Conservation of an Ancient Newari Settlement
of Bungamati - linking built form to sociocultural activities Dr. Bijaya K. Shrestha1, Ar. Sushmita Shrestha2
1
Post Graduate Department of Urban Design and Conservation, Khwopa
Engineering College, Nepal
2
Department of Architecture, Khwopa Engineering College, Nepal
Abstract
As the town planning principles and traditional architectural vocabulary of the
principal cities of the Kathmandu Valley were transplanted into Bungamati in the
7th century, this ancient settlement not only represents the 'newari' townscape in
the rural context fitting with the local way of life and topography but also
possess architectural, aesthetical and symbolic values. The community's
collective memory and shared value is the product of cohesion of socio-cultural
activities into the built form through performance of daily activities and
celebration of festivals, which has been sustained for the last many centuries
through 'guthi' system. However, gradual shift of economic base from agriculture
to service, migration of the original inhabitants into the urban centres and demise
of traditional social institutions are disintegrating this linkages thereby not only
degrading the cultural properties but also creating a new set of problems. As the
existing legal and institutional framework is simply inadequate and ineffective in
managing the transformation process, the present rate of destruction has been
accelerated causing irreversible changes. To reverse this trend, both 'top-down'
approach for formulating conservation oriented development plan and program
with detail urban design guidelines as well as 'bottom up' approach for reviving
the social institutions and socio-religious activities at local level, is essential.
Cooperation and participation of local non-government and community based
organisations, Department of Archaeology including involvement of UNESCO is
needed to implement various programs as well as to raise public awareness.
Keywords: ancient newari settlement, Bungamati, socio-cultural activities, built
form, legal and institutional framework, conservation oriented development.
1
Overview and Study Objectives
Located 10 km south of the capital Kathmandu, Bungamati is an ancient 7th
century 'newari' settlement enriched by the natural resources, compact built form,
Hindu and Buddhist socio-cultural values, local arts and crafts industry. It is
believed that 100 people for each principal cities of the Kathmandu Valley Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur - were brought into this area at the time of
King Narendradeva and housed them around 'Machendranath' (Bunga-dyo) in
three different directions with construction of three artificial ponds
corresponding to each community. Surrounded by different rivers and streams
from all four directions, the town is condensed within an area of 4.03 sq. km with
total population of only 5,667 in 2001. The first six wards on the sloped land
accommodating 3,715 populations (65.55% of total population) of original
inhabitants 'newars' represent the ancient settlement of Bungamati. This
settlement equipped with basic physical infrastructure and social amenities has
agriculture based economy with wood carving as a major local craft industry
(KVTDC, 2003). Though the population growth of the town is just about 1.67%,
haphazard expansion of the settlement in the peripheral agricultural lands,
replacement of traditional building stocks by modern reinforced cement concrete
block in the core area, migration of original inhabitants into the surrounding
urban areas and above all negligence of the past cultural heritage are threatening
this unique human habitat. Against such background, this paper aims to analyse
the ancient settlement of Bungamati from conservation perspective with fourfold
objectives. First, it reviews numerous literatures on architectural conservation,
traditional town form and urban development trend to develop a theoretical
framework. Second, it identifies the unique features in built environment and
socio-cultural activities that represent the 'collective memory' and 'shared values'
and then, demonstrates numerous negative consequences of haphazard
transformation of the town. Third, it relates those weaknesses to the existing
legal and institutional framework to find out their effectiveness. Finally, it draws
a conclusion and proposes some key recommendations.
2
Literature Review and Theoretical Framework Preparation
Both the ancient artefacts of tangible (historic monuments, buildings, landmarks,
archaeological remains, etc.) (Ross, 1996) and intangible (atmosphere, spirit of
place, ambiences, customs and belief, etc.) (Ashworth, 1997) types represent
cultural resources. These different elements in various combinations produce the
'built form' of different scale, which provides invaluable information from
different historical periods. As every place has its own individual special
uniqueness, character and identity thereby distinguishing it from other places
(Norberg-Shulz, 1980; Garnham, 1985), a place is the past and the present with
future scope possessing cultural and experiential values. It provides meaning,
order and stability to human existence (Lowenthal, 1975, Tuan, 1975).
2
Psychological reaction of human beings on spatial structures constitutes the
'memory of place' and ‘time’ dimension adds the experience of places (Lynch,
1960, 1972). Thus, heritage is all the selected and interpreted remains from the
past (Cantell, 1975) in various forms with different social, cultural, traditional
and political significance (Dobby, 1978; Stipe, 1983). Conservation of the past
'representational form' is required not only for retention of those old 'romantic'
and 'artistic' values with 'variety' and 'richness' (Cantell, 1975) but also for 'good
surrounding' from which people can derive 'the combination of beauty, character,
harmony, mellowness, mature landscape and human scale' (Stipe, 1983)
including achievement of the sense of place, stability, continuity and identity
thereby linking people to the history and arousing the sense of collective
memory. It has function and economic potential (Bard, 1983; Poinsett, 1983;
Steinberg, 1996). It is our responsibility to hand over the 'past' to future
generation. The trend of destroying historic fabrics and buildings on the name of
modernization since the industrialisation has been reversed from the mid 20th
century. After the emergence of urban design as a new profession, the past
cultural heritage, architectural value and human component have been
incorporated in the town growth management (Relph, 1987; Smith, 1997;
Tiesdell, Oc and Health, 1996). Change in different forms is inevitable and
management of such change is conservation (Tiesdell, Oc and Heath, 1996). It
includes the adaptive reuse, rehabilitation and redevelopment of older areas,
usually in the centre of urban regions. By these kinds of 're' actions, the
architectural styles and ideally the original activities and ambience can be
conserved and enhanced to accommodate contemporary uses and functions for
the benefit of present and future of the towns (Steinberg, 1996). Conservation is
an essential part of urban design (Hedman and Jaszewski, 1984). After reviewing
numerous literatures, a theoretical framework is prepared to identify the
representative of 'collective memory' and 'shared values' for conservation of the
ancient settlement of Bungamati by combining three interrelated aspects namely
(a) town form and architectural vocabulary (physical features and appearance),
(b) social setting (observable activities and functions) and (c) cultural and
symbolic meaning (linking people to place).
3
Representative of Collective Memory and Shared Values
and Transformation of Ancient Settlement of Bungamati
3.1 Built form and architectural vocabulary
The size, shape and planning principles adopted in the past including
architectural vocabulary of Bungamati are unique and possess architectural,
aesthetic and historical values. The ancient 'newari' settlement is of oval shape
elongating north-south direction with gentle slope towards the north. Due to
steep slope on the west side, the extension of the town has taken place in the
three directions, mainly towards the east (Fig. 1).
(a) Ancient newari settlement
(b) Famous Hindu and Buddhist shrines
Fig. 1: Ancient newari settlement: town form and settlement view
The old town comprises of numerous salient features. First, unlike the
'newari' settlements in the urban context, which are 'palace' concentric with
segregation of housing: high officials, traders and craftsmen surrounding the
centrally located palace complex and the lower caste progressively living further
away, the built form of Bungamati comprises of 'Machendranath' temple as an
'anchoring node' with three communities residing in different directions - northeast (Kathmandu), east (Bhaktapur) and east-south (Lalitpur) (Fig. 2a). Ritually
higher ranked 'jaat' (profession) such as 'Shakyas' and 'Vajracharyas' were
allocated close to the temple. Living people of same profession in the same
locality increased work efficiency as well as enhanced the social bonds. Each
community was allocated a separate artificial pond for various socio-religious
functions: 'Dev Pukhu' corresponding to 'Shakya' community from Kathmandu,
'Kha Pukhu' for 'Shrestha' family from Bhaktapur and 'Na Pukhu' for 'Jyapu'
community of Lalitpur. The latter two were located on the outskirt of the town
whereas the former was constructed inside the settlement towards the north due
to its functional relationship with the 'Machendranath’ temple. The tradition of
keeping large open spaces (khyo or khel) for public benefit at the peripheral
areas in 'newari' towns was also continued here. Except for ‘Cholekhel’, the two
others ‘khel’ are now converted into new uses: local Bus Park at 'Jawalakhel' and
new 'Amarpur Buddhist Vihar' at 'Saraswatikhel.' In fact, these three 'public
spaces' together with three artificially created ponds in three different directions
along with central location (spiritually) of ‘Machendranath’ temple indicated the
boundary of old town delimiting the settlement growth towards the agricultural
field (Fig. 2b). Finally, agricultural based society, local topography and climate
4
have created three different typology of building layout on the plots (Fig. 2c).
Unlike the completely 'enclosed courtyards' with continuous encircling buildings
(with common walls) in the city areas, majority of the 'building-form' at
Bungamati are composed of individual structure encircling the open spaces with
many entry access. Otherwise, buildings generally have vacant plot at the
backside, used for 'vegetable garden' and utility functions (Fig. 2c).
(a) Communities
(b) Town boundary
(c) Building on the plots
Fig. 2: Unique features of town form and buildings on the plots in Bungamati
Second, the streets are short and of irregular pattern, following the land
topography and position of the main temple complex. Street junctions are often
marked by community amenities. The peripheral vehicular streets are of 3-4.5m
width with black toped whereas the inner pedestrian ways are either 2-3m wide
brick paved or 1.5-2.5m stone paved. Such street widths with buildings of 3-4
story (6.5m-8.5m) lining continuously on both sides have produced 'street width
to building height' ratio of 1:2.0 to 1:3.0. This combined with unifying elements
on building - vertical brick exposed façade, vertical oriented wooden windows
and sloped roof with little variation on roof line - have contributed to the
formation of 'sense of enclosure' and 'human scale' for pedestrians (Photo 1).
Visitors feel mystery, surprise, excitement and anticipation due to sequential
spatial event and 'singular composition.'
Photo 1: Different streets with sense of enclosure and sequential spatial event
Third, though the basic architectural vocabulary of buildings at Bungamati
matches with that of 'newari' towns in the city context, nonetheless, it has some
unique features, expressing the rural township. Wooden doors and windows with
simple decoration and detailing as well as plain horizontal band indicating the
storey difference on building façade has illustrated the rural craftsmanship
whereas temporary additional layer on the building facade – hanging off of
agricultural products, which keep on changing with seasons and the type of crops
produced - has provided dynamism in the streetscape (Photo 2). Not only has the
layout of the settlement but the 'newari' houses also followed 'mandala' concept.
The top floor of the house comprising of the worship place and kitchen was
'pure' area with access to higher 'jaat' and of the same 'jaat' whereas the lowest
floor used for keeping utilities and dead body was 'pollution/impure' area. The
lower caste people were allowed to enter into the ground floor only. Community
spaces in front of individual houses are part and partial of architecture and
without such spaces individual structure can not function as a house. Many daily
activities such as weaving, knitting, bathing and washing including socialization
with neighbours take place in the 'transitional spaces' between the 'private house'
and 'public' street. This combined with celebration of local festivals and
procession on streets (and plazas) together with coexistence of buildings of
different periods have generated a vibrant and lively rural townscape.
Photo 2: Temporary layer on building facade according to seasons and festivals
Many of these features have been gradually degrading not only due to
destruction of old houses but also because of gradual shifting of agriculture
based economy into service sector thereby changing the life style of community.
Its implications are numerous. First, haphazard infill development of the vacant
lands, often with Reinforced Cement Concrete (RCC) structure with rolling
shutter on the ground floor, irrespective of its location (pedestrian alleys,
courtyards and vehicular street) and infrastructural capacity is destroying the
earlier unique town form and building layout typology (Photo 3). Second, social
system of transferring parental assets equally to children and the transition from
joint family to nuclear family system has encouraged vertical division in the
traditional building stocks. Vertical division of old houses and their haphazard
renovation (by creating door and window openings on the load bearing walls as
6
well as by adding RCC floor on the existing old brick on mud mortar wall) and
new construction, often 'unfit' with existing surrounding buildings in terms of
material, bulk, volume, story height and architectural style has destroyed the
earlier streetscape, reduced light and ventilation on the streets and courtyards,
and intensified earthquake vulnerability.
Photo 3: Haphazard infill, incompatible new construction and vertical division
Moreover, such activities have also diminished the aesthetical value of
religious structures such as temples, 'chaityas' and 'paatis,' located on the street
junctions and in the residential courtyards. Introduction of vehicles has disturbed
the socialisation activity by encroaching community spaces. Modern building
technology and know-how has been hardly utilised in retaining vernacular
architecture and building safer houses.
3.2 Social Setting
Streets and open spaces equipped with temple, well and public tap, coexistence
of Hindu and Buddhist temples (and shrines) as well as communities in the same
neighbourhood together with celebration of numerous local festivals constitute
the socio-cultural setting of the old town. Among the public spaces, the
'Machendra Bahal' is the focus of ritual and daily socioeconomic activities not
only due to its large size courtyard but also because it houses numerous deities:
the Amarapur Shakya Vihar, Ajima temple, 'Kisidaga' sunken water conduit and
other structure as a bathing place, 'chaityas' and 'paatis' besides the main
'Machendranath' and 'Bhairav' temples. Except the open spaces on the north-west
side, the rest of the courtyard is actively used throughout the whole day for
various activities. Thus, such courtyards together with streets and pedestrian
alleys not only act as 'path' for movement of pedestrians and goods, but they are
more like a 'shared community spaces' for multiple functions such as utensil and
cloths washing, grain drying, working place, sunbathing and so on thereby
promoting socialization among neighbours and participation of people (Photo 4).
Photo 4: Streets and open spaces for various activities – part of architecture
Similarly, religious structures such as 'dabali' (square platform) and 'paati'
(rest house) have been used for display of god and goddess images, performance
of religious dance and drama as well as for ‘bhajan and kritan’ (religious pray). It
has provided an opportunity for interaction of private and community life to
enhance social bonds. This combined with the significant places like ‘chhwasa’
(a place protected by a demon) and ‘lachhi’ (private space infront of the house
allocated for public use) has added cultural meaning to the streets and public
squares.
A survey in the households around the 'Machendra Bahal' reveals that about
85% of people are engaged in agriculture and wood carving keeping 8%
involved in office work and the remaining 7% in other profession. Among them,
50% have grown up sufficient foods for the whole year while 40% have enough
food for at least 6 months and the rest for only 3 months. With the promotion of
tourism, the local woodcraft industry has become another source of income
specially for 'Shakyas' and 'Tuladhar' community living on the northern part of
the town. In the recent past, 'Maharjan' community living on the southern part
have also adopted this profession as side jobs. The street leading from 'Dhoka
Pine Pukhu' (couple of artificial ponds) to the 'Machendranath' temple comprises
of many wooden crafts shops, workshops and their various techniques of display
have produced lively streetscape during day time.
The management, operation and maintenance of religious, social and
cultural artefacts and activities were achieved through 'guthi system,' which was
a corporate body 'financed to perpetuity' through land grants (Photo 5). It is a
community institution with overlapping networks of social relations, which serve
to tie differently positioned individual members into the integrated community
(Gurung, 2000). There are different types of 'guthis' depending on the purposes
and communities: Si guthi, Digu Deya or Diwali guthi, Temple guthi and so on.
Most of the temple guthis own lands, which are hired out for cultivation to
farmers, or members of the guthi. Moreover, it has also led to the sustainability
of community services, water supply, cleanliness and drainage. Thus,
combination of both material and mental has resulted into human experience that
has been remembered, shared and communicated. Individual's relation with local
8
environment is the product of historical context and accumulation of experiences
of place over time (Norberg-Schulz, 1980; Heidegger, 1993; Wheeler, 1995).
Photo 5: Numerous religious activities sustained through 'guthi system'
These unique qualities have been gradually neglected in the process of
change with many negative consequences. First, though the 'shrine' of the 'bahal'
is still intact, the other two elements namely the 'open court' and 'pati' have
received little attention. A community toilet with water tank was constructed on
the scared space of the court, which should strictly house only shrines, chaityas
and other related religious artefacts. In other cases, the shop owners have
encroached the front space of their buildings for personal use whereas others
have enclosed the public rest house' (Photo 6).
Photo 6: Commercialisation, misuse and encroachment of cultural spaces
Second, many important social artefacts and cultural spaces have been
neglected. For instance, the ‘Kha Pukhu’ associated with community of
Bhaktapur has been dried off and the cultural-religious functions have been
limited to just formality (Photo 7). The other ponds are also highly polluted due
to disposal of garbage and direct discharge of sewer line from the surrounding
households. Similarly, the ‘cultural space’ just outside the ‘Machendra Bahal,’
where the chariot is being prepared, has been in the state of negligence.
Photo 7: Negligence of traditional ponds and cultural spaces
Demise of 'guthi' system, dispersion of ‘guthi’ members (guthiyars),
conversion of ‘guthi’ lands into personal properties thereby reducing the income
all have not only reduced the socio-cultural activities but have also hampered the
maintenance and renovation of religious structures. Negligence of social artefacts
and cultural spaces have diluted the memories of place and helped communities
to develop a habit of not taking care of cultural properties. Thus, the process of
negligence, misuse, encroachment and finally converting into private property
has been continuously unabated. It has weakened the traditional social network
and reduced the scope of ‘instrumental support’ (material and financial
assistance, help with looking after children and household works, etc.) and
‘emotional support’ (encouragement, the opportunity to express feeling, etc.).
Lack of technical know-how and training program, absence of better market
access and incentives from the public and non-government organisations have
discouraged the local community in engaging at wood craft industry. As the
daily wages of workers ranges from NRs. 70 - NRs. 300 (1US$ = NRs. 63.50),
most of the workers particularly youngsters are leaving this profession for other
better income jobs. The opportunity of promoting the local industry for job
creation and conservation of traditional architectural characters (and local
technology and material) has been lost.
3.3 Cultural and Symbolic Meaning
The old town of Bungamati comprises of numerous cultural significances and
symbolises many things. First, at least three different legends related to nature,
culture and locational context suggest its name. According to one legend,
'Machendranath' (Bunga-dyo) was brought to Kathmandu from Assam, India
through tantric power to break down the mediation of ‘Gorakhnath’ who was
holding all 'nagas' (snakes) thereby causing drought in the Kathmandu Valley
(Locke, 1975). As ‘Hayagriva Bhairav’ in disguise of a dog looked towards this
village and started howling 'Bu', it was decided to put the ‘Machendranath’
temple at the spot where Bhairav was pointing. Because of the sound 'Bu' this
place was named as 'Bungamati.' Local villagers believed that its name
'Bungamati' was derived by combining the two words: 'Bunga' (Bunga dyo) and
'mati' (river). Again, another story mentioned the unification of three words in
local 'newari' language namely 'Bu' (agriculture field), 'ga' (low land) and 'mati'
10
(river) - literally meaning agricultural field in the low land with many rivers.
Second, ‘Machendranath’ having symbolic association with Hayagriva Bhairav
was placed in the same complex of ‘Machendra bahal.’ Bugya-dyo having many
important mythological, historical and contemporary ritual associations with
water is a primordial rain god (Slusser, 1982; Locke, 1980) whereas 'Hayagriva
Bhairav', the chief of all Bhairavs (Kal Bhairav, Akas Bhairav, Mahankal
Bhairav and Bagh Bhairav) is regarded as one of the many 'roops' (faces) of
Machendranath. The symbol of the triad - 'Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshwar' is
depicted on the top of Machhendranath temple as well as in the chaityas around
the temple square. Third, ‘Machendranath’ and ‘Hayagriva Bhairav’ are also
associated with ‘Kumari’ (living goddess), which is the symbol of purity and the
promise of future fertility and prosperity (Photo 8).
Photo 8: Bungyo-dyo, Bhairav & Kumari from left to right in the same complex
Kumari appears at ‘Machendra Bahal’ twice a year: on the first day of
'Marga' (eighth month of Nepali calendar, i.e., mid-November) near the entrance
of ‘Bhairav’ temple and other during the month of 'Shrawan' (fourth month of
Nepali calendar, i.e, mid-August) at the entrance of ‘Machendra Bahal.’ On the
both occasions, all the three deity are worshipped and many people even from
other parts of the Kathmandu Valley visit Bungamati to pay homage to these
deities together. Fourth, numerous ‘Jatras’ (processions) associated with different
deity and festivals are celebrated at different time of the year, which has not only
religious and symbolic meanings but has also fostered the shared community
identity. Moreover, people in Bungamati posses some unique traditions
contrasting the culture of other 'newari' towns. As 'Machendranath' boasts two
temples: one in the Bungamati and other in Lalitpur, spending half a year in each
place, the annual 'jatra' is performed at Lalitpur, but every twelfth year, the
Chariot is reassembled at Bungamati and the ‘jatra’ itself begins and ends here
after taking Chariot procession to Lalitpur (Photo 9). Similarly, the traditional
ceremony called ‘Hanuman Jagaune’ celebrated during the Dashain festival is
the unique feature of Bungamati. Though the provision of ‘Kumari’ does exist at
Bungamati, Indra-jatra (associated with Kumari) is not performed here. 'Krishna
jatra' is celebrated only in the ‘Maharjan community.’ Also, monastic initiation
and other Buddhist rituals are performed at 'Machendranth' temple and not in the
Buddhist bahals. On the final day of ‘gunla’ month (12th August and ending
around 10th September - the scared month of Lord Buddha) local people and
other pilgrimages from different parts of Nepal visit Bungamati to offer food,
fruits, flowers and coins to the deities at the temples of 'Machendranath' and
'Hayagriva Bhairav.' Rato-Machendranath festival is celebrated in the dry season
(April - June) by repairing and cleaning intake, stone aqueduct, canal and town
reservoir, pond and its distribution system. Such activities are required for the
maintenance of water works thereby ensuring the continuous water supply in dry
season.
Photo 9: Celebration of numerous Hindu and Buddhist festivals and rituals
Fifth, it was believed that there existed an entry gate on the north-east side
and the construction of two ponds (Dhoka piney pukhu) on either sides of the
entrance leading to 'Machendranth' temple represents the 'newari' culture of
keeping two water full pots on both sides of main entry of house as a symbol of
good luck. Sixth, social harmony among Hindu and Buddhist communities (and
caste groups) as well as people from different cities combined with coexistence
of famous Hindu and Buddhist deities in the same complexes and localities
thereby giving the feeling of living with god and goddess have demonstrated its
true nature of 'heterogeneous community in homogenous town,' and 'social
inclusiveness.' Such shared meanings and conceptual maps expressed in
symbolic forms has bound the society with the physical built environment
thereby not only strengthening social support and community bond but also
enhancing sense of belonging to community and place. However, many
important customs of temple complexes and bahals including social ceremonies
have been diminishing due to many reasons. For instance, special Jyapu
community known as 'suwal' is an integral part of the Machendranath and
Bhairav rituals and 'jatras.' They not only cook rice for feasts and perform
sacrifices in Hindu festivals but also assist by holding umbrellas over the head of
the initiated boys during the initiation rituals of the Shakya and Vajracharya
(Photo 10: Gurung, 2000). Number of such community has reduced from eight to
three at present due to lack of interest and limited economic benefit. Numerous
'guthi' associated with temples (Dishi Pa guthi at Bhairav, Battish Paneju Samha
guthi at Machendranath temple) and religious activities (Salu guthi for
12
maintating the path leading to Machendranath temple, Bhajan guthi for playing
Harmonium and Tabala) are not functioning well as earlier. People from
different community such as Jyapu, Kasai/Khadgi (butcher), Kusle play 'kahan
baja' (long horned metal musical instrument) in different rituals like death,
initiation and various festivals. For instance, despite having forty-five Ropani (1
Ropani = 509 sq. m.) of land of Prathampur Mahavihar guthi in the past, it is
difficult to run even annual activity at present due to mismanagement of land and
corruption of the members of the guthi. Traditional full schedule of rituals in the
Buddhist bahals throughout the day have been reduced to only ‘nitya puja’ in the
morning and ‘arati puja’ in the evening performed by the initiated members of
the 'Sangha' called ‘dya-pala’ (the guardian of the deity). Many ‘Sangha’
members are too busy or show little interest to undertake the duties of ‘dya pala’
and perform daily rituals in the shrines.
Photo 10: Suwal in numerous cultural activities (Gurung, 2000)
4
Legal and Institutional Framework
The existing legal and institutional framework is checked for two aspects:
physical built environment and the socio-cultural activities. Numerous facts
illustrate the inadequacy and ineffectiveness of the existing legal and institutional
framework in addressing the emerging physical problems and socio-cultural
issues. In terms of regulating physical growth, the weaknesses lie on three
aspects: absence of plans and programs, lack of development control and
building regulation and poor capacity of the Village Development Committee
(VDC) and low priority of other city level public institutions (related to urban
development and conservation). First, the town lacks a Master Development Plan
to guide the future growth as well as to conserve cultural heritage. In fact, except
for some academic works and a brief general outline of the town by the
government in 2003, hardly any study from conservation and development
aspect has been so far done for this ancient 'newari' settlement. Absence of
documentation of the public monuments, listing of private buildings and other
artefacts has not only hampered public education and community awareness but
has also made renovation work difficult. For instance, the Department of
Archaeology is renovating the 'Prathampur Mahavihar' on ad-hoc basis without
any measured drawings and documentations of the renovated works for future
conservation. Also, lacking is the coordination with VDC. Second, due to its
village status, one does not need to present detail blue prints for construction of
any buildings, just simple permission from VDC is enough. No legal tool is
available at present to regulate the new construction as well as to check the
vertical division and haphazard renovation of old houses. Third, the VDC office
has poor managerial and technical capability. In fact, this office itself was
involved in the construction of community toilet at 'Machendra Bahal' and RCC
community building adjacent to 'Bhairav Temple.' The public agency which
needs to regulate the private construction and to educate general public itself
requires awareness on conservation. Fourth, though more than two dozens of
different non-government organisations including few cooperative societies are
engaged in the town, hardly any of them has been involved in conservation work.
As this site is not listed in the World Heritage, the Lalitpur Municipality and
Department of Archaeology (DoA) including United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has shown little concern on the
destruction of the settlement.
Though Department of Archaeology in particular and Ministry of Culture in
general is responsible for the conservation of cultural resources, no specific legal
norms and institutions to look upon the religious works and cultural practices do
exist. As no community groups and new social institution has emerged to suit in
the present life style, the breakdown of the traditional social network and erosion
in rituals and celebration of festivals has been continued. The notion of
conservation is limited to the national monuments, focusing on physical aspect
and targeting only on promotion of international tourism, whereas the structural
linkage between the socio-cultural practices and the town form in Bungamati is
yet to be realised. The overall impact is the reduction in socio-cultural activities
and religious works as well as destruction of cultural spaces and vernacular
architecture thereby fading up the 'collective memory' and 'shared values.'
5
Conclusions and Recommendations
Numerous socio-cultural functions performed on public spaces (and religious
structures) through ‘guthi’ system were the foundation of ancient ‘newari’
settlement of Bungamati with agriculture based society. However, gradual shift
in economic base from agriculture to service and demise of traditional social
institutions has twin effects of reduction in religious activities and of conversion
of public spaces (and religious structures) into dead area thereby not only
eroding social belief and community behaviour but also accelerating the misuse,
encroachment and capturing of community spaces for personal uses. In fact, it is
the socio-cultural setting of the past that has dictated the settlement pattern,
managed the town growth and sustained the cultural resources for the last many
centuries and finally shaped the attitudes and behaviours of town dwellers
through social norms embedded into the local festivals and daily activities. As
14
the existing legal and institutional mechanism is limited to control on physical
form and is inadequate (and ineffective), the breakdown in the earlier triangular
relationship between the built form and architecture, socio-cultural activities and
'guthi' system has been continuously unabated. To reverse this trend, both 'topdown' approach for preparation of conservation oriented development plans (and
programs) including formulation of urban design guidelines and provision of
incentives (financial, technical, floor area ratio, etc.) and 'bottom up' strategy to
mobilise local resources as well as to raise community participation (and
awareness) is essential. Moreover, the following key recommendations are
suggested for conservation of the ancient settlement of Bungamati.
(a) New social institution of local community supported by technical experts
(VDC, Lalitpur municipality, DoA, etc.), non-government organisations and
local leaders should be established with financial support from various agencies
(donor, national and private sectors);
(b) Urban design guidelines and various forms of incentives (tax cut, technical
and financial support, floor area ratio bonus, etc.) should be introduced in
renovation and reconstruction works, whereas new community uses can be
adopted in the religious structures;
(c) The emerging wood craft industry should be expanded not only to generate
local economy but also to conserve vernacular architecture;
(d) Local festivals and religious activities should be promoted by not only
celebrating them but also organising various community awareness programs
such as workshop, exhibition and events; and
(e) Knowledge on conservation should be disseminated through incorporating
them into the academic syllabus as well as in private professional practices.
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