A Critical Review of Sajid Iqbal Sheikh and Muhammad Tahir Mustafa (2016). Future of
Islamic Civilization, emerging issues and new horizons: A study of Malaysian Islamic
movements. Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization, 6(2), 113-134.
Reviewed by:Qamar uz Zaman, Reg# 2019086027 M.Phil. (ITC) Sec-B
Critical Review
Sajid Iqbal Sheikh and Muhammad Tahir Mustafa, the co-authors of this article are faculty
members in the Department of Islamic Thought and Civilization, University of Management
and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan.
In this paper, I’ll try to summarize the article and offer comments on its contents.
Article Summary
The article under review is an attempt to conduct a comprehensive analysis of contemporary
Malaysian Islamic movements including their philosophy, method, political approach and their
impact on Islamic Civilization in Malaysian and global context. The authors have clearly mentioned
that by “Islamic Movements” they mean only those Islamic parties who believe and involve in
peaceful and unarmed struggle for establishing an Islamic state. Groups and parties believing in
militancy are not the subject of this article.
The article starts with an overview of Islamic civilization in current world setting where Islam and
Islamic resurgence movements are being painted by western media as terror hubs. The malicious
campaign is so effective that even those Islamic movements who participate in electoral process are
unable to be recognized as peaceful organizations. Such movements rather face a dilemma of not
only bearing hate propaganda of western media but criticism of democracy-opposing radical Islamic
parties too.
The authors then shed light on Islamic awakening in Malaysia that started in late 1960s taking
inspiration from Ikhwan ul Muslimoon (Muslim Brotherhood) of Egypt and influenced by writings
and thoughts of eminent Muslim scholars like Syed Moudoodi, Hassan Al Banna and Syed Qutub. It
was during this phase that Islam was recognized by Malaysian youth as Al Deen (a way of life) and
ABIM emerged as true representative of Malaysian Muslim youth with the objective of promoting a
lifestyle focused around the standards of Islam, to create temperance and great deeds, and to keep
the indecencies and awful deeds in the general public. Various other initiatives were taken
subsequently at state level to transform Malaysia into an Islamic state.
The authors have divided Islamic restoration movements in Malaysian society into following phases:
1. The start of transformation to Islam; shift from polytheism to Islamic monotheism.
2. Autonomous Muslim sultanates; blend of Islamic convictions and practices with pre-Islamic Malay
traditions and values.
3. The rigid reformist movements aimed at cleansing and purifying the Islamic convictions and
practices
4. The awareness of Jihād during battle against European colonizers
5. The post-colonial period; the ideological and political battle between reform-oriented Muslims
and the Secular political powers. It was in this period that the thought of an Islamic state was at first
talked about. In the seventies, Islam was highlighted by Muslims as a complete lifestyle (the Deen)
and not only a religion. Daawah (welcome to Islam) then turned into the new approach of Islamic
reformist activism.
6. The Islamic resurgence of post- Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979; a few Islamic developments in
Malaysia particularly PAS and ABIM were inspired and youth associations in Malaysia got another
wave of life.
The authors have quoted Ioannis Gatsiounis to explain how the “rediscovery” phase of Islam
coincided with the election of Mahathir Mohamed as prime minister to make Islam a pillar of Malay
identity through Dakwah (Dawah) movement in a politically charged Malaysia as well as its
transformation from an agrarian backwater into an industrialized export-driven nation during this
era.
The authors then briefly introduce four Islamic movements which created significant impact on the
Malaysian society although many movements appeared during Islamic revival phase.
Jamat Tabligh
Founded in pre-partition India, this is a worldwide Islamic Daawah movement having probably the
largest membership on earth and attracting a large segment of Malaysian Muslim population. Being
apolitical ideologically, they proclaim that with a specific end goal to change the society/
government we initially need to change the single person. Members of this party are free to support
any political party of their choice.
Dar-ul-Arqam
Established in 1968 by Ashaari Muhammad- an ex-government school teacher and political worker
of Malay, this was a much more cultic movement than Jamaat Tabligh which believed in purification
of Muslims through isolation from modern world hence made an Islamic commune in the outskirts
of Kuala Lumpur. Having an “Islamic” appearance and avoiding all the “western” accessories and
utensils like table, chair, T.V., spoon, knife and fork etc. was mandatory for its members. Darul
Arqam pursued to recreate a “true” Islamic communal through a formal rejection of the bigger
society in which it existed but was clamped down in 1994. The biggest contribution of Darul Arqam
was pioneering the “Halal” industry in Malaysia.
ABIM (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia)
Founded in 1971 by a group of students at University of Malaya who were inspired by Jamat e Islami
of Pakistan and Ikhwan ul Muslimoon of Egypt, Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement — “Angkatan
Belia Islam Malaysia” (ABIM) had far reaching impact on Malaysian society than Jamat Tabligh and
Darul Arqam. During the Islamic revival era, ABIM furnished Muslim youth with a way to look after
Daawah through educational institutions and in general society circles. It appealed to the educated
youth of Malaysia due to academic discussions and seminars as well as talking of privileges for all the
deprived ones not for Malay only. With objective of “building a society that is based on the
principles of Islam,” it flourished to play a progressively significant political role in Malaysian culture.
Although a proclaimed non-political party at the beginning, ABIM soon jumped into the political
arena under the lead of its magnetic founding leader Anwer Ibrahim when a vacuum was created in
opposition polity after PAS-the mainstream Islamic party in the opposition joinedg UMNO to form a
coalition government. The disappearance of PAS from its traditional resistance role created a space
that ABIM was in a position to fill at a time of rapid Islamic revival in the country. Capitalizing on this
opportunity, Anwar Ibrahim steered ABIM to political glory to the extent that he himself became a
deputy to the then premier- Mahathir Muhammad but unfortunately ended up as a jailed criminal.
Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS)
PAS (Parti Islam se-Malaysia) was formally established earlier than Malaysian freedom from British
colonialism on November 24, 1951 initially as an extension of UMNO. The early party was contained
of three major zones – the Dewan Ulama (Ulama Council), Dewan Pemuda (Youth Wing), and Dewan
Muslimat (Women's Wing) – all of which remain today. PAS and UMNO formally disjoined ties when
PAS' second president, Dr. Elias Abbas, authoritatively enlisted the party on May 31, 1955, prior to
Malaysia's first federal government election, held in July 1955. After parting ways, PAS assumed the
role as an immediate check to the UMNO’s secular and nationalist strategy. PAS openly advocated
an Islamic State of Malaysia. Although power base of PAS was economically disadvantaged Malay
community of northern and eastern states, it opposed the nationalist thinking of UMNO due to its
secular nature rather stressed on the Islamic feature of Malay nationalism.
Having briefly introduced major Islamic movements of Malaysia, the authors move on to the other
segment of their subject that is Islamic Civilization in the context of Malaysia.
Islamic Civilization: An Overview of Malaysia
On October 31, 2003, Prime Minister Mahathir resigned after 22 years in office and was succeeded
by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, an UMNO pioneer who was considered to have extraordinary Islamic
accreditations. Since entering office, Badawi grasped a plan of Islam Hadhari (Civilizational or
Progressive Islam) as a method for proceeding with UMNO's Islamization of government and
countering the political test postured by PAS. Abdullah Badavi and other supporters of Islam Hadhari
presented the idea as a balanced and modern concept, which focused on economic, social and
political development.
The authors describe how Islam Hadhari was pitched as being representative of comprehensive
Islam meaning a shift in development approach from a “secular paradigm” to a “tawheed paradigm,”
which emphasized developing a thinking society, social harmony, and economic progress. The
concept was said to be based on Islamic values like Universality, Godliness, Morality and Tolerance.
The authors have identified following trademark characteristics of Islam Hadhari that recognize it
from the various significant points of view;
1. Comprehensiveness: It coordinates both scripture-based sciences and contemporary sciences.
2. Moderation: This fundamental philosophy of the viewpoint focuses on gradualism and ease in
execution; an effort to create a harmony between individual and collective needs, material and
divine worlds and beliefs and reality.
3. Diversity: The setting of Islam Hadhari is wide in range; it is open to new conformities and to
other human practices.
4. Humanity: As a call, Islam Hadhari is centered upon people.
The authors, then, conclude that the concept of Islam Hadhari faded away in a short span of time
despite lofty claims and extensive propaganda campaign by the government but it was out-dated
and drowned with the premiership of its creator Abdullah Badawi. The authors have quoted critics of
Islam Hadhari as saying that the concept was just a political manoeuvre to counter parties like PAS.
Then, authors describe the growing inclination of Malaysian Muslims towards religious cults and
emergence of Islam as the core of daily life of ordinary Malaysian Muslim. At the same time,
nationalism is no longer the core issue of Malaysian politics and Malay community is gradually losing
its unity under one umbrella. The role of Islamic movements during Islamic revival phase has been
highlighted by the authors in that the pressure exerted by these parties forced the Mahathir regime
to Islamize Malaysian government and society in a gradual manner. Focussing on PAS, the authors
reiterate that mainstream Islamic parties of Malaysia believe in peaceful political struggle in a
democratic environment.
Moving on to the global context, the authors describe the impact of Jamat-e-Islami of Pakistan and
its founder Syed Abul Aala Moudoodi on present day Muslim society in general and Islamic
movements in particular. The characteristic feature of this impact is the belief that there is no
separation between religion and politics in an Islamic society. The authors mention the mistrust or
least to say misapprehension existing between Islamic world and the West. The main reason for this
mistrust has been quoted as US-led Western interference in internal affairs and in some cases armed
invasion of Muslim countries. The authors, then, mention the unanimous declaration of a three days
conference of World Islamic Movements in September, 2013 at Lahore arranged by Jamaat-e-Islami
Pakistan and attended by 34 major Islamic revival movements from around the world which
condemned all sort of violent activities and stressed upon the Muslim youth to refrain from violence
and vendetta as Islam was the religion of peace.
In the concluding section, the authors sum up the article by declaring Malaysian political process an
example for the rest of the Muslim world because of its continuity and provision of space for Islamic
parties. As regards the future of Islamic civilization, the authors term it equally crucial for Islamic
Movements as well as rest of the world and express their hope for peace and progress on the basis
of the history of Islamic movements like PAS who always distanced themselves from violence and
proved their commitment to legal, democratic and constitutional process in their respective
homelands. In the end, the authors have called upon Muslim researchers to conduct some new
researches on deviating ideologies and the waves of armed movements in the Muslim youth, their
root causes and solutions.
Critical Analysis
The authors showcase the philosophy of modern Muslim thinkers across the globe of condemning
violence and negating any separation between religion and politics. Then, the narrative built by
them in Malaysian context hints at growing Islamization of Malaysian society in general and the
political system in particular as a result of peaceful political struggle by Islamic parties. However,
following paragraph of the concluding analysis by the authors is somewhat shocking in the context
of the subject matter:
“Futuristic approach regarding the political scenario of Malaysia is difficult to predict
because every election campaign carries different issues and results. Post GE 13 situation
depends upon the strategies of both the ruling and opposition collation parties and their
leadership. It is being assumed by the political analysts that after achieving better strength of
Malay voters the opposition PR alliance might be in better position to attain ultimate goal of
the control of Federal Government. This forecast depends on the behaviour of the ruling and
opponent regimes as well.”
It, disappointingly, implies inconsistency of the Islamic Parties’ charm for the voters or impact on
the Muslim population and secondly it highlights ethnicity as the decisive factor instead of faith.
At times, the authors’ approach seems somewhat disoriented and vague. Under the sub-heading of
“Future Trends”, they describe current inclination of the Malaysian Muslims towards praying and
reciting the Holy Quran. No hint of any future trend is given in this section.
Proofreading seems quite wanting.
Overall, the article is a good attempt on the part of the authors to highlight the linkage between
future of Islamic Civilization and peaceful political process in Muslim world.