CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1
Background to the Study
The advent of social media in the 1990s has altered the landscape of communication greatly.
Today, the whole world is celebrating the improvements of communication technology which
through information communication technology (ICT) has made the world a “global village” social
media helps people to be better informed, enlightened, and keeping abreast with world
developments. Technology exposes mankind to a better way of doing things. According to Deady,
et al, (2012) The terms “social media” and “social networking” are often used to describe the tools,
applications, and functions associated with Web 2.0, which makes it easier for people to listen,
interact, engage and collaborate with each other using the Internet.
Social media refers to means or platforms through which many persons on the same
platform interact, share ideas and communicate on manifold format and subject within real time
across the globe. Social media include web-based and mobile technologies used to turn
communication into interactive dialogue. Kaplan and Haenlein, (2010) assert that it is a group of
internet based applications that build on ideological and technological foundations of web 2.0 and
that allows the creation and exchange of user-generated content. They further noted that a striking
feature of social media is that it goes beyond users being able to retrieve information, but that users
are able to create and consume information themselves.
Social media as forms of electronic communication which facilitate interactivity base on
certain interests, according to Martn, (2008) & Lusk, (2010) are used as the right medium to
improve most areas of life such as business and academics. Griffith K., and Kennedy G. (2008)
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correctly assert that social media is very useful in academics because using social media can
encourage online discussion among students outside the classes, beyond the traditional class
setting, when students update their user profiles and personalize their unique pages, they could
provide comprehensive particulars about themselves (e.g., full title, date of birth, address,
educational background, and hobbies). The academics that are using such technologies inside their
class will have a way to discover much more about the students they train simply by viewing the
students’ profiles.
Furthermore, the social media apart from its enormous contributions to education is also
very useful in mobilizing the citizenry for or against several phenomena in the society. According
to Kaplan and Haenlein, (2010) this is because social media have the potentials to influence the
youths quickly. Omoregbe (2008) agrees that it is because of this the effectiveness of the social
media in mobilizing the citizens and its effect on youths that it is often used in scrutinizing
government policies.
Social media is that space, the many tools helping to amplify the voices of average
Nigerians on government policies, taking ordinary voices and making them extraordinary by
bringing them to homes, offices, and places most of them would have probably never reached
under different circumstances. According to Eugene (2015) the popularity of getting political news
from social media platforms is greatly increasing. Furthermore, social media sites are now
encouraging political involvement by uniting like-minded people, reminding users to vote in
elections, and analyzing government policies to find similarities and differences. As social media
gains more popularity and scope, its impact on voters‘ political and cultural perceptions cannot be
underestimated as social media have enormous impact on good governance in Nigeria and also
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practically influences the way users interact, communicate and make decisions on social, cultural,
and political issues in today‘s world.
The social media is not just powerful in political mobilization of the citizenry, it is also
very effective in shaping public opinion on government policies. For instance, the naira redesign
policy which was announced by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Mr. Godwin
Emefiele on the 26th October, 2022 raised a lot of reactions on social media and different opinions
where shared. According to Eugene (2015), social media like Facebook, twitter, and blogospheres
have become popular discursive arenas for purpose of public opinion formation in Nigeria. Due to
the democratic nature of social media, citizens freely come together to formulate opinion in a
cyberspace public sphere. Okoro and Nwafor (2013) aptly captured the scenario when they say
that “The new media is flexible, accessible and affordable. They promote democratization of
media, alter the meaning of geographic distance, and allow for ease in the volume and speed of
communication”.
Amongst the platforms, Oyesomi, and Okorie (2013) confirms that Facebook appear to be
the most popular tools used by Nigerians in discussing issues of common concerns. Citizens often
times post their views on Facebook while others join in the discussions by commenting on such
posts. Through such interactions, popular views are upheld. Initially they served as a playground
for mostly jobless youths but today they have become battle grounds for political pundits and elites
who strive to shape and influence the direction of discussions. Individuals with vested political
interests, intellectuals, analysts and professionals assume the role of opinion leaders thereby
exerting tremendous influence on others who rely on them for information.
While the media is said to play a pivotal role in developing and influencing public opinion,
today ordinary citizens assume this role on social media. This Ayeni-Akeke, (2008) suggest is
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because of the gateless nature of social media which are operated by ordinary individuals who
actively participate in both the processing and dissemination of information. In doing this, Kaplan
and Haenlein (2010) says social media is able to set political agenda for the media and populace
to focus attention on. It is no longer only the mass media that set political agenda and confer status
on issues and individuals. Citizens play the same role as well through social media discussions.
During the naira redesign policy, a lot of citizens took up this role of setting public agenda, most
of the opinions expressed on social media were against the policy, but it is not clear how this social
media role affected the acceptability or users perception of the policy. It is against this background
that this study seeks to investigate the significance of Facebook users’ opinion on Naira redesign.
1.2
History of Naira Redesign in Nigeria
The 2022 Naira redesign programme was a continuation of a long-held tradition of
redesigning bank denominations as a means of currency management, which has featured in
Nigeria’s financial history since independence. The attainment of independence in 1960 according
to Crowder, (1978) was a turning point in the history of the country, which was originally
established as a British colony in 1914, following the amalgamation of the Southern and Northern
Protectorates. The attainment of independence itself was a result of many factors, among which
was an intense struggle by the leaders of the Nigerian nationalist movement. The struggle
precipitated the establishment of many institutions as part of the preparations for the nation’s
independence. One of these institutions based on Abubakar & Wuam, (2021) was the CBN,
established in 1959. The primary mandate of the CBN was the issuance of the country’s legal
tender. Among other functions, the CBN was also saddled with the responsibilities of safeguarding
Nigeria’s external reserves, promoting monetary stability and ensuring sound financial structure.
The metamorphosis of the Nigerian currency could partially be understood in the light of the
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evolving nature of the Central Bank, which produces and regulates it. Originally enacted in 1958,
for instance, the CBN Establishment Ordinance/Act was variously amended in 1962, 1969, 1991
and 2007.
Based on the foregoing, Sections 18 and 19 of the CBN Act, according to Nduwugwe,
(2007) gives the apex bank, among other provisions, the power to issue, reissue and exchange
currency; withdraw currency from circulation and ensure their safe custody and destruction; and
determine the forms and designs of banknotes with the approval of the President, on the
recommendation of the CBN Board. In line with these provisions, the CBN had, for various
reasons, redesigned, produced and reissued currency in Nigeria during various phases of the
country’s history. At the time CBN was established in 1959, the money in circulation were the
notes and coins of British colonial currency, known as Pounds and Shillings, issued by the West
African Currency Board (WACB). When the CBN began operations, it redesigned the Pounds and
Shillings and replaced the existing colonial currency with the new notes. The redesigned currency
Nduwugwe, (2007) avers was, however, not radically different from the colonial currency. The
first time Nigeria asserted its independent status and nationality through the currency was in July
1962, when banknotes and coins were redesigned in line with the notion of monetary sovereignty.
Six years later, amidst the chaos of the Nigerian Civil War, the then Federal Military
Government (FMG) under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon redesigned
Nigerian currency. The Civil War was a fierce military confrontation between the Nigerian armed
forces and the forces of Nigeria’s former Eastern Region, which was unilaterally declared as the
Republic of Biafra by Lieutenant Colonel Chukwumeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. The war, Adejo,
(2008) collaborated that fought for over 30 months (1967-1970), led to colossal loss of lives and
properties across the country. As a war strategy and a means to contain the crises, the FMG
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announced a currency redesign in January 1968 with the view of weakening the economic base of
the proclaimed Biafran state. At that time, the primary objective of the currency redesign was to
render all the banknotes amassed by the Biafrans, to fund war and run their government, useless.
Therefore, the CBN according to Nduwugwe, (2007) simply changed the colours of existing
denominations. £5 (five pounds), for instance, was changed from blue/purple to mid-brown, £1
(one pound) was changed from red to dark brown, 10s (ten shillings) from green to dark blue and
5s (five shillings) from purple to green.
As noted earlier, Nigeria’s march towards monetary sovereignty began as early as 1962. In
that year, the Decimal Currency Committee was set up and the Committee submitted its report in
1964. The Committee recommended the revolutionising of the Nigerian currency, not only by
renaming and redesigning it, but also by decimalizing it. This according to Nwaoba, (2010) was
not implemented until nine years later, in 1973. Nigerians saw the change coming in 1971 when
the Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, now a Major General, announced that decimal currency would
be introduced in 1973. Thus, in 1973, the FMG launched what could be called the true currency
of Nigeria as an independent nation state the Naira and Kobo. This was the pioneer currency unique
to Nigeria in terms of name and design. It was also a decimal currency. The decimalization of
currency denomination was a means of converting from a traditional currency denomination to a
“decimal” system, marked by the use of two units differing by a factor of 100.
The major currency unit was the Naira (₦), which was equivalent to the erstwhile ten
shillings; and the minor unit was the kobo, a hundred (100) of which was equivalent to one Naira.
The name, Naira, according to Fayemiwo, (1991) was derived from the country’s name, and its
minor unit, Kobo, was the popular name for which the British coin of ‘one penny’ was known
among locals in Nigeria. At the time of the introduction of the Naira and Kobo in 1973, Chuckwu,
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(2010) observed that four denominations of banknotes were issued by the CBN. These were 50k
(fifty kobo), ₦1 (one Naira), ₦5 (five Naira), and ₦10 (ten Naira). The CBN also introduced coins
in the values of 1/2k (half kobo), 1k (one kobo), 10k (ten kobo) and 25k (twenty five kobo).
The next change in the Nigerian currency according to Abubakar, (2016) was the infamous
canjin Buhari which came in 1984 masterminded by the military regime of General Muhammadu
Buhari. Against a backdrop of inflation, budget deficit and corruption which had their origins
during the oil boom and oil glut of the 1970s and early 1980s, the regime embarked on a sudden
and swift currency redesign programme. Existing banknotes, with the exception of 50k, were
withdrawn from circulation and new notes released to the public in new colours, within two weeks.
₦1 note was changed from red to yellow, ₦5 from green to deep pink, ₦10 from pink to red, and
₦20 from yellow to green. Since the main objective of the currency redesign was to combat
corruption and inflation, the policy achieved its objectives to an appreciable level because many
corrupt politicians, who hoarded huge amounts of the old notes, as well as money launderers, could
not change the huge amounts they had amassed before the deadline. On the other side, however,
the currency redesign of 1984 bankrupted many business owners, especially in the North where
people’s finances were mostly outside the banking system.
While many Nigerians were yet to recover from the negative consequences of the currency
redesign of 1984, the CBN appointed a firm, Thomas De La Rue Limited, to undertake a
comprehensive assessment of the Nigerian currency in 1989. This from the view of Abubakar,
(2016) was part of the efforts of the apex bank to ensure continuous management of the Nigerian
currency system. The firm recommended the redesigning of the entire banknotes of ₦5, ₦10 and
₦20; the introduction of new ₦50, ₦100 and ₦500 notes; and new 10k, 5k, ₦1, ₦5 and ₦10 coins
(Abubakar, 2016). These recommendations were, however, not fully implemented; the CBN could
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only introduce ₦50 in 1991. The new denomination, which became the banknote with the highest
value, was coloured light blue and had the portraits of Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo men, representing
the three major ethnic groups in the country. As regards the coins, the 1991 redesign saw the
conversion of 50k and ₦1 into coins and 10k was changed in shape and colour. Old five kobo (5k)
was scrapped. Although the authorities claimed that the introduction of ₦50 was to enhance the
efficacy of the currency system due to increase in public and private spending, many Nigerians
criticised the 1991 changes in the currency. Many people thought that the demonetization of a
smaller denomination and the introduction of a higher one was a means to depreciate the value of
the Nigerian currency, which was an important objective of the Structural Adjustment programme
initiated by the then FMG under General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, in 1986 (Abubakar, 2016).
By the mid-1990s, the CBN introduced yet another step toward changing the Nigerian
currency. This was known as the millennium package, organised against the backdrop of the
expansion of population and economic activities in the country. This programme Bello, (2007)
said led to the introduction of ₦100 note in December 1999, ₦200 note in November 2000, ₦500
note in April 2001 and ₦1000 in October 2005. From these periods to date, ₦200, ₦500 and ₦1000
remain the three highest denomination banknotes in the country. In May 2007, another change was
initiated by the CBN to redesign ₦5, ₦10, ₦20 and ₦50. It began with the printing and circulation
of ₦20 polymer notes in 2007 and was not completed until 2009 when ₦5, ₦10 and ₦50 were
equally printed in polymer. The aim Nwaoba, (2010) state was to make the money more enduring
and resistant against counterfeiting. The currency redesign between 2007 and 2009 was not simply
from paper to polymer, but also in size, hue, particulars and security features. Their colours,
however, remained the same. At the same time, a new ₦2 coin was introduced, while ₦1 and 50k
coins were redesigned and reintroduced. 1/2k and 25k coins were also withdrawn from circulation.
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As Nigeria was about to celebrate its 50th Independence Anniversary in 2010, the ₦50
commemorative note was launched by President Goodluck Jonathan on 29th September, 2010
(CBN, 2010). A similar initiative was replicated in 2014 when a redesigned ₦100 note was
introduced to commemorate one hundred years of Nigeria’s existence as a nation, from 1914 to
2014. The note, which was unveiled on November 12 and began circulating on December 19, was
designed with enhanced the security features with the view of resisting counterfeiting. At the time
of their introduction, (Abubakar, 2016) noted that the release of these commemorative notes did
not lead to the withdrawal of existing ₦50 and ₦100 notes. They circulated simultaneously.
Recently, The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) announced that the bank would release redesigned naira notes by December 15, 2022, while existing notes would cease to be regarded as
legal tender by January 31, 2023. Through this policy, the apex bank aims to control the money
supply, and inflation, as well as, curb counterfeit currency. The apex bank noted that available data
indicated that N2.73 trillion out of the N3.23 trillion currencies in circulation was outside the
banking system and supposedly, held by members of the public. On November 23, 2022, President
Muhammadu Buhari unveiled the new naira note redesign for N200, N500, and N1000. On the
unveiling, the currency has a resemblance to the previous currency, the only difference is the
colour change, and the expectation of the redesign is not appealing to the public. Due to these
similarities in colours can cause a loss of funds during financial transactions in low power supply
areas. More so, counterfeits will be highly circulated in the economy because the redesigned naira
can be massively duplicated in colour, which makes it hard to easily detect counterfeits, and one
of the ways for curb this counterfeits is for CBN to add more security features to the redesigned
naira.
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The new naira notes redesign has the same colour as N20, N50 and N10 notes. Voices
against the redesign have been raised in fact that the public is dissatisfied with the new redesign in
terms of macroeconomic uncertainties.
1.3
Statement of the Problem
The use of social media in politics is arguably widespread and shows no sign of abating.
Furthermore, there is ample research to show the importance of social medial in political
movements. What is less studied is the significance of social media in influencing government
policies.
In Nigeria, social media have been used during political campaigns and electioneering and
have become an arena for discussions of various political developments that crop up in the country
on daily basis. For instance, the naira redesign policy which was announced by the Governor of
the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on the 26th October, 2022 is one of such issues which was
widely discussed on all social media platforms.
It is a statement of fact that social networking has become a very important tool for political
mobilisation globally. It is gradually becoming a dependable tool in changing the opinions and
influences of the public. It is however not clear how important the opinion on social media is to
sustaining or changing government policies. It is against this backdrop that this study seeks to
investigate the significance of Facebook users’ opinion on the Naira redesign policy of the CBN.
1.4
Objectives of the Study
The broad objective of the study is to examine significance of Facebook users’ opinion on the
Naira redesign policy of the CBN. The specific objectives of the study include the following:
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1. To find out the frequency at which messages about the Naira redesign was posted on
Facebook.
2. To ascertain the opinion of Facebook users’ on the Naira redesign policy.
3. To evaluate the impact of Facebook posts on public opinion about the Naira redesign policy
4. To assess the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the Naira redesign policy.
1.5
Research Questions
1. What was the frequency at which messages about the Naira redesign was posted on
Facebook?
2. What was the opinion of Facebook users’ on the Naira redesign policy?
3. What was the impact of Facebook posts on public opinion about the policy?
4. What was the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the Naira redesign policy?
1.6
i.
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it is set to examine the significance of Facebook users’
opinion on the Naira redesign policy of the CBN.
ii.
The result of this study will reveal the effectiveness and/or weakness of social media
campaign for or against government policies and suggest ways to the CBN and other policy
makers through which such weakness so identified can be minimized.
iii.
It will serve as a data base for Mass communication researchers and scholars who may be
embarking on similar research in the future.
iv.
The study will also avail government and the private sector more and better information on
the role and significance of social media opinion on government policies.
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1.7
Scope of the Study
This study is limited to the significance of Facebook users’ opinion on the Naira redesign.
Geographically, the study will be limited to Makurdi metropolis.
1.8
Limitations of the Study
This study will be limited by the following factors:
Inadequate finance will be the major factor that limit this research work. This bothers about
mobility in the course of collecting data as well as visiting libraries, websites and other sources to
retrieve necessary information needed for this project work.
The fact that some of the questionnaires may not return will be another challenge to the
research work.
1.9
Definition of Terms
Facebook: This study see Facebook as a social networking site that enhance interactivity between
users. Hall, (2010) define Facebook as an online site, which requires users to register themselves
and create a personal profile.
Naira: it is the standard monetary unit of Nigeria, divided into 100 kobo.it is the currency of
Nigeria.
Naira Redesign Policy: it is the policy of the central bank that looked to changing the outlook of
the naira note. According to the governor of the central bank, the policy would enable the CBN to
take control of the naira in circulation, manage inflation, combat counterfeiting, and ransom
payment.
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1
Review of Concepts
This chapter will review the concept of naira redesign, internet and social networking sites.
2.1.1 Currency Redesign
Currency redesign according to Abubakar & Wuam, (2021) is an activity of a sovereign
nation to either change or modify the existing currency in a country. This Nduwugwe, (2007) said
can be done for several reasons like; improving the security features of the new currency, reducing
the money supply, reducing inflation, investigating incomes from nefarious sources and many
other economic indicators that affect the financial status of a nation. The Central Bank of Nigeria
(CBN) announced that the bank would release re-designed naira notes by December 15, 2022,
while existing notes would cease to be regarded as legal tender by January 31, 2023. Through this
policy, Ndukwe, (2023) said the apex bank aims to control the money supply, and inflation, as
well as, curb counterfeit currency. Also, the apex bank noted that available data indicated that
N2.73 trillion out of the N3.23 trillion currencies in circulation was outside the banking system
and supposedly, held by members of the public.
Historically, the re-design of the Naira started in the last 30 years. Nwaoba, (2010) pointed
out in 1973 the naira was changed from metric to decimal which precipitated the change from
pounds to naira and kobo. In 1977, the highest denomination at the time, the 20 naira note was
introduced. In 1979, the government minted the N1, N5, and N10 notes. In 1984, a similar reason
in line with the recently announced CBN policy to issue new banknotes as regards ameliorating
the rate of trafficking and counterfeiting precipitated the change of all banknote colours. During
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President Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime, the N100 was introduced to the economy for circulation
in 1999, the N200 in the year 2000, the N500 in the year 2001, and the N1000 in the year 2005.
On 30th September 2009 following the successful money supply and performance of the N20
(polymer) banknote, the CBN redesigned and converted the N50, N10 and N5 banknotes into a
polymer substrate.
Despite the various monetary policy measures and reasons for the re-design of the naira by the
CBN, there were both positive and negative effects of the re-design. From a positive view,
Ndukwe, (2023) said the re-design would enable the apex bank effectively control the liquidity in
circulation, thus reducing inflationary pressure in the economy. Also, the policy may likely
improve the security situation in the country as ransom payments may be aborted. On the other
hand, the cost of redesigning the Naira is disproportionate to the expected benefits highlighted by
the apex bank. Presently, Nigeria is experiencing a high fiscal deficit, high inflation, high
unemployment, underemployment, high youth unemployment, and a slowing GDP.
From the monetary policy perspective, global best practice demands that countries restructure
their currencies every five to eight years. Thus, the re-design of the Naira by the apex bank is
justifiable; it’s a crucial step towards ameliorating the large volumes of money in circulation
outside the banking system, but the problem Ndukwe, (2023) avers is more than just the redesign
of the low confidence levels of Nigerians in the Naira. Furthermore, on November 23, 2022,
President Muhammadu Buhari unveiled the new naira note redesign for N200, N500, and N1000.
Ndukwe, (2023) pointed out that the currency has a resemblance to the previous currency, the only
difference is the colour change, and the expectation of the redesign is not appealing to the public.
He also observed that these similarities in colours can cause a loss of funds during financial
transactions in low power supply areas. More so, counterfeits will be highly circulated in the
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economy because the redesigned naira can be massively duplicated in colour, which makes it hard
to easily detect counterfeits, and one of the ways for curb this counterfeits is for CBN to add more
security features to the redesigned naira.
The new naira notes redesign Ndukwe, (2023) stated has the same colour as N20, N50 and
N10 notes. Voices against the redesign have been raised in fact that the public is dissatisfied with
the new redesign in terms of macroeconomic uncertainties. However, on December 6, 2022, the
Banking Supervision Department of CBN brought out a new policy that will work in line with the
new naira redesign and cashless policy that will be taking effect from January 9, 2023, with the
following details:
1. Maximum cash withdrawal by individuals and organizations shall be between N100,000
to N200,000 per week.
2. A customer can only withdraw a maximum of N20,000 from Automated Teller Machine
(ATM) daily and N100,000 weekly.
3. Maximum cash withdrawal from POS will be N20,000 per day.
Three vital things to note from this CBN policies are:
This policy has both positive and negative implications for the economy of Nigeria. On the
positive angle, this policy aims at promoting a cashless policy, improving the electronic use of the
payment, curtailing vote buying in the forthcoming 2023 election and also curtailing inflation. On
the negative angle, it has humongous consequences, because it will make a lot of people hoard
cash at home, affect businesses and industry in Nigeria and it has a high chance of declining
Nigeria's Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). In addition, many industries and businesses are likely
to experience slow growth that will likely lead to a decline in Nigeria's real GDP and other
macroeconomic uncertainties.
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2.1.2 Creating a Facebook Profile
The new media is a broad term in media studies that emerged in the latter part of the 20th
century that refers to on- demand access to content anytime, anywhere on any digital device as
well as interactive user feedback, creative participation and community formation around the
media content. New media has engendered the “democratization” of the creation, publishing,
distribution and consumption of media content.
With the use of the Internet, the world wide web, Facebook, has made it possible for people
to create profiles and communicate. Social media have changed the entire world. These media
ensure interactivity. With the social network services Sornette, (2008), posit that people explicitly
articulate their social network and may then view or traverse the network of connections.
Typically, each individual on the service maintains a profile that lists his or her name, username
or nickname, and other personal information. The profiles in many social network services serve
as additional identifiers.
Social networks identify users with a numeric ID in the service’s internal data base that
may be mapped onto another unique identifier, such as a username, that is used for signing in and
for internal messaging services. Some social network services only offer a numerical ID, while
others provide users with the option to select a username and URL as an identifier. Many users are
defined by their network of connections rather than by a unique, persistent identifier.
The Internet according to Strickland and Jonathan (2008) has no single centralized
governance in either technological implementation or policies for access and usage; each
constituent network sets its own policies. The overarching definitions of the two principal name
spaces on the Internet, the Internet Protocol address (IP address) space and the Domain Name
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System (DNS), are directed by a maintainer organization, the Internet Corporation for Assigned
Names and Numbers (ICANN). The technical underpinning and standardization of the core
protocols Hoffman, and Harris (2006) posit is an activity of the Internet Engineering Task Force
(IETF), a non-profit organization of loosely affiliated international participants that anyone may
associate with by contributing technical expertise.
2.1.3 Social Networking Sites
Social network sites are those web-based services that allow individuals to (1) construct a
public or semi-public profile within a bounded system, (2) articulate a list of other users with
whom they share a connection, and (3) view and traverse their list of connections and those made
by others within the system.
What makes social network sites unique according to Haythornthwaite, (2005) is not that
they allow individuals to meet strangers, but rather that they enable users to articulate and make
visible their social networks. This can result in connections between individuals that would not
otherwise be made, but that is often not the goal, and these meetings are frequently between "latent
ties" who share some offline connection. On many of the large SNSs, participants are not
necessarily "networking" or looking to meet new people; instead, they are primarily
communicating with people who are already a part of their extended social network. To emphasize
this articulated social network as a critical organizing feature of these sites, we label them "social
network sites."
While SNSs have implemented a wide variety of technical features, their backbone
according to Sundén, (2003) consists of visible profiles that display an articulated list of Friends
who are also users of the system. Profiles are unique pages where one can "type oneself into being".
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After joining an SNS, an individual is asked to fill out forms containing a series of questions. The
profile is generated using the answers to these questions, which typically include descriptors such
as age, location, interests, and an "about me" section. Most sites also encourage users to upload a
profile photo. Some sites allow users to enhance their profiles by adding multimedia content or
modifying their profile's look and feel. Others, such as Facebook, allow users to add modules
("Applications") that enhance their profile.
The visibility of a profile varies by site and according to user discretion. By default, profiles
on Friendster and Tribe.net are crawled by search engines, making them visible to anyone,
regardless of whether or not the viewer has an account. Alternatively, LinkedIn controls what a
viewer may see based on whether she or he has a paid account. Sites like MySpace allow users to
choose whether they want their profile to be public or "Friends only." Facebook takes a different
approach by default, users who are part of the same "network" can view each other's profiles,
unless a profile owner has decided to deny permission to those in their network. Structural
variations around visibility and access are one of the primary ways that SNSs differentiate
themselves from each other.
After joining a social network site, users are prompted to identify others in the system with
whom they have a relationship. The label for these relationships Boyd, (2006) said differs
depending on the site, popular terms include "Friends," "Contacts," and "Fans." Most SNSs require
bidirectional confirmation for Friendship, but some do not. These one-directional ties are
sometimes labeled as "Fans" or "Followers," but many sites call these Friends as well. The term
"Friends" can be misleading, because the connection does not necessarily mean friendship in the
everyday vernacular sense, and the reasons people connect are varied.
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The public display of connections is a crucial component of SNSs. The Friends list contains
links to each Friend's profile, enabling viewers to traverse the network graph by clicking through
the Friends lists. On most sites, the list of Friends is visible to anyone who is permitted to view the
profile, although there are exceptions. For instance, some MySpace users have hacked their
profiles to hide the Friends display, and LinkedIn allows users to opt out of displaying their
network.
2.2
Review of Related Literature
2.2.1 Significance of Social Media Opinion and Trends
While trends have been a part of our society for a long time, social trends and opinion
according to McDonald, (2019) have undergone a change with the appearance of certain social
media such as Facebook and Twitter. By introducing this new form of communication that can
connect people regardless of their geographical location, social trends and opinion have become
more widespread. What in the past would have been a local seasonal social trend or opinion can
now become a global phenomenon that can leave a lasting mark in society as a whole.
In its most basic form, a social trend is a certain activity that society participates in and can
be characterized as long-lasting or short-lasting depending on its duration. The crucial element of
social media opinions and trends according to Laj, (2014) is that they are not necessarily created
by a majority, but starts from a couple of users and then gains momentum as it gets spread through
a social network. After achieving a certain status of popularity and awareness, the majority joins
in, spreading the trend or opinion even further, until the reaches its peak. Once the social attention
is oversaturated with the opinion or trend, it falls in popularity as a new trend rises to take its place
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or it subsides for a certain period of time. This type of behaviour according to Karlsen, (2017) is
consistent with the diffusion curve of innovations, especially at an individual level.
There are several types of opinion formation (general, seasonal, cyclical, irregular) within
social media tending to be cyclical in nature. Bailey, (2019) states that the majority of opinions
resurface through reinvention or repackaging the old concept and become popular again.
Moreover, there are some facts that support the existence of a post-trend phenomenon. These facts
point that after the trends becomes played out, the perception about the elements involved in the
opinion becomes "uncool", making it hard for new adopters to emerge. At the basis of that Sweney,
(2018) said is the social desirability bias that states that people will gravitate to share the
preferences of the majority in detriment to their own. This can be linked to the basic psychological
human need to belong to a social group or the herd mentality that can be traced back to our cavedwelling days. Therefore, based on Dodaro, (2017) the decision process of individuals could be
affected by social media trends through these basic psychological forces.
2.2.2 Impact of Facebook Public Opinion Cues on Users Perceptions of Government
Policies
The first point here is that according to Anspach, (2017) there is good descriptive evidence
that when a social media user posts comments about, or endorsements of, government policies this
behavior influences levels of attention to, and favorability toward, those policies among that user’s
followers. These effects can be explained by the “bandwagon heuristic.” Sundar and Nass, (2001)
agrees that people tend to value and rate policies that has been prioritized by “other users” of the
internet, rather than news editors. For example, audiences may see the lists of most-shared or mosttalked about government policies, as more authentic and credibility than selection by a news editor.
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At a minimum, therefore, we should expect people’s perceptions or public opinion about
government policies influenced by cues posted by social media users.
There is indeed evidence that this is the case. Lee and Jang (2010) affirm that social media
exposure changes users opinions on certain issues, social media according to them can reshape
opinion and help others form opinion about government policies. There is also evidence according
to Waddell, (2020) that the presence of negative tweets about a policy can result in people
downrating both the policy and the policy’s importance. Such a bandwagon effect is stronger when
comments are perceived as more vivid and valuable by the audience.
Overall, the evidence suggests that perceptions of other users’ opinions about policies can
influence the credibility of such policies, particularly when other users’ opinions are expressed as
negative comments. This also carries over to people’s broader perceptions about levels of public
support for an issue discussed in online. Thus, Anspach, (2017) agrees that overall, negative
comments on social media may undermine the authority of those behind the policy formation but
they may also have some positive consequences if the policy is poor and audiences exercise greater
scrutiny as a result of being exposed to negative commentary. Additionally, the evidence to date
suggests that negativity expressed through substantive language use in comments is more
influential on perceptions than simple numerical metrics. In one respect, this is a heartening
outcome, because substantive human communication through language is more difficult to fake
through automation. Disinformation campaigns that rely only on manipulating social media
metrics through automated methods such as botnets are less likely to be influential on public
perceptions.
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2.2.3 Changes in Nigeria’s Currency Since 1960
The 2022 Naira redesign programme was a continuation of a long-held tradition of
redesigning bank denominations as a means of currency management, which has featured in
Nigeria’s financial history since independence. The attainment of independence in 1960 according
to Crowder, (1978) was a turning point in the history of the country, which was originally
established as a British colony in 1914, following the amalgamation of the Southern and Northern
Protectorates. The attainment of independence itself was a result of many factors, among which
was an intense struggle by the leaders of the Nigerian nationalist movement. The struggle
precipitated the establishment of many institutions as part of the preparations for the nation’s
independence. One of these institutions based on Abubakar & Wuam, (2021) was the CBN,
established in 1959. The primary mandate of the CBN was the issuance of the country’s legal
tender. Among other functions, the CBN was also saddled with the responsibilities of safeguarding
Nigeria’s external reserves, promoting monetary stability and ensuring sound financial structure.
The metamorphosis of the Nigerian currency could partially be understood in the light of the
evolving nature of the Central Bank, which produces and regulates it. Originally enacted in 1958,
for instance, the CBN Establishment Ordinance/Act was variously amended in 1962, 1969, 1991
and 2007.
Sections 18 and 19 of the CBN Act according to Nduwugwe, (2007) gives the apex bank,
among other provisions, the power to issue, reissue and exchange currency; withdraw currency
from circulation and ensure their safe custody and destruction; and determine the forms and
designs of banknotes with the approval of the President, on the recommendation of the CBN Board.
In line with these provisions, the CBN had, for various reasons, redesigned, produced and reissued
currency in Nigeria during various phases of the country’s history. At the time CBN was
22
established in 1959, the money in circulation were the notes and coins of British colonial currency,
known as Pounds and Shillings, issued by the West African Currency Board (WACB). When the
CBN began operations, it redesigned the Pounds and Shillings and replaced the existing colonial
currency with the new notes. The redesigned currency Nduwugwe, (2007) avers was, however,
not radically different from the colonial currency. The first time Nigeria asserted its independent
status and nationality through the currency was in July 1962, when banknotes and coins were
redesigned in line with the notion of monetary sovereignty.
Six years later, amidst the chaos of the Nigerian Civil War, the then Federal Military
Government (FMG) under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon redesigned
Nigerian currency. The Civil War was a fierce military confrontation between the Nigerian armed
forces and the forces of Nigeria’s former Eastern Region, which was unilaterally declared as the
Republic of Biafra by Lieutenant Colonel Chukwumeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. The war, Adejo,
(2008) collaborated that fought for over 30 months (1967-1970), led to colossal loss of lives and
properties across the country. As a war strategy and a means to contain the crises, the FMG
announced a currency redesign in January 1968 with the view of weakening the economic base of
the proclaimed Biafran state. At that time, the primary objective of the currency redesign was to
render all the banknotes amassed by the Biafrans, to fund war and run their government, useless.
Therefore, the CBN according to Nduwugwe, (2007) simply changed the colours of existing
denominations. £5 (five pounds), for instance, was changed from blue/purple to mid-brown, £1
(one pound) was changed from red to dark brown, 10s (ten shillings) from green to dark blue and
5s (five shillings) from purple to green.
As noted earlier, Nigeria’s march towards monetary sovereignty began as early as 1962. In
that year, the Decimal Currency Committee was set up and the Committee submitted its report in
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1964. The Committee recommended the revolutionising of the Nigerian currency, not only by
renaming and redesigning it, but also by decimalizing it. This was not implemented until nine years
later, in 1973. Nigerians saw the change coming in 1971 when the Head of State, Yakubu Gowon,
now a Major General, announced that decimal currency would be introduced in 1973. Thus, in
1973, the FMG launched what could be called the true currency of Nigeria as an independent
nation state the Naira and Kobo. This was the pioneer currency unique to Nigeria in terms of name
and design. It was also a decimal currency. The decimalization of currency denomination
according to Nwaoba, (2010) was a means of converting from a traditional currency denomination
to a “decimal” system, marked by the use of two units differing by a factor of 100.
The major currency unit was the Naira (₦), which was equivalent to the erstwhile ten
shillings; and the minor unit was the kobo, a hundred (100) of which was equivalent to one Naira.
The name, Naira, according to Fayemiwo, (1991) was derived from the country’s name, and its
minor unit, Kobo, was the popular name for which the British coin of ‘one penny’ was known
among locals in Nigeria. At the time of the introduction of the Naira and Kobo in 1973, Chuckwu,
(2010) observed that four denominations of banknotes were issued by the CBN. These were 50k
(fifty kobo), ₦1 (one Naira), ₦5 (five Naira), and ₦10 (ten Naira). The CBN also introduced coins
in the values of 1/2k (half kobo), 1k (one kobo), 10k (ten kobo) and 25k (twenty five kobo).
The next change in the Nigerian currency according to Abubakar, (2016) was the infamous
canjin Buhari which came in 1984 masterminded by the military regime of General Muhammadu
Buhari. Against a backdrop of inflation, budget deficit and corruption which had their origins
during the oil boom and oil glut of the 1970s and early 1980s, the regime embarked on a sudden
and swift currency redesign programme. Existing banknotes, with the exception of 50k, were
withdrawn from circulation and new notes released to the public in new colours, within two weeks.
24
₦1 note was changed from red to yellow, ₦5 from green to deep pink, ₦10 from pink to red, and
₦20 from yellow to green. Since the main objective of the currency redesign was to combat
corruption and inflation, the policy achieved its objectives to an appreciable level because many
corrupt politicians, who hoarded huge amounts of the old notes, as well as money launderers, could
not change the huge amounts they had amassed before the deadline. On the other side, however,
the currency redesign of 1984 bankrupted many business owners, especially in the North where
people’s finances were mostly outside the banking system.
While many Nigerians were yet to recover from the negative consequences of the currency
redesign of 1984, the CBN appointed a firm, Thomas De La Rue Limited, to undertake a
comprehensive assessment of the Nigerian currency in 1989. This from the view of Abubakar,
(2016) was part of the efforts of the apex bank to ensure continuous management of the Nigerian
currency system. The firm recommended the redesigning of the entire banknotes of ₦5, ₦10 and
₦20; the introduction of new ₦50, ₦100 and ₦500 notes; and new 10k, 5k, ₦1, ₦5 and ₦10 coins
(Abubakar, 2016). These recommendations were, however, not fully implemented; the CBN could
only introduce ₦50 in 1991. The new denomination, which became the banknote with the highest
value, was coloured light blue and had the portraits of Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo men, representing
the three major ethnic groups in the country. As regards the coins, the 1991 redesign saw the
conversion of 50k and ₦1 into coins and 10k was changed in shape and colour. Old five kobo (5k)
was scrapped. Although the authorities claimed that the introduction of ₦50 was to enhance the
efficacy of the currency system due to increase in public and private spending, many Nigerians
criticised the 1991 changes in the currency. Many people thought that the demonetization of a
smaller denomination and the introduction of a higher one was a means to depreciate the value of
25
the Nigerian currency, which was an important objective of the Structural Adjustment programme
initiated by the then FMG under General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, in 1986 (Abubakar, 2016).
By the mid-1990s, the CBN introduced yet another step toward changing the Nigerian
currency. This was known as the millennium package, organised against the backdrop of the
expansion of population and economic activities in the country. This programme Bello, (2007)
said led to the introduction of ₦100 note in December 1999, ₦200 note in November 2000, ₦500
note in April 2001 and ₦1000 in October 2005. From these periods to date, ₦200, ₦500 and ₦1000
remain the three highest denomination banknotes in the country. In May 2007, another change was
initiated by the CBN to redesign ₦5, ₦10, ₦20 and ₦50. It began with the printing and circulation
of ₦20 polymer notes in 2007 and was not completed until 2009 when ₦5, ₦10 and ₦50 were
equally printed in polymer. The aim Nwaoba, (2010) state was to make the money more enduring
and resistant against counterfeiting. The currency redesign between 2007 and 2009 was not simply
from paper to polymer, but also in size, hue, particulars and security features. Their colours,
however, remained the same. At the same time, a new ₦2 coin was introduced, while ₦1 and 50k
coins were redesigned and reintroduced. 1/2k and 25k coins were also withdrawn from circulation.
As Nigeria was about to celebrate its 50th Independence Anniversary in 2010, the ₦50
commemorative note was launched by President Goodluck Jonathan on 29th September, 2010
(CBN, 2010). A similar initiative was replicated in 2014 when a redesigned ₦100 note was
introduced to commemorate one hundred years of Nigeria’s existence as a nation, from 1914 to
2014. The note, which was unveiled on November 12 and began circulating on December 19, was
designed with enhanced the security features with the view of resisting counterfeiting. At the time
of their introduction, (Abubakar, 2016) noted that the release of these commemorative notes did
not lead to the withdrawal of existing ₦50 and ₦100 notes. They circulated simultaneously.
26
Recently, The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) announced that the bank would release redesigned naira notes by December 15, 2022, while existing notes would cease to be regarded as
legal tender by January 31, 2023. Through this policy, the apex bank aims to control the money
supply, and inflation, as well as, curb counterfeit currency. The apex bank noted that available data
indicated that N2.73 trillion out of the N3.23 trillion currencies in circulation was outside the
banking system and supposedly, held by members of the public. On November 23, 2022, President
Muhammadu Buhari unveiled the new naira note redesign for N200, N500, and N1000. On the
unveiling, the currency has a resemblance to the previous currency, the only difference is the
colour change, and the expectation of the redesign is not appealing to the public. Due to these
similarities in colours can cause a loss of funds during financial transactions in low power supply
areas. More so, counterfeits will be highly circulated in the economy because the redesigned naira
can be massively duplicated in colour, which makes it hard to easily detect counterfeits, and one
of the ways for curb this counterfeits is for CBN to add more security features to the redesigned
naira.
The new naira notes redesign has the same colour as N20, N50 and N10 notes. Voices
against the redesign have been raised in fact that the public is dissatisfied with the new redesign in
terms of macroeconomic uncertainties.
2.3
Review of Empirical Studies
Impact of Facebook comments, as well as aggregate “emoji reactions,” on perceptions of
public support for nuclear energy.
A study conducted by Leong and Ho (2020) investigated the impact of Facebook
comments, as well as aggregate “emoji reactions,” on perceptions of public support for nuclear
27
energy. The study employed the survey method, and the descriptive technique was used. The study
found that the effects of the emoji reactions were less strong than those elicited by comments, and
also less strong than when comments were accompanied by emoji reactions. Findings also revealed
that there was no significant difference between the impact of comments and the impact of
comments accompanied by emoji reactions.
Based on findings, the study concludes that compared to employing high and low numbers
of likes, using reaction emojis affords individuals greater affective information, in a manner similar
to the positive and negative affective experience of viewing pro-issue and anti-issue comments.
The study further recommended that comments should be used simultaneously with emoji
reactions to create the desired effects.
This study is relevant to the current study in that both studies are on social media and its
effect. The methodology used in the reviewed study is differs from the one proposed in the current
study, but the findings and recommendations of the reviewed study will be relevant in
understanding the result of the current study.
Digital Media and the Proliferation of Public Opinion Cues Online: Biases and
Vulnerabilities in the New Attention Economy
A study carried out by Chadwick, (2021) titled Digital media and the proliferation of public
opinion cues: Biases and vulnerabilities in the new attention economy. The study was based on
experiment and the descriptive survey method was used. Result of the study show that when
people encounter aggregate cues, such as opinion polls, and exemplar cues, such as ‘vox pop’
interviews, they gain a sense of public consensus about policy issues and political actors, even if
28
the cues are not representative of public opinion. It was also found that social media cues can
influence audience users perception of news and politics.
The study concluded that the production and circulation of cues can be skewed by
disinformation campaigns based on orchestrated botnets and commenting sock puppets. Due to
their influence, fabricated public opinion cues on social media can render social media users, news
audiences, and journalists more vulnerable to manipulation and deception. The study
recommended that social media cues should be used with caution and proper orientation should be
given to users.
This study is relevant to the current study in that both studies are on social media and its
effect. The methodology used in the reviewed study is differs from the one proposed in the current
study, but the findings and recommendations of the reviewed study will be relevant in
understanding the result of the current study.
Impact of social media on interpersonal communication patterns.
In another vein, Velga Vevere (2015) carried out a study titled, “Impact of social media on
interpersonal communication patterns”. The major objective of the study was to investigate the
influence of social media on interpersonal communication patterns. The study sampled (survey)
240 students aged between 18-25. The study focused on the use of Twitter, Facebook and email.
The data obtained were analysed with simple percentage.
The findings of the study showed that social media influence how young people speak and
write. This influence is made manifest in what they (social media users) called ‘’Text Speak’’
characterized by acronyms, emoticons (symbols representing emotions) words are frequently
coded in a simple phonetic form, for example, “thanks” becomes “thx”, “you” becomes “u”,
29
capitalization and punctuation are often left out, a deviation from the standard rules of English
Grammar.
Based on the findings, the study concluded that social media is very effective in shaping
communication patterns, youth especially seem to follow trends on social media and this trends
may alter their communication pattern.
The reviewed study is relevant to the current study because both studies are on social media
and how it can influence people’s communication pattern. The reviewed study also adopted the
same methodology proposed for the current study. The findings of the reviewed study will
therefore be relevant in understanding the result of the current study.
2.4
Theoretical Framework
The agenda setting theory is adopted as the main theory to explain the thrust of the study, and will
be supported by the uses and gratification theory. These are suitable for this study because there
are media effects theories that explain the effect of media content on audience. The theories will
suffice in the understanding of the significance of Facebook user’s opinions on the Naira redesign
policy in Nigeria. However, the agenda setting theory is best explains the thrust of the study and
will be used as the main theory of the study.
2.4.1 Agenda Setting Theory
The agenda setting theory was introduced by Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw in
1972. It is a theory that state that the public thinks about what is set by the media. The social media
plays an integral part in opinion formation. The amount of time spend on an issue and the
information relayed in a news story, along with the story’s position, determines how much a reader
or listener knows the amount of importance placed on the issue. The agenda setting theory seeks
to describe the ability of the news media to influence the salience of topics on the public agenda.
30
That is, if a news item is covered frequently and prominently, the audience will regard the issue as
more important.
Before the term “Agenda Setting” by McComb and Shaw in 1972, Walter Lippmann’s in
1922 in his book titled “Public Opinion” says “the world outside and the picture in our heads”.
Lippmann argues that the mass media are the principal connection between events in the world
and the images in the minds of the public. Without using the term “agenda setting” Walter
Lippmann was writing about what we today call “agenda setting”. According to Folarin (2002,
p.75) Agenda setting implies that the mass media pre-determine what issues are regarded as
important at a given time in a given society. It does not ascribe to the media the power to determine
what we actually think; but it does ascribe to them the power to determine what we are thinking
about. According to Folarin (2002), the basic assumptions of the agenda setting theory are; the
media have the ability to transfer the salience of items on their news agenda to public agenda. The
theory also assumes that the media predetermine what we think but cannot compel us to act and
that the theory predicts a cause and effect relationship between media content and audience
perception.
The thrust of the agenda setting theory according to Folarin (2002) is that the media does
not tell the audience what to think, but bring issues to public notice. That is, the media can set an
agenda for public discourse but cannot compel audience to act on the agenda.
The underlying fact behind this theory is that, it helps to give priority to events in the
society and help people to pounder or reflect on them. If people are exposed to the same media,
they will place importance on the same issues. However, this theory can solve the problem because
media in stream of study and practice are vital for human development. Studies have established
that the communication process in the media are centrifugal force to self-employment practices
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through which respective communities are able to arrive at their own understanding of issues,
consider them important, discuss ideas, innovate, negotiate and engage in public debates at the
community as well as the national level which are relevant to this work.
Wilbur Schramm (1962) says, the media have the potent power which could easily
propagate ideas of social change which is the basic tenet of the theory when it comes to
development. He also noted that the media serve as “magic multipliers” for facilitating
development as they will be very active in enhancing development campaigns in terms of
Elections, sustaining democracy, selection of credible leaders etc. through their emphasis in the
news which is directly correlated with the theories.
Therefore, the mass media accord priority to politically, geographically and culturally
contiguous in developing countries in their coverage as part of the holistic strategy for less
developed societies and which is exactly like setting agenda for the public through their priority to
events and supporting government for development, will help to teach, manipulate, sensitize and
mobilize people through information dissemination.
Relevance of the Agenda Setting Theory to this Study
The Agenda setting theory explains that the media can set agenda by repeating a particular
issue again and again. Some people may be lured into giving attention to such issues. This theory
is relevant to this study because it explains how the social media make certain issues important
among users. Through the agenda setting function of the media, a lot of people and media
organizations were able to relay their thoughts on the new naira policy, this commentaries helped
shaped the opinions of other users about the policy. The issue became prominent on social media
and attracted the attention of the most users.
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2.4.2 Uses and Gratifications Theory
The Uses and Gratifications Theory also called Needs and Gratifications Theory is a model
that focuses on why people use certain media rather than on the content. Uses and Gratifications
theory was propounded by Elihu Katz, Jay Blumler and Micahel Gurevitch in 1974. According to
Daniel (2010), the uses and gratifications model posits that audience members have certain needs
or drives that are satisfied by using both non-media and media sources. This approach focuses on
what people do with the media rather than what the media do to people. Okunna (2002) says uses
and gratifications theory is concerned with the social and psychological origins of needs, which
generate expectations of mass media or other sources, and which leads to differential patterns of
media exposure (or engagement in other activities) resulting in need gratification and other
consequence, mostly unintended ones. One of the tenets of the uses and gratifications theory is
that audiences are active, and they seek to find out the mass media that satisfy their gratifications.
The Internet has enabled audience to find and also have more options from which they are able to
select the websites and web pages that satisfy their specific needs. The Internet also allows
audiences to be in more control of the media.
Deregulation of the media and the convergence of the mass media and digital technology
according to Ruggiero (2000) have changed the number of times and ways people are exposed to
the media. New media give their users more choice and possibilities to enjoy and use media. While
using the new media, people are actively combining several motives to fulfill their yearnings and
aspirations, properly referred to as gratifications.
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Assumptions of the Theory
Uses and gratification theory gives the consumers power to discern what media they consume,
with the assumption that the consumer has a clear intent and use. The assumptions of the theory
according to Ijwo and Omula (2014) are;
i.
The audience is active and its media use is goal oriented
ii.
The initiative in linking need gratification to a specific medium choice rest with the
audience member.
iii.
The media complete with other sources for need satisfaction.
iv.
People have enough self-awareness of their media use, interests and motives to be able to
provide researchers with an accurate picture of that use.
v.
Value judgements of media content can only be assessed by audience.
Relevance of the Theory to the Study
This theory is relevant to this study because explains why certain group of people will
prefer social media over other media and the theory further explained the rationale for members
of the public to create content and post on the social media, and why other user may accept and
act in accordance with the information or why they may not.
2.5
Summary
This chapter is concerned with a critical review of literature that relate to the discourse
under review. It started with the review of concepts. Also the review of related literature was done
in this chapter, postulations and arguments from other scholars were presented and examined with
34
the view to either support or refute their position at the end of the exercise. Then empirical studies
relating to the scope of the (current) study were examined in this chapter. Also, the theory
underpinning the study Agenda setting theory was explored to provide a more scholarly basis for
the study alongside the supporting Uses and gratification theory.
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CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1
Research Design
Research design according to Asika (2009) means “the structuring of investigation aimed
at identifying variables and their relationships to one another. This is used for the purpose of
obtaining data to enable the researcher answer research questions”. The research design is a term
used to describe a number of decisions a researcher needs to take regarding the collection of data
ever before data are collected.
The researcher will use survey design. This kind of research procedure takes the researcher
into the field. The researcher choose survey method of research for this study because according
to Osuala, (2001) the method can be used to study both large and small populations by selecting
and studying samples chosen from the population to discover the relative incidence, distribution
and interrelations of sociological and psychological variables.
The researcher used questionnaire instrument of survey design. In this study, the researcher
designed questionnaire that elicited general information from the Facebook users in Makurdi
Metropolis. Questionnaire was used because of its efficacy to obtain different opinions and
feelings from respondents. In the course, the researcher ensures that no segment of the population
is given preferential treatment at the expense of another. This was carried out by physically
approaching the respondents.
3.2
Population of the Study
The population of this study comprises the entire residents Makurdi Metropolis. According
National Bureau of Statistic (NBS) projected population (2023), Makurdi metro area has a
population of 454, 000.
36
3.3
Sample Size Determination
The sample is 381, sample size for this study will be determined using the sample size
determination table provided by Krejcie and Morgan (1970, p. 608). Based on the population of
the study, the study adopted the sample size that falls within the population size of 100,000 to
499,000 which is 381.
Table 3.1:
Table for Determining Sample Size from a Given Population.
37
Source: Krejcie and Morgan (1970): Educational and Psychological Measurement.
As indicated in the table above, the population falls within 1000,000 to 499,000 therefore
381 is considered appropriate sample size for the study. The sample size of 383 respondents is
justified because information gotten from the sample will be generalized adequately to be the entire
population under study. Justifying the sample size are time, cost and logistics which will pose a
serious challenge if the researcher was to study the entire population.
3.4
Sampling Techniques and Procedure
The researcher used the Purposive sampling techniques to purposively select nine wards
out of the 11 wards in Makurdi. The wards selected are; Ankpa/Wadata Ward, Walaimayo Ward,
Fiidi Ward, Bar Ward, Modern Market Ward, North Bank I Ward, North Bank II Ward, Market
clerk Ward and Central South Mission Ward. The selection of these wards was based on the fact
that all these wards are in In Makurdi Metropolis. This agrees with Wimmer and Dominick (2011)
who observed that a purposive sampling includes subjects selected on the basis of specific
characteristics or qualities and eliminates those which fail to meet these criteria.
The second stage was the selection of streets from the wards, below are the streets selected
from each ward.
1.
Ankpa/Wadata Ward: Bida Street, Adikpo Street, Amenu Kumase Road, NUJ Road,
Ikeja Street, Lagos Street, Kaduna Street, and Benue crescent were selected.
2.
Bar Ward: Bever Dzeremo Street, New Kanshio Layout, Kanshio, Adeke, Welfare
Quarters and Atusa were selected.
3.
Fiidi Ward: Villa Suit Street, Fr Tansi Street, Corner Stone Street, Gaadi Area, Behind
Brewery, Fiidi Market, Mdzeda-Ihyo Street, Behind St. Joseph Nyon and International
Market Area were selected.
38
4.
Modern Market Ward: Agboo village, Terkuma Street, Market Crescent, Aper Gyo
Street, Naka Road, Federal Lowcost Quarters, and cathedral Street were selected.
5.
Walaimayo Ward: Iorkyaa-Ako Street, Edward Ujege Street, Ukewende Street, Inikpi
Street, Ogbomosho Street, David Mark By-Pass, Awe Street, Onitsha Street, School Lane,
Ityoher Boulevard, Fr. Hunter Street, Nyiman Street and High Level Market were selected.
6.
North Bank Ward I: SRS, North Bank Market, Yogbo Road, Asase I, Asase II, Katungu,
Lifia Junction, Behind EKWA School were selected.
7.
North Bank Ward II: Tipa Garage, Tiongo Market, and Federal Road Safety Quarters.
8.
Central South Mission Ward: Terguma Street, Bush House Street, Day Spring Street,
N.K.S.T Street, Abaya Street, Akwaya Street, Doolyn Crescent, Tor Street, Aver Igba
Crescent and Bensen Street were selected.
The next stage was the distribution of questionnaires, a total number of sixty two (62)
streets were purposively selected form the wards earlier selected. The researcher employed the
purposive sampling technique to select three (3) houses on each street bring the total number of
houses to be included in the study to 186.
The next stage was the distribution of questionnaire, the researcher allocated 2
questionnaire to each house selected to be included in the study, except for three (3) houses in
Walaimayo ward which were allocated 3 questionnaire each, bring the total number of
questionnaire to 381. The decision to give walaimayo Ward extra three (3) questionnaire was
because the questionnaires could not be evenly divided mathematically, hence walaimayo ward
have the highest number of streets the researcher decided to allocate more questionnaire to it.
39
3.5
Research Instruments and Administration
The research instruments employed in this study is the questionnaire. A 12 item
questionnaire was administered on respondents. The questionnaire was divided into two parts. Part
one contained questions that deal with the demographic composition of respondents while part two
contained questions that are centered on the problem under investigation which requires every
respondent to answer.
3.6
Method of Data Collection
Data for this study was collected via primary and secondary sources. For the primary
sources, the researcher administered questionnaire in order to obtain firsthand information about
the problem under investigation.
The use of textbooks, journals, magazines, handbooks, internet sources and other library
materials constituted the secondary sources of data to be collected for this research work.
3.7
Method of Data Analysis
The data collected for the study was collated presented in frequency distribution tables and
expressed in simple percentages out of which result was analyzed and findings arrived at.
40
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1
Data Presentation
Number of Questionnaire Number of Questionnaire Number of Questionnaire
Administered
Retrieved
not retrieved
381
380
1
A total number of 381 questionnaires were administered to the sampled respondents out of which
380 representing (99.7%) were retrieved and found usable while the remaining 1 questionnaires
representing (0.3%) suffered mortality because the researcher could not retrieve it. Data gathered
is presented below:
Table 1: Age
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
18-25
119
31.3
26-35
128
33.7
36-45
79
20.8
46-55
48
12.6
56 and above
6
1.6
Total
380
100
Source: Field Survey 2023
Table 1 has to do with the distribution of respondents according to their age category. From table
1, 119 (31.3%) respondents are between 18 and 25 years, 128 (33.7%) respondents fall under the
age bracket of 26-35 years, 79 (20.8%) of the respondents are between 36 - 45 years, 48 (12.6%)
respondents are between 46 - 55 years old while the remaining 6 (1.6%) respondents are 56 years
41
and above. This is an indication that, there was relatively higher number of young respondents
studied.
Table 2: Gender
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Male
255
67.1
Female
125
32.9
Total
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table II presents respondents sex. From the table the majority of 255 (67.1%) respondents were
male while the remaining 125 (32.9%) respondents were female. This therefore, signifies that both
sexes were adequately sampled for the study therefore the result of the study will represent views
of both sexes.
Table 3: Marital Status
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Single
298
78.4
Married
80
21.1
Divorced
2
0.5
Total
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table 3 contains data for the distribution of respondents according to their marital status. From the
table, a majority of 298 (78.4%) are single, 80 (21.1%) are married, 2 (0.5%) are divorced. This
means therefore that, majority of the respondents sampled were single, and people of various
marital status were sampled for the study.
42
Table 4: Highest Qualification
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
FSLC
0
0
SSCE
12
3.2
HND/Degree
364
95.8
Masters/above
4
1
Total
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Data in table 4 is a distribution of respondents based on their educational qualification. Result
revealed that 12 (3.2%) of there were SSCE holders, 364 (95.8%) of the respondents held either
HND or degree, while the remaining 4 (1%) of the respondents held either a masters degree or
above. This implies that majority of the respondents sampled for this study are well educated and
possess the knowledge to provide accurate answers to the questions in the questionnaire.
Table 5: Facebook Use
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Yes
380
100
No
Nil
Nil
Total
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table 5 is the distribution of respondents’ base on their responses as whether they use Facebook
or not. Result revealed that the entire 380 (100%) of the respondents sampled for the study agreed
that they use Facebook. The implication of this is that all the respondents sampled for the study
43
use Facebook therefore will possess the right knowledge to provide accurate answers to the
questions in the questionnaire.
Table 6: Frequency of Use
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Hourly
152
40
More than thrice a day
215
56.6
Daily
13
3.4
Once in a while
0
0
Monthly
0
0
Total
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Data presented in table 6 is the distribution of respondents’ base on how often they use Facebook.
Result shows that 152 (40%) of the respondents said they use Facebook hourly, 215 (56.6) said
they visit the site more than three times every day while the remaining 13 (3.4%) of the respondents
said they use Facebook every day. This implies that majority of the respondents sampled for the
study use Facebook frequently.
44
Table 7: Post Frequency of the Naira redesign messages on Facebook
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
In every 10 minutes
42
11.1
In every 30 minutes
67
17.6
Hourly
206
54.2
Daily
65
17.1
Rarely
0
0
Total
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table is the distribution of respondents’ base on their responses as the frequency at which
messages of the Naira redesign was posted on Facebook. Result show that 14 (11.1%) of the
respondents said they use Facebook in every 10 minutes, 67 (17.6%) of the respondents said they
use Facebook every 30 minutes, 206 (54.2%) said they use Facebook at least once every hour,
while the remaining 65 (17.1%) of the respondents said they use Facebook daily. This means that
majority of the respondents sampled for this study are heavy users of Facebook and as such will
have good knowledge of the topic of the study.
45
Table 8: Opinion on the Naira redesign policy
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
138
36.3
17
4.5
Political witch hunting
12
3.2
A good and developmental
policy
0
0
213
56.1
380
100
Bad and evil policy
A policy that
deliberate hardship
caused
B&C
Total
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table 8 contains data on the respondents’ opinion on the Naira redesign policy. Result show that
138 (36.3%) of the respondents said the policy was a bad and evil policy, 17 (4.5%) of the
respondents said the policy was designed to cause deliberate hardship, 12 (3.2%) said it was a
political witch hunt, while a majority of 213 (56.1%) of the respondents went for option B and C.
This implies that a majority of the respondents sampled for the study think that the policy was
designed to cause deliberate hardship and it was also a political witch hunt.
46
Table 9: Impact of Facebook post on public opinion of the policy
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Though Facebook post I
criticized the policy
8
2.1
Most of the users rejected the
policy and called for redress
269
70.8
Through
exposure
to
Facebook posts I perceive the
policy as bad and evil
50
13.2
Because of Facebook posts I
perceived the policy as a
deliberate attempt to create
hardship
Facebook posts changed my
opinion of the policy
Total
46
12.1
6
1.6
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table 9 is the distribution of respondents’ base on their responses as to what the impact of
Facebook posts was on public opinion on the Naira redesign policy. Result show that 8 (2.1%) of
the respondents said through Facebook they criticized the policy, 269 (70.8%) said most of the
users rejected the policy and called for redress, 50 (13.2%) said through exposure to Facebook
post they perceived the policy as bad and evil, 46 (12.1%) said because of post on Facebook they
perceived the policy as a deliberate attempt to create hardship, while the remaining 6 (1.6%) said
Facebook posts changed their opinions of the policy. This implies Facebook had a great impact on
public opinion about the policy as majority of the users rejected the policy and called for redress.
47
Table 10: Impact Facebook post on public opinions of the naira redesign policy
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
It made the public support the
policy
2
0.5
It made many reject the policy
328
86.3
Facebook had no influence on
public opinion
0
0
It explained the policy better
47
12.4
Facebook hosted different
opinions of the policy
Total
3
0.8
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table 10 contains data on the kind of impact Facebook posts had on public opinions of the naira
redesign policy. Result revealed that 2 (0.5%) of the respondents said it made the public support
the policy, 328 (86.3%) said it made many reject the policy, 47 (12.4%) of the respondents said
through Facebook posts the policy was better explained to many, while the remaining 3 (0.8%)
said Facebook hosted different opinions of the policy. This means that Facebook posts had an
impact on users’ opinions of the policy, it made majority of the users reject the policy.
48
Table 11: Facebook role in creating awareness of the naira redesign policy
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Through Facebook posts a lot
of people became aware of
the policy
148
38.9
Analysis of the impact of the
policy were made on
Facebook
150
39.5
Official statements about the
policy were shared on
Facebook
59
15.5
Facebook was used to a great
deal to enlighten people about
the policy
Facebook was a platform that
host all arguments and
explanation on the policy
Total
18
4.7
5
1.3
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Data in table 11 is about the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the naira redesign policy.
Result show that 148 (38.9%) of the respondents said through Facebook posts a lot of people
became aware of the policy, 150 (39.5%) said analysis of the impact of the policy were made on
Facebook, 59 (15.5%) said official statements about the policy were shared on Facebook, while
18 (4.7%) of the respondents agreed that Facebook was used to a great deal to enlighten people
about the policy, the remaining 5 (1.3%) said Facebook was a platform that hosted all arguments
and explanation on the policy. Option 1 and 2 being the highest and almost having the same
percentage implies that Facebook served as a medium where people were enlighten about the
policy and where the policy was analysed by experts.
49
Table 12: Rating of the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the policy
Response Option
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Facebook was very effective
in creating awareness
365
96.1
Facebook was not effective in
creating awareness about the
policy
2
0.5
Facebook served as a medium
where many people came to
know details about the policy
Facebook posts about the
policy Changed users opinion
on the policy
Facebook played a passive
role in creating awareness for
the policy
Total
7
1.8
2
0.2
4
1.1
380
100
Source: Field Survey, 2023
Table 12 is the distribution of respondents’ base on their ratings of the role of Facebook in creating
awareness about the policy. Result revealed that 365 (96.1%) of the respondents said Facebook
was very effective in creating awareness about the policy, 2 (0.5%) said Facebook was not
effective in creating awareness about the policy, 7 (1.8%) said Facebook served as a medium where
many people came to know details about the policy, 2 (0.2%) said Facebook posts about the policy
changed users opinions on the policy, while the remaining 4 (1.1%) of the respondents said
Facebook played a passive role in creating awareness for the policy. Majority of the respondents
sampled for the study rated Facebook very high in terms of creating awareness about the naira
redesign policy. This implies that Facebook was very effective in creating awareness about the
policy.
50
4.2
Answering of Research Questions
Research Question One: What was the frequency at which messages about the Naira redesign
was posted on Facebook?
To answer research question one data in table 6 and 7 will be used. Table 6 is about how
often respondents go online to sort information about the policy. Result from the table showed that
a majority of 215 (56.6%) of the total respondents sampled for the study said they went online
more than three times a day to sort information about the policy. Similarly, data in table 7 is about
the frequency at which messages about the naira redesign was posted on Facebook. Result from
the table revealed that a majority of 206 (54.2%) of the total respondents sampled for the study
said messages about the naira redesign policy were posted on Facebook almost every hour. This
implies that messages about the naira redesign were posted on Facebook very frequently, post
about the policy were posted at least every one hour.
These tables has answered research question one in that data from both tables have shown
the frequency which messages about the naira redesign were posted on Facebook and how
frequently users sort for such information.
Research Question Two: What was the opinion of Facebook users’ on the Naira redesign policy?
To effectively answer research question two, data from table 8 will be used. Table 8 is
about respondents’ opinions on the naira redesign policy. Result from the table showed that a
majority of 213 (56.1%) of the total respondents sampled for the study agreed that the naira
redesign policy was a policy that caused deliberately hardship and it was a political witch hunt
rather than a policy that was aimed at improving the economy.
51
This Table have clearly answered research question two because information from the table has
clearly pointed out the opinion of a majority of the respondents’ about the naira redesign policy.
Research Question Three: What was the impact of Facebook posts on public opinion about the
policy?
To answer research question three effectively data in table 9 and 10 will suffice. Table 9 is
about the impact of Facebook posts on public opinion about the naira redesign policy. Result from
the table showed that a majority of 269 (70.8%) of the total respondents sampled for the study
agreed that most of the users rejected the policy and called for redress after exposure to posts
analyzing the impact of the policy. In the same vein, table 10 is about the kind of impact Facebook
posts had on the public opinion of the naira redesign. Result from the table revealed that a majority
of 328 (86.3%) of the total respondents sampled for the study said Facebook posts made many
reject the policy and called for redress. This means that Facebook had very positive impact on the
opinion of users about the policy, from exposure to Facebook posts most user rejected the policy
and called for redress.
These table has effectively answered research question three in that information from the tables
has shown the kind of impact Facebook had on public opinion about the naira redesign policy.
Research Question Four: What was the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the Naira
redesign policy?
To answer research question four data in table 11 and 12 will be used. Table 11 is about
the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the naira redesign policy. Result for the table
showed that a majority of 153 (40.3%) of the total respondents sampled for the study agreed that
Facebook was very effective in creating aware about the naira redesign policy as a lot of people
52
became aware of the policy through Facebook posts and Facebook served as a medium for analysis
of the impact of the policy by experts. On the other hand, information in Table 12 is about
respondents’ ratings of the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the naira redesign policy.
Result from the table showed that a majority of 369 (97.1%) of the total respondents sampled for
the study agreed that Facebook was very effective in creating awareness about the naira redesign
policy. This implies that Facebook was used in creating awareness for the policy as it served as a
medium for analysis on the impact of the policy, and Facebook was effective in its role of creating
awareness for the policy.
Table 11 and 12 has answered research question four effectively in that data from the tables has
pointed to the role Facebook played in creating awareness about the policy.
4.3
Discussion of Findings
The research was undertaken using survey method and it yielded valid discoveries. Finding as
discovered will be thus presented.
Findings reveal that messages about the naira redesign were posted on Facebook very
frequently, post about the policy were posted at least every one hour. This finding is backed up by
the fact that a majority of 206 (54.2%) of the total respondents sampled for the agreed that
messages about the policy were posted on Facebook at least once in every hour.
It also found that majority of the Facebook users perceived the naira redesign policy as a
policy that caused deliberately hardship and it was a political witch hunt rather than a policy that
was aimed at improving the economy. This finding is backed up by a majority of 213 (56.1%) of
the total respondents sampled for the study when asked about their opinion on the policy said the
53
policy was one that was designed to cause deliberate hardship and it was also a political witch hunt
rather than a policy to improve the nation’s economy.
This findings is in agreement with the findings of Chadwick, (2021) in study titled Digital
media and the proliferation of public opinion cues: Biases and vulnerabilities in the new attention
economy. The study found that the digital media is effective in shaping public opinion and
changing public perception.
Findings further pointed out that Facebook had very strong impact on the opinion of users
about the policy, from exposure to Facebook posts most user rejected the policy and called for
redress. This finding is validated by the fact that a majority of 328 (86.3%) of the total respondents
sampled for the study agreed to rejecting the policy and calling for redress after several exposure
to Facebook posts on the policy.
This findings agrees with the findings of Leong and Ho (2020) when they investigated the
impact of Facebook comments, as well as aggregate “emoji reactions,” on perceptions of public
support for nuclear energy. The study found that constant exposure to Facebook posts on a
particular issue influence users perception on the issue.
Finally, it was found that Facebook was used in creating awareness for the policy, the
platform served as a medium for analysis on the impact of the policy, and Facebook was effective
in its role of creating awareness of the policy. This findings is validated by the fact that a total
majority of 369 (97.1%) of the respondents sampled for the agreed that analysis of the impact of
the policy were made on Facebook, and they became aware of the impact of the policy on Facebook
and also formed their own opinions.
54
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1
Summary
This research work dwelt on significance of Facebook users’ opinion on the naira redesign
policy. The broad objective of the study is aimed at examining the significance of Facebook users’
opinion on the Naira redesign policy of the CBN, but more specifically, the objectives of the study
include to: find out the frequency at which messages about the Naira redesign was posted on
Facebook, ascertain the opinion of Facebook users’ on the Naira redesign policy, evaluate the
impact of Facebook posts on public opinion about the Naira redesign policy and to assess the role
of Facebook in creating awareness about the Naira redesign policy.
From these specific objectives, research questions were framed, each as a guide for the
study. To achieve the stated objectives, the study adopted the survey research method in data
gathering and used tables, simple percentages in presentation and analysis of data gathered; three
hundred and eighty-one (381) respondents were selected to be included in study using the Krejcie
and Morgan sample size determinant formula. Based on concrete findings the research found that
messages about the naira redesign were posted on Facebook very frequently, post about the policy
were posted at least once every one hour.
It also found that majority of the Facebook users perceived the naira redesign policy as a
policy that caused deliberately hardship and it was a political witch hunt rather than a policy that
was aimed at improving the economy. Findings further pointed out that Facebook had very strong
impact on the opinion of users about the policy, from exposure to Facebook posts most user
rejected the policy and called for redress. Finally, findings revealed that Facebook was used in
55
creating awareness for the policy, the platform served as a medium for analysis on the impact of
the policy, and Facebook was effective in its role of creating awareness of the policy.
5.2
Conclusion
Based on findings from the data collected in the research, the following conclusions are
drawn. The study has establish the potential of Facebook in mobilizing and creating awareness
among youths in Nigeria. The study established the fact that in spite of the challenges of social
media, it has the potential to create and shape public perception of government policies and this
determine how the public react to such policies.
Facebook is a potent tool in mobilizing and enlightening the public about government
policies and initiatives. The medium is very effective in creating awareness about issues, and the
constant exposure of users to particular messages on a particular issue influence users’ opinion
towards the issue.
5.3
Recommendations
Based on the findings, the study made the following recommendations;
i.
The government at all levels should take advantage of the social media and push messages
that explain new policies and initiatives. This will help this policies and initiatives gain
public acceptance.
ii.
The government at all levels should adopt social media as an official medium to analyze
new policies and seek public feedback before implementation.
iii.
The influence of social media in the formation of public opinion should not be underrated,
government agencies should hire qualified social media managers to manage their image
online.
56
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58
APPENDIX I
Data Collection Instrument
Department of Mass Communication,
Benue State University,
P.M.B. 102119,
Makurdi,
13th, July 2023
Dear Respondent,
Request to Complete Questionnaire
I am a final year student of the above named department and institution, I am carrying out
a research on the topic; “Significance of Facebook User’s Opinion on the Naira Redesign
Policy” as part of requirements for the award of Bachelor of Science (B.sc) degree in Mass
Communication.
I therefore kindly solicit your candid responses to the questions in the questionnaire to
enable me complete this research successfully. The research is purely an academic exercise and
your responses will be treated as such and be assured that the response provided will be used only
for this purpose.
Thank you.
Yours faithfully,
Adekwagh Moses
BSU/SS/COM/17/46029
59
QUESTIONNAIRE
INSTRUCTION: Please tick () against your response(s) in the space provided.
SECTION A: DEMOGRAPHIC DATA
1. Age of Respondents
a. 18 – 25 [ ]
b. 26 – 35 [ ]
c. 36 – 45 [ ]
d. 46 – 55 [ ]
e. 56 and above [ ]
2. Sex of Respondents
a. Male
b. Female
[ ]
[ ]
3. Marital Status of Respondents
a. Single [ ]
b. Married [ ]
c. Divorced [ ]
4. Educational Qualification of Respondents
a. FSLC
b. SSCE
b. ND/NCE
c. HND/Degree
d. Masters/above
[
[
[
[
[
]
]
]
]
]
SECTION B: PSYCHOGRAPHIC DATA
5. Do you use Facebook?
a. Yes [ ]
b. No
[ ]
6. How often to do you go online browsing the social media?
a. Hourly
[ ]
b. More than thrice a day [ ]
c. Daily
[ ]
60
d. Once in a while
[ ]
e. Monthly
[ ]
7. What was the frequency at which messages about the Naira redesign was posted on Facebook?
a. In every 10 minutes [ ]
b. In every 30 minutes
[ ]
c. Hourly
[ ]
d. Daily
[ ]
e. Rarely
[ ]
8. What was your opinion on the Naira redesign policy?
a. Bad and evil policy
[ ]
b. A policy that caused deliberate hardship [ ]
c. Political witch hunting
[ ]
d. A good and developmental policy
[ ]
e. B &C [ ]
9. What was the impact of Facebook posts on public opinion about the policy?
a. Through Facebook post I criticized the policy [ ]
b. Most of the users rejected the policy and called for redress
[ ]
c. Through exposure to Facebook post I perceived the policy as bad and evil [ ]
d. Because of exposure to Facebook posts I perceived the policy as a deliberate attempt to
create hardship [ ]
e. Facebook posts changed my opinion of the policy
[ ]
10. What kind of impact will you say Facebook post had on the public opinions of the naira
redesign policy?
a. It made the public support the policy
b. It made many reject the policy
[ ]
[ ]
61
c. Facebook had no influence on public opinion
[ ]
d. It explained the policy better
[ ]
e. Facebook hosted different opinions of the policy
[ ]
11. What was the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the Naira redesign policy?
a. Through Facebook a lot of people became aware of the policy
[ ]
b. Analysis of the impact of the policy were made on Facebook
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c. Official statements about the policy were shared on Facebook
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d. Facebook was used to a great deal to enlighten people about the policy
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e. Facebook was a platform that host all arguments and explanation on the policy [ ]
12. How would you rate the role of Facebook in creating awareness about the policy?
a. Facebook was very effective in creating awareness
[ ]
b. Facebook was not effective in creating awareness about the policy [ ]
c. Facebook served as a medium where many people came to know details about the policy
[ ]
d. Facebook posts about the policy Changed users opinion on the policy [ ]
e. Facebook played a passive role in creating awareness for the policy [ ]
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