
,
,
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,
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‘
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'
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,
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-
,
?
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,
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‘
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,
?
1
2
Se e
s u p ra,
H is t o ry
G e n e ral
o
R
p
.
35 8
.
f Su i
,
ch .
e s e arc h,
c
xxiv
h xxi
.
.
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P R I N CI P LE S O F C O N FU CI US
8
0
5
and it would be a benefit t o the whole emp ire
Althoug h his proposal was not enacted into law his state
ment points out clearly the pri ncipl e of the system of free
ranary
g
Th is system was a socialistic measure : i t g o t mo r e taxes
from the rich and g ave more benefit to the poor But no
one has thou ght that this system is not welcomed by the
rich F i rst the tax was very small and it was i n accord
ance w i th ability so it was easy for the people t o pay it
Second the rich coul d parti cipate i n the social benefit j ust
as much as the poor otherwise they would lose more than
the poor b y the disturbance of peace Third as they l ived
to gether i n a small community the rich fo r ethical reasons
were w ill in g to help the poo r F ourth as the account was
i n the hands of the rich they k new perfectly its financial
condi t i on and had n o fear of the corruption of the o fficials
Th e first cause made them able t o pay the tax and the last
three causes made them w illin g to pay it These poi nts are
the stren g th of this system
c ie n c y ,
?
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111
.
G OV E
1
RN M E N T
.
L OA N S O F
G
RAI N
C l as s ic al Th e o ries
In ancient C hina the whole emp i re was an a g ricultural
community so that the g ra in was not only the subj ect of
production and consumption but als o the means of exchan ge
and di stribution I n fact i n modern times money is a most
important facto r of in dustri al capital but i n ancient times
rain
was
the
most
important
As
the
a
ricultural
class
g
g
fo rmed the maj ority o f people i f they were su ff erin g
the whole emp ire would be in distress
In that ag ric ul
tural sta g e there was nothin g worse than usury for the hurt
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
i
G e n e ral
R
i
e s e arc h ,
at o n , as ag a n s t t h e
ch .
xxi
.
b e n e fit t
h
H is
e o ry .
t
h
e o ry
is t h e
f
ac u l t y t
h
e o ry o
f t ax
GO VE
R N M E N T C O N TR O L
R
O F G A IN
1
8
5
o f the farmers B ut fortunately the anc i ent C hinese did
not enact any law to forbi d usury because they k new that
Th e only p ro t e c
i t could not be done away w ith by l aw
tion g iven by the g overnment to the farmers a gainst usury
was the lend in g o f capital g ra i n to them at the lowest
ra t e o f interest o r no i nterest at all
Althoug h the loan
was i n the form of g rain since th e count ry w as i n the a g ri
cultural sta g e the same principle would apply even in the
industrial sta g e Th i s i s the social i stic t h eory o f C o n fu
.
,
,
1
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
c ian is m
.
e
P
says
B
ri
ht
are
those
xtensive
o
r
:
e
t
g
f
y
fields a tenth o f whose produce i s annually lev i ed I ta k
the old stores and w ith them feed our farmers
C h en g
Hsuan comments :
Th e C an o n
o
2
,
.
W h en t h e gran ari es we re m o re t h an su ffic i ent t h e people we re
allowed to b o rrow grai n on c red i t o r on p ayment o f i nte rest
Taki n g t h e o l d sto res t o f eed t h e f arm e s on t h e o n e h and
w as to c h an ge t h e old grai n o f t h e go ve rnment ; an d on t h e
ot h e r h and i t en c our aged t h e people t o k eep t h e i r new g ai n
Th i s w as t h e l aw o f an c i ent t i mes p rac t i sed in good ye ars
,
.
r
,
,
r
,
.
.
i n good years there m i ght b e poo r people i n want of
food ; hence th e government helped them out b y lend in g
them the old g ra in wh ile i t k ept the ne w g ra in i n its
ranary
g
Accord in g to the O ffic ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u there is a col
lector o f the taxes o f th e country ( l ii S h ih ) who takes
E ven
.
.
,
,
H
i
i
t he
pp
g k
in t h e H an d y n as t y ; in
u an g w as d e r
Mar u s P an
e d o f h is
e u d al
4 36 A K ( 1 1 6 B
e s t at e
art ly b e c au s e h e
n t e re s t b e y o n d t h e l e g al rat e ( H is t o r
ad e
y
o f Ho n ch
T e re is a u s u ry l aw in t h e Law C o d e o f t h e Ts ng
)
s t o r c al l y ,
.
p
.
.
Dy nas t y ( c
Th e
xv
h
h xiv ) ; b
pi
m
l aw firs t a
q i
‘
.
i
.
vo
l
.
iv
,
pt
p iv
f
‘
ut
it i s
no t
r nce .
C las s ic s
e are d
-
.
.
,
u s u ry
.
11,
p
.
376
.
f
e n o rc e d
.
i
RIN CIP L E S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
2
8
5
OF CO N
FU CI US
char g e of the three kinds of g rain which come from the
three kinds o f taxation F irst when the g ra i n is distributed
to the people he calls them u p by the names of the t ax roll
and d i stributes proport i onately the stores Some are for
the maintenance of li fe or consumpt ion and some are for
use in business o r production ; for both purposes the people
are required to pay the same rate of interest Second there
is also another law for the lendin g of g rain w i thout interest
In sprin g when the people are in want of g rai n he g i ves it
to them I n autumn when the people have plenty of it
they retur n it to him
In this w ay the government ex
chan g es the O l d g rain for the new and the people are e n
abled t o meet thei r nee ds
It benefits the people but costs
the g overnment nothin g
D urin g the C hou dynasty the lendi n g of g rain to the
people was a pol icy for w i nnin g thei r hearts Therefore i t
—
was practise d by many noble famil i es such as the Han o f
Th e resul t
C h en g the Yo o f Sun g and the C hen of C h i
was that they all became controllers of their states These
facts are su fficient t o Show the importance o f lendin g grai n
by the g overnment F i rst it rel ieved the peopl e ; and sec
o n d i t stren g thened the power o f the rul in g house
.
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,
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,
Sys t e m
o
t
i
l
l
h
V
a
e
e
g
f
Gran ary
F rom th e s yst em o f free g ranary a system of
v illa ge
o
w
t
ranary
was
developed
d
i
f
ference
between
these
T
h
e
g
systems was that the fOr mer distributed g rai n freely wh i le
the latter loaned it But since the free g ranary was also
called villa g e g ranary and Si nce the g rai n of the free g ran
ary i n th e Tan g dynasty was also allowed to be loaned the
system o f v i lla g e g ranary was practically th e same as that
,
.
-
i
'
,
.
,
,
,
C
h
2
Ch
ou
.
xvi
.
Th e
d y n as t y
C las s ic s
,
s e co n d ru l e
w as ad o
.
vo l
.
v
,
pt
.
11,
pp
.
5 4 8, 5 89
.
pt
ed
by
W en Ti
o
f t h e N o rt
h
e rn
RIN C I P LE S
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
5 4
OF CON
FU CI US
elected Amon g fifty c h ia a vi lla g e elder w as chosen
b y the committee o f the g ranary In the first month
the Villa g e elder beg an to form the c h ia Those people w h o
k ep t deserted sold iers who di d not behave themselves and
—
who were well to do were excluded ; but none was com
l
l
d
t
come
i
n
When
they
wanted
come
i
n
they
o
t
o
e
e
p
ave
the
number
of
the
adults
and
children
f
thei
r
famil
ies
o
g
F or an adult one bushel of g rain was loaned and fo r a
child half that a m ount Below fiv e yea rs no child could
apply fo r a loan
Th e head man of the C h ia could apply
fo r a double amount Th e villa g e elder after h i s exam
inat io n took si g natures o f all the members to the g rana ry
and they were examined a g ain Thei r names were re g is
t e re d accordin g to the arran g e ment o f the c h ia and t h e
amount of loa n fo r e ach family was w ritten down
F or
the total amount of the loan of each c h ia a certificate was
iven
t
o
the
h
ead
man
fo
r
his
withdraw
i
n
of
rain
Yet
g
g
g
—
the issue of the loan was d ivi ded in two o ne part fo r t h e
seedin g and the other for the weed i n g After harvest the
loan should be entirely pa i d back not later tha n the last d ay
of the e i gh th month I f the returned g rain was n o t g ood
the returner was l iabl e to a fine
These details were the
eneral
rules
of
the
system
of
villa
e
anary
r
g
g g
Th e system of v i lla g e g rana ry was similar to that o f
reen
sprout
money
b
ut
the
former
was
much
more
g
successful than the latter Th e reason s for this have bee n
pointed out by C h u H s i himself He said that the idea o f
the law of g reen sprout was not bad ; but its issue was
not o f g rain but of money ; its locat ion was not in Villa ges
but i n cities ; its control w as not by the people but by the
o fficials ; and its practice w as not w i th the motive of charity
b ut with the aim of reve nue Therefore t his law was suc
,
.
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
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,
‘
.
,
.
.
”
1
,
.
.
”
,
,
,
,
.
1
Se e infr a
.
,
,
pp
5 89 5 92
-
.
.
GO VE
R N M E N T C O N TR O L
R
O F G AIN
8
5 5
when Wan g A n Shih appl ied it to a district but it
w as unsuccessful when he appl ied i t to th e whole empi re
N o w this system o f C h u Hsi was of the same principle as
that o f W an g A n sh ih but h is appl ication w as d i fferent
Its issue w as o f g ra i n ; i ts locat i on was i n Villa ges ; i ts con
trol was b v the people ; an d i ts practice was wi th the motive
of chari ty These were the reasons o f the success o f the
v i ll a e
ranary system ?
g g
Si nce the system o f v i lla g e g rana ry was establ ished b y
U nde r
C h u Hsi i t h as b een practised by many followers
the Sun g dynasty there were some m o d ific at io ns—the g rain
wh ile
w as also l oaned to fa rmers who owned no land
o ri g i nally i t was loaned to l and own in g farmers only and
I n the present dynasty th i s
no i nterest was requi red
s y stem st i ll exists In 2 2 7 5 ( 1 7 2 4 A
the followin g
w as the r ate o f i nterest : fo r on e bushel o f g rain loaned i n
summe r t w o pec k s Should b e paid i n w i nte r as interest
t h at i s a sem i annual i nte rest at the rate o f 2 0 p e r cent
Acc o rd i n g t o t h e s i tuat i on o f bad c rops a remi ssion o f
e i ther a hal f o r t h e whole o f the i nte rest was made A fte r
ten years w h en the i nterest would be mo re than double the
amount of th e o r i g inal g rain
the rate o f sem i annual in
t e re s t should b e reduced to 1 0 per cent
Althou gh there
were sm all mod i fications in late r t imes i ts essentials remain
the same
c e s s fu l
-
,
.
,
-
.
,
.
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,
,
-
,
?
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.
,
,
-
.
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,
.
,
-
,
?
,
.
G e n e ral
R
e s e ar c h ,
C o n t i n u at io n
3
G e n e ral
R
o
c
h
.
xxi
.
f t h e G e n e ral
e s e a rc h
o
f
R
xxvii
h vi
ty
e s e ar c h , c h
t h e P res e n t
Dy nas
.
.
,
c
.
.
XXX I
C HA P TE R
G OV E R N M E N T
11
G OVE
.
1
.
P UB L I C RE L I E F
L OA N S A N D
RN M E N T
L OA N S
C las s ic al Th e o ries
1
p ri nciple of government a i d for the farmer was
no ted by M encius He says
TH E
.
W h en t h e empe ro r V i s i ted t h e p ri nces i t w as c alled a tour o f
i nspect i on W h en t h e p ri nces attended t h e cou rt o f t h e em
r
r
r
a
c
m
i
t
c
lled
repo
t
o
f
o
e
It
usto
i
n
t
h
e
e
a
a
a
f
f
i
c
s
a
w
w
o
s
p
sp ri n g to ex am i ne t h e plou gh i n g an d supply any defic i ency
o
f
f
w
h
i
c
h
m
i
h
t
b
e
i
t
h
e
r
o
f
seed
o
i
nstruments
or
o
r
e
g
[
m o ney ] ; an d i n autumn t o ex am i ne t h e re ap i n g and ass i st
w h e re t h e re w as a defic i en c y of t h e c rop
,
.
.
,
,
-
,
,
,
?
In fact whenever the empero r an d the princes went out it
was necessary for them to hel p the farmers in any way
Before the seedin g and after the harvest any deficiency
was filled by the ai d of g overnment that means the go v
e rn m e n t should ai d the farmers at all times when they
need it B ut as Mencius does not tell whether the farmers
should return what they had rece i ved t o the government o r
not we cannot decide that w i th certainty I t would seem
however that the farmers must have returned it otherw ise
the g overnment could not h ave g iven ai d as o ften as Men
c i us says B ut there would be no interest
,
,
.
,
,
-
,
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,
,
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,
,
,
.
.
Se e
su
p
r a,
al s o
pp
.
5 80
C las s ic s ,
5 86
i
the
c l as s c al
2
.
vo l
.
-
ii pp
,
.
t
h
1 5 9,
i
eo r es
436
.
ab o u t
t h e go
v
e rn
m
e nt
l o an
o
i
f g ra n,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
8
5
R IN C I P LE S
O F C O N F UC I U
not over ten days ; and for funeral i n not o ver three months
NVh e n e v e r the people want to borrow money o r c o m m o di
ties from the bank i t first investi gates their cases w ith the
aid o f thei r ma g istrate and then g rants them the loan I n
this way it makes sure that they use the loan for production
and not for consumption so that there is no dan ger to cred
it o r o r borrower
F or necessary consumpti on as sacrifice
and funeral the government does not require i n terest ; but
for productive capi tal i t requires interest O n the one
hand this prevents the people from makin g private profit
at publ ic expense ; and on the other hand i t benefits them
wi thou t loss to the g overn ment because the total interest
would be su fficient a gainst the risk There is a rule th at
the interest is pai d accord in g to the business of the local ity
F o r example i f the principal business of the locality of t h e
borrower A is a g riculture the interest is pai d in agric ul
tural products and i f that of the borrower B is m an u fac
ture it is pai d in manufactured goods This is fo r the c o n
v e n ie nc e O f the borrower s o that he c an easily pay o ff his
d ebt
Since the rate o f i nterest is not g iven by t h e text it
is unknown ; but i t must be very low because its purpose is
not for revenue b u t for the benefit of the people
D urin g the C hou dynasty the g overnment loa n was part
of a pol icy o f develop ing the economic interest o f the people
F or example when Marquis Tao of Tsin wanted to g ive h is
people rest and prosperi ty ( 1 3 B K or 5 6 4 B
all the
accumulated stores of the s tate were g iven o u t for the bor
rowin g o f th e people F rom the marquis downwards all
who had such stores brou ght them forth Hence the state
had no store wh ich was n o t i n circulation and there was
no one ex p osed to want
.
,
,
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,
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‘
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,
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.
,
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,
,
?
Ch
( s ee
.
xv
p
s up ra,
C l as s ic s
iv
C h én g H s u an g e s t h e rat e
b u t it is o n ly a gu e s s
.
,
.
vo l
.
.
v
,
pt
.
ii p
,
.
44 1
.
o
f
i
n t e re s t
in h is A n n o t at
i
on
GO VE
RN M E N T L OA N S
2
.
AND P
UB L I C REL IE F
Th e ir A pp l ic at io n
t
T
m
n
o
n
a
i
L
h
e
s
e
o
r
d
t
a
d
a
s
S
C
e
( )
f
y
W an g Man g imitated closely the Duke of C hou I n 5 6 1
1
A
h
e
decreed
that
the
ban
k
in
department
i
n
the
0
(
g
O ffice o f
five equal izations should g ive credi t and loans
to the people When peopl e were called on for sacrifice or
funeral but had no money to meet thei r needs i t should
lend them th e money which came from the income tax on
S imple credi t w i thout requi rin g i nterest
Th e l imi t of t ime
was : fo r sacrifice not later than ten days ; and fo r funeral
not later than th ree months When people were in want
and w ished to bor row money for the purpose of production
it should g ive them loans accord in g to the o rder o f applica
ti on B es ides the coverin g of the i r cost o f p roduction th e
overnment
o
a
tithe
of
their
annual
net
profit
for
the
t
g
g
profit o f the government as an income tax Th e rate o f
i nterest was 3 pe r cent monthly ? A s there w as a d is t in c
tio n between i nterest and profit it shows that there was an
advance i n economic theory and practice B ut W an g
Man g was k illed i n 5 7 4 and thus th is scheme d id not last
very lon g
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b
( )
Sys t e m
o
f
M o ney
t h e G re e n Sp ro u t
U nde r the Sun g dynasty th e system o f constantly normal
,
“
ranary
was
chan
ed
i
nto
the
system
o
f
reen
sprout
g
g
g
money
Th is was the most important law o f W an g A n
H is law was based on the statement of Mencius and
Sh ih
the law o f the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u
B ut the pecul iar
features o f h is law were that it lent to the people not g ra in
but money ; and that it lent money not only to the farmers
but also to the burghers However the prima ry purpose
o f th is law was to lend money to the farmers Hence the
”
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l
—
il i
s
t o ry
o
f H0 "
.
ch s
.
X XIV , X CIX
.
PRI N CIP LE S
TH E E C O N O M I C
0
59
OF CON
F U CI U S
—
meanin g
name of g reen sprout money was g iven it
tha t
b efore harvest when the g rain was only a g reen sprout the
overnment
lent
money
to
the
farmers
g
This l aw was introduced i n 1 6 2 0 ( 1 0 6 9 A
If
people wished to ge t money i n advance they were allowed
t o borrow i t from the g overnment ; and when they pai d
taxes they should return g rain for the money they had
borrowed
I f they wanted to borrow g ra i n instead of
money o r i f they wanted to return money i nstead o f g rain
because at the time of return the price of g rain was h i gh
t hey were allowed to do so
F or the crop of summer the
m oney was lent in the first month ; and for that of autumn
i n the fifth month I f the crop was bad the farmers were
allowed to return g rain at the comin g of another g ood crop
Th is l aw was i ntended to enable the farmers to start to
wor k w ithout delay and to prevent private money lenders
f rom taki ng advanta ge o f the interval of the harvest to ge t
usury
Accordin g to history the practice O f th is l aw was that
the loan of the g overnment and the payment of t h e people
w ere both in money not i n g rain Th e annual rate of in
t e re s t was 2 0 per cent
I n 1 6 2 5 ( 1 0 74 A
W an g A n
sh i h said that the government received annually total in
t e re s t from its loans amountin g to three mill ion strin g s
In
16 4 ( 10 8
i
A
the
total
ssues
of
loan
were
fixed
at
3
3
strin gs and the total collections on the same at
strin gs includi n g interest These two sums
were the avera ge amounts of three years for the issue and
the collection
B ut when there was a fixed amount fo r
i ssuin g loans the o fficials h ad to lend as much money as the
fixed amount ; and when they wanted to g e t special rewards
or to Sh ow thei r ab il ity the money was lent even beyond t h e
fixed amount Therefore the o fficials forced the people t o
m ak e loans
A g a i n when there was a fixed amount fo r
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59
TH E E C ON O M I C P
9
d
RIN CI P LE S
OF C ON
FU CI US
needed by the farmers ; but in summer when the crop was
j ust reaped why should this money be lent a gain for the
crop o f autumn ? Th e loan of the fifth month was at the
same t ime when the debt of sprin g was collected H o w
could the people ma k e profit out of such a loan ? I t was
clear that the government purposely wanted to g e t i nterest
F rom 1 6 2 0 to 1 6 36 ( 1 0 6 9 1 0 8 5 A
the g reen sprout
law continued for seventeen years In 1 6 37 when the new
empero r Sun g C h é Tsun g came to the throne and the party
opposi n g W an g A n shih SSii ma Kuan g came into power
this law was abolished In 1 64 5 after the empress dow
a g er the re gent had d ied when the followers o f Wan g
A n shih returned to power this l aw was rev i ved
B ut they
made some reforms in the law F i rst the annual interes t
was reduced to 1 0 per cent Second the amount of loans
was not fixed so th e o fficials were not obl ig ed to force the
people to borrow money Thi rd there was no spec ial re
ward for the o fficials who made more interest so i t pre
vented them from forc i n g the people to ma k e loans
In
1 6 7 4 there was still another decree to re g ulate t h e loans
This l aw was ended b y the fall of the N orthern Sun g
dynasty ( 1 6 77 or 1 1 2 6 A D )
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1
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,
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e
m
E
n
t
o
x
h
a
c
s
e
c
s
S
( ) y
f
g
Besides the system of g reen sprout money in 1 6 2 3 1 0 7 2
A
W an g A n sh ih esta b lished the government ex
chan g e I n that e xchan g e the people were allowed to bor
ro w
money There were two w ay s z o n e was that they
could pled g e thei r land houses gold silver e t c ; and the
other was that when they had no pled g e they should g et
t h ree men to gether to form a g uarantee I n the first case
this resemb led a pawn shop ; in the second case i t resembled
Hi t y f S g h
h xxi
l xxvi
al R
a h
G
2
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s
2
Se e
or
al so
o
un
su
p ra,
,
c
pp
.
c
.
565 7
-
.
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e ner
es e
rc
,
c
.
.
G O VE
RN M E N T L OA N S
AND
P U B L I C R ELIE F
5 93
a loan bank Th e annual rate of i nterest i n b oth cases was
2 0 per cent
I f the payment was later than th e due time
besides the re gular interest there was a fine at the rate o f
2 per cent a month
W hen the people fell i nto debt and could not pay
?
even the interest however how could they pay the fine
In
E ven the pun i shment of imprisonmen t was i n vain
1 6 30 a n e w law was enacted that t h e loan should be issued
only on a pled g e o f p roperty an d that the annual rate o f
Those people
interest should b e reduced to 1 2 per cent
w h o had no pled g e but a simple g uarantee should not be
e
b
iven
loans
E
xcept
the
pri
ncipal
and
interest
all
fines
g
fore the date when the l aw was enacted Should be remitted
an d t h ese amounted to several hundred thousand strin g s
F o r t h e indebted people days o f g race were g i ven the len gth
o f a hal f ye ar for t h e payment of principal an d i nterest
In 1 6 3 1 the amount o f loan due to the exchan g e of the
capital c i ty was fixed at not more th an three mill i on strin gs ;
and in all prov i nces i t should not be more than one fourth
O f that amount
In 1 6 33 the empe ror dec reed that debts
due to all th e exchan g es should be paid o ff at the len g th o f
three years and b y the way o f monthly instalments Th is
was for the benefit o f the people
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o
a
n
h
P
w
s
S
f
p
Bes ides the exchan ges which had the characteristics of
pawn shops there were also real gove rnment paw n Shops
under that name In 1 6 32 ( 1 0 8 1 A
by the proposal
o f C hi a Ts in
o u r pawn shops we r e esta b l ished i n the
f
g
capital In 1 6 33 they were e stabl ished i n t h e d istricts nea r
the capital and in the next ye ar they were over th e whol e
emp ire Amon g the five provinces each h ad one hund red
Sy s t e m
o
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‘
,
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,
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H is t o ry
,
o
f Su ng
,
ch
.
cl
xxxvi
.
G e n e ral
R
e s e ar c h , c h .
xx
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
5 94
RI N CIP L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
thousand strin gs for the cap i tal of th e pawn shops ; and
amon g the rest each had fifty thousand stri n g s Th e an
nual rate of interes t was not over 2 0 per cent
Th e pawn s h op also di d commercial business because it
was allow ed to exchan g e commodities w ith the people Th e
functions of pawn shops and of exchan ges overlapped each
o ther
and t h e t w o i nstitutions were connected w ith e ach
other How lon g the system of paw n shops lasted is u n
k nown but since the date of 1 6 7 9 ( 1 1 2 8 A D ) i t does not
appear i n history
Probably it d ied out not very lon g
after that date
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3
C o n c l us io n
.
lendin g of money by the g overnment presents the
d i fficulty of accomplishin g t w o thin gs at th e same time
namely ai d to the poor peopl e and revenue to the state I f
i t is a purely social scheme as advocated by M encius and i n
the O ffic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u it may be successful for the
help of the people I f i t is a purely financial scheme w ith
a g ood admin i stration l i ke that of a pr i vate b usiness, it
may be successful fo t t h e interest of the state But i f it
tries to accomplish t h e two obj ects at the same t ime it must
fa il on both Si des As the primary purpose of th is scheme
is for the help of the poor the loan o u ght to be g iven o nly
to th e poor B ut when the poor borrow money i t is cer
t ainl y d i fficult fo r them to pay back not only the interest
but also the princ i pal
How should the g overnment treat
?
them I f thei r i ndebtedness should be swept away it would
be a loss to the state ; i f it shoul d be demanded it would be
a g reat trouble to the people
I t must fail either way
W an g Man g and W an g A n shih are examples o f this
However why di d the g reen sprout money s till brin g a
Th e
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H is t o ry
o
f Su ng
,
ch . cl
xxxvi
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6
59
‘
R I N CI P L E S
OF C ON
F U CI U S
Accordin g to the theory of M a Tuan l in g overnmen t loa n
is good i n the feudal sta g e but not g ood in the sta ge of ab
solute monarchy with a provincial system U nder the Th re e
Dynast i es not only could such a g reat sa g e as the D uke
of C hou successfully lend money t o th e peopl e but e ven
ordinary men could do so
After t hat period not only
could W an g Man g and W an g A n shih not succeed b ut even
a sa g e would have failed Th e reasons are simply that in
the feudal sta g e th e interests o f th e ruler are i dentified w ith
those of the people because the ruler holds by heredi t ary
ri ght and the admin i strati on is easy because the imperial
state and the feudal state are all small ; and that i n the p ro
v in c ial system
w ith a temporal admin istrat ion of the O ffi
c ial s they are stran g ers in the be g innin g and cannot ac c o m
li
h
thei
r
work
before
they
a
way
after
a
term
o
f
three
s
o
p
g
years Therefore when the government attempts t o apply
the laws of the Ofiic ial Sys t e m o f C h o u it is a useless troub le
to the governme n t as well as to the people Hence from
the C h i n dynasty down t h e g overnment has preferred the
—
l ais s e z fair e policy
This theory o f Ma Tuan l in is correct but i t seems
to us that some laws of the O ffi c ial Sys t e m o f C h o u can be
appl ied in th e modern democrati c society Take the go v
I f t h e g overnme nt were really
e rn m e n t loan for example
in the hands of th e people the inte rest o f the people and that
of the g overnment would be the same U nder such a con
d ition the g overnment especially the o fficials can do no
wron g to the peopl e and w ith a g ood system o f admi nistra
t i on i n every way t h e g overnmen t loan at lowest interes t
m ay not only help o u t th e needs of the people but also
raise revenue for the state W an g A n shih was a g reat
statesman indeed but h e l ived either t o o lat e o r too early
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G e n e ral
R
e s e ar c
h,
ch
.
cl
xxx
.
GO VE
RN M EN T L OA N S
AN D
P UB L I C R ELI E F
5 97
Had h is whole plan been carried out C hi na would have
been a modern state one thousand years ag o
,
.
U B L I C RE L I E F
P rinc ip l es o f C o nfu c ius
1
Althou gh C onfucius w i shes eve ryone to be economically
II
P
.
.
i ndependent there are m any unfo r tunate people who cannot
have econom i c i ndependence
Hence they need publ ic re
lief Th e Royal Re gulat i ons says :
,
.
.
w h o w hi le q u i te you n g lose s h is f at h e i s c al l ed an
o rp h an ; an o l d m an w h o h as no s o n i s c alled a sol i t ary one ;
an old m an w h o h as n o w i f e i s c all e d a w i d o we r ; an d an O l d
wom an w h o h as n o h us b and is c alled a w i d o w Th ese f ou r
c l asses ar e t h e poo re st o f H e av en s people
an d h av e n o ne t o
Th ey al l s h o uld re c e i ve re gul a
w h om to tell t h e i r w ants
allow an c es ?
O ne
r
.
’
,
r
.
i s the law o f C onfuc i us Menc i us g ives an historical
f act to sup p o rt th is theory He says : Wen W an g in the
inst i tut i on o f h is g overnment w ith its benev o lent action
made them the first obj ects o f h i s re ga rd
These four cl asses are either t o o youn g or too old fo r
wo rk ; hence the state suppo rts them by a re gular allow
ance w ithout requi rin g them to labo r
But there is anot h er
ki nd o f un fortunate peopl e who can wor k b ut have d iffic u l t v
i n findin g the i r particular k ind o f employment b y them
selves The refore t h e Royal Re g ulat i ons s ays : Th e
dumb the dea f the lame those have lost a membe r the
py gmies an d the a rt isans are all fed accord i n g to w h at
wor k they are a b l e to do
E xcept the last class al l the
This
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"
2
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“
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“
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,
” 3
.
iii pp 4 3 4
Cl
i
l ii p
6
L i Ki b k iii p 44
S
Li
Ki
bk
,
as s c s ,
8
,
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,
vo
.
.
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,
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2
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2
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-
1 2
.
.
e e al s o
Hs un t
i, b k
‘
.
ix
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
8
59
R I N C I P LE S
OF C O N
F U C I US
five ki nds of p e opl e have physical defects and find it very
di fficult to make thei r o w n l iv i n g E ven amon g the last
class those who have a particular profession or art may be
out of employment under many circumst ances and cannot b e
self supportin g Therefo re publ ic reli ef is n ecessary Since
they are neither too o l d nor t o o youn g and thei r physical
condition still allows them to work althou gh havin g some
defect and since the a rt isans have their hand icrafts they
are n o t g iven re g ular allowances but simply supported b y
thei r own labo r at tasks wh ich are provi ded by the state
Th e state g ives g reat help to them but does n o t waste the
public money Th e people ge t some dependence but st i ll
live upon the i r own work w i thout d is g race This way is in
the mi ddle course b e tween chari ty and j ustice
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H is t o r ic al F ac t s
pr i nc i ple O f g iv in g special favor to the w i dower
wido w e t c was first put in practice by Han W én Ti ( 37 3
A K o r 1 79 B
b ut it was well established by the
A fter 1 6 0 8 ( 1 0 5 7 A
t h e g overnme nt
Sun g dynasty
established a g ranary in each district for the storin g of rice
which came from the public land as a rent F rom the first of
the eleventh month to the end of the thi rd m onth o f the next
year o ne pi nt of rice was g iven to each perso n every three
days and the children received half t h e amount I n 1 6 5 4
1 1 0 3 A D ) this idea w as carried t o o far and it became
t o o expens ive
I n the almshouse food clot hes and beds
were all g iven ; servants cooks and nurses were all sup
pl i ed I n 1 6 7 1 ( 1 1 2 0 A D ) the follow in g law was fixed
when t h e p o or l ived i n the almshouse one pint of rice was
g iven to each every day and the children g o t hal f this
amount Th e O l d re g ulations that ten co ins were daily d is
tri b uted and five coins for charcoal w e re added from the
el eventh month to the fi rst month w ere abol ished
Th e
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H is t o ry
o
f Su ng
,
ch . cl
xxviii
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
60 0
RI N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU CI US
o r fam i ne is ent i rely left out Here w e have s imply i ndi
c at e d that accordin g to the system o f C onfucius there is a
pos i t i ve i nsti tution for the support o f the poor
.
,
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3
P rivat e
.
C h arit y
Workin g alon g wi th public rel ief is privat e charity
C onfucius does not li k e to have anyone possess a d is p ro p o r
t io n at e amount of wealth over others ; but i f one has a g reat
fortune and deserves it he l ikes to encoura ge h im to di ffuse
i t i n a proper way Hence charitable works are g ood th i n gs
Tz fi kun g says to C onfucius :
Suppose the case of a man
extensively conferrin g benefits on the people and abl e to
s as is t all what woul d you say o f h im ?
M i ght he be called a
?
ph ilanthropist
W hy speak only of ph i lanthropy i n con
ne c t io n w ith him ?
replies C onfucius
Must he not have
?
the quali ties o f a sa g e
E ven Yao an d Shun were st i ll
”
solicitous about th is
F rom this conversation we can see
how hi g hly C onfucius pra i ses the one who can confer ex
t e n s iv e ly benefits on the people and assi st all
I ndeed there
is even yet no one who can attain such an ideal
W hen Tz ii l u asks about the w ishes o f C onfucius th e
Master says : They are in regard to the O l d to settle them
comfo rtably ; i n re g ard t o friends [ who are about the same
ag e as mine ] to make t hem confident [ o f g ett in g what they
want w ithout seekin g fo r it ] ; i n re gard to the youn g to
I n fact
t reat them tenderly [ like a father o r a
this is the principle o f un iversal love ; none w ill be left b e
h ind unsatisfied
It is like heaven coverin g e verythi n g
C haritable works cannot reach such an ideal but they are
mov i n g in this di rection
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C las s ics
C f Li
.
,
Ki
C l as s ics
,
,
i p 94
b k xxiii p
l i p
83
vo l .
vo
,
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1
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1
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2 57.
G O VE
R N M EN T L O A N S
AND P
F or the conduct o f a C on fucian
UB L IC R ELI EF
60 1
C onfuc i us
says : Alms
f
ivi
n
and
wealth
distributin
is
the
d
i
fusion
of
human
g
g
g
Mencius says : Th e impartin g by a man to others
i ty
When H sun Tz it de
o f h is wealth i s called kindness
scribes the characters o f a scholar he says that a scholar ( 16
li ghts i n d i ffusin g his wealth to others and he feels ashamed
i f he be rich alone
Here we Si mply point out that private
charity is the p rincipl e o f C onfucius but w e have no need
to g ive the h istorical facts
To day chari table insti tutions g reat or small are all ove r
d i ffe rent local ities The y are controlled by a body of pri
vate men and mainta i ned by voluntary contributions But
they are really quasi pu b l ic instituti ons and far more im
portant than th e g overnment i nstitutions Take those o f
They carry thei r pol icy beyond the
C anton for example
sphere o f Kuan gtun g province and assume the burden of
i nter provincial tasks Beside social w or k s they come i nto
even pol itical and industrial activities They may have a
reat
development
i
n
the
future
prov
i
ded
that
they
have
g
ood
men
g
,
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Li
Ki
,
bk
C l as s ic s
3
Bk
.
vi
.
,
.
vo
xxxviii p 4
p 53
l
.
,
.
11,
.
2
.
09
.
B OO K 1X
PU B L I C F I N A N C E
.
C HA P TE R
PU BLIC
1
R
TE M :
TH E
.
EX
XXX I I
P E N DI TU R ES
P UB L I C FI N A N C E
P UB L I C finance deals w ith the revenues and e xpend itures
o f g overnments and is a part o f economics
In C hina
pu b l ic finance has occupied nearly the whole field of eco
n o m ics
b ecause statesmen and scholars have g iven thei r
attention mostly to i t rat h e r than to private fi nance
The re
ad m in is
fo re w h en the C h inese use the te rm economics
terin g wealth
the hea re r may g ene rally narrow its mean
ing t o publ ic finance
But i n the C h inese lan gua ge there is
a special te rm fo r publ ic fin an c e
national expend itures
l
eu
u
n
T
R
R
h
is
te
rm
first
occurs
in
the
oyal
e
u
o
g
)
(
y
g
lat i ons and it is used by M a Tu an l i n as the name of a
b oo k i n h is g reat encycloped ia ? It see ms unscientific b e
cause it indicates exp ressly only expend itures But it ih
c l u d e s reven ue as well as expend itures since there can b e no
ex p end i tu res w it h out revenue Th e reason why thi s term
i ncludes only expend itu res i s b ecause it i s characteristic of
t he C h i nese l an gu a g e g enerally to avo i d usin g mo re th an
two ch aracte rs to express a Sin gle concept
H oweve r i f we want to adopt a term mo r e scienti fic th an
national exp e nd itu res w e may use the more popular term
national account in g ( le uo c h i) Th is term is ve ry old
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
”
-
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
‘
( i e n e r al Re s e arc h
,
ch s
,
.
xxiii
-
x x vn
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
60 6
R I N C IP L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
used for the t i tle of a book duri n g t h e Tan g dy
O r we may use the word
accountin g only ( ku ei
This term is used by C onfucius
c h i)
F urthermore we
may adopt the term wealth an d expenditure s
t
a
i
s
(
u ng )
a
b
etter
t
ranslation
bein
revenue
and
exp
end
i
tures
y
g
It occurs in t h e Great L earni n g and the Doctrine of
the Mean and is spoken of by Mencius
All the se three
terms may be used in t h e sense o f the E n gl ish term public
finance Th e only di fference amon g them is that while the
first denotes publ ic finance o nly the last two may be applied
to both publ ic and p rivat e financ e
and it
nasty
is
.
,
?
.
,
‘
,
.
”
”
?
,
,
.
,
,
.
II
Y
N E C E SSI T
.
OF
P UB L I C FI N A N C E
question may be ra i sed why s hould we have public
finance at all ? I n other words why should we have go v
?
n
r
n
m
Accordin g t o the t heory of H s ii H sin g the ruler
e t
e
sho uld l i ve ind ivi dually by his o w n la b or and should not
have g ranary treasury or arse nal
I f a ruler has such
th in g s he is an oppressor of the people for his o w n support
Although H s ii Hs in g was not an anarchist his t heory is
that wh il e there is a g overnment there should not be publ ic
finance Th i s i s an imposs ible ideal
As w e have seen t h e government exists chiefly for the
economic interest o f the people N o w i f it is productive
?
why should they not s uppo rt i t
Accordin g to C onfucius
f
o
overnment
is
the
result
of
the
d
ivision
labor
and
public
g
finances are necessary for the support of t h e publ ic laborers
Mencius says
Th e
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
?
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
Th er e
l ab o r
3
i s t h e s ay i ng S me l ab r w i t h t h e i r m i nds and so m e
w i t h t h e i st en gt h
Th ose w h l ab o w i t h t h e i r minds
r
C l as s ics ,
vo l
C l as s ic s
vo l .
Cf
.
su
,
p ra,
p
.
.
p
i pp
,
385
”
r
11,
.
.
.
o
o
,
,
r
o
.
383
.
380 , 40 9 ; an d
v o l . 11,
p
.
4 83
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
60 8
RI N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
the produce as the tax W hat d o you thi nk of i t ?
Mencius said : Your way would b e that of t h e Mo I n a
country o f ten thousand famil ies would it do to have only
?
o ne potter
Pai Kuei repl ied : N o ; the vessels would
not be enou gh to use
Menc ius went o n
t ie t h
o
f
.
.
,
”
”
.
:
In M o al l t h e five ki nds o f grai n are n o t gr ow n ; i t p ro
duces o nly m i llet Th ere are no f o rt i fied c i t i es n o ed i fi c es no
ancest ral temples
no ce remon i es o f s ac ri fi c e ; t h e re are no
p ri nces re q u i r i ng p resents an d entert ai nments ; t h e re i s no
system of o ffice rs w i t h t h e i r v ar i ous su b o rd i n ates O n t h es e
acc o unts a t ax o f o n e twent i e t h o f t h e p ro du c e i s su ffic i ent
But i t i s t h e M i ddle Ki n gdo m t h at we l i ve i n To
t h e re
b an i s h t h e r elat i ons h i ps of men and h ave n o adm i n i strat i on
o f super i o r men—h ow c an such a st ate of t hi ngs b e t h o ugh t
?
o f W i th b ut few p o tte rs a ki n gd o m c annot su b s i st—h ow
m uc h less c an i t su b s i st w i t h out sup e r i o r m e n ?
.
,
,
,
.
-
.
.
,
1
Accord i n g to C onfucius t h e rule of t axat i on is not the
li ghter the better and the rule o f public expend iture is not
the smaller the bet ter A tenth of the social income fo r
public expenditures is the proper l imit ; above th is t h e people
a re over burdened and below this the state is unable to
develop its activities
,
,
.
-
,
.
IV
.
GE N E
RA L PR I N C I P L E S
OF
P U B LI C E X P E N DI TU RE S
financial cond ition o f t h e state i s det ermined by its
pol i tical condi tions Therefore a statist i cal study o f all the
departments is necessary as the basis of makin g a bud get
Th e Royal R e g ulations
says
Th e
.
,
.
Th e m i n i ste r
ccounts prep ares t h e c omplete accounts of
t h e ye ar to b e sub m i tted to t h e empe ro r w h i c h are r e ve rently
re c e i ved b y t h e p r i me m i n i ste r Th e grand d i rector o f mus i c
o
f
a
,
,
.
C las s ic s ,
v o l . 11,
pp
.
1
44 3
.
UB LI C E X PE N DI TUR E S
P
60 9
t h e grand m i n i ste r o f j ust i c e an d t h e m i n i ster o f comm erce
t h ese t h ree office rs foll o w t h e m i n i ste r o f accounts w i t h t h e
c o mpleted ac c ounts o f t h e i r depar tments to b e su b m i tted to
t h e empe ro r Th e grand m i n i ste r o f edu c at i on t h e grand m i n
i ste r o f w ar an d t h e grand m i n i ste r o f wo rk s reverently re
c e iv e t h e co m pleted ac c ounts o f t h e i r seve r al dep artments f rom
t h e i r v ar i ous su b o rd i n ates and ex am i ne t h em t h en p resent
ing t h em t o t h e empe ro r
Th ose su b o rd i n ates t h en rever ently
re c e i ve t h em afte r b e i n g so e x am i ned an d p assed upon
Thi s
b e i n g done t h e aged are fe asted an d t h e royal sympat h y s h own
to t h e h us b andmen Th e b us i ness of t h e year i s concluded
an d t h e n at i o n al expend i tu r es ar e r e gul ated
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
?
Accord in g to this statement the nati onal expend iture of
next year is determined i n the tenth month when all the
departments have reported thei r completed accounts t o the
emperor I t seems t o identi fy the fiscal year w ith the calen
da r yea r b ut the bud get is really prepared two months i n
advance
A gain the Royal Re g ulations says :
,
,
.
,
.
,
p r i me m i n i ste r must egul ate t h e n at i on al expend i tu r es
to w ard t h e end o f t h e ye ar W h en t h e five ki nds o f gra i n
h ave al l b een gat h e red i n h e t h en regul ate s t h e n at i onal ex
i
rd i n
n
d
t
u
r
e
s
T
h
e
y
s
h
ould
b
e
a
cco
to
t
h
e
s
i
ze
o
f
t
h
e
te
rr
i
e
p
g
to ry as l arge o r sm all an d t h e retu rns of th e ye ar as ab und ant
o r poo r
O n t h e ave rage o f t h i rty ye ar s h e re gul ates t h e na
t io n al expend i tu es c o nt roll i n g t h e outl ay to m ak e i t conform
to t h e i ncome
A tent h o f t h e ye ar s ex p e nd i tu res i s fo r s ac ri fices
A
t i t h e O f t h ree ye ar s expend i tu res i s allowed fo r t h e r i tes of
fune ral W h en t h e re i s not suffic i ent fo r t h e ri tes of sac
r ific e s an d fune ral
i t i s o w i n g t o l av i s h w aste ; w h en t h e re is
mo re t h an enou gh t h e st ate i s des c r ib ed as affl u e nt In sac ri
fic e s t h e re s h ould b e n o ext rav agan c e i n good ye ars an d no
n i ggardl i ness i n b ad
Th e
r
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
r
,
.
’
.
’
.
,
.
,
,
.
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 39
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6 10
RI N CI P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
conclusion is that he must re g ulate t h e nati o n al ex p e n
d it u re s i n such a way that the g overnment has a surplu s
su ffi c ient fo r t e n years
T h e re gulatin g o f national e xpenditur e is really the mak
ing o f the bud get
In the system of C onfucius t h e bud get
i s prepared by t h e prime m inister Si n ce t h e government
i s monarch ical in form the monarchy cannot be chan ged
except by peaceful deposition o r by
e asily and frequently
reat
revolution
B
ut
monarchy
is
not
always
ood
t
h
e
g
g
and the people may su ffer from a bad ruler U nder such a
overnment
onfucius
ives
the
prime
mi
nister
a
rea
C
t
g
g
g
power and makes h im responsible for the w hole adm in is
Although he is next t o t h e emperor i n name he
t rat io n
—
has th e real power of the whol e g overn ment as was t h e
cas e of Shu n and Y ao Y ii and Shun Y i Yin and C h en g
T an g and T ai C hia Eu Y iie h and Kao Tsun g the D uk e
of C hou and C h éng W an g Th is i s somewhat like the re
spons ible ministry o f modern consti tutional g overnment
Therefore th e prime min ister is empowered to prepare the
bud g et because h e takes the pol itical responsibil ity A l
thou gh there is no parl iament to control the bud get i t is
better in the hands of the pr i me mi niste r than i n those of the
e m peror
Th e p rinciple that expend iture shoul d be accordin g t o in
come is important I t has been reco g nized t hat this pri n
c ip l e should b e appl ied not only to public finance but also to
private finance Since t h e modern development of the bud
t
r
e
a
system
however
ome
people
may
think
that
i
t
is
s
g
y
good o nly fo r private finance wh il e in public finance thi s
—
principle shoul d be reversed the income should be accord
ing to the o ut g o
F rom
This i s quite a superficial view
the const i tutional standpoi nt income is determined after
Th e
?
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
‘
,
‘
,
‘
,
,
‘
.
.
,
)
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
1
Li
Ki
,
bk
.
iii pp
,
.
2 2 1- 2 .
6 12
TH E E C O N O M I C P
R I N C I P LE S
OF C ON
FU C I U S
co r respond i ng ly i rreg ular U nder such ci rcumstances i f
th e g overnment di d not keep a surplus how could it prov i de
fo r the perpetual l ife of the state du rin g a period of succes
?
s ive b ad years Therefore in ev ery t h ree years there must
be a surplus su fficient fo r one year Ta ki n g th i s as the
standard by the end o f thi rty years the g overnment should
have a su rplus su ffic i ent for ten years
After t h e sur
plus has reached this amount the government may rem i t the
future t axes t o t h e p eople o r may increase i ts expend i ture
by extendin g it s functions or act i vities Th e need for the
surplus bein g understood there is no dan ger that the sur
plus w ill do harm t o the g overnment b y encou rag in g ex
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
t rav ag an c e
.
As we shall see public finance i n a n cient times was mixed
up with t h e private finances o f the ruler Therefore econ
o m y was the ch ief principle
C onfucius at t aches g reat im
portance t o t his pri nciple as we have indicated above
Passi n g throu gh all a g es t o t h e p re s e nt day this principle
has been reco g nized as t h e chief maxim of public finance
,
.
,
.
?
,
t
,
.
Th e G en e ral R e s e arc h
on
t h e L it e rat ure an d A u t h o rit ies
o
f
P re s en t Dy n as ty makes economy t h e first s ectio n of
the b oo k of national expenditures
I n fact economy is a
very sound rule wh ich i s specially i mportant fo r a mon
archical government
In C h inese h i story there are many empero rs who p rac
t is e d th i s principle
B ut the most consp i cuous representa
Th ev
t ive s of t his type are H an W én Ti and Su i W én Ti
b oth beg an thei r rei g ns under very unfavorable condit i ons
but they made not only the g overnment but also th e whole
emp i re rich
They taxed the peopl e l ittle yet they
Spent li b erally a
h
f
e public
reat
amount
money
fo
r
t
o
g
welfare Th e fundamental thin g that allow ed them t o do
the
”
.
,
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
.
1
Cf
.
s u p ra.
pp
.
7 9.
1
36 2 .
P
U B L I C E X P E N DI TUR E S
613
so was economy
They were fru g al i n thei r ow n ex
i
re s
n
u
F
o
r
example
Han
n
T
i
d
i
d
not
dare
to
b
uild
e
d
t
W
e
p
an O pened tower b ecause i t would cost one h undred p ieces
o f g old co i n H e w as d ressed i n b lac k s i l k and h is curta i ns
an d screens we re not em b ro i dered Su i W én Ti d id not eat
more t h an one meat unless i t was at a pu b li c b anquet ; and
he d i d not allow th e use of the cloth b ag for k eep i n g dry
n o r the woollen b a
r
i
n
e
for
present
i
n
incense
hey
T
g g
g
g
seemed too parsimonious but they were li k e the type of Yii
who was praised b y C onfucius as bei n g fru g al i n personal
expend i tures and li b eral i n social expend i tu res ?
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
-
?
-
.
,
V C L A SSI F I C A TI O N S O F P U B L I C E X P E N DI TU RE S
Althou g h C on fuc i us g ives no class i ficat i on o f e x p e n d i
tu res we may deduce two class i fications f rom his w rit in g s
B ut b efore we g ive these class i fications we Should l i k e to
p resent the class i fication of the O ffic ial Sy s t e m o f C h o u i n
o rde r to s h ow the ideas ( and perhaps the actual condi tions )
of the anc i ent C hinese Accord in g t o th is there are n i ne
cl asses o f publ i c expend i tures : ( 1 ) expendi ture fo r sacri
fic e s ( 2 ) expendi ture for entertai n in g g uests ( 3 ) e x p e n d i
tu re fo r fune rals and fo r famine rel i e f ( 4 ) expend itu re fo r
fo o d and clothes o f t h e imperial fam i ly ( 5 ) expendi ture fo r
v ar i o us wor k s ( 6 ) expenditure for ceremonial p resents ( 7 )
expendi ture for k eepin g oxen and ho rses ( 8 ) expend iture
fo r general d istri b ut i on t o the o fficials and ( 9 ) expend itu re
f r spec i al g i fts o n ce rt ai n occas i ons
Th ese n ine e x p e n
d it u re s are sep arately suppl i ed b y t h e n ine t axes wh i c h come
either from d ifferent local it i es o r from d i ffe rent O bj ects
E ach ex pend iture has its fixed st and ard re g ulated annually
by the prime m inister Therefore the expend itures o f the
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
o
.
.
.
‘
re
H is t o ry
m k
ar
2
Cf
.
in
su
f Ho n ch
h is G e n e ral
o
p ra
,
,
p
.
2 43
.
.
R
iv ;
,
H is t o ry
e s e ar c h . c h .
o
f
Su i
xxiii
,
.
ch
.
xxiv ;
Ma Tu an l
-
i
'
n s
P RI N CI P LE S
TH E E C ON O M I C
6 14
OF C O N
FU CI US
mpero r are controlled by the prime minister and g overned
by laws
I f we make
Such a classification however is incomplete
an analysis the first and part of the thi rd are rel i g ious ex
n
i
r
d
t
u
s
the
second
and
the
s
ixth
are
social
and
d
iplo
e
e
;
p
matic expenditures ; pa rt of the th i rd is chari table e x p e n di
ture ; the e i g hth may be called general g overnmental e x p e n
d it u re as a d istribution of salary to o ffic i als ; the fifth
and the seventh may come under both the publ ic e x p e n di
tures and the privat e e xpen d itures of t h e emperor since the
fifth may include the expenditures of public works and the
seventh may i nclude mil i tary expen ditures ; the fou rth
and the ni nth are the private expendi tures of the emperor
I f we wan t to ma k e a classification of expenditures ac
cordin g to C onfuc ius theory we may base our classificat i on
”
either on the Great Model or on t h e System of Yao
Accordin g t o the Great Model the classification w ill be
I E xpend iture for economic functions
1
A g ri culture
2
I ndustry and commerce
I I E xpen diture for reli g ious servic es
I
Sacrifices
2
F unerals
I I I E xpend iture fo r public works
IV E xpenditure for educational functions
V E xpenditure for j udicial functions
V I E xpend iture fo r social and diplomatic i ntercourse
V I I E xpend iture for military protection
Th is classificati on is based on the ei ght o b j ects of gover n
ment g iven i n the Great Model
Th e first two obj ects
are combined i n t h e first class while we add the word fun
e ral s to the second class
e
?
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
’
,
.
”
,
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
”
.
,
?
1
Ch s
.
11,
vi
2
.
Cf
.
su
p
ra,
pp
.
0
5 5 1.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
616
R I N CI P L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
of the state
B ut si nce th i s dep artment i s necessa ry i ts
function may b e included i n t h e department of a griculture
or
accordin
to
the
Great
Model
i
may
be
a
b
sor
b
ed
t
(
g
b y the dep artment of i ndustry and commerce ) E ven in
the H an dynasty t h e secretary of the treasury department
was still called the g reat minister of a g riculture
The r e
fore these t w o departments are to be comb ined int o one
Between these two class i ficat i ons there is o nly one g reat
di fference that i s mil itary expend i ture
As lon g as war
has n o t been abol i s h ed C onfuci us s t i ll reco gn izes that m i l i
tary protection is a necessary expend i ture Therefo re t h e
army is one of the e i ght obj e cts of the Great Mo del
But the System of Yao represents the i deal soc i ety o f
C onfuci us and there i s no war at all
Therefore it need
no mil itary expend iture and th is classificat i on is more ad
v an ce d than the fi rst o ne
.
,
”
,
,
.
,
”
.
,
.
?
,
,
-
,
,
”
.
.
,
s
,
,
.
VI
C
.
H A R A C TE R I STI C S
OF
TH E
TH E
AN
P U B L I C E X P E N DI TU RE S
OF
CIE N TS
W e w ish here to po i nt out t h e mar k ed features of t h e
public expenditure s of the anc i ents Fi rst in anc i ent ti m es
the head of the g overnment rep resented the sovere i g nty f
the state and his i ncome involved the total revenue of t h
.
,
,
o
e
,
state Therefo re t here was n o d isti nction between 11 18 p ri
vate e xpendi t ures and public expendi tur e s and the former
were parts of the latter
O r w e may even say that
public expend i tures were merely the g reater parts of h is
private expenditures because he w as responsi b l e for the
public welfare and all publ ic expenditures
All the
heads of the government whether t h e emperor or t h e
princes of the feudal states o r the g reat O fficials of t h e
noble fam i l ies—in short anyone w h o owned the land o f h i s
.
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
i
lig i
S nce t h e
re
on o
s
f the
ix t h
c l as s
o
s e c o n d o ne ,
f t h e firs t
t
h
e re
is
no
c l as s
ifi t i
t d i ff
g re a
ca
on
is
i
n c lu d e d
e re n c e at
t
in t h e
htp i
a
o nt .
P
UB LI C
E
X P E N DI TUR E S
6 17
domai n whether larg e or small —rece ived the land tax as
i ncome and th i s tax was the chief revenue of the whole
reat confusion i n the
re
overnment
herefo
there
was
T
g
g
t h eories of public finance
I n the Royal Re g ulat i ons h owever a d ist i ncti on i s
draw n b etween i mper i al and O ffic i al expend itures al
thoug ht i t i s not clear
It i s said
Th e land tax
from the first hund red m i les square O f the empe ror
se r ves to suppl y the needs o f the va r i ous pu b li c o ffices : that
f rom t h e rest o f t h e thousand m i les squa re is for the im
Th i s Shows an advance in the pr i n
per i al expend i tu res
c ip l e s of finance b ecause i t separates the expend i tures used
i n t h e v ar i ous O ffices from th se used b y the empe ro r B u t
th i s separ ati o n i s not complete b ec ause i mper i al e x p e n
Th
d it u re s st i ll i nvol v e a lar g e p art o f publi c expendi tu res
o fficial expend i tu r es us ed i n t h e v ar i ous O f
fices are only t h e
r
r
ene
al
expend
it
u
es
common
to
all
the
d
i
ferent
depart
f
g
ments in order to keep the o ffices go i n g Th e reason why
t h e l i mi ted revenue wh i ch c o mes f rom the fi rst hundred
m i les squa re onl y c an supply t h e needs of t h e o ffice s will b e
expla i ned b y the next p o i nt
\ c c o rd ing t o t h e O ffic ial S y s t e m o f C h o u b es ides the
r e at t reasu ry w h ich cont r o lled all t h e r evenues
t
h
ere
were
g
the t r easu ry o f j a d e the i nner t reasury and th e outer tre as
ury These t h ree t reasu ri es seem ed to b e separated f rom
t h e g re at t reasu ry an d suppl i ed t h e expend itures of t h e im
o u h they we r e mixed u
r
a
a
a
e
i
l
f
m
i
l
lth
with
some
pu
b
i
c
y
l
p
g
p
Th e re fo re s i nce the H an dynasty the g o v
expend i tu res
e rn m e n t h as alw ays had t w o ki nds o f tre asuries : one fo r
pu b l i c expe nd i tures an d the othe r fo r t h e private e x p e n d i
t u res o f t h e empe ro r Th e g ood empero r may use the pri
vate t re asu ry fo r pu b l i c expend i t u res an d t h e b ad em
,
,
.
.
.
“
,
,
.
:
.
”
1
.
,
o
.
.
.
.
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
?
.
,
,
.
,
'
I i
.
Ki
,
bk
.
iii p
,
.
2 12
2
.
Ch
.
vi
.
e
TH E E C ON O M I C P R IN C I P L E S O F C O N FU C I US
6 18
may use the public treasury fo r privat e e x p e n
Th i s is the Si g n of a g overnment ei ther g ood
d it u re s
or bad
Second t h e salaries o f t h e O fficials included the adm in is
t rat ive expend iture o f thei r o ffices
Just as the income of
the head o f the g overnment i ncluded the general ex p e n d i
ture o f the state s o the income of the o ffic ials included the
pa rticular expenditures o f t heir departme n ts There were
t w o kinds of O fficials : most of the hi g h o fficials were g ranted
th e public land and collected the land tax at a certain rate
for thei r salaries the other o r low o ffic i als received salaries
d i rectly from t h e g overnment I n both cases they w ere
responsible fo r thei r admini strative expendit ure Therefore
the land tax from the first hundred m i les square mi ght be
su fficient to supply the general needs o f the various o ffices
I f the o fficials were good they spent liberally of their salaries
for t h e publ ic expenditures ; i f they we re bad t hey di d the
fo r thei r personal
they m i g ht lose their
O pposi te
o ffices Th e salary of the o fficials was the chief item of
public expenditures because it i ncluded administrative ex
pens e ; but its lar g er part was n o t pai d out by the publ ic
treasury at all because the land tax which belon g ed to the
O fficials went di rectly to them
Amon g the nine standard rules of a g overnment C o n
f ncius g ive s the fifth as kind and considerate treatment of
the whole body o f o fficers
As to the details and purpose
“
of thi s rule he says : Accord i n g to t hem a generous c o nfi
dence and ma k in g thei r salaries larg e : this is the way to
I n fact when the O fficers
encoura g e the body of o fficers
do not own any publ i c land and receive salaries d irectly
f rom the g overnment C onfucius advocates the principle o f
n
o
C
ivin
them
lar
e
salari
es
F
o
r
the
salary
system
of
g
g
g
r
r
e
o
p
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
”
.
,
,
” 1
.
,
,
-
.
1
C las s ic s
,
v o l.
i pp
,
.
8
0
4 10
4
.
62 0
TH E E C O N O M I C P
RI N CI P L E S
O F C ON
FU C I US
still too larg e I n fac t t hey serv e as a check for t h e an
c ie n t s only an d they should b e narrow e d t o t h e s mallest
limi t as society pro g resses
I n conclusion w e may say t hat t h e chief part of publ ic
In
e x penditure is shi fted accordin g t o t h e Thre e Sta ges :
the D isorderly Sta g e the g reater part of publ ic e xpend iture s
is spent for t h e monarch hims e l f i n cludin g reli giou s ex
n
i
r
e
t
u
e
in
the
A
dvancin
Peac
ta
e
for
state
h
d
s
S
t
e
e
;
g
p
g
mili tary expend itures bein g t h e ch ief i tem ; and in t h e Ex
trem e Peace Sta ge for the peopl e t h e fosteri n g of thei r
i
h
l
m
n
l
h
e
and
moral
welfare
bein
chief
aim
s
c
a
t
a
t
e
p y
g
This is the principl e o f the Three Sta ge s o f C onfucius
And we may j ud ge the nations o r a ges by th i s s ta n dard and
s e e in which d irection they are t e n din g
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
‘
.
,
.
.
C HA P TE R
TA X A TI O N
XXX I I I
G E N E RA L
IN
of the socialistic pol icies which w e have d iscussed
provide Special sources o f publ ic revenue B ut accord in g
to the pri nc i ples o f C onfucius those policies should be
adopted not fo r the sake o f gettin g revenue but fo r that o f
d istr i butin g equal wealth to the people Therefore we shall
not consider them i n our d iscuss ion o f sources o f revenue
U nder this head we shall take up o nly taxes
SO M E
.
,
,
,
.
.
I
.
DE V E L O
PMENT
O F TA
X A TI O N
IN
TH E E A
R L I E ST
TI M E S
Some
in formation in re gard to the d evelopment o f taxa
tion is g iven by the terms appli ed to the tax systems o f th e
Three Dynasties Accord in g to Mencius t h e tax system of
the H si a dynasty was called h ung tribute that o f the
Y in dynasty t s u assistance ; and that o f the C hou d y
nasty c h é assessment
Mencius does not explai n the
word h u ng because it is clea r b y itsel f H e comments on
“
the othe r two words as follows : C h é means an exaction
from
the
p
eople
and
t
s
u
means
dependence
o
f
the
o
v
[
]
[
g
.
,
,
”
,
,
”
‘
,
.
,
.
,
‘
,
1
Durin g the Hs ia dynasty when the central g overnment
was first well organi zed the people were glad to pay thei r
tax as a p resent Hence the tax system was called h ung a
voluntary g i ft o f the people to the government Durin g the
Y in dynasty the people fel t that they were doin g the go v
e rn m e n t a favo r
Hence i t was called t s u an assistance o f
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
‘
C l as s
i
cs
,
vo l
.
11,
pp
.
24 0 - 2 4 1 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
62 2
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
F UC I US
pe ople for the g overnment o r a dependence of the
r nment up o n the
ove
eopl
e
D
ur
i
n
hou
dynasty
t
h
e
C
p
g
g
the g ove rnmen t had t h e independent p ower to tax t h e people
Henc e it was called c h é a universal as s e s s m e n t u p o n the
land and a compulsory exact ion from t h e people It i s in
t e re s t in g to see th at th e s e t h r e e t e rm s are su ffic ient b y t h em
selves to i nd i cate t h e histor i c al dev elopment o f t h e tax
system
Alt h ough t h e system of the C h ou dynas ty re ached the
h i ghest development the C onfuc ians pr e ferred t h e system
“
of the Yi n dynasty Th e R oy al R egulat ions says : A n
c ie nt l y the p ubl i c fields w e re cult ivated b y the un i ted la b o rs
of the farmers w h o pa i d no t ax from the produce of their
pr i vat e fields
Menc ius says : I f a ruler requ i r e the far
mers ass is tance fo r cult i vat i n g t h e pu b lic fields and exact
no o ther t ax es from t h em then all the f arme rs of the w orld
w ill be please d and w i sh t o pl o u gh i n h is fields
Th e re as o n w h y the C onfuc i ans preferred t h e system of
Yin g ro w s out of th ei r concern for the g ood o f the p eople
W hen t h e people re nder thei r labo r to the pub lic fields w ith
out payin g ot her t axes it does not necessarily m ean that
they would ne g lect t he i r duty O n the contrary if there
w ere a goo d government they woul d care first fo r the pub l i c
and then for t he i r p r i v at e intere sts Th e C an o n o f P o e t ry
says : May it ra i n fi rst o n o u r pub l i c fiel ds an d t hen come
to o u r private !
This is the sen t i me nt of unselfish
people u nder a good g overnment Therefore Ku liang s
C o m m e n t ary says :
Wh e n th e cro p of the private fields is
not go o d the o fficials sho uld be blamed ; when that of the
the
,
.
,
.
‘
-
,
,
.
-
-
?
,
.
,
,
” 2
.
’
,
,
” 2
.
,
-
.
)
,
.
,
,
.
,
” ‘1
’
-
.
,
,
1
i m
C f Se l g
.
2
2
4'
Li
Ki
,
bk
C l as s ic s
I b id
.
,
,
vo l
.
an s
iii p 7
l ii p
iv p t ii p
vo
.
E s s ay s in Taxat i o n,
’
.
,
.
,
22
20 0
.
,
.
.
,
.
.
38 1
.
pp
5 7
-
.
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P R I N C IP L E S OF C O N FU CI U S
62 4
ye ars th e p rodu c e b e i ng no t su ffi c i e nt to rep ay e v e n t h e
m anu r i n g o f t h e fields t hi s system st i ll r e q u i res t h e ful l
A rule r i s t h e p arent o f t h e p e ople But t h e people
am ount
are m ade to we ar l o o k s o f d i st ress t h at t h ey after t h e w h ol e
ye ar s to i l are not ab le to nou ri s h t h e i r p arents F u rt h ermo re
t h ey are ob l i ged to b o rro w money at one h und red per cent in
fe rest to rem i t t h e i r d e fi c i t due to t h e p ay i n g of t h e t ax
O w i n g to t h i s o l d pe o ple an d c h i ld r en are f o und ly i n g i n
t h e d i tc h es an d w ate r c h anne ls W h e re i n suc h a c ase i s h is
p arent al r el at i on to t h e people ?
,
,
.
.
,
,
’
.
,
,
.
,
-
.
,
,
1
ccordi ng to the system of ass istance the go v
e rnm e n t requires no re g ular amount of t ax from the people
and the people pay taxes in acco rdance w ith their annual
condition I t is the same principle as that of the modern
bud g et which is renewed e very year In short the system
o f assistance co n forms to the faculty theory
I n C hinese econom i c history however outside of the tax
systems of t h e Th ree Dynasties advocated by the C o nfu
c ian s all the tax systems of di fferent dynasties prescribe a
—
fixed amount an amount not only of t h e avera g e of s everal
years but also of a custom o f se veral centuries Thi s is
oppos ite t o the principles of C on fucius
Now
a
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
II
.
SO
U RC ES
OF
TA
X A TI O N
sources o f t ax at io n are not in the gov e rnment itsel f
but i n the people Therefo re to enr i ch t h e people is the w av
to incr e ase t ax at io n W hen D u k e A i of L u as k ed C o n fu
cius about g overnment h e replied : There is a pol icy wh i ch
makes the people rich
W hy asked the Du k e
By li ghtenin g the t axes repl ied C onfuc i us the people
w ill be rich
I f so said the D u k e I myself s hall
“
be poor
It is said in the C an o n o f
C onfucius sai d :
P o e t ry Th e happy and courteous sovere i g n is the paren t
Th e
-
,
.
r
,
.
,
,
”
.
,
,
”
.
,
1
C las s ics
,
v o l . 11,
p
.
2 4 1- 2 .
TA
X A TI O N
I N GE N E
RA L
62 5
of the people
I have not seen that the parents are poo r
when thei r sons are rich
This co nversation ind icates the
relation b etween the government and the people and shows
that the social i ncome is the real cri terion o f the burden o f
tax ation
Th e year
O ne day Duke A i inqu i red of Y u j o sayi n g :
is one o f sc arcity and the returns fo r expend itures are not
?
f
su ficient ; what is to b e done
Why do yo u not simply
t ithe the people replied Y u J O
W ith two tenths said
“
the D uke I find them not enou gh ; h o w could I do w i th
Y u Jo answe red :
that system o f one tenth
I f the
?
people are ri ch who will ma k e the ruler alone i n want
If
the people a re in want who w ill ma k e the ruler alone
r ich
I ndeed to enrich the people i s the only way of e n
richin g the g overnment and to l i ghten taxation is the
most important pol icy o f g ivin g the people th e means of
d evelopin g thei r economic interest
Th e principle o f C onfucius is l ike that of H ales w h o says :
A k in g cannot have treasure when h is su b j ects have none
H sun Tz ft says : When the people a re poor the gove rn
ment i s also poor ; when they are rich i t is also rich
Therefore the social income i s the source and t ax ation is
only its flow
Th e cond ition o f a state can be j ud ged b y the pol icy of
taxat ion Hsun Tz it says
’
.
” 1
.
,
.
,
,
”
”
-
.
.
,
-
,
,
2
,
,
.
,
”
.
,
”
.
,
,
2
,
.
’
.
mpe ro r i s t o en ri c h t h e people i n
n
r
h
a
e
w
o
a
o
ene
l
c
n
b
ec
me
a
le
a
de
o
f
t
h
e
feudal
pr
i
nces
O
r
g
i s t o e n ri c h t h e s o ld i e rs Th e st ate w h i c h sc arcely st ands in
t act i s to en ri c h t h e gre at offic i als
Th e st ate w h i c h i s r e ady
t o ru i n i s t o en ri c h t h e b as k ets and to fill t h e t re asu r i es
W h en
O ne
w ho
c an
b
e co
me
an e
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
P ar k
.
o
f
C l as s ic s
Bk
.
x
.
,
N ar rat iv e s
vo l
.
i p
.
.
,
bk
25 5
.
.
vu
.
TH E E C ON O M I C P
62 6
R I N CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
t h e b as k ets h ave b een enr i c h ed an d t h e t re asu ri es h ave b een
filled t h e pe o ple ar e i mp o ve i s h ed ; i t i s s o c alled over fl o w i n g
ab o ve b u t r unn i n g aw ay at t h e b o tt o m
Su c h a st ate c an
n o t de f end i ts e l f at h o me
n o r en gage i n w ar ab road
It i s
s i m ply w ai t i ng fo r i ts i mm ed i ate f all
r
,
-
”
.
.
,
1
.
In 1 34 5 A K ( 7 94 A
of taxation H e sa i d
.
.
Lu Ch
.
i h g ave a good t h eo y
r
.
e te O ffi c es an d t o est ab l i s h go ver n m ent i s fo r t h e
end o f n o u r i s hi n g t h e pe o pl e To t ax t h e people an d t o ge t
evenue i s fo r t h e me ans o f su p p o r t i n g t h e go vernment A
w i se r ule r does no t i n c re ase t h e me ans at t h e expense o f t h e
end Th e re f o re h e must fi rst p ay h i s attent i o n to t h e b us i
ness o f t h e pe o p le an d g i ve t h em a f ull ch an c e fo r t h e i r e c o
n o m i c ac t i v i t i es H e must fi rst enr i c h every fam i ly an d th en
colle c t t h e su rplus o f t h e i r i n c om e
To
cr a
.
r
.
.
,
,
.
,
?
state ment p o i nts o ut w h y g overnment Should b e
establ i shed w h y the peop le s h ould be t axed and h o w the
tax can be collected I n fact the existence of the g o vern
ment is for the benefit of t h e peo p l e at larg e t h e j u s fific a
t i on of taxation is fo r the defrayin g of governmental ex
penses and t h e payi n g o f taxes i s dependent on the ability
of the people
This
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
R
H T TA X
Since th e people are the t ax b eare rs and the amount o f
taxation i s dep endent on t h e soc i al i ncome C onfuc i us ad
v o c at e s the doctrine of t h e l i ht tax
We
must
remember
g
that feudal ism ex i sted duri n g his t i me Th e princes taxed
th e people at thei r w ill and did not concern t hemselves
m uch about t h e welfare of the peopl e
The re fore the
III
.
DO C T I N E
OF
TH E
LIG
-
,
.
,
.
.
,
.
1
Bk
.
1
ix
.
G e n e r al P o li t ic al H is t o ry
,
ch
.
cc
xxxiv
.
,
TH E E C O N O M I C P
62 8
C onfuc i us
RIN CIP LE S
OF C ON
FU C I US
d id not l ik e to enrich a ruler who was not an
i deal one
M encius g ives a stron g condemnation of pub lic
ciers as follows
.
Th o se
finan
w h o n o w ad ays serve t h e i r rulers s ay We c an fo r
o u r r ule r s enl ar ge an d develop t h e cult i v ated l and
an d fill
t h e i r t re asu r i es an d arsen als
Suc h per sons are now ad ays
c alled goo d m i n i st e rs b ut anc i ently th ey were c alled ro b
b er s o f t h e people
I f a rule r d o es not fol l ow t h e r i gh t
w ay n o r h as h i s m i nd b ent on b enevolence to s e e k to en r i c h
hi m i s to en ri ch a C h i eh
,
,
”
.
”
,
”
.
,
,
1
.
U nder the in fl uence of C onfucius the publ i c financiers of
di fferent dyn asties have been unfavorably crit i cized Th e
term collectin g i mposts has become an odious t erm O n
the whole such a Sp irit is good because the C h i nese g overn
,
.
.
,
,
ment is monarchi cal i n form and the court is still the chief
consumer o f publ ic revenue W hen the emperor is good a
small amount o f taxes is s u fficie nt, and the nation is also
prosperous When t h e emperor is bad especially e x t rav a
i
s
ant
even
a
lar
e
revenue
cannot
su
fice
and
the
nation
f
g
g
impoverished Therefore the t each in gs of C onfucius help
the people a g reat deal i n thei r economic l ife
H owever the C h inese have carried th is point a l ittl e too
far and i t has retarded the sc i ence of finance Generally
when the government needs more money the times are not
ood
especially
i
f
a
is
i
n
pro
ress
Hence
the
people
r
a
w
g
g
have an impression t hat the i ncreas e o f taxati on is a bad
thin g But as soon as there is need of money w e cannot
avo i d enlarg in g th e revenue and the tax system to gether
w i th all deta i ls i s very important for the national li fe I f
w e pay attention t o it we may ge t a better resul t ; if we
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
1
C l as s ic s
,
vo l.
ii pp
,
.
0
44 44 1 .
Fo r C
hi h
e
c
f
.
su
p ra
,
p
.
60 7
.
TA
X A TI O N
I N GE N E
RA L
62 9
i g nore it we must perish as a nation Since the C hinese
scholars are afraid of talkin g about money makin g even for
public use C h ina i s hampered i n the natural development
o f her financial system E ven when g ood systems have
been ori g inated they have b een a b olished or suspended o r
at least unj ustly crit i c i zed
Th e fundamental o b stacle to the development of the finan
c ial system is the fo rm o f g overnment
So lon g as the
i
overnment
monarch
i
cal
i
n
form
and
the
monarch
has
s
g
th e g reatest power over the public t reasu ri es the C h inese
Th e financial
never appreciate th e increase of revenue
system w ill not be developed to full extent until the estab
l is h m e n t o f a true const i tut i onal g ove r nment i n the future
.
,
-
,
,
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
.
IV
GE N E
.
RA L PR I N C I P L E S
TA
OF
X A TI O N
Mencius g ives a comprehensive statement coverin g all the
pri nc i ples o f taxation H e says : A w o rthy ruler w ill be
ravely
compla
i
sant
and
fru
al
show
in
a
respectful
pol
ite
g
g
g
ness to h is m inisters and ta k i n g f rom t h e people only in
acco r dance w ith certai n re ulat i ons
T
h
is
statement
is
g
—
q ui te general in sho rt the re must be ce rta i n re g ulat i ons o f
t ax ation in orde r to chec k t h e a rbitrary power o f the go v
e rnm e n t : and all th e re ulations must b e harmon i ous w ith
g
the pri nciples b ecause the re g ulat i ons are b ased up o n t h e
princ i ples
Th e fi rst principle of t axat i on i s e q ual i t y
a t ax must b e
e q ually imposed on everyone and i n whateve r pl ac e It is
i llust rated i n a poem o f the C an o n o f P o e t ry Th i s poem
was w r i tten b y a g reat o ffi c i al of th e i mpe ri al state w h o
came from T an on e o f t h e smalle r st ates o f the East show
ing the i nequality of taxation between the East and the
West the imperial state Th e most important sentence of
“
.
,
,
”
1
.
.
,
.
.
.
,
‘
,
.
.
.
‘
C las s
i
c s , vo l . 11,
p
.
24 0 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6 30
RI N CI P L E S
OF C O N
FU C I US
this poem i s : Th e way of C hou is l ike a W hetstone
It
means t h at t h e tax system of t h e C hou dynasty was as equal
as a W h etst one contrad i ct i n g t h e present cond i t i on of the
author Then he descr ib es t h e m i sery o f the E ast w i th t h e
followi n g stanza
.
,
.
In t h e
s t at e s
m
Th e l o o s
T n s o es
hi
h
o
f t h e E as t , l arg e
mp t y
f d li h
w lk i g
are e
o
a e
an
o
c
os
a cn
a
an
fib re
a es
n
on
en
e
ro a
o
an
co
n
e ar
ac
e
o n
e r
a
or
e e
m
al l,
.
m d f
h
th
Sl i g h t
d l g t g tl m
W lk l g t h
d f Ch
Th i g i g
mi g
d
M k
my h
h
t
A re
an d s
e
e
o ar-
f
ro s t .
en
ou
.
.
H av i n g devoted another stanza to descr i b in g the restless
hardship o f the E ast h e cont rast s the economic cond i t ion
of t h e E ast and that of the NVe s t as follows :
,
Th e
s o ns o
A re
c
Th e
s ons
hi
S
ne
h
f t h e E as t
ar ge d o n l y
in
o
s
f the
pl
end
wi t h h v y
ea
wi t h
b u rd e n s
We st
id
d re s s e s
o ut
e n c o u r ag e
m
ent
.
.
It is ev ident t hat the E ast i s poor an d the Wes t r i c h and
that un e qual taxat i on is unj ust
I n Sho rt a s ystem of tax
ation must be as equal as a W hetstone
I n the C an o n o f P o e t ry there i s a passa g e :
Th e p i tche r
C h en g
has been exhausted ; it is the shame o f the j ar
H s ii an ex p lains this passa g e b y the tax system
K un g
Yin g ta explai ns C h én g s theo ry as follows :
,
?
,
.
-
.
‘
.
’
-
t h at t hi s i s t h e s h am e o f t h e dr i n k e r w h o t ak es c h arge
o f th e
r
a
Th e l arge j ar i s l ik e t h e r i c h an d l arge f am i ly ; t h e
j
s m all p i t c h e r t h e p o o r an d sm all f am i ly
I f b oth t h e j ar an d
t h e p i t c h e r are arran ed fo r d r i n ki n
l
r
one
s
h
ou
d
i
n
k
mo
e
d
r
g
g
I t m e ans
.
.
,
,
1
C l as s ic s
,
vo l
.
iv
,
pt
.
ii pp
,
35 3 4
2
-
.
.
[ b id -I P 35 1
R I N C I PL E S
TH E E C ON O M I C P
6 32
m
j
hi
w
So e e n o y t e
A n d o t e r s are
So
m
h
An d
an d
re s t
e
ot
h
ne
e rs
p
on
e r c e as e
re s t ,
in t h e
o rn o u t
10 11 u
v
an d
r e as e
hi
m
t
t
vi
h
hf w
ser
e r co uc
o
arc
OF C O N
ce o
FU C I US
f the
s t at e
.
e s,
or
1
r
a d.
Althoug h this poem speaks o nly of personal duties it points
out clearly the principl e of un iversal ity
I ndeed any?
kind o f taxes must b e based on universal ity preventin g any
o ne s escap in g from suppo rtin g the state
Althoug h universal ity is the g eneral pr i ncipl e of taxation
there are some except ions Take for example the land t ax
Mencius says : F rom the hi ghest o fficers to t h e lowest
each one must have his holy field consistin g of fifty
acres
Th e
Royal Re g ulations
says : N o tax was
lev ied from the holy field
Th e holy field was ass ig ned
to the famil ies of the o ffic ials fo r the sacr i fices to thei r an
I t served as a social disti nctio n for wo r thy men
ce s t o rs
so i t was exempted from taxation
I n the social system o f C onfucius there are two classes
the g overnin g class and the g overned Th e g overnin g class
bein g the salaried class pays n o land tax Thei r salaries
come from the produce o f t h e land which is paid by t h e
farmers as tax Th e g overned class is th e only class of tax
payers who receive public land from the g overnment
and pay one tenth of i ts p roduce t o the g overnment as tax
Therefore the members o f the former class are called
superior men ; those of the latter co untry men
Men
c i us says : I f there we re n o super i or men there would be
nobody qual ified to rul e the country men I f there were no
country men there woul d be nobody havin g abil ity t o sup
port the superior men
,
.
,
,
’
.
,
.
.
,
‘
’
,
” 2
.
’
3
.
.
,
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
-
.
,
-
.
,
,
-
.
-
.
,
” 4
.
1
2
‘
4
C las s ic s
I b id
Li
,
vo l.
.
,
Ki
,
bk
C las s ic s
iv p t pp
ii p 44
iii p 7
l ii p 44 ; f
vo l
,
.
,
.
,
.
vo
2
.
,
.
.
,
11,
.
6
0
2
3
.
.
22
.
2
.
c
.
al s o s u p ra,
pp
.
60 6 7
.
TA
X A TI O N
I N GE N E
RA L
6 33
I n fact accordin g to the C on fucians the land tax is p rac
t i cally the only tax B ecause the o fficials do not cultivate
the land they are not requ i red to pay land tax Al t h ou g h
they receive th e land tax as the ir sala ry such an i ncome is
the compensation paid by the state for thei r service so that
i t is not subj ect to taxat i on Bes i des the o fficials even the
common people employed i n the g overnment o ffices do
not pay the land tax because they cult i vate no land Th is
shows that the o fficials really do not g e t any special privi
leg e and that the exe mption o f fifty acres o f the holy
fiel d o f each o fficial does not a ffect th e principl e of un i
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
”
v e rs al it y
.
personal serv i ce for another example
W h ile
common people are requi red to serve the state physically
offici als servin g the state mentally are exempted from
physical servi ce
However all o fficials whether h i gh
o r l o w a re responsibl e fo r mil itary service i n time o f
war Therefore th e partial exemption of o fficials from
phys ical labor such as th e di ff e rent k inds of pu b l ic wor k s
does not a ffect the principl e o f un iversal ity
Moreover unde r C on fuc i us system these two classes are
i nterchan gea b le It i s not a system of caste but a d ivis ion
of labor I t simply g ives j ust reward to the h i gher class
an d inspi res the ambition o f the lowe r class because anyone
can ge t t h e same exemption as soon as he raises h imsel f
to t h e h i ghe r class To d ay there i s no d istri b ution o f
publ ic land nor any personal se rv i ce ; everyone i s on t h e
same foot i n g Th e refo re the tax system is apparentl y q u i te
uni versal
V C L A SSI F I C A TI O N O F TA X E S
As to the cl assificat ion o f taxes the re is a complete stat e
ment o f the tax system g iven in E l d e r Tai s R e c o rd
C onfucius says
Take
.
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
,
.
’
,
,
.
,
.
,
.
-
.
.
.
,
.
.
,
’
‘
.
Bk
.
xxxix ,
c
f L i Ki b k
.
,
.
iii p
,
.
227 .
TH E E C O N O M I C P
6 34
RI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU C I US
F m e ly t h e W ise ki n gs i nspe ted t h e t ravel e s at t h e c ust o m
h us e s b ut did not levy d u ty upon c o mm o d i t i es Th ey e s
but d id
t ab l is h d pu b l i c w ar e h ouses i n t h e m a k et pl a es
n o t t ax comm o d i t i es
Th ey t ax ed o n e tent h o f t h e p o du e o f
t h e l an d Th ey em pl o yed t h e l ab o r o f t h e pe o ple n o t mo re
t h an t h ee d ays i n one year Th e ente i n g i nt t h e mo unt ai ns
an d t h e meres b y t h e pe o ple w as l i m i ted to t h e p
pe r t i mes
by egulat i o ns b ut n o t by t ax All t h e se s i x t hi ngs [ c ust o m
h o uses mark et pl ac es l and pe son al l ab o r m ount ai ns an d
m er es ] m ay b e e gar ded as t h e w ays o f gett i n g evenue
But
t h e w i se ki ngs t ax ed o nly t w o t h i n gs [ l and an d p e s o n al l ab o ]
i n a m o de rate w ay le av i n g t h e o t h e f o ur unt axed
or
r
o
c
,
r
.
,
r
e
c
-
,
r
-
.
c
.
r
r
.
o
ro
r
.
,
r
-
,
,
,
,
r
,
r
.
r
r
r
,
,
.
F rom this statement o f C onfuci us we k now t h at ther
were six k i nds of taxes i n h is t ime B ut a co d i n g to h i s
e
.
c
.
r
idea there should b e only t w o kinds of moder ate taxes
H i s fundamental p o int is t o abol i sh all kinds o f ind i re ct
taxes
There is another passa g e g iven b y C onfuc i us desc r i b i n g
the t a s ystem o f t h e ancient kin g s wh i ch is ar ran ged
acc o rdin g to the abil ity to pay H e says :
1
.
,
.
x
,
.
n i ent ki n gs h av i n g regul ated t h e l and r e q u i re d
l ab o r f ro m t h e pe o p le t o c ult i v ate t h e pu b l i c fi e lds as a t ax
on t h e i r p ri vate fields i n ac c o rd an c e w i t h t h e i r st ren gt h ; an d
t h e loc at i on of t h e i r r es i dence f ro m t h e pu b l i c fields w as als o
m ad e e q u al i n d i st an c e
Th ey t axed t h e gro und o f t h e i r r es i
d en c e ac c o r d i n g to t h e i r i n c ome b ut t h e gener al cond i t i o n o f
Th ey m ade t h e
e ac h f am i ly w as als o t ak en i nto c o ns i de rat i o n
pe o ple se rve i n t h e pu b l i c w o rk s ac c o rd i n g t o t h e numb e r of
m e n b ut t h e o l d an d t h e y o un g we re exempted
M o re o ve r
w i d o w er s w i dow s o rp h ans an d s i c k per son s we re exempted
f ro m t h ese t h ree t axes ex c ept i n t i me o f w ar Ev e n i n t i m e
o f w ar t h e t o t al amount of annu al t ax p ai d b y n i ne h und r ed
ac re s o f l and w as not ove r s ix h und red an d f o r ty b us h els o f
Th e
a c
,
.
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
1
Th e g ro u n d
t ax
o
f t he
h
ouse
is
i
n c lu de d
in t h e t e rm l an d t ax
'
.
TH E E C ON O M I C
6 36
PRI N C I P L E S
OF C ON
FU CI US
under h i s employment could not render the pub l i c pers o nal
serv ice he was requ i red to pay mon e y as th e poll t ax ( fu 1m)
and wh e n nothin g was planted around the house m o ne V
was requi red as the g round t ax ( Ii 1m) These w ere j usti
fiab le
But i n Mencius time the pr i nces requ i red the poll
tax fr o m the people even thou gh they h ad served the publ ic
la b o r and the g round tax f rom th e houses even thou gh they
had already cont r ibuted silk an d cloth I t meant that the
person and the g round were taxed twi c e Therefo re M en
c i us sa i d : I f in the residential districts a rule r di d n o t
impose the poll tax and t h e g round tax pai d i n mon ey then
the people o f the world would be pleased and w ish t o b e
co me his citizens
In C hina there i s no l eg al sep arat i o n o f local fro m
natio nal revenue E very tax i s national
It is simply
collected by local o fficers who are appo inted by the
ce ntral government
The lo cal o fficers have n o le g al
power t o impose o r expend any tax at all except one ap
proved b y the empero r through the recommendation o f the
m inister of finance
However as a matter of fact there has always been a
d i vision o f local and national r e ven ue W e shall s e e
Du r
that such a division beg an at the time of Yu
ing the rei g n of Tan g Hsien Tsun g ( 1 3 5 7 1 37 1 o r 80 6 8 2 0
A
t h e revenue o f the whole em pi re beg an to be d ivided
into three parts—
one for
o n e for the central g overnment
t h e prov incial government and one for the prefecture Th e
E ven at th e present day
Sun g dynasty d id the same way
there are t w o parts of revenue—one is reserved for the de
f rayin g o f local expenditures and the other sent to the cen
tral government Therefo re we may say that C h ina has
,
,
,
.
’
.
,
.
.
,
,
,
“
,
,
” 1
.
.
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
2
.
-
-
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
.
1
C f C l as s ic s
i
.
o r d n at e
2
o
vo l
.
ii p
,
.
20 0
f t h e l an d t ax , w e
Cf infra
.
,
,
,
pp
639 64 0
-
.
.
s
.
h
i
S n c e t h e g ro u n d t ax is o n l y
art e r
al l n o t d s c u s s it an y
i
f h
.
a s ub
TA
X A TI O N
IN GE N E
RA L
6 37
the p r inciple o f separatin g loc al from national taxes
But i t i s a separation only of uses not of sources This
Al
has caused g reat troub le i n the financial system
though the C h i nese government has been a cent ral i zed go v
its p ractices become a de
e rnm e n t since the H si a dynasty
central ized government because the sources o f taxat i on are
not separated However i t i s promised that they shall b e
separated d u r in g the present year
Si nce C h ina has no separation of th e sources o f taxation
w e s h all classi fy the taxes not i nto national and local taxes
b ut i nto d i rect and i nd irect taxes
.
.
,
.
,
.
,
.
’
,
.
.
1
In
t he
re al
l o c al
iy
t
o
,
C
hi
i ll
fific e rs
as s e s s an d c o l l e c
w
na
hy
m h
t
h as
a se
e g al ly
p
ar at e
i
c at e g o ry
c o l le c t ng
x
t h e t ru e t a
es
imp
o s t s,
fo r t h e l o c al
o
the
w lf
e
b y t h e g e n t ry an d t h e
b y t he
e rc ant s
T e y are u s t ly
o s e d an d t
ef
fic e n t an d d e o c rat c
H e nc e t h e e o le d o n o t
to
ns,
i
x
a re t a
t
e
are c o n t ro l l e d
e s . an d
m
th
,
ey
h
i
.
j
imp
p p
x
are no t c al l e d t a
es
.
,
x
es
e
t
f l o c al t a
p pl
eo
are
h m lv
In t h e
.
i
B e s de s
.
e
se
c o u n t ry
ii
es,
on
s
e l d e rs
; in t h e c t
e r ad
n s ra
hi
v
e
en
es
mi i t t i i
k w t h t th y
no
a
e
XXX I V
C HA P TE R
D I RE C T
I
I
.
Th e O ld es t Sy s t e m
o
TA X E S
L A N D TA X
.
L
a
T
a
D
r
i
n
d
x
e
e
n
f
s
c
b
d
b
o
u
c
i
u
C
s
f
y
A L T H O U G H the land tax beg an w ith Huan g T1 there i s
no older system than that of the Tribute of Yii and
this system is authorized by C onfucius Accordin g to the
Tribute of Y ii the land of the nine provinces is class i fied
i nto nine g rades ; and the amount of t ax t o be collected
from these nine provinces i nt o n ine deg rees These g rades
and de g rees are intended t o a fford merely a rou gh method
o f class i fication and d o not cor respond i n indivi dual cases
Thus w ith in any p rovince all the land cannot very we ll be
o f the same g rade and the tax therefore cannot b e o f the
same de g ree Th e g rades o f land and the de g rees of tax
are merely avera g es M oreover takin g a p rovince as a
whole the de g ree of tax does not necessar i ly correspond
wi th the g rade of land F o r i f the cult i vat i on o f the people
is go od the one—
tenth tax on the lower g rade of land w ill
—
a fford more revenue ; when it is poor the one tenth tax o n
the hi gher g rade w ill a fford less Althou gh the amount of
tax of the nine provinces varies i n nine de g rees the rate of
tax it must be clearly understood is uniform throu ghout
the whole emp ire that is one tenth It is because the terri
tory of each province and its populat i on di ffer from those
of the other provinces that i ts contribution t o the total tax
fund must be di fferent
,
”
,
.
”
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
-
,
,
.
638
.
TH E E C O N O M I C P
64 0
RI N CI P LE S
O F C ON
FU C I US
amount of taxation and th e cost of transportat i on i nto con
s i der at i on and aims to make all the people bear the s ame
b urden
This system of taxation i n the i mper i al doma in i s t h e
standard fo r the whole emp ire Th e p rinces of di fferen t
feudal states tax the land in the same way s o that the Trib
ute of Yii does not g ive the deta i ls in the states
But
what marks t h e di fference between the central and the local
taxes is that the local tax pa i d to the cent ral g overnment
by the princes is not in ki nd but in value
Th e pr i nces tax the people at the rate of one tenth
Be
s i des retain in g a part of it for the expenditure o f thei r states
they pay a certain part of the total amount of land tax to
t h e imperial g overnment
Th e g reat states pay one hal f ;
the middle class of states o ne thi rd ; and the small states
on e fourth Th e p rinces take the sum o f the fixed amount
to buy the pri ncipal articles of their states and send them
to the i mperial cap ital Such payment known as tribute
is a part o f the local tax due t o t h e central g overnment
Whil e the imp erial province pays its tax i n kind dire