CAMBODIA IN 2013: The Winds of Change Author(s): Khatharya Um Source: Southeast Asian Affairs , 2014, (2014), pp. 99-116 Published by: ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44112068 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Southeast Asian Affairs This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Southeast Asian Affairs 2014 CAMBODIA IN 2013 The Winds of Change Khatharya Um For a Cambodia that has revealed few surprises over the last two decades 2013 proved to be a year of unprecedented volatility. Along with persist conflicts and violence over land grabs, labour exploitation and environmen degradation, Cambodia's political landscape of 2013 was taut with tension Thai-Cambodia relations over the Preah Vihear temple that even the Novem ruling of the International Court of Justice at the Hague has yet to quell, a anxieties engendered by the national elections in July that locked the country a political impasse, setting off mass mobilization at a level it had not seen decades. King Norodom Sihanouk's cremation in February marked the end of an era, evoking an ever-looming question about the role and future of the monarc in Cambodia. The year closed with the theft of the Buddha's relic from Udong, t historic final resting place for Khmer monarchs, that brings to the fore concern about corruption, lawlessness, and general moral failings of the nation where t overwhelming majority of the population is Buddhist. Politics While many looked on in anticipation with the customary dose of jadedness, this year's elections, with eight contending parties, brought both a replay of previous election dramas as well as some unexpected developments. Despite the nervous atmosphere that preceded and followed the casting of the ballots on 28 July, marked by pre-emptive deployment of military police units from the provinces to the capital, and despite early instances of violence directed at peaceful protestors, Khatharya Um is a political scientist and Associate Professor in Asian American and Asian Diaspora Studies and Chair of Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of California Berkeley. This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 100 Khatharya there was Party a that noticea of once the decline utter and donor appeals had as survey and evictees also the In that of three Fair were Elect refuse "large- stations which high government Assembly, the US the only to claims one had Citing (CNRP), t em E into Constitutional opposition t amb National investigation the irre echoed the E organ Australia, Though upon e the detailing reform n some December, Union, e potenti "unusually for or a polling report t missing reported vote, Bri Among issue election Free led affiliation an in the countries reportedly vote, of disregard elections. party v polit irregularities, and an the in suppression A ag system recognizes The by a (CPP), sign Um Cou regar instance no impac widespread the This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms leading Cambodia ¡n 2013: The Winds of Change 101 of the Sam Rainsy Party and Kem Sokha's Hu official results, claiming that instead of 55 the 123 seats, hence a majority. In addition to a reported voting irregularities, they also deman whose members are appointed by the Ministry had boycotted the endorsement of the list of N were considered CPP loyalists. They also called body to arbitrate post-election disputes and th proposed by the United Nations Human Righ Cambodia. Refusing to yield to the demands an interpretation regarding the simple majority r by the monarchy, proceeded to seat the new go the opposition party. With CNRP elected leg sworn in on 23 September 2013 in Phnom P party that had failed to secure any seat in the secretarial portfolios under the auspices of CPP symbolic grounds of Angkor, the opposition hel of the fifty-five officially recognized oppositi candidates whom CNRP contends had also wo "not to betray the will of the people ... and to Although the current parliament compri government proceeded to pass laws and app actions that the opposition insists are non-bind the law-making body in Phnom Penh. Prime opposition that if they fail to join the new g would lose their parliamentary seats, though it follow through with this threat. Meanwhile, an gathered in Phnom Penh's Freedom Park on 22 protest,4 calling for Prime Minister Hun Sen t demands that he has steadfastly refused, claimin means for him to do so. Some fear that CPP re d'état" may foreshadow a crackdown. The instability and persisting deadlock promp community for political resolution. During t and chaired by King Norodom Sihamoni in S agreed to honor the royal call for non-violence for election reforms, and continue trying t This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 102 Khatharya agreement Hun Sen in focusing the on electio The and political CPP 123 seats, given with a 90 the coercive boyco by markedl challenged with by a who mor mobilizat working leadi marches death was and of the This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms t we an staging injustices, c since supporters injured, F protes country's the of oppositio Cambodia peaceful P royal even popular 100,000 destr royalist post-election the Rains start leading urban the border. the Perhaps the par cont and him the in by Cambodia before Th apparatus setbacks granted lon surp ruling incitement the the seats. distracted in in prepond itself, claimed in for post-election politics of r article. While its future appeal reforms. this CNRP parties July CNRP's princi and contending of Um i for a h Venerab Cambodia in 2013: The Winds of Change 103 stating "I watched people struggle for justic the killings of Chut Wutty, Venerable [Sam] Bu myself would have been a small hurt for a g generation."5 Economy These post-election instabilities threaten to derail the rapid and sustained growth that the country has experienced in recent years. Shored up by a strong agricultural sector, robust export and tourist industries, and a rebounded construction sector, Cambodia's economic growth in 2103 was estimated at 7.3 per cent.6 Domestic revenue grew, though at a markedly slower pace of 9.6 per cent in the first five months of 2013 compared to 24.7 per cent in 20 12.7 Construction reached US$2 billion in the first half of the year, marking a 29 per cent growth from the previous year,8 while tourism grew by 24 per cent, with the number of international visitors reaching 3.58 million. Despite the devastating floods in August-October that destroyed 113,260 hectares of rice paddy, the agricultural sector is expected to register a 4.2 per cent growth. Garment manufacturing remains Cambodia's biggest export industry, employing some 394,200 workers, according to official records, and generating an estimated US$4.6 billion9 largely through supply to markets in the US and the European Union. Combined exports of garments and footwear grew by 11.3 per cent to US$2.3 billion in the first half of 2013, 10 with exports to the US alone reaching US$2.09 billion in the first nine months of the year.11 Human Rights, Social Justice and Reforms Impressive growth notwithstanding, Cambodia remains plagued by endemic and chronic structural problems, which account for the depth of voter discontent in recent elections. While Cambodia's economic growth is higher than that of other ASEAN countries, the rate of poverty reduction is lower than other countries in the region; in fact, income gap has widened. In the shadow of high risers and mini malls, one-fifth of the population earn US$1.25 a day. Inflation, pegged at 2.9 per cent, resulted in rising food prices, impacting especially the urban poor and the landless with little or no alternative recourse to food. Rampant land grabbing and forced evictions continue to dislocate communities, with land disputes dominating the dockets of the politicized and otherwise highly compromised courts. Agro-industrial development has also intensified land conflict. Rising demand for rubber, especially This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 104 Khatharya from two China, the over for land of Euro Ameri of Rights su years concessions, that g an groups suc development costs. While from in per plan the by mi 73 growth couple lan 2.6 to by demands a whi rubber granted rapid of spu where amounting are has largest Cambodia of Um aid increa dependenc increased Watch i defores estimates tha local business inte 1.5 million hectare concessions,13 industry, small has the scale forcibly less of 457 as a ELCs, at at 99-year rule allow Sr the its e soc a social including providers, the of in proclaim conduct countries s US$2-$ Citing Also displ families Coca-Cola prod from than result area. to prolif food Cambodians out have is based. the source 381,121 lease, of are law. In politically This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms h ac m c Cambodia in 2013: The Winds of Change 105 restrictions. Despite the fact that the Camb ELCs to 10,000 hectares, some 47,370 hectares a Hoang Anh Già Lai and its affiliates and 161,34 Group,14 just two of the many examples of than strengthening regulatory measures, Prime through his land-titling programme Cambodia hectares of rubber plantations within five year Furthermore, many of the ELCs have encroa forest reserves. In Koh Kong, development by Group of a gambling city-resort almost half th a 40-mile highway through Botum Sakor's fore instances of concession-induced destruction According to the contract, US$1 million was to the Development of Cambodia, after which Un the first decade of its lease.17 In Rattanakiri pr registered complaints against Kao Su Ea Lev BM company that had been granted an 8,400-hecta clearing the area and digging a channel threa villagers rely on for fishing and irrigation, a m violates both the company's contract with the g law prohibiting land clearing within 150 metre Sen Monorom, Mondolkiri province, thousands of revenue for the local Phnong ethnic minori way for development. Environmentalists have plan to build a 400-megawatt hydroelectric dam a tributary of the Mekong in northern Cambo an area the size of a small city at risk of inu 80,000-kilometre watershed second only to the the hydropower project will not only displac to adversely affect migratory fish species and While the government has argued the importan of Cambodia's rural areas, it is unclear how reserved for domestic use. Development and expansion of agro-industrial plantations that progressively encroach upon previously protected reserves not only dislocate communities physically and threaten their economic security but also their cultural and spiritual way of life. In Rattanakiri, the Ta Nang temple, long a sacred site for This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 106 Khatharya the upland into Jarai question heritage Illegal logging the in In of lodge recent prized to an the face newly of in and impacted policies, thes and a non- Education longer".19 issues. On seizure of their made politicized land issue to acquir resolve opposition land Hu land. the efforts M 14-year-old provinces their in Cen 16 a the in Mean killing In co filed Minister for t Resolution Prime ten h Despite complaints land of laws released Dispute a donors thirty-two report t communit measures. Legal C Planning policies the subm development even h formed international least wo appeal Rights Urban the wi enterprise, Human the in th Protection Organization and a and logging Resource com the sites journalists in Um parties, titling This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms th campai Cambodia in 2013: The Winds of Change 107 to measure and provide land titles to the poor. not covered under this initiative. The program prior to the election but is slated to resume some of the country's poor, the programm transparency, partisanship, privileging of the rich protecting the rights of the poor. The official r of land that had been granted to private com the people is offset by numerous reports of of titles and disregard by big companies of endemic concerns have prompted local and i as Human Rights Watch, to call for revision intervention of donor countries and internation and the United Nations to ensure "adequate process open to independent monitoring and for those who are denied title in favor of conc independent complaint process".20 While land disputes have been the source of low wages and labour exploitation continue workers, most of whom are employed in comparative advantage that Cambodia draws fro standards, the industry continues to be plague exploitation, overall lax policy enforcement, International Labor Organization found that fact, had become less compliant with health an seven years ago, with marked decline over the had disclosed that about one-quarter of its thir of large scale strikes and mass worker fainting Some observers have attributed the decline in la of the garment export industry, at 8 per cent number of workers employed over 2012-13. Throughout the country, eighty-three protes January-July 2013 alone, an unprecedented Manufacturers Association in Cambodia.23 In Se in the capital in mass protest over unfair dismi Singaporean-owned SL Garment Processing, and and Social Affairs Ministries for the re-instate workers and for government assistance in This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 108 Khatharya included Svay 16 timely Rieng US$15 for US$66 to of about the and the issues for the gr Europea Internation governance positive economy, eroded of M work continued US and in progr economic good day garment the E dem each support of to US$80 Despite and pay Special December keeps Um an forecast is likely confidence Cambodia instability province. in totall and company t bette suspend This foll Electricity General The Bank, World 2011 because awaiting the resuming of of them. agen shocks which investing th resolut International external w by involve in d g human and healthcare. A between the ages and only growing retailers value 46.6 market such "detail training per as c d M orient programme country's garment This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms p Cambodia in 2013: The Winds of Change 109 International donors and lending agencies als The inability of the Hun Sen government to pr continues to undermine development and dem endemic, placing the country at 160th out of 1 International corruption perception index, and country.25 According to Transparency Interna reported having bribed the court in the last admitted to having bribed the police.26 Thou Assembly, the government was unable to effec the 2014 national budget, totalling US$1.53 b funds for "miscellaneous expenses", includin "ministries and institutions".27 By extension, the absence of an independent, impunity, and general elusiveness of the rule o governance. Though sentenced to one-and-a-hal to appear at two hearings, Governor Chhou the shooting of three garment workers when protesters, has yet to be arrested. Similarly, acquitted Captain An Bunheng, a military polic the brutal murder of environmental journalist Faced with a less than overwhelming perfor of 2012 and in anticipation of the 2013 nati government attempted to demonstrate its c accountability through a series of initiatives Unit (ACU) announced that some 20,000 out of the estimated 23,000 civil servants had complied with the mandatory declaration of their assets. The Ministry of Finance, in turn, published an official list of fees for business transactions. In yet another anti-corruption measure, the government issued a directive on 13 November requiring the General Department of Customs and Excise of Cambodia to strictly enforce the official tax rates on businesses that account, in part, for the spike in the price of basic commodities, much of which are imported from Vietnam and Thailand. These initiatives notwithstanding, the ADB noted in its report that the current public finance policy outcomes indicated "a mixed but improving performance for Cambodia" with regards to accountability and transparency. The conclusions of the ADB resonate with the assessment of the UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Cambodia, Surya Subedi, on other facets of This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 110 Khatharya Um development the when these been institutions listed the Subedi to the the permit release the Oeun the law and the had duly for sin noted political incitement. Kem Sokha upon denials the Court who Council and radi imprisoned Progress of the of Fo Mini that the urgin Khmer National Assem constitutional twenty-nine less than volatile by cla oppositio two month pre-election government issuing month S in governm Supreme and a freedo Beehive against Sam in acknowledge decision the proce Cambodia fundamental and as frustratingly accelerate of h democratizatio noneth two leading dire to th of foreign broadc twenty-four hour an online TV in an tension on warned that to block saying any the the all "the illegal stree gov roads t governm activities This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Cambodia in 2013: The Winds of Change 1 1 1 The government, through the courts, conti rights activists. Though it had overturned th Mam Sonando, the court left the lesser charges u Cambodian Supreme Court released jailed Boe Yorm Bopha, on bail in November, it sent her ca for reinvestigation. Yorm Bopha was one of 2 in 2012 alone. Speaking of the reforms needed rights, Flavia Pansieri, deputy high commissio hope that Cambodia will embark, as promised reform some of its key institutions which are fu protection of human rights, including the judici These pronouncements notwithstanding, the by the Human Rights Council has been critici the regime accountable for its human rights abu promise to pass critical laws on the judiciary. One of the outstanding human rights issues (KRT) and the quest for justice and accountabil amidst a plaguing lack of funds, strikes by st months, and the death of Ieng Sary on 14 Ma 2007 and charged with numerous crimes comm regime when he was a member of the Commu and Foreign Minister of Democratic Kampuche surviving Khmer Rouge leaders and defendant Foreign Minister, he appealed to and deceived int returning to Cambodia where most were jailed perished, or were killed. He was also accused of o Foreign Ministry. Once at the helm of a regime which a large number of Cambodians had peri Ieng Sary's funeral was replete with elaborate Bu Ieng Sary's death and his wife Ieng Thirith's d left only eighty-six-year-old Nuoun Chea, Dem Number Two", second only to Pol Pot, and eighty the regime's former head of state, both frail and Case 002 for crimes committed during their rule court opted for "mini-trials" of the different as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts o closing statements for the first part of Case 002 against humanity that occurred during the force This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 112 Khatharya April the 1975, includi prosecution parties, in declaration public and wa turn, of a fo consisti nation-wide prosecutor for the soldiers parts at do subm second different pha of Tuoi t Po in 1975. The KRT, long plagued by scandals, political interference and perpetual shortage of funds, continues to face challenges of resource and time. The failure of the Cambodian government to honor its commitment to pay the salaries of the local staff of the court had led to two strikes this year that threatened to disrupt the judicial process. Pressured by donors and the UN high offices to live up to its funding commitment, Hun Sen recently pledged US$1.8 million to make up for the financial shortfall of the tribunal. After six years and more than US$150 million, the tribunal has secured only one conviction - that of Kaing Guek Eav, also known as Duch, who was sentenced to life in prison for his role as head of Tuoi Sleng S-21 security centre where over 12,000 people were tortured and killed. Both Case 003 involving Meas Muth and Sou Meth who died in early 2013 and Case 004 involving three former Khmer Rouge regional commanders - Ta Tith, Ta An, and Im Chaem - are still at the investigative stage. With the Hun Sen government opposing any attempt to continue the trial beyond Case 002, and with the process challenged by criticisms, chronic lack of funding, and strained international will, there is a strong possibility that no additional cases will be tried. Foreign Relations During his visit to Cambodia in November, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe conveyed his desire to see Cambodia enhance its commitment to human rights and democratization and fulfill its funding obligation for the Khmer Rouge tribunal. Japan, which had contributed over US$2.25 billion in development aid to Cambodia since 1992, also urged greater cooperation between Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries, in a veiled reference to Cambodia's stance on This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms p nati memorials programmes the Um Cambodia In 2013: The Winds of Change 1 13 the issue of contesting territorial claims in the particular at the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting In the face of China's assertive presence in Japan- ASEAN summit held in 13-15 Decembe to vie for regional influence through strengt some of whose member states are also in territo of President Obama's cancelled visit to the re US, and wavering US stance on Syria, confidenc of American counterweight to China was so December summit, Cambodia and Japan signed a to strengthen their defense cooperation, elev "strategic partnership". A Japanese pledge o made for three new infrastructure projects to supply grid and the country's irrigation facilitie Phnom-Penh and Thailand. Simultaneous to Abe's visit, Cambodian Defence Minister General Tea Banh flew to China on an "imperative" military mission, reportedly to inspect military equipments for purchase but possibly to smooth out any potentially ruffled feathers in Beijing. With its economic might and geopolitical importance in the region, China has become an important supporter of the Hun Sen regime, and Cambodia, in turn, the PRC's strongest ally in Southeast Asia. Beijing's relations with the Phnom Penh government are fortified by a web of economic ties. China's vast economic investment, totalling about US$9.7 billion over the past eighteen years, has been in infrastructural development and in some of the most lucrative projects including energy, gold and other mineral exploration and logging, which has given it significant control over Cambodia's natural resources. Plans are being finalized for the construction of a 270 MW coal-fired power plant at an estimated cost of US$300 million in a joint venture between Cambodian Petrochemical Company (CPC) and two Chinese companies. While the Cambodian government has always insisted on the unconditional nature of Chinese aid, some have contended that Chinese land concessions such as that which have been secured by the Union Group in Koh Kong, with access to the Gulf of Thailand and the hotly contested South China Sea, is not only economically lucrative but also strategic. Because of their expanding control, Chinese companies and concessionaires have come to feature centrally in the rising tide of rural unrest in Cambodia. In addition to its sizeable direct investment, China to date has provided close to a total of US$2.89 billion of development assistance in the form This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 114 of Khatharya grants, for Um interest infrastructural China's loan package delivered in June This closeness, and regime aid for to disregard lack Congress of that prog was the recent the Cambodian elections programme its gov with relationships political situation On the western front, the plaguing dispute over the Preah Vihear temple that has strained Thai-Cambodian relations reached a momentous juncture in November with the unanimous ruling of the International Court of Justice in favour of Cambodia. Confining its mandate to interpreting the 1962 decision, the court ordered Thailand to remove its troops from the temple and its "vicinity", which it defines as extending to the whole of the promontory on which the temple is located, "at least as far as the foot of the hill of Phnom Trap, that is to say: where the ground begins to rise from the valley"30 rather than confined to the part delineated by the Thai Council of Ministers in 1962. The ICJ ruling, however, left unaddressed the rest of the 4.6 square kilometres of disputed area, which it stated was beyond the scope of its mandate as the 1962 decision pertained only to contested sovereignty over the area in which the temple was located and not the issue of the frontier itself, which had not been included in the initial petition that Cambodia filed with the court in 1959. The verdict, which came amidst domestic turmoil in Thailand and has been politicized by it, has yet to be fully implemented, with bilateral talks still needed to work out technical details, including stipulations for Thai troop withdrawal from the area. Until some of the outstanding issues are resolved, the Thai World Heritage Committee has indicated its readiness to veto any attempt by Cambodia to submit a management plan for the Preah Vihear temple to the World Heritage Committee's (WHC). As 2013 closes, it appears that Cambodia has weathered the winds of war with its neighbour. How the country weathers the winds of change at home, however, remains to be seen. t wit a state visit. This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms d at Cambodia in 2013: The Winds of Change 115 Notes 1. Ellen Bork, "A Cambodian Awakening", Foreign Policy , 11 December 2013. 2. Reuters, "Cambodia Election 2013: Government Rejects Opposition's Call for Probe into Alleged Fraud", 30 June 2013. 3. Reaksmey Hul and Peter Zsombor, "CNRP Lawmakers in Siem Reap as Boycott Starts", Cambodia Daily , 23 September 2013. 4. Daniel Pye and Meas Sokchea, "An Act of Coup d'Etat", Phnom Penh Post , 24 December 2013. 5. May Tithera, "Protesting monk may be disrobed", Phnom Penh Post , 19 September 2013. 6. Southeast Asia Weekly, "Cambodia's economic growth stands at 7.5 per cent in 2014: ADB", 2 October 2013. 7. Cambodian Business Review, "World Bank Describes Cambodia's Economy As 'Robust'", 31 December 2013. 8. May Kunmakara and Hin Pisei, "Construction sector keeps on building", Phnom Penh Post , 11 September 2013. 9. Sun Narin and Chun Han Wong, "Cambodia Garment Workers in Mass Protest Over 'Unfair' Dismissals", Southeast Asia Real Time , Wall Street Journal , 5 September 2013. 10. Asian Development Bank, "Cambodia: Economy", 2013. 1 1 . Chan Muy Hong, "Exports to US rise, slightly", Phnom Penh Post , 17 November 2013. 12. Denise Hruby, "Coca-Cola to Investigate Sugar Sourced From Cambodia", Cambodia Daily , 9 November 2013. 13. Human Rights Watch, "Cambodia: Land Titling Campaign Open to Abuse Without Transparency and Accountability, Scheme Allows Corruption, Land Grabs", 12 June 2013. 14. Global Witness, "Rubber Barons How Vietnamese companies and international financiers are driving a land grabbing crisis in Cambodia and Laos", May 2013. 15. Neou Vannarin, "Hun Sen Hopes For Increased Rubber Exports", 16 May 2013, available at <http://www.opendevelopmentcambodia.net/>. 16. Andrew Marshall and Prak Chun Thul, "Insight: China Gambles On Cambodia's Shrinking Forests", Reuters , 7 March 2012. 17. Ibid. 18. Aun Pheap, "Jarai Accuse Firm of Planning to Drain Lake", Cambodia Daily , 29 January 2013. 19. May Titthara, "Most Land Disputes in Cambodia Unsettled", Phnom Penh Post , 21 February 2013. 20. Ibid. 21. ILO, "Thirtieth Synthesis Report on Working Conditions in Cambodia's Garment Sector", 18 July 2013. This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 1 1 22. ó Khatharya Sean Post , 4 Um Teehan and November D 20 23. Ibid. 24. "Report shows worrying school drop-out rate", Phnom Penh Post , 29 November 2013. 25. CNN Money, "Searching for economic hope in Cambodia," 2 August 2013. 26. Ibid. 27. Hul Reaksmey, "Finance Ministry Defends Ambiguity in 2014 Budget Bill", Cambodia Daily , 21 November 2013. 28. The Committee For Free and Fair Elections, "Democracy, Elections and Reform in Cambodia: Annual Report 2012", Phnom Penh , March 2013. 29. Radio Free Asia, "In Largest Protest since Polls, Cambodians Demand Re-Election", 12 December 2013. 30. William Roth, "Preah Vihear decision is not the end of territorial row", Bangko Post , 18 November 2013. This content downloaded from 103.68.38.3 on Sat, 02 Sep 2023 12:12:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms