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Ideas The Economics of Status

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Whatever I feel like talking about.
Wednesday, October 18, 2006
About Me
The Economics of Status
They say in Harlan County
There are no neutrals there
You'll either be a union man
Or a thug for J.H. Blair
Which side are you on?
Which side are you on ...
David Friedman
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Some people view the world, or at least major parts of it, as a zero sum game where one person
gains only to the extent that another loses. Starting with this point of view, it is natural enough to
see all disagreements as questions of which side you are on. Do you favor workers or employers,
landlords or tenants? The alternative is to see disagreements not merely as about how to divide
up the pie but about how to change its size. It becomes not only a question of us vs them but also
of our arguments vs their arguments, with some hope that one set of arguments will eventually
persuade almost everyone.
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These different viewpoints are reflected, in political oratory and political thinking, in the difference
between relative and actual measures. If we define the poor as the bottom ten percent of the
income distribution we can be confident that they will always be with us. If we define the poor by
the real income of the tenth percentile as of, say, 1900, then the problem of poverty has been
solved—the number of people in developed countries with incomes that low is close to zero.
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Economists mostly reject the zero sum point of view, since they routinely deal with issues of how
to expand the size of the pie, how to increase economic efficiency (for details of just what that
means, see the early chapters of several of my books). One plausible response is to observe that
although economists may care only about absolute outcomes, people care also, and a lot, about
relative ones. How much one employee is paid is often less important to him than how his pay
compares with that of other employees. Robert Frank, an original and interesting economist, has
written a whole book (Choosing the Right Pond) on the economic implications of the fact that
people care about relative status.
It seems obvious that, if one's concern is status rather than real income, we are in a zero sum
game. If my status increases relative to yours, yours has decreased relative to mine. So this point
of view seems to support the approach to politics that sees it mainly as a question of who gets to
benefit at the expense of whom, of which side who is on.
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The Economics of Status
Like many things that seem obvious, this one is false. It is true that my status is relative to yours.
It does not, oddly enough, follow that if my status is higher than yours, yours must be lower than
mine, or that if my status increases someone else's must decrease. Status is not, in fact, a zero
sum game.
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This point was originally made clear to me when I was an undergraduate at Harvard and realized
that Harvard had, in at least one interesting way, the perfect social system: Everyone at the top of
his own ladder. The small minority of students passionately interested in drama knew perfectly
well that they were the most important people at the university; everyone else was there to
provide them with an audience. The small minority passionately interested in politics knew that
they were the most important ones; their friends were there to be herded into meetings of the
Young Republicans and Young Democrats in order to get them elected to positions in those
organizations that were the stepping stones to further political success. The small minority ... .
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I exaggerate, of course; no doubt there were some students who regarded themselves as at the
bottom. But what was clear from that experience was that status was not a simple objective
ordering on which everyone agrees. We all value status. But what matters to me is my status as I
perceive it; what matters to you is your status as you perceive it. Since each of us has his own
system of values, it is perfectly possible for my status as I view it to be higher than yours and
yours as you view it to be higher than mine.
The point has been born home to me repeatedly since in other contexts. There are quite a lot of
people in science fiction fandom, the Society for Creative Anachronism, and I am sure many
other social circles, who work at a not very high status and not very highly paid job while putting
their real passion and energy into their hobby. One reason to do so, although not the only reason,
is that it lets them buy status. They may succeed in their hobby because they are really talented
in it, they may succeed because it matters enough to them so that they are willing to put much
more of themselves into the hobby than other people.
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Being a male nurse is not a terribly high status job—but that may not much matter if you are also
King of the Middle Kingdom. And the status you get by being king does not reduce the status of
the doctors who know that they are at the top of the medical ladder and the nurses at the bottom.
Consider, for another example, teachers. Elementary school teachers have a positive public
image but not much real status—outside of the classroom. But in the classroom, where they
spend quite a large part of their time, they are king, queen, mother, father, alpha wolf, wise
mentor, ultimate figure of authority for fifty minutes out of every hour—or at least they can be
those things if they want to and are competent at the job. That may be one of the most important
fringe benefits of teaching. Professors get it too—along with more status outside of the
classroom. That may be part of the reason that both professors and schoolmarms have a
reputation for being bossy sorts who are sure they know best; they spend a large part of their
lives in an enviroment where they probably do know best, and are entitled, to a considerable
degree, to boss the other people in the room around. It may also be part of the reason that
people are willing to take those jobs even when they can make more money doing something
else.
For a third example, consider advertising designed to confer status on products—clothes,
perfumes, automobiles. People it convinces buy the products and get the status. People who do
not see the ads, or see them but are unconvinced, do not associate the goods with status and so
do not lose status by not buying them.
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If status is not a zero sum game, then one way of evaluating a society is by its economic
efficiency with regard to status, by the degree to which it expands the size of the status pie,
allows practically everyone to be above average. One conclusion is that the last thing we want is
a system for objectively ranking people, for defining status in a way that everyone agrees on. A
second conclusion is that if we are so unfortunate as to get such a system, rational individuals in
search of status will promptly subvert it, create their own subgroups with their own rankings. It is,
after all, much easier to increase your status if you can find a way of dong it that does not
decrease anyone else's.
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at October 18, 2006
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23 comments:
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Jadagul said...
Covid
And a third implication, pointed out by Robert Nozick in Anarchy, State, and Utopia, is that we
should be wary of trying to eliminate a dimension of status difference. The fewer ways there
are for me to evaluate my status, the harder it is for me to find a way to put myself near the
top. So, counterintuitively, creating equality or near-equality in some field actually makes more
people feel inferior, because no one can use that status dimension rank himself at the top.
CreateSpace publishing ebooks Kindle
novel libertarian economics
Moreover, I'd add that people also tend to value things they're good at. It may be a
subconscious coping mechanism, but in my experience people seem to think activities are
more valuable because they're good at them; there was an interesting study I ran across in
Scientific American that showed, roughly, that European kids who are closer to the age cutoffs
for youth soccer leagues, and thus older and bigger relative to the kids they were competing
against, were far more likely to grow up to be professional soccer players (their early ability
had spurred them to put in more effort). Similarly, I tend to care more about things I can do
well at, and ignore/not value things I can't do well.
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I commented on this at Will Wilkinson's blog (he has a post up about this post now) a few
months ago.
evidence
9:24 PM, October 18, 2006
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Anonymous said...
explain
Your last paragraph reminds me of Nietzsche. Those who do not succeed in the current
system (the meek), simply invent a new system (Christianity) and impose it on everyone so
that they are no longer at the bottom.
family
9:42 PM, October 18, 2006
fiqh
fanfic
fantasy
Focal point
dave meleney said...
"People who do not see the ads, or see them but are unconvinced, do not associate the
goods with status and so do not lose status by not buying them."
Friedman Rothbard anarchy Smith
FTB
G1
game theory
You make a lot of interesting points and I'll want my high school daughter to read your post,
but do you really believe the above statement?
Even if you never see a clothing add.... these adds may effect how others dress, how they
perceive you, and whether they will date you, go to lunch with you, or pass you the ball on the
soccer field.
What am I missing here?
My guess it that you dress a lot like me. Poor soul.
9:52 PM, October 18, 2006
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Anonymous said...
hacking
Status is maybe not always a zero sum game, but it is in some very important aspects of life.
Say you're competing for a girl, and as we know, girls are attracted to status. If you lose the
girl to a higher status male, you can't "invent" yourself another one all that easily.
Harald
2:25 AM, October 19, 2006
Home schooling
Harvard
history
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Chris said...
Another way to maximize status is to increase the balkanization of society.
If status is zero sum amongst a group of peers then decreasing the number of peers and
increasing the peer groups will increase the number of people that are at the top of their peer
groups.
Capitalism seems to accomplish this task naturally. We are no longer a nation of 70% farmers
and 30% businessmen. As specialization increases and wealth/technology allows more
people to move out of urban life and even work from anywhere our peer groups get smaller
and smaller.
9:04 AM, October 19, 2006
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David Friedman said...
"Say you're competing for a girl, and as we know, girls are attracted to status. If you lose the
girl to a higher status male, you can't "invent" yourself another one all that easily."
Yes. As you and others have pointed out, status isn't entirely a matter of how you view
yourself. It is in part a matter of how others view you.
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Indeed, I have conjectured--I think somewhere in print, although I'm not sure--that the
competition for mates may be a central reason why males, at least, care so much about
relative status. The available pool of females is a fixed resource from the standpoint of any
male, so gains for one male in that ranking are losses for other males.
lott guns media bias
On the other hand, humans are good at double crossing their genes—behaving in ways that
benefit the phenotype at a cost to the genotype, with birth control the obvious example. Even
if we evolved a desire for status in order to permit us to better compete for mates, we can now
get pleasure from having status by paying more attention to the circles and respects in which
we have it than to those in which we do not.
marriage
3:24 PM, October 19, 2006
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Anonymous said...
I am reminded of the Geek Hierarchy Chart: http://www.brunching.com/geekhierarchy.html
3:55 PM, October 20, 2006
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Anonymous said...
"Indeed, I have conjectured--I think somewhere in print, although I'm not sure--that the
competition for mates may be a central reason why males, at least, care so much about
relative status."
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There's a brilliant idea trying to crawl out of that sentence, I think. I'm just not sure how to get
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7:18 PM, October 20, 2006
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Anonymous said...
It seems to me that you're conflating two concepts -- how highly others regard you, and how
highly you regard yourself -- under the umbrella term of status. I'll call them self-esteem and
reputation. Your conclusion that self-esteem is not zero-sum is, I think, rather obvious, and
follows the repeatedly observed tendency of people to overestimate their worth along any of a
number of metrics. That this kind of division by categories is the rationalization method for
self-overestimation is interesting and to me quite plausible, but different from the conclusion
that you claim to prove.
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The word status as used in the vernacular has a meaning much closer to reputation than selfesteem, and my reaction to your example of the self-important Harvard actors is a derisive
snort: they may think they're important, but they're wrong. Their self-esteem is delusional.
They don't have status.
plot
A much more interesting question is whether reputation is well ordered, or whether an attempt
to aggregate it across people and across categories can lead to non-transitive orderings.
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12:05 AM, October 22, 2006
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Johan R. Sjöberg said...
probability
I often rant about this: that not only money, but also other things matter, and that even if
wealth is equalized, there will still be people more happy than others in society, and how do
you equalize that?
public choice
Btw, your "Machinery" was one of the two books that made me leave a natural law-point of
view (the Ego and Its Own, by Max Stirner, was the other one).
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10:00 AM, October 22, 2006
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David Friedman said...
Brian suggests that under "status" I am conflating self esteem and reputation. I don't think so.
"Status" as I am using the term is defined by other people's view of you, not merely your view
of yourself. But you get, to some degree, to decide which other people matter, which part of
your life determines your status.
Consider my example of student actors at Harvard. The really important part of life to them is
the time they are on stage. During that time they are not merely the most important people to
themselves and their fellow actors, they are also the most important people to the audience-which is, after all, sitting there watching them.
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Similarly for a third grade teacher. She spends much, probably a majority, of the time she is
interacting with other people interacting with a room full of children, a room where she is the
high status authority figure.
Shelling point
The subjective/objective distinction is the distinction between the effect of your status on how
you feel and on what you can do. High status recognized by the police will result in the police
treating you better, whether or not you include the police among the people who determine
your feelings of status. In that sense status is objective and doesn't depend on your view of
the world.
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But your feeling of high or low status depends both on how other people view you and on
which other people's views matter to you. And the latter is to some degree a matter of choice.
Status
5:43 PM, October 22, 2006
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Anonymous said...
I think Occasional reader had a really good point:
Status is maybe not always a zero sum game, but it is in some very important aspects of life.
Say you're competing for a girl, and as we know, girls are attracted to status. If you lose the
girl to a higher status male, you can't "invent" yourself another one all that easily.
What this suggests to me is that some people do induce some "status total ordering" on
society and then adopt it for various purposes.
E.g., girls in the active-dating pool are highly likely to have a status-total ordering where it
helps if you're rich, a lawyer or doctor, and attractive.
But not everyone will share this. For example, intellectuals in some intellectual field will be
more highly likely to value you being an expert (or highly published, or whatever) in that field.
And coincidentally, you can invent new intellectual fields.
The point is that status still remains relative, even if various total orderings are commonly
found. One must simply choose whether to "play the game" of trying to rise in some existing
ordering (and selecting one in which the pool of competition is small enough one has a
chance), or creating one's own.
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In my own experience, I've always found it silly to compete too vigorously in any one area; it
always struck me as a "crowded trade", in the worst cases, with one's chances of getting in no
better than that of winning the lottery or making it into the NBA. This seems even sillier when
one realizes there are an infinitude of ideas and opportunities. Perhaps this all goes toward
explaining why I've never been cliquish, ran a BBS, founded PlanetMath, and have ignored
the tenure track.
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9:36 PM, October 22, 2006
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Anonymous said...
Occasional reader did have a good point, but I think that David's most recent comment
rebutted that (in a way).
What matters is not the opinion of you that is held by all girls in the dating market, but by
those girls who you would want to date.
And the pool of girls whom you would like to date is to some degree, a matter of choice. I bet
a Harvard actor is much more likely to date another Harvard actor than would be assumed
from their relative abundances in the population, so status within the Harvard acting
community is important.
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11:19 PM, October 22, 2006
Anonymous said...
Say you're competing for a girl, and as we know, girls are attracted to status. If you lose the
girl to a higher status male, you can't "invent" yourself another one all that easily.
But there's not much that public policy can do about this. Imagine that you and all other men
after this girl were equal in income. The girl would still chose one of you - perhaps by tossing
a coin or perhaps by choosing the one with the best joking ability - and the others would do
without that girl. (Since I am female, I am assuming that the girl isn't interested in a
polyamarous relationship).
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Even in a world where the girl was going to marry only for love, you may still completely lose
her. She may just fall irrationally in love with the other guy.
And if you did win her affections, then the other guy would be the one deprived and miserable.
Nice for you, but a zero-sum game from a public policy perspective.
On the flip-side, the girl in question is also competing with other girls. If your rival marries Girl
A, he is not free to marry Girls B to Z. And girls B to Z equally cannot marry your rival. It is
quite possible that one of the girls from B to Z and you may come to a mutually happy
arrangement.
In reality we see that most people manage to pair off - so failure to win at the status game
does not lead to a life of loneliness.
7:09 PM, October 23, 2006
Anonymous said...
There are a couple of interesting ideas here:
First, there's status as you perceive it, which is local to your community or group. This is why
the small-town big-shot feels like he has high status, even if nobody in New York knows his
name. This is probably the main thing that you derive satisfaction from, both in terms of
having high status, and in terms of feeling like you have a place where you fit. Note that most
competition for things like potential mates happens locally--it's usually not that you're
competing for Dagny Taggart against Francisco D'Anconia, John Galt, and Hank Rearden.
Second, there's global status, something that determines how everyone is supposed to see
you. In a society with a single notion of rank that most everyone follows (think of titles of
nobility in a Jane Austen novel), this is a big deal. Wealth, fame, and political position all have
some claim to this in our society, but I think a lot of people think of each of these notions of
rank as nonsense.
Maybe one way to minimize the sting of inequality of outcome is to minimize the second kind
of status. I think that's something that is already hapening in the US, and has been for many
years. Do most of us really think Brittany Spears is better than we are? Or that George W
Bush is? Or that Bill Gates is?
8:38 AM, October 26, 2006
condottiero said...
This comment has been removed by a blog administrator.
10:13 PM, October 26, 2006
condottiero said...
I wrote a couple things about David Friedman's article on the Economics of status that made
me think about applying it to a Third World country
(http://homohominilupus.wordpress.com/2006/10/26/economics-of-status-in-a-third-worldcountry/) where two completely cultural groups seem to share a same culture. I am talking
about the indigenous groups that have for centuries been part of the lower layers of society
and the non-indigenous groups that where part of the middle and high layers of the economic
status.
While it can not be generalized, those groups seemed to be stable for centuries, and social
mobility was almost non existent until a few decades ago. How come this change begun?
It begun with wealth being created in the country because of the opening of new businesses
tied to the influx of Globalization. At the same time, a parallel event occurred by the end of the
1970s when in 1976 a strong earthquake destroyed the West side of Guatemala's countryside
and poor areas where indigenous communities lived.
Those two events where the cause of a very active internal migration from the rural areas to
the biggest cities of the country. That being said, Guatemala's capital city and industrial areas
around the country begun received a very important amount of massive migration of rural
communities to the urban areas.
Social mobility started to increase and thousands of small businesses by indigenous and non
indigenous groups opened their doors and by the passing of a couple decades Guatemala's
cultural landscape had completely changed.
But there was a second important change. That change was the family remittances that
entered the country from documented and undocumented families that left the country during
the 1980s and went to the United States trying to achieve the "American Dream". Years
passed, and by year 2005 the amount of remittances that entered the country amounted Q
2,992,822.5 (US$ 386,170,645,161.29).
So, just try to imagine such an amount of money coming to a country as family remittances.
Money that is used to buy food, built a concrete house of two or three floors, buy a bigger
farm, buy a huge T.V. and Stereo system, pay for cable T.V., get your children to school, and
also pay for an international phone call every day to the United States to say "Hello!" to the
husband, brother or siblings that send the remittances back home. Ok, that is not all. Now
imagine all those changes in the middle of nowhere in the countryside in regions where
people used to live with less than a dollar per day.
If that is not a change of status, I cannot try to imagine what is happening in Guatemala. Now,
you can see indigenous people driving Dodge trucks and pickups, Ford, GMC and some other
Division Rules
and Assortative
Mating
[Warning: This
post assumes the
reader
understands the
Principle of
Comparative
Advantage.
Those who don't
will find an
explanation he...
Open Borders:
The Libertarian
Argument
The traditional
libertarian
position, the
position I argued
for in my first
book , is support
for open borders.
That was also the
traditiona...
A Problem with
Georgism
Henry George
and his modern
followers propose
an LVT, a land
value tax, a tax
on the site value
of land equal to
what the rent on
the land w...
American big truck-automobile companies in the countryside and also in the busiest streets of
the capital city.
Now, you get to see them buying in stores like Kenneth Cole, Calvin Klein, Sears, Hiper Paiz
(recently bought by Wall Mart), Toyota, Mitsubishi, mobile phone companies, and every other
company you may think of with a couple credit cards in hand to pay for the gifts they will take
back home in the countryside.
I cannot think of any other place to do some research on the effect of remittances and an
incredible change in status relation than in Guatemala or any other country that receives
remittances.
Status makes humans understand that they are accepted in different places, associations,
condominiums, hotels, restaurants and by the passing of years they create completely
different images of what we recalled as "home sweet home".
Finally,
the recognition of needs
+
desires
+
entrepreneurship
+
hard work
+
money
+
remittances sent back home
= a higher status
This link will take you to a couple statistics about the effect of family remittances in
Guatemala's economy (Spanish).
10:15 PM, October 26, 2006
Anonymous said...
I recently posted a working paper on the SSRN Why Risk and Return are Uncorrelated: A
Relative Status Approach that shows if you assume people only care about relative status,
there is no risk-return correlation in equilibrium (eg, no stock return premium for higher beta).
This is because nondiversifiable risk becomes like diversifiable risk in the traditional CAPM,
avoidable (you can do the consensus), so unpriced. I then survey the empirical literature
highlighting why this is a better description of the data.
6:40 AM, October 27, 2006
GeertHolterman said...
Thank's for the great illustration the way status works on Harvard campus. There is a really
interesting (short) paper by a Russian student that captures you're idea perfectly in a simple
model. The title is:
High status for all?
Cheating the zero-sum mechanism of happiness.
you can download it here:
http://ideas.repec.org/p/wpa/wuwpmi/0501001.html
4:56 PM, October 30, 2006
Lester Hunt said...
The reference to Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia cited by jadagul is at the end of the
section, "Self-esteem and Envy," in Chapter 8. Nozick concludes that the only way to get rid of
envy, other than "one feel swoop" eradication of all differences between people, would be
value-pluralism. Let everyone evaluate their own distinguishing characteristics in a way
favorable to themselves! But he doesn't use examples as amusing and convincing as David's.
10:01 AM, November 04, 2006
red said...
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