Unit 2 Discussions Post
The roots of the American Labor Movement started in pre-revolutionary America. The country was rural
and 90% of the population lived in the countryside. Much of the population earned their living as farm
owners, tenants, or hired hands. Supporting these workers were craftspeople and unskilled laborers.
After the revolution, the first labor unions in America were formed (Carrell et al. 41). Some of the
common objections for the early unions were to balance the interests of employers and employees. The
interests of the employees were issues like eight-hour workdays, standard wages, fair working
conditions, and the ability to bargain collectively (Carrell et al. 40).
Amongst those unskilled workers, were minorities such as Women and African Americans who were
facing their own issues. Though, they faced many challenges they did receive very little assistance from
the National Labor Union. The NLU initially supported women’s unions and it recognized the need to
organize African Americans although it did not invite them to join the National Labor Union (Carrell et al.
43). Union leaders knew that minorities and women would benefit economically from union
membership but again, did not invite them to join. The NLU encouraged freed slaves to unionize so
African Americans began forming their own local trade unions like the National Colored Labor Union
(NCLU), which organized in the South during 1870. They applied to become affiliated with the NLU
stating, “The day has passed for the establishment of organizations based upon color.” However, the
white labor movement did not agree. It was not until 1964 that the last affiliate of the AFL-CIO removed
the “whites-only” clause (Carrell et al. 70). Unions were also reluctant to include women. “It is wrong to
permit any of the female sex of our country to be forced to work, as we believe that men should be
provided with a fair wage in order to keep their female relatives from going to work.” Samuel Gompers,
president of the American Federation of Labor shared society’s belief at that time, that a woman’s place
was in the home (Carrell et al. 52). The famous sit-down strikes of that period were possible because of
the support they received from their mothers, wives, and sisters. These women were rewarded by a
promise from the CIO that women should be taught about unionism. Although the CIO never denied
admission of women into unions, like the AFL, it never encouraged women to organize (Carrell et al.
71). Still to this day union women earn 25% more than nonunion women and African American union
members earn 22.5 percent more than their nonunion counterparts. But, if unionized men's median
weekly income is $957, unionized women are making $840, and African American’s $749. The
mistreatment is still happening today.
The Judicial system in unions was not seen until after the revolution. Pre-Revolutionary America had
little division between the employers and employees (Carrell et al. 55) The division did not come until
the growth of the economy. With the growth of the economy, skilled laborers benefited from high
wages and job security. They would eventually become shop owners and hire the unskilled for labor.
This is where the distinction between employer and employee started. The skilled workers united and
agreed on a wage scale. The employers disagreed with this concept, and using the court system, had
those workers charged with criminal conspiracy. It wasn't until 1914, The Clayton Act, stated that “labor
was not a commodity, that the existence and operation of Labor organizations were not prohibited by
antitrust, and that individual members of unions were not restrained from lawful activities” (Carrell et al.
60). The act provided that neither the labor organization nor its members were considered illegal
combinations or conspiracies in restraint of trade.
Carrell, Michael R., and Christina Heavrin. “Chapter 1 - Introduction to Labor Relations.” Labor Relations
and Collective Bargaining: Cases, Practice, and Law, Pearson Learning Solutions, Boston, MA, 2010, pp.
35–73.
Unit 2 Discussion Post

What are the main differences between Public and Private unions?
o The National Labor Relations Act (Also known as the Wagner Act) gave most private sector
employees the right to organize. Pg 80
o An Executive Order (E.O 10988) signed by JFK recognized the rights of federal employees to
join or to refrain from joining labor organizations, granted recognition to those labor
organizations, and detailed bargaining subjects. Although this executive order can be cited as
having established the framework for labor-management relations in the federal government,
in comparison to its private sector counterpart, the National Labor Relations Act. Pg 90
o As in the NLRA, the right to organize was granted to federal civilian employees under E.O
10988. However, the head of an agency could determine that a bureau or office was primarily
performing intelligence, investigative, or security functions and employees of that bureau or
office could be excluded from the executive order for national security reasons. Pg. 90
o The public sector consists of a myriad of levels and jurisdictions of governmental units
providing basic services. The three levels of government are: Federal, State, and Local. All
three levels have two roles as it relates to collective bargaining: in the private sector as
creator and protector of collective bargaining rights, and in the public sector as employer. Pg
82
o In the event a local government does enter into collective bargaining with its employees, its
governing body, usually a city council, must approve that agreement. This adds a political
aspect to labor relations in the public sector that does not usually exist in the private sector.
Pg. 86
o In the public sector, governments, backed by judicial decisions were able to resist collective
bargaining for many years by relying on the Sovereignty Doctrine. “ the supreme, absolute,
and uncontrollable power by which an independent state is governed.” Pg. 89
o Collective bargaining in the private sector is largely shaped by market forces. Collective
bargaining in the public sector is shaped by political forces. Pg. 96 - 97
o Most public sector jobs are critical to health, safety, and welfare such as education, public
safety, public health and social services, and public utilities. Unlike private sector employees,
public sector has no competitors, and generally has a monopoly position in the market
services. Pg. 97
o Because government resources are not unlimited, substantial increases in one area, such as
public safety, can cause decreases in other areas such as parks or sanitation… So when
public employees engage in collective bargaining, they are influencing the budget-making
process as well. Pg. 97
o In the public sector, the right to strike is usually denied. The primary reason for the denial is
that most of the services provided by public employees are essential to the public general
welfare. Pg. 102

One of the largest public unions is the National Education Association; what concerns would the NEA
have with Milwaukee Parental Choice Program?
o The National Education Association is the largest professional organization in the world, with
over 3.2 million members and affiliates in every state as well as in over 14,000 communities.
The NEA seeks to influence education policy and professional standards for educators, and
act to protect academic freedom and the rights of school employees. Pg 94 – 95
o Critics of public schools advocate for tuition voucher programs. They advocate that the
vouchers will force public schools to improve to stay competitive. Pg. 109
o “According to the School Choice Yearbook 2010, student enrollment in private school choice
programs, which include school voucher programs and scholarship tax credit programs has
increased by 86% over the past 5 years. States with school choice programs are increasing
as well, such as Wisconsin’s Milwaukee Parental Choice Program. Pg 110
o The Milwaukee Choice program was established in 1989 Act 336. Under this program, state
funds are used to pay for the cost of children located in the City of Milwaukee. Under this
program, state funds are used to pay for the cost of children from low-income families to
attend, at no charge, private schools located in the city. “Milwaukee Parental Choice Program
docs.legis.wisconsin.gov
o The NEA and AFT raise questions regarding the constitutionality of using public money for
religious schools and whether private schools would provide equal access to all children. They
cite the lack of public oversight of private schools as undermining the need for accountability
to the public for the expenditure of tax dollars ir point out that appropriate oversight by
government will create a new bureaucracy and erode the autonomy and independence of
private and religious schools. NEA President Bob Chase sees the voucher programs as a
threat not just to the public employees but also to the entire public school system. “America
established public education to level the playing field, to provide equity of the most basic
opportunity, the opportunity to learn… The children in our country represent great diversity of
race, religion, and income, and we cannot afford to replace public education, our single most
important and unifying institution, with a system of private schools that pursue private
agendas at taxpayer expense.” Pg. 110

When Wisconsin ended union dues collection, what impact did this have on public unions?

Draw from this week’s readings and additional local sources with which you might be familiar (news
media, etc.) in writing your initial post and replies.