READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY
By
NICOLAS ZAFRA
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
Revised Edition
""-
UN IVE RSI TY OF THE PHILIPPINl:-S
OUEZON CITY, 1956
READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY
(
NICOLAS ZAFRA,
Prcfes30r of History
University of the:: Philippines
-~-- - 0 - - - - -
NEv.T EDITION
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
l\1ANILA, 1956 .
RIGHTS
RESERVED
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-iiBrief accounts in the form of summaries of leading
events of various periods of Spanish history have been
included to enable the student to understand nore clearly the nature and significance of events in the Philippines and their relationships to contemporary events in
Spain an,d in Europe.
I wish to express hereby my e;rc1.titnde to many of my
former students and to friends and colleagues who, in one
way or another, helped me in the pr1=!paration of the Rgaging§_.
I wish to tr1ank particularly Miss Jes efa IVi. Saniel
who gave much of her time and offort to the reading of
the proofs.
N. ZAFRA
University of the Philippines
Nov emb er, 1947
-i-
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
Readin:2:s in Philir:mine History has been prepared
meet the-needf'o·r~r88d.ing materials of students who tab
the course, History 5, glven in the first two years oft
College of Liberal Arts.
This course takes up the history of the Philippines from Magellan' s voyase of discov
to the outbreak oi' tbe PldJ.ippine Revolution.
Not ever:
thing in this period, ho~9ver, is considered.
The gene~
outlines of the history cf this period, as well as the
main events and personalities of Philippine history, are
presumed to be quite farr1~:_1i::',:.' to tl;.os e who enroll in this 1
course.
Main intE-3rE,st :.f? di:i.'E,ctr-d to a few selected
facts, incidents and epLsodes of this period nnd these
are studied on the basis of matE-;riaJ.s gathered fr'om vario\
sources, primary a:1d secondary. It is hoped that, in this1
way, the student not only will acquire a fuller knowledge
of the subjects studied, bu.t e1lso may gain famili'.3.rity wit
and appreciation of, the vast store house of materials
from which a history of the Phili:ppines may be written.
Moreover, throt,gh frequent handlin13 and analyzing of
some of these rnateriDls, the student may gain valuable ex-1
perience and training in the application of the principles and methods of historical criticism.
The ft.§JidJ.-r-:.g_s_ is not designed to supply the needs of
the historical r·9S()archeJ' or investigator. The latter will
have to explore the vast field of Philippine historical
lite:1rature itself, using as guides such bibliographical
aids as Rotana 1 s Aoara t,o B::i.bJ. ior:rafic o. Rob ertcon r s Biblio-'
1-.,.r of
o-y,•cin ~."':,L,_
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Fi.lipind.,
'l'r!e 5.eadj.n.~s is intended mainly to meet an
urg e::-it and imperative need ,9.r;is ing from the inadequacy
the facilities of our libraries in the way of handy and
convenient collections of historical sources suitable a1
proper for our purpose.
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Most of the :materials contained in the Readings ha
been takEm from the 55-volume collection, ThePtII'}.jj_rine
Is1ang_§., compiled and edited ,by Emma H. BJ.air and James ,
Robcirtson, and published by the Arthur H. Clark Co., Clev
land, U. S. A.
This is the most complete and extensive
compilation of Philippine source materia.J.s in English so
far produced.
Spne of the materials in the Read,t_ngs, ho'
ever, have been drown from sour-ceo outside of Blair and
Robertson's The Phi1i.n~Jine Islands. Th,2re are a few c
~ ments which, as L1ras I know, have not appea.red in a1
\work -in English translations before this time.
4
-iii-
PREFACE TC THE NEW EDITION
In this new cdi tion of the Readin2:s- in Phil ippinc
Historv:, many cl1;;-u1ges have been introduced.
Apart from
numerous corrections, irrprovement2 and additions throughout the text, chringeE, were made in some of tLe documents
which uppcD1·cd -i_r1 ti:'ifJ precr:;ding edition.
Some docurients ha'1e brcn ordttecl aJtogether.
In-tho case of
other documents, pas:-rnges ha;ie been 1 c;ft out for the sake
of brevity.
In their a bbrcvia.+~ccl forms, ho111 ever, the
latter still retain their e:Jsenti2l character and value
as sources of bi~'ltoric:al information.
These ch2ng0s
have been made to mo.k e pos,3ibl e the addition. of new mc1terial without increabiw_:i: too much th8 volume of the
new edition •
Notable among the new features of tho present
edition are the material bearinp: on the life and works
of Rizal•
Thes 8 hav G been add,ed. in view of the enactment of Republic Act No. 1425, popularly known 1s th8
Rizal bill.
The lav; provid E~s for the giving of courses on th~ life, works and writings of Rizal as a part
of the curricula of all schools, colJeges and universities of tl1e Pnl.lip:_Jines, public and priv2te.
Such c0urs es -are ner-:;d ed, according to th\~ spomwrs of the measure in Congress, to imbue the 7<.mth of the country with
the ideals of freedom and nationalism of Rizal.
The
new material on Rizal in the Rendirnrn will, it is hoped,
contribute in some way to the .fulfilJmcnt of the aims
and objeclives of the law.
Select passages from well
known works of Rizal have been included in the nrE':sent
edition to enable the student in the course in PLilippine history to acquire a clearer undorstandin~ and a
better appreciation of Rizal and of his place and significance in the history of the Philippines.
A new chapter, the last, has also been added in
the Readinp:s.
Under t.110 title, "Philippine Independence in the Now Age", the cba.pt(~r is intended to serve
as a fitting epilogue to the story of the Philippine Revolution.
It t L~lls of the c ontir:.uo ticn, durinv the
American regime, of the independence strugrde ·which was
sta:::--ted by the lCatipunan Society under Andres Bonifacio
in August 1896.
-iv-
I am grateful to all my colleagues in the Department -of History w]·10 have rendGred valuuble assistance,
in one form or another, in the~ prepc1r,Jtion of the present edition.
I v-rish to thank in particular, Dr. Guadalupe
Fores-GRnzon, Professor Josefa M. Saniel, MiE3ses Justina
A. Saltiva and Donc1ta Taylo, l'ilr. i,u.rsulio ;3. Estani::,lao Jr.,
1\I '
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1',.r.
TI. Serrano, ;_mcl. J'/[if3S Flordcliza Vicent(:o,
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DcpartmeQt of History
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Di1irn.r:m, Que::;on City
Decem1)er, 1956
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART o:tJE -· DISCOVERY aND COLONIZATION
Chapter One - Background of Magellan's Voya:I,c of Discovery
1. Introductory Survey • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
2. Pope Alexanc~er VI 's Bull arnter Cs.etera 11 • • • • • •
3. The Treaty of Tord2slllas • • • • . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
1
4
7
Chapter Two - The Magellan Expedition
1. Pigafettc2 's Account of the Expeo.it ion ••••••••• 12
2. Transylvanus Ace ount of the Magellan Expec:ition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Chapter Three - Later Attempts At Colo:aization
1. The Loaisa Expetlition ••.•••••••••••••••••••••.
2 • The _S2c1vecli--a Ex~eclition ..................•....
3. The T :re J ·0 3r of i~ c1 r a 6 oz a . • . . . o • • • o • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
4. The Ville: lobos E:xpe di tion •••••••••••••••••••••
5 • The Leg2zpi Expedition •.••••••••••••••••••••••
46
49
52
55
61
Chapter Four - Early l7il5.pino Civilization
1. Morga 's -~,1cesos de le?..!? Islas F:LJJpinas • • • • • • • 8),.
2. Loarco's Relac~6n d0 las Irlas Fj_lip~_nas ••••• 106
3. Plasencia r-;; i 1Las Costunibre:::i de los Tai,alos 11 • • • 11$
... 1+.• Col_in 's Labor EvangeJ.ic a •••••••••••.••••••••• 132
PART T"u!O - Tm~ FIRST CcJ\JTUR.Y
Qli'
SPAJ'JIS H RULE
Chapter One - Spain and the Philippines ir1 ·c.~1e 16th and
17t:,l1 Centuries ........................... 167
Chapter Two - Mo"'.",:;G. on ·the Eorly Years o::° Spanish Rule •• 18'5
Chapter Three - EcclesiG stical Fatroru ,·:2 in the Indies •• 213
Chapter Four - Ecclesiastical Affairs L1 the 16th and
17th Centuries
1. Creation of the Diocese of Manila •••••••••••• 224
2. Origin of the Privileres 3njoyed by the
Frid r's i~1 t.:,1~e Ir1d ies ...................... 227
3. Incidents of the Diocesan Controversy •••••••• 229
-vi-
Chapter Five - The Early Provinces • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
235
Chapter Six -- Spanish Commercial Policy
1. Laws Regardinr:: Navi2;ation and Commerce • • • • • • • •
2. Memorial of Juan Grao y Monfalcon •••••••••••••
244
255
PART THREE - THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
Chapter One - Spain in the 18th Century
Chapter Two - The Manila-Acapulco Trade
... ....... .. .. ..
•
•
•
0
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Chapter Three - The British Occupation of Manila • • • • • • •
261
272
279
Chapter Four - Filipinc Revolts During t.hG 18th Century
-
1. The 1745-46 Uprisings .• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
292
2. Revolts During the British Occupation • • • • • • • • •
298
Chapter Five - Ecclesiastical Affairs, 1767-1776
1. The Question of the Curacies Durin0 the Times
of Santa Justa and Governor Anda • • • • • • • • •
2. The Expulsion of the Jesuits • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
313
320
':IT'fua:pter Six - GovGrnor Basco's AdministrEition
1. Bascovs Plc.ms and. Policies •••••••••••••••••...
2. The Tobacco Monopoly •••.••••••••.•.••••••••.••
3. The Real Compafiia de Filipinas ••••••••••.•••••
Chapter Seven - The Philip-pines
lest h Century
325
329
331
At The Clos(~ of the
1. The Governnent of the Philippines • • • • • • • • • • • • •
.2. The Provinces •••••••••••••••••••• ~ •••.••••••••
3. Social Life - Manners and Customs • • . • • • • • • • • • •
J40
353
357
\
PART FOUR - POLITIC1LL' ECONm:rc AND CULTURAL PH OGRESS 1800-:187;
Chapter One - Philip~ine Representation in the Spanish
Cortes
1. European :3ackground of Philippine RGDresent a ti on •• o • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ~ • o . . . . . . . . .
Cl
•••••••
-vii-
2. The Philippines and the Cortes of 181C-181J ••• 371
J.
The Constitution of Cadiz •..•.••.••.•••••••••
1'74
.., l
4. The IJ.ocos Revolt, Hn4-1815 ................ . 377
5. The Cortes of 1$20-1823 •••.••.••••••••••••••• 379
6. The Cortes of 183/+-1[;37 •••.•.•.......••.•• · • • 382
Chapter Two - :Material Pron-r()SS
1. Regidor-l',fu.sonr s Account on Philippine Commercial Prcrress ••••••••.••••••••••••••• 388
2. Economic c1.nd Soci-11 1(r,sul t::., er" the O~cning
of the PhilippirH:s to Foreign Nations
(a) Economic and Social Development •..••••• Ji,04
(b) Commercial and Ao.::riculturel Progress .•• 406
(c) 'social and Political Results •• ~ ••.•..• l.i,C~
' '
,-i
i
J. Other Aspects of Philippines Material Progress
(a) Improvement of Communication F'c.1ciJ.itj_es . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . · • • · • J.i-1,
...
(b) Campaigns Against Piracy . . .
41t
.
. ..
.. . .
Chapter Three - Provincinl and Municipal Reforms
1. Defects o.f the· Administrative System ••••...•• 424
2. The Rofprn Decree of 1844 .............•.....• 436
J. 'Ihe Provi.nc es AbclJt the Middl s of · thri 19th
---C er1 t ur :;:r • • • • • • • • " • .• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •~ • • • ••••••
4. The Municipal Reform Decree o.f lt47 •..•.....•
Chapter Four - Educatiorwl Reforms
1. Educational and Cultural Conditibns about
the :viicldl e oE th0 19th Century ..•••••••••• 4
2. The Educational Decree of 1g63 •........••... ~
3. Other Notable El~ucationa1 DEvel.orments •••••••
L
466
Chapter Five - The Spanish Revolution and Its Results
1. Bae kg round of the Hevol ution
2. Effects Upcn the PhiJ.ippinE.~s
Chapter Six - The Cavite Affair of
..................
. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .
~-69
478
1872
1. Background of the Cavite Affair •..•••.••••••• 483
2. The Cc1vi te Affair :rnd Its Results •••..••••••• 499
PART FIVE - THE LAST YEARS OF SPANISH RULE
Chapter One - Spain, 1871-1898 ....................... ..
Chapter Two - The Spanish Colonial Administration •••••
Chapter Three - Reforms Granted to the Philippines
1. The Tax Reform of l88L1- •.•••••••••••••••••• : ••
2. The Provincial He.form of 1886 ...•..••...•...•
3. The Reform DecreE: of 1885 ......•.•••••.....•.
4.
The Extension of the Spanish Codes •••••••••••
5. The Royal Order of November 12} 1Ss9 ........ .
6. The B.oyal Decree of Hay 1 7, 1893 ............ .
7. Suppression of the Tobacco Monopoly ••••••••.•
Chapter Four - The Propaganda Campaign
1. Rizal as a Propagandist .••..••••••••••••••.••
2. La Solidaridad ..•..••..••••••••••••••••••••••
J. The PetitioP of 1888 and the Calamba Episode ••
4. La Liga Filipina •••••••..•••••.••••••••••••.•
Chapter Five - The Philippine Revolution
1 • Tl:-1e Ka ti'iJu11an ..... ~ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . •
2. The Philippines on the Eve of the Revolution ..................................... .
3. Outbreak of the PlJil ippine Revolution ••••••••
Chapter Six - Philippine Independence in the New Age •••
----o:o----
PAHT ONE
DISCOVERY AND
COLONIZATION
CHAPTER ONE
:a,ACKGROUND OF MAGELLAN' S VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY
1.
Introductory Survey
The voyage of Magellan to, the Philippines, one of the
great accomplishments of Spain in early modern times, was an
event of the reign of Ch~rles I. (1516-1556) •1
It ranks in
historical importance with Columbus' voyage to· the New World
in 1492 and Vasco da Gama's voyage to India in 149S.
These
voyages. were the prelude to that great event of early modern
times which history writers refer to as the Commercial Revo-
lution.
From the standpoint of Spanish national history, the
voyages of Columbus and Magellan were the sequel of an impor-.
tant event which took place in the Spanish Peninsula in the
1 - Charles I was the son of Mad Joan ( Juana la Loca),
daughter .of Ferdinand and Isabella, and Philip, the Handsome
( el Hermosa), son of ¥1aximilian of Austria, Emperor of the
Hol-y Roman Empire.
Besidcf; being King of Spain, he was Emperor Charles V of the Holy Roman Empire.
He was elected
Emperor of the E:rnpire shortly after his accession to the
Spanish throne.
.
A descendant of the Hapsburgs of Austria,. Charles I
founded the Spanish Hapsb~rg dynasty which ruled Spain for
nearly two hundred years.
The other Spanish Hapsburgs were
Philip II (1556-1598}, Philip III (1598-1621), Philip IV
(1621-1665) and Charles II (1665-1700).
-2later Middle Ages.
This was the union through marriage of
two of the then leading states in the Peninsula, the kingdom
On October 14th,
of Castilla.-Leon and the kingdom of Aragon.
1469, Princess Isabel of Castilla-Loon was betrothed to
Ferdinand, · heir to the throne of Aragon.
This event signal-
ized the culmination of the centuries-old process of national
evolution which had been in progress in the Peninsula and in
which the small independent Cr1ristian otntes in Spain were
united and consolidc:ited into bigger states and kingdoms.
The
ultimate outcome of' this process was the emergence of l-:'fodern
Spain, destined to play a leading role in European affairs
in early modern times.
Under Ferdinand and Isabella (1474-1516), frequently
~
'
referred to by Spanish 1f,lr1t. 0..r~_,:'l.r1 J;,o:=1 .R.ffVG.S... C®nl_j..c.os., t ..rv:'. ·
new Spain, following the example of Portugal,
emb0.rk<)rl uJ,ol\
the task of finding a new trade route to the countries of
the Far East.
The need for such a route was keenly felt at
that time throughout Western Europe.
For the old trade
rqutes over which the riches of the Orient, from immemorial
time, found their -way to Europe, no longer Yc)r'Oved adequate
--...-------
and ~~tisfactory.
For one thing, the Mediterranean Sea,
over which the goods from the East were carried to Western
Europe, was con\I:oll-ed by the maritime city states of Italy•
Because of their favorable geographical situation in relation
-3to the terminals of the old trade routes, the merchants of
the Italian city states had a decided advantage over the merchants of Western Europe in the international competition
for control and domination of the trado with the East.
Be-
sides, the countries in the eastern Mr3diterranean, where the
old trade routes had their terminals, wore gradually falling into the hands of· Moslem Powers.
Portugal pioneered in the task of finding new routes
to the countries of the East.
Under the patronage and en-
couragement of Prince Henry the Navigator (1394-1460), Portuguese sailors undertook voyages of discovery and exploration along the Atlantic coast of Africa.
Princfa Henry did
not live long enough to see the roalization of the Portuguese dream of reaching the East by a direct all water route.
However, the project that he had started was carried on by
the Portuguese with undiminished zeal.
In 1486, Bartholo-
mew Diaz reached the southernmost tip of Africa.
tuguese called the place "Cape of Good Hope,
11
The Por-
a name chosen
to express their undying faith in the ultimate success of
their undertakings.
Twelve years later, they had the great
satisfaction of seeing their dream come true.
In 149£5,
Vas co da Gama sailed into the harbor of Calicut, India,
bringil}g to a successful conclusion one of the most memorable voyages in early modern times.
At last a direct all-
-4watElr route to the East had been found which could give
traders from Western Europe freedom ::rnd immunity frcm interference or control on the part of the marit,ime city states
of Italy and the Moslem states in Western Asia.
It was; however, to the Spnin of Ferdinand and IGabella
that the honor belongs of accomplishing the first truly epoch
making voyage of modern times.
Six years before Vasco da
Gama accomplished his memorable voyage, Chrictophor Columbus,
sailing under the flag of Spain, and, following a bold plan
of his own to get to the countries o·f Eastern Asia, h.ad successfully crossed the Atlantic Ocean and had come upon a
new world, (1492),
2, Pope Alexander VI's Bull nrnter Caetera".
Columbus' achievement gave rise to misunderstanding
and controversy between Spain and Portugal.
For it was gen-
erally believed. then that the world was much smaller than
its actual size and that Columbus had reached islnnds off
the eastern coast of India.
Portugal contended that Columbus
had gone into reeions which at that time wero being discovered and explored by her own navigators.
To settle the controversy bet-ween Spain and Portue;al,
Pope Alexander VI issued in
1493 a papal bull establishing
a line of demarcation between the areas assicned for dis-
-5covory and exploration to the rulers of these states.
The
YVInter Caetera,
r;
4, 1493.
following: 1
Important portions of the document are the
May
as this document is known, was promulgated
Arnone other works well pleasing to his divine llf.aj csty and cherished of our heart, this assuredly ranks highest: that in our times especially the Catholic faith and the Christian law be
exalted and overywh.ere increased :.crnd sp:tead •.•
Wherefor o, recognizing that as true Catholic
kings and princes such as we have always known
you to be, and as your illuf;trious deeds already
known to almost t, he whole worJ.d declo.re, you not
only eagerly desire but with every effort, zeal,
and diligence, without regard to hardships, expenses, dangers, with the shedding even of your
blood, are laboring to that end; thnt besides you
have already long ago dedicated to this purpose
your whole soul and all your endeavors, as witnessed in these times with so much glory to the
divine name in your recovery of the kingdom of
Granada from the yoko of the Moors, we therefore
not unrichteously hold it as our duty to grant.
you even of our own accord and in your .favor
those things whereby daily and with heartj_er effort you may be enabled .for the honor of God himself and- the spread of the Chrj_stian rule to accomplish your saintly and praiseworthy purpose so
pleasing to immortal God.
In sooth we have
learned that according to your purpose long ago
you were in quest of some far-away islands and
mainlands not hitherto discovered by othors, to
the end that you might bring to the wors:1ip of
our Redeemer and the profession of the Catholic
faith tl1e inhabit:rnts of them; ••• thc1.t with the
wish to fulfill your desire, you chose our bel - Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol.
1, pp. 97 ff. In subseguont citations, BJ.cdr and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, will be referred to by the
abbreviated form, B. & R.
-6loved son, Christopher Colon, ••• to make diligent quest for these far-away, unknown mainlands
and islands through the sea, where hitherto no one
has sailed; who in fine, with di.vine aid, nor
without the utmost di1i 6 ence, sailing in the Ocean
Sea discovered certain very far-away islands and
even mainlands th:it hitherto had not bean discovered by others...
Wherefore, as becoming to
Catholic kings and princes, after earnest consideration of all matters, especially of the rise and
spread of the Catholic faith, you have purposed
with the favor of divine clemency to bring unde:)r
your sway tho said mainl&nds E,.nd island;3 vdth
their inhabitants 2.nd 7-he dw8llers therein, and
· br;i.ng them to the Catholic f,1ith. ~. By tenor of
these pros ents, we do give, gr&nt, and assign to
you and you:;:' heirs and successors, kings of Castile
and Leon, forever, together with all thoir dominions, cities, camps, places, c:;.nd towns as well as
all rights, jurisd:i. ctions, 2.ncl appurtenances, all
isl2nds 2nd m2inlands found E:nd t-'.) be found, dis covered and to be discoverod towards the west and
south, by drawing and 9stablishing a line; from
the Arctic pole, nr.-'l.mely the north, to t:.ie Antartic
pole, namely the south, no matt.er whethor tho said
mainlands and islands are found and to be found
in the direction of India or towards any other
quarter, the said line to the west. and south to be
distant one hundred leagues from any of the is-·
lands commonly known as the Azores and Cc:.:i.to Verde-.
With this proviso however that none of the islands and ma.inland,s found and to be found, discovorcd and to be discoverec: bevond that said line
towards the 1,wst and south, b;.3 in tlic actual possession of any Cllristian kinF; or i'):.:ince up to the
birth duy o.f our Lord: Jesus Christ ju2t pa.st in
the present year o".1e thousand four hnr:id:cr;d and
ninoty threP.
Mol.·"eOVP."" ,.·ov -Yil" 1,e 'l~lPO
·1' 1·1./-· et
~ nd
de_,_
i._- .....
-.
pute you and your sE :j.d J.1c-)::l.rs anc s11.ccesr;ors owners of them with .full and freo powcir, authority,
and jurisdiction of every kind; with this proviso
however that throue;h th:i.s gift, g:rant, and assignment of ours no ri.f:i;ht conferred on any Ch:r·istian prince, who mny be in actual possession of
said is1u.nds cJ.nd muinl,111ds up to the said birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ, j_s nureby to be
consider8d as ·withdrawn or to be wit·,hdrawn, More._ •
..,,..,.
1
Vv
C!, ,l_
'
C
V
V
-7over we command you in virtue of holy obedience
that, cmployin:::; all due diligence in the premises, a,s y0i..,1_ promise, nor do we doubt your compliance therein to the best of your loyalty and
royal greatness of spirit, you send to the said
aforesaid mainlands and islands worthy, Godfearing, learned, skilled, and experienced men,
in order to instruct. the aforesaid. inhabitants
and dwellers therein, in the Catholic faith and
train them in good morals •••
2. Treaty of Tordesillas
King John of Portugal did not find quite satisfactory the arrangement established by the Pope.
He felt that
the demarcation line established by the Papal Bull was not
far enough to the west to- include regions which, by reason
of prior discovery and exploration by Portuguese navigators, properly belonged to Portugal.
line be moved farther to the west.
He demanded that the
The Portuguese demand
was taken up in a conference of Portuguese and Spanish
commissioners held at Tordesillas in l/i..94. -
In that con-
ference the Treaty of Tordesillas "fas concluded, June 7,
1494.
Important portions of the Treaty al'e the following: 2
Whereas, a certain controversy exists between the said lords as to what lands, of all
those discovered in the Ocean Sea pertain to
each one of the said parts respectively; there~
fore, for the sake of peace and concor6, and
for the preservation of the relationship and
love of the said King of Portugal for the said
_,________
2 - ~-
-8King and Queen of Castilla, Aragon, etc., they,
their s&id represcmtativos, acting in their rwme
and by virtue of their powers herein described,
covenanted and agreed that a boundary or straight
line be determined and drawn north and south,
from pal~ to pole~ on the said Ocean Seu --- from
the Artie to the Antarctic pole.
?r..is boundary,
or line shall be JrEiW11 straLr,Lt, as aforesaid,
at a di::,tanco of three hundrnd .s.nd seventy 1 eagues
west of the Caba Verde islands, being ca:culated
by deg1~ees, 01· by L,ny other r:1.e.n.ner.f as :nay be
considered the best and readiest, provided the
distance shall be no 2:rei1ter than above said.
And all lands, both i;ldnds and mainlands, found
and discove~od alr0adyi or tote found and discovered hereafter by the said Kin[,; of Portugal
and by his vessels on this side of the said line
and bound determined as above, toward the east,
in either no:::-th or south latitude, on t:1e eastern side of the said bound, provided the said
bound is not crossed, shall belong to, and remain
in the poss2ssion of, and pertain forever to the
said King of Portugal .:J.nd his succosso:i.... :.=;.
And
all other lands --- bo-:-h islancis and ma:.i.nJands,
found or to be found her ea ft er, d:Lscover·ec: or to
be discovered herenfter, whi~~ have been discoVGrcd or sh2lJ. be discovered bv the said King and
Queen of Ca.3tilla, Ara9:;on, eteJ~, ~tr1d by their
vessels, on the w2stern side of the said bound,
deter~ined as above, after hRving passed the said
bound toward the west, in either its no~th or
south latitude, shc,11 bolcng tc, and remo.in in
possession of, and pertGin forever to tho said
King and QuGon of Castilla, Leon, otc,, and to
their successors •••
Yten: In order that the said line o~ bound
of the ~sc::id division may be made straight &nd as
ready as possible the suid distance of three
:iundr2d c1nd seventy 1 eagues west o.f the Cc;bo Verde isla,1ds, .'.ls l1.e1~einbefore sJca.ted, the sc=.:id repre$ertatives of both the said parties acree and
assent that wi.thin the ten months irnrnedir1.tely
following the date of tills t:c8c:,ty, thEdr said
const ituer.t J.ords sb.all despatch t°\JO or four en ravels.
Thasc vessels shall meet at the island
o.f Grande Ca:1aria ( Grand Canary IsJ.n.nd), during
this time~ and each one of the said parties shall
send cert&in persons in them, to wit, pilots, astrologers, sai.lors, and any others they may deem
desirable. But there must be 8S many on one side
as on the other, and cert&in o~ the said pilots,
astrologers, sailors, and others of those sent by
the said King and Queen of Castilla, Aragon, etc.,
and who are experienced, shall embark in the ships
of the said lCing of Portwi;al anet t11e Algarbes; inlike manner certain of the s1.id persons sent by
the said Kine; of Portugal shall embark in the ship
or ships of the said King and Quee:1 of C.::wtilla,
Aragon, etc.: a like number in each case, so that
they may jointly study and examine to better advantage the sea, courses, winds, and the degroes
of the sun or of north latitude, and lay out the
leagues aforesaid, in order t.hat, in determining
the 1 ine and boundary, all sent and empowered by
both the said parties in the said vessels, shall
jointly concur.
These said vessels shall continue their course to2:ether to the said Cabo Verde
islands, from whence Ehey shall lay a direct
course to the west, to the distance of the said
three hundred and seventy degrees, measured 3.S
the said persons _shall agree, and measured without prejudice to the said parts.
When this point
is reached, such point ·;,,iill constitute tl1e plo.ce
and mark for measuring degrees of the sun or of
north latitude eith0r by daily runs measu::.~ed in
1 eogues, or in any other mann-Jr thJ.t sha11 mutually be deor.1ed bettlf;r.
This said line shc..11 be
drawn north and south as efo~esaid, from the said
Arctic pole to the said Anta:.:·ctic }Jole ~
And when
this line ha.s been det9rmined as above said, thos·e
sent by the aforesaid parties, to whom each one
of the said parties must delegate his own authority and power, to determine the said mark and
bound, shall draw up a writing concerning it and
affix thereto their signatures. And when deter~
mined by the mutual consent o.:' all of tl1em, this
line shall be consider2d forAver as a perpetual
mark and bound, in Sl.1ch wise that the said parties, or either of them, or their future successors, shall be unable to deny it, 01· erase or remove it, at any time or in an:r manner whatsoever.
---: 0: _.;.. _
-10-
CHAPTER
TWO
THE :MAGELLAN EXPEDITION
The Treaty of Tordesillas gav~ Spain the right to ven;..
ture into the unexplored regions of the South Seas as the
Pacific Ocean was then called.
Spain, however, did not
make use of this right until many years later.
In the mean-
time, Portugal had ;:one to the Eas-s ctncl had started in
earnest laying down the foundations of a vast colonial empire in that part of the world.
rived at Calicut, India.
In 1498, Vas co da Gama ar-
In 1509, Albuguerq110 acquired Goa,
on the western coast of India, and made it th3 capital of
In 1511, Albuquer-
Portugal's colonial empire in the East.
que captured lVIalac::ca from the Malays.
That sa1i1e year he
dispatched an expedition in Gearch of the Spice Islands.
In 1519, Spain launched an e:{pedi:~ion ol her own to
the East.
That yeal' Ferdinand Ma'Iellan J.eft the port of
Snn Lucar de Barrameda on a voyage cf discovery which eventually took him to the Philippines.
The story of the Magellan e:xpcdition is told in two
importcmt source documents: Pj_gafette' s account, first published in Italim1 in 1800 under the title,
i1
?rimo viaggio
intorno al globo tcrracqueo"; and a letter written in Latin
-11-
in 1522 by Maximilianus Transyl vanus entitled,
11
De Moluccis
Insulis 11 • 1
Pigafettats account was written by an eyewitness of
the events related therein.
the Magellan expedition.
For Pigafetta was a member of
He went through the hardships
and vicissitudes of the voy~ge and was one of the few among
the members of ,the expedition who came bf.lck to Spain alive.
He wrote the story of that memorable voy:Jge o.round the world
using as his main source of information the copious notes
that he had taken down from time to time of things that
happened in the course of the voyage.
Transylv.::tnus wrote his story on the basis of the testimonies gathered by him from Sebastio.n dGl Cano; the navigator who piloted the Victoria back to Spain in 1522, and
from the other survivors of the expedition.
Transyl vanus'
"De Moluccis Insulisi 1 has a significance of its own in Philippine historical literature.
It was the first account to
be published in Europe relative to the Philippines.
(1) The following is the story, in part, of the Magelian expedition as told by Pigafetta:
1 - Pigafetta's account is in vols. 33, Jh, B.&:, R.
Transylvanus' i 1De Moluccis Insulisit is in vol. 1, B.&, R.,
p. 30 5, .ff.
-12-
Departure from Spain
. On Mondny. morning,. August X, St. La:;4re:r:ice' s
Day, 111 the year aboves-11c.;., 2 the fleet, naving
been supplied with all the things n0ccsso.ry to the
sea, (and counting those of every nationality, we
were two hundred and thirty-s ·3ven m.cm), made rea dy to leave the harbor of Siviglia.3 •••
From
Sivi.glia to this point (i.e., San ~ucar), it is
17 or 20 leaguas by river. Some dn:rs after, the
captain-ceneral, with his other ca~~ains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to th~ir
snips.
We remained there for a c:JnniderG.ble number of days in order to finish (providing) the
fleet with some things that it needed.
Every
day we w_ent a.shore to hear mass in a village
called Nostra Dofla de Baremeda (our Lady of Barrameda), near San Lucar,
Before the departure, the
captain-general wished all tho--men to confess,
and would not allow any woman to sail in the fleet
for the best of considerations.
We left that village, by name San Luchar, on
Tuesday, September XX of thG same yec,r, and took a
southwest course.
On the 26th of the said month,
we reached an island of the Great Can2ria, called
'r eneripno,
· ,
· b 1 ies
·
· n 1 at:..· t u·ct e o.L-r ,:;,..) c.egrees,
wh ic
in
(landing thore) in order to get flesh, water, and
,vood •••
,...,r).
j
Mutiny
,
3.t San Julian
In tha~ port which we called the port of Santo Julinnno, 1~ we remained about 5 months.
IVbny
2 - 15·,J. q.· •
3 - Sevilla.
Mag2llan's fleet consisted of the following vessels: Trinid~d (Flagship, 110 tons), San Antonio
(120 tons), Concepcion (90 tons), Victoria (85 tons), and
Santiago (75 tons).
.
4 - This port, located at latitude 49° South on the
shores of Argentina, was reached Ma~ch 31, 1520.
.
After C:i:'ossiag the Atlantic, Mi:1gellnn' s fleet took
time exploring the coa.st of South A1nerica. Cape Santo
-13things happened there. In order that your most
illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it
happened that as soon as we had entered the port,
tho captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captaingeneral.
Those conspirators consisted of the
overseer of the fleet, one Johan de Cartagena;
the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa; the accountant,
Anthonio Gocha and Gaspar de Cazada.
The overseer of the men having been qunrtered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered.
Somedays after that, Gaspar
de Cazadq, was banished with a priest in that
land of Patagonia.
The captain-,general did not
wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don
Carlo, had appointed him captain. • ••
At the Strait of Magellan
Then going to fifty-two degrees to~-Jard the
same pole, we found a strait on the dai (feast of
the) eleven thousand virgins (i.e., October 21),
whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia
Vergine (i.e., cape of the Eleven Th6usand Virgins) because of that very great miracle.
That
stro.it is one hundred and ten leguas or 1+40
millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more
or less.
It leads to another sea called the Pacific Saa, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow.
There it was impossible
to find bottom (for anchoring), but (it was necessary to fasten) the moorings on land 25 or 30
Agustino on the most eastern headland of Brazil was reached
toward the end of November, 1519.
Rio de Janeiro was
reached on December 13.
Leaving Rio de Janeiro on December 26, the fleet proceeded to the estuary of the Rio de
la Plata.
Here it remained until February. 2, 1520. From
the Rio de la Plata IVhgellan sailed to the port of Santo
Juliano. Winter had begun and I'-'Tagellan decided to stay
there throughout the winter months.. He left port San
Julian August 24, 1520.
On October 21, 1520, the fleet
arrived at the cmtrance to the Strait of Mugellan.
-14brazas away.
Had it not been for the captaingeneral, we wo~ld not have found that strait, for
we all thought and said that it ·wrw closed on all
sides.
After entering that strait, we found two
openings, one to the southeast, and the other to
the southwes~.,. We went t,'J ex~lore the other
opening toward the sout.hwest. ··Finding, however,
the same strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river Sardi~e (i.e., Sardines), because there were ma~y sardines near it.
So we stayed ther.J for four d&ys.
Du.r::.ng that
period we sent a ·wt-;11-eciuipped boat to e:xplore
the cane o~ the other s6a.
The men returned within thr~e days~ and reported that they had SGen
the cape· and'the open sea.
The captain-general
wept for joy, and:called that cape, Cap0 Dezeado
(i.e., Desire), for we h&d been desirin6 it for a
long time,,.
In'order that your most illustrious Lord
ship may believe it, when we were in that. strait,
the ni 6 hts were only three hours long, arid it was
then the month of Octob or.
The la.nd on theleft-hand side of that strait turned to~1ard the
southeast and was low.
We called that strait
the strait of Fatagonia.
One finds· the safest
of ports every hulf legua in it, water, the finest
wood (but not of cetj.ar Y, fish, sa::...-·clines,. and· missiglioni, while smullage, a s-weet herb (c.1lthough
there is also some that is bitter) grows around
the spr~ngs. -We ate of it for mnny days as we
had nothin.2: else.
I bclievG tha-i:, there is not a
more beautiful strait in the world than that one. • ••
The Voya·ge· Across the Pacific
Wednesday·, 'November 28, 1520, we debouched
from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.
We were three months 1.nd twenty dnys
without getting any kind of fresh food.
We. ate
biscuit, which wa.J no longer biscuit, but powder
of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had
eaten the good.
It s~Gnk s~rong:v of the urine
of rats, vfe drank yellow water ·€:1nt had been putrid for many days.
We also at8 ~3omo ox hides
that covered thG top of the mainyard to prevent
-15the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had
become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain,
and wind.
We left them in the sea for four or
five days, and then placed thr:~m for a few momonts
on top of the embers, and so ate thern; and often
we ate sawdust from boards.
Rats were sold for
one-half duc.Jdo apiece, and even ti1cn we could not
get them, But above all the other misfortunes the
following was the worst.
The gums of both the
lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled,
so that they could not eat under any circumstances
and therefore died,
Nineteen ffien died from that
sickness, and the giant together with an Indian
from the country of Verzin.
Twenty-five or thirty
men fell sick ( during that time), in the arms,
legs, or in cmother place, so that but .few r,:;rnained
well.
However, I, by the giace of God, suffered
no sickness.
We sailed about four thousand leguas during tJ:wse three months and twenty days
through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea. In
truth it is very pacific, for during that time we
did not suffer any storm.
We $aW no land excopt
two desert islets, where we found nothin3 but
birds and trees, for which we called them the
Ysolle Infortunate (i.e., the Unfortunate Isles).
They are two hundred leguas apart. We fo1111d no
anchorage, ( but 1 near them saw many :::harks.
The
first islet lies fifteen degr0es of south latitude,
and the other nine. Daily we made runs of fifty,
sixty, or seventy leguas at the caten2, or at the
stern.
Had not God and His blessed mother given
us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding .vast sea. Of a vor:i.ty I
believe no such voyage will ever be made (again).
·Arrival at the· Philippines
At dawn on Saturday, March 16, 1521, we
came upon a high land at a distance of throe
hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni, an island named Zamal (Sa:mar). The following dctY the
captain-Joneral desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right
of the above mentioned isJ.and in order to be more
secure and get water and have some rest, He had
two tents s~t up on the shore for the sick and
-16had o. sow killed for them.
On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us
with nine men in it.
Therefore, the captaingeneral ordered that no one should move or say
a word. without his Derrnis~don.
When those men
reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general giving sirns of joy
because of our arrival.
Five of the rr~st ornately adorned of them remained with us, while
the rest wont to get some oth,:irs who were fishing, and so thoy all cam,3.
The captain-general seeing that they were re:1sonablo men, ordered food to be set before th9m, and gave them
red caps, mirrors, combs, bell,s, ivory, bocasine, and other things. ·when they sa-w thn 9aptain' s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of
palm wine, which t hoy call 111:il,_Ca {i.e. arrack),
figs more than one palmo J.oni:; IT. e. ban,g,nas),
and others which were smaller and more delicate,
and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then,
but rnade us signs with their hands that they
would bring umay or rice, and coconnuts and many
other articles of food within four days ••••
Those people became very familiar with us.
They told us many things, th::dr names and those
of some of the islands that could be seen from
that place. Their own island was called Zuluan
and it is not ve~y large.
We took great pleasure wit;,1 them, for they were very ploc:i.sant and
conversable.
In order to show then gren.ter
honer, the captain-eeneral took them to ~is ship
and showed them all his merchandise - cloves,
cinnamon, p_epp'er, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold,
and all things . in the ship.
He had some mortars fired for them, whereas they exhibited
grent fear, and tried to jump out of the qhip.
They rnado signs to us that the abovesaid articles grew'in that place where we were going.
When thoy were about to :cetiro they took· their
leave very_ grace.fully and ne:3.tly, s.1.yini; that
they would return accor.::ling- to their promise.
The islan,d where we werJ .1.s ca:::..J ed I-Iuri,unu; but
inasmuch as we: four1d- two cp1: i:riL)"' there of the
clearest water, we call2d it Ac(~ada da li
buoni Segnialli (i.e. the Watering nlace of
good Sig~~) foi there were the fi;si signs of
0
-17 ...
gold which wo found in those districts.
We
found a great quantity of white coral there,
and large trees with fruits a trifle smaller
than the almond. and resembling pine seeds.
There 3.re <1lso many palms, some of them good
and others bad.
There are many islands in
that district, and therefore we call©d them the
the archipelago of San Lazaros, as they were
discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazarus.
They
lie in X degrees of latitude toward the Arctic
pole, 3.nd in a longitude of one hundred and
sixty one degrees from the line of demarcation.
At noon on Friday, March 22, those men
came as they had promised us i~ two boatc with
cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine,
and a cock, in order to show us thut there were
fowls in that district.
They exhibited great
signs of pleasure at seeing us,
We purchased
all those articles from them. · Their seignior
was an old man who was paintod {i,E~., tattooed).
He wore two r,old earrings (.§..£1:li~) in his ears,
and the others many gold arml(:;ts on their arms
and kerchiefs about their heads.
We stayed
there one week, and ,during that time our captain
went ashore daily to visit the sick, and every
morning gave them cocoanut water from his own
hand, which comforted them greatly.
There nre
people living near that island who have holes
in their ears so large that they can pass their
arms throw:;h them.
Those peoples 2re CC'.phri,
that is to say heathen. They go nak~d with a
cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their
uriviss excent some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidored with silk at the ends by
means of a needle.
They anoint themselves with
cocoanrrt and with leensced oil, as a protection
against sun and wind. They have ·1ery black
hair that falls to the waist, and use dnggers,
knj_ves, and spears ormunented with gold, large
shields, fascines, javelins, and fishing nets
that resemble rizali, and their ooats are li~e
ours. . ••
On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day
of our Lady, lV:[arch twenty-five, while wo were
on the point of weighing anchor, I '\. ent to the
1
-18side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet
upo11 a yard le,e.ding down into the storeroom, they
slipped, for it was rainy, ,:md consequently I
felJ. into t ho sea, so thut no one Grrw mo.
When
I wns all but under, my left hnnd hDppenod to
catch hold of the clew-gnrnet of the mainsaii,
which wa~ dansling (&scos~) in the water.
I
held on tightly, ::ind o,3g.:::rn to cry out so lustily
that I was rsscued by tha small boat. I was
aided, not, I 'believo, indeed throurh my merits,
but through the mercy of that font of ch&rity
(i,e., of the Virgin).
That saffie day we shaped
our course toward the west southwest between
four small islc;nds, namely, Cone.lo, Hiunanghan,
Ibusson, and Abarien,
At Lirnasawa
On Thursday morning, Mar~h tvrnnty-c-dght,
as we had seen a firf? on 2n isJ.and the night before, we anchored ne.sr it .5
We saw a small
boat which the natives call oo::.oto with ciin:ht
men in it, ap:µroacning the fl::1gshi:'.).
A slave
belonging to the captain-general, -,'lho was a native of ZamatrL~ (i.o., Sumatra); w:i:i.ch -was formerly called Traprobana spoke them.
Tnsy immediately understood him, ca~e alon~side the
ship, unwilling to ente:c but takin:~ 2 po;J:i.tion
at some little distance. The c2ptr:.iin see~.ng that
thoy would not trust us, threw theD out ,'-l red
cap and other thine:s tied to a bit of' wu0d.
They received them very gladly, and went away
quickly to advise their king.
Aoout two hours
latbr we saw two balang~ni ;o~i~~. Thev are
large boats 2nd a::~e so~ cD.llod J~by -::.hcse· :ooople7.
They -were full of mon, and thej_r kine; wus in
the larger of them, being seated un-ier a;1 awning of rn2.ts, When the king cnme ne,:;r th,..; flagship, the slnve spoke to him.
Thr_: 1,:-ine; tmderstood him, for in those di2tricts -<:,he lcLncs know
more languages thnn the oth-3r PCOP~.e. He ordered
some of his men to enter the ship~, but he al-
5 - Tho island referred to h,3re was Limasawa, a smetll
island lying a short distence sout:-1 of LGyte.
-19ways remained in his balane.;hai, at some little
distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed.
The captain-general showed great honor to
the man who entered the ship, and gave them some
presents, for which the king wished before his
departure to give the captain a large bar of
gold and basl~etful of ginger.
The J.atter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it.
In the afternoon we went in the ships
Land anchored? near the dwellings of the king.
Nex~ day, holy Friday, the captain-general
sent his clave, who acted as our interpreter,
ashore. in a smaJ.l boat to ask tho king j_f ho had
any food to have it carried to the ships; and to
say that they would be well satisfied with us, for
he /and. his rnen? had come to the island as friends
and-not as enemies.
The king came with six or
eight men in the same bo3.t and enterod the ship.
He embraced the cc1ptain-general to whom he gave
three porcelain j2rs covered with leaves and full
of raw rice, two very large pradc, and other
things.
The captain-general gave the king a
gnrmont of red and yeJ.J.ow cloth rnn cie in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others
(the king's men), to some knives ~nd to others
mirrors.
Then the captain··:?:eneral huc1 a collation spread for them, and had the king told
through the slave that he dosired to -oe c.1si £§..Pi
1fhe
with him, that is to say, brother.
king replied that he also wished to enter the same relations with the captain-general.
The capt1in
showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral
Lornaments7, and many other ert:LcJ.es o.f.' merd1andise, and all the artillery, some of which he had
discharged for him, wherea'e, the riati vec were greatly frightened. Then the captain-gene:ral had a
man armsd as a soldier, and placed him in the
raidst of three men armed with swortis and daggers,
who struclc him on all parts of the body.
Thereby was the kinz rende:;."'ed alr!1ost ,speechless. The
captain-general told him t~rough the slave that
one of those armed men was worth one hundred of
his own men.
The king answered that that was a
fact. The captain-general said that he had two
hundred mGn in each ship who were armed in that
manner.
He showed the king cuirasses, swords,
and bucklers, and had a review made for him. Then
he led the kinr._: to the deck of the ship, that is
located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart
and compass brought. He told the kinr.; through
the interpreter how hG had found the strait in
order to voyage thither, and how many moons he
had been without seeing land, whereat the king
was astonished,
Lastly, he told the king that
he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to
send two of his men with him so that he might
show them sorJ1e of his things.
The king replied
that he was agreeable, and I went in coL:pany with
one of the other men.
When I reached shore, the king raised his
hands toward the sky and then turned toward us
two.
We did the same toward him as did all the
oth8rs,
The king took me by the hand; one of
his chiefs took my companion: and thus they led
us under a bamboo covering, where there was a
balanghai, as long as eighty of my palm lengths,
and resembling a fusta.
We sat ci.own upon the
stern of that bo.langhai, constantly conversing
with signs.
The king's men stood about us in
a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers.
The king had a plate of porl~ brought in
and a large jar filled with wine.
At every
mouthful, we drank a cup of wine.
The wine that
was left Lin the cup? at any time, althouo;h that
happened but rarely, was put into a j nr by itself,
The king's jar was always kept co7ered and
no one else drank from it but hc3 and I.
Before
the king took the cup to drink, h(i raised his
clasped hands toward the sky, and then tow~rd
me; and when he was about to drink, he extended
the fist of his left hand toward mB (at first I
thought that he was about to st:;."'ike me) and then
drank,
I did the same toward the king.
They
all make those signs one toward o.not.i.1'Jr then they
drink.
We ate vJith such ceremonies ,.tnd with
other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy
Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the
supper hour I gave the king many things which I
had brought.
I wrote down the names of many
things in their language.
When the king and the
others saw me writing, and when I told them their
/
-21-
words, they were all astonished. While engaged
in that the supper hour was announced. Two large
porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice
and the other of pork with its gravy. We ate with
the same si:?:ns and ceremonies, after which we went
to the palace of the king which was built like a
hayloft and. was thatched with fig LI. e., banang_7
and palm leaves. It was built up high from the
ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary
to ascend to it by mean.s of ladders, The king made
us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet
drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter
of roast fish cut in pieces was brouglffi in, and
ginger· freshly gathered, and wine. 'J'he king's
eldest son, who vias the prince, came over to us,
whereupon the king told him to sit down near us,
and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were
brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the
other with rice}, so that we might eat with the
prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used
the ~m of a tree called anjE!Q wrapped in palm or
fig £i.e., banarJ.J l~aves for lights. The king made
us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He
left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves,
When day dawned the king car~ and took me by the
hand, and in that manner we went to where WG had
had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but
the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king
kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One
of his brothers, the king of another island, and
three men came with us. The captain-general kept
him to dine with us, and gave him many things.
Pieces of cold, of the size of walnuts and
eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island
of that king who came to our ships.
All the dishes of that king are of gold and also some portion
of his house, as we were to].d by that king himself.
According to their customs he wao very grandly
decked out ,[niolto in ordin2,7, and the .finest looking man that we saw among those people.
His hair
was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders.
He had a covering of silk on his head, and wore
two large golden earrings fastened in h:i.s e.al"s,
He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk,
which covered him from the waist to the knees. At
his side hung a da~ger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold• and its scabbard of
carvGd wood, He had three spots of 80ld on every
tooth, and his his teeth appear3d as if bound with
gold. He wo.s perf'urmed wi.t,h storax and benzoin.
H8 was tawny and paintnd
tELttoeiJl all over.
That island of 11:.Lt: w:u~1 call cd Butuan and. Calagal)..
When those kinss wished to see one another, they
both went to hunt in tl~wt islanl v1here we were•
0 ·~ i ,::,
'l'he nar.··e or h'-'· '"' i r· ti'.J
·~i- k1·
CoJ· ""mbu J and
. r1,,.
·.::: ·i
ll.-..A.u~~
the second Raia Siaui.
Li,e.,
.J.
,1.
-L.
V
V
--l .•
..,.
c:,
--0
-C.4,
Easter Sunday Mass e..t Limasawa
Early bn the morning of Sunday, the last of
March, and Easter day, the captain-general sent
the priest with ao@e men to prepare the place where
mass was to be said; togethc:r with the interpreter
to tell the king that wo W8I'e not going to land in
order to dine with him, but to say mass,
Therefore the king sent us two sw:.ne that h2 Lad h&d
killed.
When the hour for li~Ss arrived, ~G l~nded with about fifty men, wi:-hcuL body arr;1or~ but
carrying our other arms; and c!'f')Ss,ed in our 'best
clothes. BeforB we reached +:.he shore with our
boats, six pieces were disch2r1~i as a sign of
peace.
We landed; tl1e two ld,1(:;'o 9rnbracecJ the
captain-general, 2nd p~_aced liir,, ~'Je+;weqn tr.em,
We went in mnrching order to t11e !)2_aco consecrated, which was not far from tl;l.13 3:so:.. e.
I::efore
the cor.nnencoment of mas~, tne c -,,}:;f:,c in-s ereral
sprin:VJ.ed the en-~ire boG'J.(:)S of :,he; two r:in~s with
musk water. The mass was off ere1 up. The k::i.ngs
went forward to kiss the cross ai we did, but they
did not off er the sacrifice.
\i!h,~1. t :1e body of
our Lord was elev~ted, they reIT~i!ed on their
knees and worshiped Him with cl~s;ed hands.
ThG
ships fired all their artill0ry a~ on~G, when the
body of Christ was €levated, the sj_gno.l having
been given from the shore witL .r:-'.uslc:e-':-s.
After
the conclusion of the mass son;e o: our men took
communion,
The captain-f:':,ancr'al arranged a
fencing tournament, at which ·;~Le :~J.ngs were great-ly pleased. 'I'hGn he hE:cl a cross ce.rried in nnd
the nails and a crovm, to which irmnediate reverence
was made. He tolC::. the kinss through thu interpreter that they we1 e the standai·ds given to him by
1
-23the emoeror his sovereign, so that wherever he
might go he might set up those his tokens. (He
said) that he wished to set it up in that place
for their benefit, fo~ whenever any of our ships
came, they would know that we had been there by
that cross, and would do nothing to displease
them or harm their property (property~ doublet in
original rtlS.) If any of their men were captured,
they would be set free immediately on that sign
being shown. It was necessary to.set that cross
on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on
seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and
if they did that, neither thunder,. li~htning, nor
storms would harm them in the least. They thanked
him heartily and (said) that they would do everything willingly. '11 he Captain-general also had
them asked whether they were Moros or heathens, or
what was their belief. They r2plied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped
hands and their face to the sky; and that they
~alled their god "Abba".
Thereat the captain was
very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised
his hands to the sky and said that he wished that
it were possible for him to make the captain see
his love for him. 'I'he interpreter asked the king
why there was so little to eat there.
The latter
replied that he did not live in that place except
when he went hunting and to-see his brother, but
that he lived in another island where all his family are. The Captain-general had him asked to
declare whether he had any enemies, so that he
might go with his ships to destroy them and to
render them obedient to him. The king thanked him
and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile
to him, but that it was not the season to go there.
The Captain told hirn that if God would again allow
him to return to those districts, he would bring
so many men that he would make the kingrs enemies
subject to him by force~ He said that he was about
to go to dinner, and that he would return after-ward. to have the cross set up on the sun1.mit of
the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing
the muskets, and the captain embracing the two
kings, we took our leave.
After dinner we all ·returned clad iE our doublets, and that afternoon went together with the two·
·24kings to the summit of the highest mountain there.
Wheri we reached the summit, the Captain-general
told them that he esteemed highly having sweated
for them, for since the cross was therc 1 it could
not but be of great us0 to them. On asldng them
which port was the best to get food, they replied
that there were three, Ceylon, Zubu, and Cnlaghann-,
but that Zubu wa.s thG lcir:,;u~,t '..1nd the one with
most trad·3 ~ They offered-- of thc~ir own accord to ·give us pilots to show us the wayl
The Captaingeneral thanked them and determined. to go there,,_.
for so did his ur..hap:py fate wi1l., Aft,er tho cross
was erected in position, eGch.of us repeated a
Pater Nost;~r anJ Ave Marin E.md adored the cross; and
the kinzs-'afd the--s iinc-:--irhen we descend.ed through
their c~ltivated fields, and went to the place where
the balanghni was. The ki-ngs had some cocoanuts
brought in so that Wi:~ might refresh ourselves. The
Captain-~eneral asked the kings for the pilots for
he intended to d0p2rt the following morning, and
(said). that he. vwuld treat them as if they were the
kings thems0lves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The l:ing replied that every hour he wished
the pilots were at his command, but that night the
first king changod his mind, and in the morning
when we were about to depart, sent word to the Captain-general, asking him for love of him to wait
_two days until he would, have his rice harvested,
and other trifles attEmded to. He asked the Captain-general to send him some men and help hirri, so
that it might bo sooner; and said that he intended
to act as pilot himself. The Captain sent him some
men, but t·h8 kings ate and drank- so much that they
slept all the day. Somo said to excuse them that
they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on
that day, but they worked the next two days. • ••
Those people arc heathGns, nnd go naked and
painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a
tree about their privies •. They are very hoavy
drinkers. Their ~omen aro clad in tree cloth
from their waist down, and tbeir hair is black and
reaches to the ground, They have holes pierced
in their ears which are f111ed with 2:old.-.
Those
peopl0 are constantly chewing a fruit whic!1 they
call "arsca" and which resembles a pear. They cut
the fruit into four parts, end then wrap it in the
-251 eaves of their tree which they call 71 betroi 1 (i. c.,
betel}. Those leaves resemble the leav8s of th8
mulberry. 'I'hey mix it with a little lime, .and ·when
they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.
It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All tho people
in those parts of the world use it, for it is very
cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it
they would die. There ar(3 dogs, cats swine, fowls,
goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs ttananas),
oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo, wax? and
a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a
latitude of nine and two thirds degrees toward the
Arctic pole, and in a longitude of-ono hundred
sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It
is twonty five from the Acquada, called M:1.zaua.6
We remained there seven days, after which we
la id our course tovrnrd the northwest, passing among
five islands, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai and
Gati1shan ••••
Arrival at Cebu
At noon on April seven, we entered the port
of Zubu passing many villages, where 1ve saw many
houses built upon logs. On approaching the city,
the captain-general ordered the ships to fling
their banners.
The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle and all the artillery was
fired, and action which caused ereat fear to those
people. The captain-general sent a foster-son of
his as ambassador to the king of Zubo and an interpreter. When they reached the city, they found
a vast crowd of people together with the Kine, all
of whom had been frightened by the mortars.
Th(.3
interpreter told them that that was our custom
when entering into such places, as a si.gn of peace
and friendship, and that we had d.ischnrf,'.ed all our
mortars to honor the kin2: of the vi11 n:'2:c.
The
king and all of his men ;ere reassured; and the
king had us as!<.:od by his govE',rnor whaJc we ,:vant ed.
The interpreter rQplied th'.:3.t his riast8::- was a captain of the grGatest king and prince of the world
o.nd that he was going to discover Malucho, but
that he had comG solely to visit the king because
of the good repo1~t which he had h(')ard from the king
6 - It is now called Limasawa.
-26-
,
I
/
of Masau3, and to buy food with his morchandise,,
The king told him that he was welcome(literaly:
he had coma at a good time); but that it was their
custom for all ships that entered their port to
pay tribute and that it was but four days since a
junk from Ciama (i.e. Siam) laden with gold and
slaves had paid him tiibut e. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter, a merchant from Ciam3 w:10 hctd rerna.ined to trade the gold
and slaves. The interpreter told the king that,
since his master was the captain of so [;reat a
.
king, he did. not pay tribute to any signior in the
world, and that if the king wished peace, he would
have peace, but if war instead, war.· Thereupon,
.
.
i
' •
,.,
•
, • t
tl1e .Moro
mere h ant
sai. d to t.,(ie
King
li,1.ta
nun.
C':11.....E.,
that is to say i7Look well, sire". These rne1'l are
the same who h3VC': conquered Calicut, Malaca, and
all· India Magiore (i.e., India Mn.jor) .•. If they are
treated well, tht;y e:ive·good treatn;ent, but if they
are treated evil, evil and worse-treatment as they
have done to Calicut and }falaca. The interpreter
understood it all and told the king that his master's king vrns more powerful in men ancl ships than
the king of Portogalo, that he was king of Spagnia
and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the
king did not care to be his friend he would next
time send us many man that would destroy him. The
Moro related everything to the king who said thereupon that he would deliberate,with his men, and
would answer the captain on the following day. Then
he had refreshments of many dishes, all li,.qde from
meat and contained in porcelain potters, besides
many j8rs of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told: us everything. The kinz of .lYbzaua who w:1s th() r.1ost influential after that king and the Si.r.:nior of 3. number of
islands went ashore-~ to speak to _,the king of the
great courtesy of our captain-general. •••
On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men
of us went ashore, two of whom wore coupletely
armed and pr--cceded th<"J roy:1.l bannero When we
reached l1nd all the artillery was firod.
-27Mass Baptism in Cebu
After dinner the priest and some of th~
others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came
with forty women. We conducted her to the platform and she was made to sit down upon a cushion,
and the other women near her, until the priest
should be ready. She was shown an image of our
Lady, a very beautiful wooden Child Jesus, and a
cross.
Thereupon she was overcome with contrition and asked tor baptism amid her tears. We
named her Johanna after the emperor's mother; her
daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina, the
queen of Ma.zaua, Lisabeta, and the others each
their (distinctive) name. Counting men, women and
children, were baptized eight hundred souls. The
queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth, Her mouth and
nails were very red, while on her heud she wore a
large hat of palm ..Leaves in the manner of a parasol, with a crown. about it of the same leaves,
like the tiara of the pope; and she novor soes any
place without an attendant. She asked us to give
her the little Child Jesus to keep in place of
her idols; and then she went aw3y. In the afternoon the king and queen, accompanied by numerous
persons came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain
had many trombs of fire and largo rnort:::irs discharged,
by which they were most highly delighted. The
captain and the king called one another brothers.
That king's name was Raia Humabon. Before that
week had-gone, all the persons of that island, and
some from the other islands were baptizod.
We
burned one haw.lot tihich was locat8d in a neighboring village because it refusetl to obey the king or
us. We set up the cross there for those people
were heathens,. Had they been Moros, W8 could havq
erected a column there as a token of greater hard~
ness, fo-r the Moros are much harder to convert than
the heathen. , ••
There are many villages in that island. Their
names and those of their chiofs are as follows:
Cinghapala, and its chiefs, Cilatan, Ciguibucan 1
Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cidantabul; one, mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its
chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan;
-28one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.
All those villages render0d obedience to us, and gave us food and
tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island
called :Matam, which formed the part whore we were
anchored.
The name of its village was Matan and
its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. 'fhat city
which was burned was in that island and was called
Balaia. • ••
The Mactan Affair
•
On Friday, April twenty~six, Zula, a chief
of the island of Matan, sent one of his sons to
present two goats to the captain-general, and to
say he would send him all that he had promised,
but that he had not been able to send it to him
because o.f the other chief Cilalulapu_, who refused to
obey the ki"ng of Spagnia.
He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the
next night, so that they might help him and fight
against tha other chief.
The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We
begged hirn repeatedly not to go' but he, like a
good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At
midnight, sixty men set out e.rmGd with corselots
and helmets, together with the Christian King,
the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty
or thirty balanguais. We reached l'ffatan three
hours before dawn. The cantain did not wish to
fight then, but sent a mes'.sage to tne natives by
the Moro to the effect that if they ·:JOl:.ld obey
the king of Spagnia, recognize the Christian King
as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he
would be their friend; but if they ~iohod otherwise, they should see our lanbes wound.
They
replied that if v1e had lances they h.J.d lances of
bamboo and stakes hardened with f~.re. ( They
asked us) not to proceed to attack them at once,
but to wait until morning, so that tnoy might
have ~ore men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them) for they had
dug certain pitholes between the houses in order
that we might .f al1 into them.
When morning
came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up
to our thighs, and walked through water for more
than two c:cossbow flir(hts before we could reach
-29the shore. The boats could not approach nearer
because of cert2in rocks in the water.
The other
eleven men remained behind to guard the boats.
When we reached the land, three men had formed
in three divisions to the number of more than on(!
thousand five hundred persons.
When they heard
of us, they charged down upon us with exceeding
loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the
other on our front. When the c-aptain saw that,
he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we
begin to fight.
The musketeers and crossbowmen
shot from a distance for about a half-houl'', but
uselessly; for the shots only passed through the
shields which 'lvere made of thin wood and the arms
(of the bearers). The captain cried to thorn,
"Cease firing1 cease firingl II but his order was
not at all heeded. ·when the natives saw tht1.t we
were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying
out they determined to stand firm but they redoubled their shouts.
When our muskets were discharged, the natives would never stand still, they
leaped hither and thither, covering themselves
with their shields. They shot so many arrows at
us and hurled so many bamboo spears ( ;:'JOfi;_e of them
tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides
pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and
mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves.
Seeing that, the captain-general sent ~,ome 1::ien
to burn thoir houses in order to terrify them.
When they saw their houses burning, they were
roused to greater fury.
Two of our men wore
killed near the houses, while we burned twenty
or thirty houses. So many of them charged down
upon us that they shot the captain through the
right leg with a poisoned atrow. On that account,
he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took
to fli[.ht, except six or eight of us who remained
with the captain.
'rhe natives shot only at our
1 egs, for the latter were bcJre; and so many were
the spea~s and stones that they hurled at us,
that 1,ve could offer no resistance. The mortars
in the boats could not aid us as they were too
far avJay. So, we continued to retire for more
than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fightin8 up to our knees in the water. The
natives continued to pursue us, nnd picking up
the same spear four or six times, hurled it at
-30us a~Din and a~ain.
Recognizing the captai~, so
many turnod upon him that they knocked his helmet
off his head t,-iice, but he always stood firmly like
a good knight, to~ether with some others.
Thus
did we fight .for more than one hour, refusing to
retire farther.
An Indian hurled a bamboo spear
into the captain's face, but the latter immediately
killed him with his lance, which he left in the
·Indian's body.
Then, trying to lay hand on sword,
he could. draw it out but halfway, because he had
been wound0d in the nrm by a bamboo spear.
When
the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves
upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg
with a large cutlass, which resernbl es a scimitar,
only being larger.
That caused the captain to
fall face downward, when immediately they :r.usr~ed
upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their
cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light,
our comfort, and our true guide.
When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether
we were all in the 'Joats, Thereupon, bE,holding
him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could,
to tho boats, which were already pulling off. · The
Christian Kin:?; 1rnuJ.d huve aided us, but the captain
charged him before wo landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to se8 how we fought.
When
the ~ir~ learned that the captain was dead, ho wept.
Had it not been for th&t unfortunate captain, not a
single one of us would have been saved in the boats,
for while he was fizhtin~ the others retired to the
boats.
I hope thr6ugh 1the efforts) your most illustrious Lordship, that the fame of so noble a
captain will not become effaced in our times.
Among
the virtues which he possessed, he was more constant
than ever any ono else in the greatest of adversity.
He endured hunger better than all the others, and
more nccur:=i.tely than any man in the wo:tld did he
understand sea charts 2,nd navigation,
And that
this was the truth was seen openly, for no other
had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to
learn how to circumnavigate the world, as h0 had
almost done.
Tllat battle was fought on Saturday,
April twenty-seven, 1521.
The captain desired
to fight S:1turday, especially holy to him.
Eight
of our men were killed with him in that battle,
and four Indians, who ha.d b eGome Christians and who
come afterwnrd to aid us ware killed by the mortars
-31of the boats. , Of the enemy, only fifteen were
killed, while many of us were wounded,
In the afternoon, the Christian king sent a
message with our consent to the people of :Matan,
to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other r.ien who had been killed, we
would give them as much merchandise as they wished.
They answered that they would not give such a man,
as we imagined- ( they should do) and that they would
not give him for all the riches in the world, but,
they intended to keep him as a memorial.
On Saturday, the day on which the captain was
killed, the four men who had remained in the city
to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships •
•••
The Return Voyage t6 Spain
On Tuesday night as it dre1,I/ near Wednesday,
February eleven, 1522, we left the island of Timar
and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol.
Laying· our course toward the west southwest, we 1 eft
the island of Zamatra, formerly called Traprobana,
to the north on our right hand, for fear o.f the
king of Portoghala; ••• In order that we might double
the cape of Bonna Speranza (i,e., "Good Hope"), we
descended to forty-two degrees on the side of the
Antarctic Pole.
We were nine weeks near t\1at cape
with our sails hauled down because we had the west
and northwest 1,d.nds on our bow quarter and because
of a most furious storm.
That cape lies in a latitude of thirty-four and one•half degrees, and is
one thousand six hundred leguas from the cape of
Nalaca.
It is tho largest and most dangerous
cape in the world.
Some of our men, both sick and
well, wished to go to a Portuguese settlement called
Mozambich, bGcause the ship was leakJ.ng badly, because of the severe cold, and especially because we
had no other food than rice and water; for as we
had no salt, our provisions of meat had putrefied.
Some of the others however, n~re desirous of their
honor than of their own lif8, determined tb go to
Spagnia living or dead. Finally by God 1 s help, we
doubled that capo on May six at a distence of five
-32 ...
leguas. Had ,,. e not approached so closely, we
could never have doubled it. Then we sailed nortrr-west for two months continually without taking on
any fresh food or water (r.gfrj.gerio). Twenty-one
men died during that short time. When we cast them
into the sea, the Christians went to the bottom
face upward, while the Indians always went down
face downward. Had not God given us good weather
we would all have perished of hunger. Finally,
constrained by our great extremity, we went to the
islands of Capo Verde. Wednesday, July nine, we
reached one of those islands called Sancto Jacobo,
and immediately sent the boat ashore for food, with
the story for the Portuguese that wo had lost our
f,oremast under the equinoctial line (although we had,
lost it upon the cage of Bonna Speranza), and when
we were rcstepping it, our capit,~in-gencral had gone
to Spagnia with the other two ships;
With those
good words and with our merchandise, we got two
boatloads of rice. We charged our men when they
went ashore in the boat to ask what day it was, and
they told us that it was Thursday v1ith the Portuguese. We were greatly surprised for it was Wednesday with us, and we could not see how we had
made a mistake; for as I had always kept well, I haa
set down every day withou4 .any interruption •. However, as was told us lator, it was no error, but as
the voyage had been made continually to,1ard the west
and we hrtd returned to the same place as does the
sun, we had made that gain of twenty-four hours, as
is clearly seem. The boat having returned to the
shore again for rice, thirteen men and the boat wen
detai~ed1 boc~use one of them!, as we learnen after•
ward in ~pagnia, told the Portuguese that our captain was dead, as w~ll as others, and that we were
not going to Spagnia. Fearing lest W8 also be
taken prisoners by certdin ca:pavols, we hastily de·
parted. On Saturday, Septemb,0r six, 1522, we en- .
tered tho bay of San Lucar wi"i:;h only eighteen men \
and the majority of them sickt all that were left '
of the sixty rnen who left Malucho. Some died of
hunger; some dessert ed at the island of Timor; and
some wore put to death for crimes. From the time
we loft that bay (of San Lucar) until the present
day (of our return), we had sailed fourteen th-ousani
four hundred and sixty legua.s, and furthermore had
completed the circumnavi.l!ation of the world from
east to west. On Monday; September oight, we cast .
-33anchor near the quay of Seviglia, and discharged
all our artillery.
Tuesday, we all went in
shirts and barefoot, each holding a candle, to
visit the shrine of Santa Maria de la Victoria
(i.e., trSt. Mary of Victory"), and that of Santa
Maria de 1 1 Anti qua (i.e. 2 t1St. Mary of Antiquity").
Leaving Seviglia, I went to Vagliadolit
(_i.e., Valladolid), where I presented to his sacre_d
I,lajesty, Don Carlo, neither gold nor silver, but
things very highly esteemed by such a sovereign.
Among other things I gave him a book, written by
my hand, concerning all the niatters that had occurred frorn day to day during our voyage. I left
there as best I could and went to Portngalo where
I spoke with King Johanni of wh9.t I had,_ s ee:1 ~
Passing through Spagnia, I went to Fransa where I
made a gift of ce1"tain things from the other hemisphere to the mother of the most Christian king,
J2on Francisco, Madame_ the regent. Then I c.'lme to
.Ltalia, where I established my permanent abode,
and devoted my poor lab ors to ·the famous and r;iost
illustrious Lord, Fhilipo de Villers Lisleadam,
the most worthy grand master of RhodL,
The Cavalier
ANTONIO PAGAPHETTA.
(2) Transylvanus own story of the Magellan e::pedition
is told
in part, in the following excerpts: 1
Background of the Exp edit ion
Not long ago one of tr10s e five ships returned which the emperor, while 118 was at Saragossa some years aDo, had sent into a strm1ge and
1 - B.
&
R., Vol. 1, P• 305, ff.
-34hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for
the islands in v1hich spices grow. For al though
the Portuguese brine; us a great quantity of them
from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now call
.Malacca, nevertheless their own Indian possessions
_produce none but pepper.
For it is well known
that th8 other spices, as cinnamon, cloves, and
the nutme.g, 1:Jhich we call mus cat, and its covering (mace J which we call muscat-flower, are brought
to their Indian possessions from distant islands
hitherto only known by name' in ships held together not by iron fastenings, but merely by palmleaves and having round 5ails also woven out of
palm-fibers.
Ships of this sort they call "junks"
and they are impelled by the vdnd only when it
blows directly fore or aft.
Nor is it wonderful that th~se islands have
not been known to any mortal, almost up to our
time. For \-1hatever statements of ancient authors
we have hitherto read with respect to the native
soil of thase spices, are partly entirely fabulous,
and partly so far from truth, that the very regions, in v.Jh5_ch th(;y asserted that these spices
were produced, are scarcely less distant froB the
countries in whic:1 it is now ascertained that
they grow, than_we ourselves ••••
Now it was necessa~y for our sailors, who
have recently returned, to sail round the whole
world and that in a veI'Y wide circuit, before
they discoveretl these islands and returned to
Europe; and, since this voyage was a very remark•
able one, and neither in our own time, nor in any
former age, had such a voyage been accor:1plished,
or even attempted, I have determined. to send your
Lordship a full and accurate account of the expedition.
I have taken much care in o'ut&inin:c: an
account of the facts from the co!llinandin :-·of .fie er
of the squadron, 2 and from the individual sailors
w!lo have returned with him. They also made a
statem.3nt to the emperor, and to several other
2 - Sebastian del Cano.
-35persons with such good faith and sincerity, that
they appeared in their narrative, not m~rely to
have abstained from fabulous statements, but also
to contradict and refute the fabulous statements
made by ancient authors. • ••
Some thirty years ago, when the Castillians
in the West and Portuguese in the East, had begun
to search after new and unknown lands, in order
to avoid any intorf€:rence of one with the other,
the Kings of these countries divided the whole
world between thc::m, by the authority probably of
Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a line
should be drawn from the North to the South pole
through a point three hundred and sixty leagues
West of the Hesperides which they now call Cape
Verde ls lands, v·,ihich would divide the earth t s
surface into two equal portions.
All unknown
lands hereaft~r discovered to the east of this
line were assignsd to the Portuguese, all on the
west to the Castillians.
Hence it camG to pass
that Castilians always sailed southwest, and
there discovered a very extensive continent, besides numerous large islands, abounding in c:;old,
pearls and other valuable commodities, and have
quite recently discovered a large inland city
named Tenoxtica (:Mexicol situated in a lake like
Venice.
Peter Martyr,--' an author who is more
careful as to the·accuracy of his statements than
of the elegance of his style, has given a full
but truthful description of this city.
But the
Portu_;uese sailinz southward past the l-Iesperides
(Cape Verde Island:::) and the Fish-eating Ethiopians (West Coast of Africa), crossed tLe Equator
and the· Tropic of Capricorn, and sailing eastward
discovered several very large islands heretofore
unknown.
Thence, by way of the Arabian and Persian Gl,llf s, they arrived at the shores of. India
within the Ganges, where now there is the'very
great trading station and the kingdom of Calicut.
Hence they sail,3d. to Taprobane which is now
called Zamatar? (Sumatra).
Thence, they came
to the Golden Ghersonesus, where now stands the
well-peopled city' of Malacca, the principal place
of business of the East. After t~is they pene-
. 3 - Author of De orbe nono Decades, 1516.
-36trated into a 5-;reat gulf, as far as the nation of
the Sinae, who are now called Schinae (Chinese),
where they found a fair-complexioned and tolerablycivilized people,/like our folks in Germany.
And althou!.h there was a sommvhat doubtful
rumour afloat, that the Portuguese had advanced so
far to the weast, that they c0me to the end of
their own limits, and had passed over into the territory appointed for the Castilians and that Jv'f..alacca and the Great Gulf were within our limits,
all this was more sai.d than believed, until four
years ago, Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished
Portuguese, who had for many years sailed about the
Eastern Seas as admiral of the Portuguese fleet,
having quarreled with his king, who he considered
had acted ungratefully towards him, and Christopher Haro, brother of my father-in-law, of Lisbon,
who had, through his agents for many y8ars carried
on trade with those eastern coq.ntries, and more recently with the Chinese, so that he was well acquainted with these matters (he also, having been
ill-used by the King of Portugal, had returned to
his native country, Castille), pointed out to the
emperor, that it was not yet clearly ascertained,
whether Malacca was within the boundaries of the
Portuguese or of the Castilians, because hitherto
its longitude had not been definitely known, but
that it was an undoubted ~act that the Greo.t Gulf
and the Chinese nations were within the Castilian
limits. They asserted also that it was absolutely
certain, that the islands called the tbluccas, in
which all sorts of spices grow, and f~om which
they were brou,:;:1t to Malacca, were co:1t2inGd in
the Western, or Castilian division, and. that it
would be possi;)le to sail to them, a:1:1d to bring
the spices at less trouble and expens,3 from their
native soil to Castile. The plan of the voyage
was to sail west, and then coasting the Southern
Hemisphere round the south of Amorica to the
East ••••
The emperor and his council considered that
1?he plan proI?osed by Magellan and Ha::'.'o, though holding out considerable advantages, was ono of very considerable difficulty as to execution.
After some
delay, Magellan offered to go out himself, but Haro
-37undertook to fit out a squadron at the expense of
himself and his friends provided that they were
allowed to sail under the authority and patronage
of his Majesty.
As each resolutely upheld his
own scheme, the emperor himself fitted out a squadron of five ships and appointed Magellan to the
command. It was ordered that they should sail
southwards by the coast of Terra Firma, until they
found either the end of that country or some
strait, by which they might arrive at the spicebearing Moluccas.
Departure of the Expedition - Discovery of
the Strait of .Magellan
Accordingly on the ten~h of August, 1519 1 Ferdinand Magellan ·Nith his five ships sailed from Seville. In a few days they arrived at the Fortunate
Islands, no11,1 called Canaries. Thence they sailed
to the islatids of Hesperides ( Cape Verde), and
thence sailed in a southwesterly direction towards
that continent which I have already mentioned (Terra
F'irma or South America) and after a favora'ole voyage of a few days discovered a promontory, which
they called St. Mary's.
Thence they coasted along
this continent, which extends far on southwards,
and which I now think should be called·the Southern
Polar land, then gradually slopes off in a westerly
direction, and so sailed several degreos south of
the Tropic of Capricornw
Not till tho end of
March in the follovling year, (1520), did they arrive at a bay, 1r-1hich they called St. Julian t s Bay •
• • , They stated that the longitude was fifty-six
degrees west of the Canaries.
As soon as Magellan observed that the weather was less stormy and that the winter began to
break up, he sailed 6ut of St. Julian 1 s Bay on the
twenty-fourth of August 1520, as before. For some
days he coasted along to the southward and at last
sighted a cape, which they called Cape Santa Cruz.
Here a storm from the east caught the;11, and one
of the five ships was dri~en on shore and wrecked,
but the crew and all goods on board were saved,
except an African slave who was drowned.
After
-38this the coast se~med to stretch a little south
eastwards, and as they c_ontinued to exp'iore it?
on the twenty-sixth of November (1520) an opening was
observed havin0 the ·appearance of a strait; :r,Iagellan
at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and seeing
several bays in various directions, directed three
of the ships to cruise about to ascertain whether
there was any way through, undertaking to wait for
them five days at the entrance of the strait so that
they might report -what success they had. One of
these ships vrns cor;-Jnanded by Alvaro de Iviesquita,
son of Magellan' s brother, and this by the "'.vindings of the channel came out again into the ocean
whence it had set out. When the Spaniards saw that
they were at a considerable distance from the other
ships, they plotted among themselves to return home,
and having put Alvaro their Captain in irons, they
sailed northwards_, and at last they reached the
coast of Africa, and there took in provisions, and
eight months after leaving the other ships, they
arrived in Spain, where they brour:;ht AJ.varo to
trial on the charcr,e that it had· 8hiefly been through
his advice and pet'suasion that his uncle :Magellan
had adopted sue.,..½ severe measures,_ agains~, the Castilians.
Mae:,~ellan waited soee day·s ovor the appointed time for. his ship, and meanwhile one ship
had returned, and reported t:1at they had found
nothing but a shallow bay, and the shores stony
and with hif~h cli:::'f's; bnt the other re:)orted that
the greutest bay had the appearance of :..1 strait,
as they had sniled on for three days a:1d Lad found
no way out, but that the farther ·~hey wont the
narrower the passage became, and it was ~o dcop,
that in many places th8y sounded without finding
the bottom; they also noticed from the tiCe of the
sea, that the flow was somew.hat st1°0Lz;e:c thaa the
ebb, a11d thence they conjectured tho.t tJ1<:)re wrrs a
passage that ·way into some other se.:.1. Un hoarilli!
this Magellan determined to sRil al_oi:. 0: t~iis clwn':.
nel.
This strait, though not theJ.1 Lno'm1 to be
such, was of the.breadth in some,places of three,
in others of two, in others of fi~e or ten Italian
miles and inclined slightly to the ,:rnst ••••
-39Crossing the Pacific
Magellan saw that the main land extended
due _north, and therefore gave orders to turn away
from the great continent, leaving it on the right
had, and to saiJ. over that vast and e::tensive
ocean, which have probably never been traversed
by our ships or by those of any other nation, in
a northwestcrly direction, so ':;hat they might arrive at lost at the Easter:--;. ocean, cor,1ing at it
from the west, and again ent:,er the torrid zone,
for he was satisfied that tt.e Mo1uccas -were in
the extreme east, and could not be far off the
equator. They continued in this course, never deviating from it., except when compelled to do so
now and then by the force of the wind •••• After
sailing for three months and twenty days with good
fortune over this ocean, and having traversed a
distance a:.most too long to estimate, having had
a strong wind aft almost the whole of the time,
and having again crossed the equator, they saw an
island, which they afterwards learnt from the
neighborinz people was called Inuagana .L1When
they came nearer to it:,, they· found thu latitude ,
to be eleven degrees north; the longitLde they
reckoned to be one hundred and fifty-eight degrees
west of Cadiz.
Arrival in the Philippines
Our men then sailed towards Selani. 5 but a
storm caught them so t;hat they could net, 1.and
there, but they were driven to aTio~~9~ i31Qnd
called ¥iassa.na,6 where t:11:i ki.i.1.[:-; cf ··::.:w t'1.:cee islands resides.
From this island th~v sailed to
Su1?uth (Zebu), a_very lar~e isi_2,i?d, :tl1C::. we:u supl"avina!.:;. ~ome t:o a TY,, L.;>'lr<J·
u
-,,-.J.-1 "'no-epll Ad
. , ,. ' wh·~~e
e.L
..:•_J. -4,·
b
ment ,,Jith the Chief they irnned.i,~_"::,e::il:r :_.::.nded to celebrat~ divine worship accordi~~ to ~~ristian
usage - for the festival of:' the 1·csur:;_·ect::.on of
Him-who has smted us vrns at hand.
Aecordingly
with some of the sails of the .shj_ps and branches
of trees they erected a chapel, and in it cons,J.
V
....
-.I
4 - An island in the Marianas.
5
The Ceylon of Pigafetta.
6 - Limasawa.
···- -·
'""i..., ....
e,:.,.,_
-i.
...
-40tructed an altar in the Christian fashion, and divine service was duly performed. The chief and a
large crowd of Indians came up, and seemed much
pleased with the religious rites. They brought
the admiral and. ::wme of the officers into the
chief's cabin, and set before them what food they
had. The bread v·/as made of sago, which is obtained from the trunk of a tree not n111ch unlike
the palm. This is chopped up small, and fried in
oil, and used as bread, a specimen of which I
sent to your Lordship; their drink was a liquor
which flows from the branches of palm-trees when
cut, some birds were also served up at this n-:eal;
and also sorne of the fruit of the country. Magellan having noticed in the chief's house a sick
person in a very wasted condition, asked who he
was and from what disease he was suffering.
He
was told that it was the chief's grandson, and that
he has been sufferin,~ for two years from a violent
fever.
Magellan exhorted him to be of good courage, that if he would devote himself to Christ,
he would immediately rGcover his former health
and strength..
Ths': Indian consented and adored
the Cross and received baptism, and tho next day
declared that he was v-1ell ap;ain, rose from his
bed, and walked about and took his meals like the
others. What visions he may have told his friends
I can not sGy; '.)ut th,,:: chief and over twenty hundred Indians were baptized and professed the name
and faith of Christ. Magellan seeing that this island was rich in gold and ginger, and that it was
so conveniGntly situated v.Jith respect to the neighboring islands, thHt it would be easy, makinG this
his headquarters, to explore their resources and
natural productions, he therefore went to the chief
of Subuth and sugrsst8d to him, that since he had
turned away from the foolish and impious worship
of false gods to the Christian religion, it would
be proper that the chiefs of neighboring islands
should obey his rule; that he had determined to
send envoys for this purpose, and if any of the
chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to compel them to do so by force of arms.
The proposal
pleased the savage, and the envoys, were sent: the
chiefs came in one by one c:1nd paid hon1c1se to the
Chief of Subuth in the manner adopted in those
countries.
-41The M:'1.cto.n · Affa:i.r
But the nearest island is called JWauthan
{Matan), and its king was superior in military
force to the other chiefs; and he declined to do
homage to one whom he had been accustomed to command for so long. IViagellan, nnxious to carry out
his plan, ordered forty of hj_f1 men, whom he could
rely for valor and military i:;kill to arm themscl ves
and pass e.d over to the island Mau than in boats, for
it was very near. The chief of Subuth furnished
him with some of his own people, to guide him as
to the topography of the island and the character
of the country, and, if it should be necessary to
help him in the battle. · The king of iV'lauthan, seeing the arrival of our men, led into the field
some three thousand of his people.
l\ll'.agellan,
drew up his own men, and what artillery he had,
though his fol"ce 1:vas somewhat small, on the shore,
and although he saw that his force was much inferior in numb ors, and that his opponents were a
warlike race, and were equipped with lances and
other weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable
to face the enemy 1vith them, than to retreat, or to
avail himself of the aid of the Subuth islanders.
Accordingly he exhorted his men to have courag~,
and not to be alarmed at the superior force of the
enemy; since it had often been the case, as had
recently happened in the island (Peninsula) of
Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed
two or even three hundred thousand Indians. He
said to the Subuth islanders, that he had not
brought them with him to fight, but to see the
valour and military prowess of his men. 'i.1 hen he
attacked the I-'Iauthan islanders. and both sides
fought boldly; but as the er.1emy surpassed our men
in number, and used longor Vrn.ches, to the great
damage of' our men, at last M::1gellan .himself wc1.s
thrust through and slain. Althou6 h the survi \rors
did not consider themselves fairly beaten yet, as
they had lost their leader, they retreated; but as
they retreated in good order, the enemy did not venture to- pursue them. The Spo.nia.rds then, having
lost their admiral, I~gell~n, and seven of their comrades, returned to Subuth, where they chose as
their new admiral John Serra.no, a man of no con-
-42temptible ability..
He renewed the alliance with
the chief of Subuth, by making him additional presents, and undertook to conquer the king of lV1a.uthan.
:Massacre at Cebu
Magellan had been the owner of a slave, a native of Mollucas, whom he had formerly bought in
lvlalacca; and by means of this slave, who was able to
speak Spanish fluently, and of o.n interp:ceter of
Subuth, who could speak the Moluccan language, our
men carried on their negotiations.
This slave had
taken part in the fight ~with the Iv[authan islanders~
and had been slightly wounded, for which reason he
lay by all day intending to nurse himself.
Serrano,
who could do no business without his help, rated
him ·soundly, 2.nd told him that though his master
Magellan was dead, he was still a slave, and that
he would find that such was the case, and v·muld get
a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not
exert himself and to do what was required of him
more zealously. This speech much incensed the
slave against our people: but he concealed his anger and in a few days went to the chief of Subuth,
and told him that the avarice of the Snaniards was
insatiable: that they had determined' as soon as
they should have defeated the king of J!.Iauthan 1 to
turn round upon him, and take him away as a prisoner; and that the only course for him (the Chief of
Subuth) to adopt was to anticipate by treachery.
The savage believed this, and secretly ca@e to und0,rstanding with the chief of Mauthan, and m.ade arrangements with hir.1 for common action against our
people.
Admiral Serr a no, 2nd t '\'lent y seven of the
principal officers and men, were invited to a solemn banquet~
These, went unsuspectingly, for
the natives had car2fully dissembled their intentions, went on the shore w'ith,:iut precautions, to
take their dinner with the Chief.
While they
were at the ta'.)le, some armed men, who had been
concealed close by, ran in and slew them.
A
great outcry was made: it was reported on our
ships that our men were killed, and that, the
whole island was hostile to us; our men saw ·rrom
on board the shifs, that the handsome cross, which
they had set up in a tree, was torn down by the
natives and cut into fragments. When the Spaniards,
-43who had remained on board, heard of thE-) slaughter of our men, they feared further treachery: so
they weighed anchor and began to set sail without
delay.
Soon afteri;·Jards Serrano was broueht to the
coast a prisoner; hG entreated the~ to deliver him
from so miserable a captivity saying that be had
got 1 eave to be rc1.nsorned, if his men would agree
to it.
Al though our men thought it was disgraceful to 1 eave their commander behind in this way,
their fear of the treachery of islanders was so
great that they put to sea, leaving Serrano on the
shore in vain laii1enting and beseeching his comrades to rescue him.
'I'he Spaniards having lost
their commander and several of their comrades,
sailed on sa.d and anxious, not merely on the account of the loss they had suffered, but also because their number hnd been so diminished, that it
was no longer possible to work the three remaining
ships.
The Return Voyage
On this question they consulted together, and
unanimously camG to this conclusion, that the best
plan was to burn one of the ships, and to sail home
in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a
neighboring island, called Cohol (Bohol), 2nd having
put the rigging and stores of one of the ships on
board the two, others, set it on fire.
Hence they
proceeded to the island of Gibeth.7
Although they
found that this island was well supplied with gold
and ginger and many other things, they did not think
it desirable to stay there any length of time as
they could not establish friendly relations with·
the natives and the';,r were too few in numoor to venture to use force. ·From Gibeth they proceeded to
the island of Porne (Borneo). In this archipelago
there are two large islands; one of which is called
Siloli {Gilolo), whose king had six hundred children.
Siloli is larger than Porne, for Siloli can
7 - Quipit, a port on the northwest part of J.1.,Iindanao.
-44hardly be circu1;mavigated in six months, but Porne
in three months. Al though Siloli is larger than
Porne, yet th8 latter is more fertile, and dist5 ~guished as containing a large city of the same
name as the island. , •• On leaving this island our
men having paid th0;ir respects to the king, and propitiated him by prcs0nts, sailed to the Moluccas,
their way to ,;;Jhich l1D.d been pointed out to them by
the king,
Then they came to the coast of the island of Solo, where they heard that pearls were to
be found as large as dove's eg~s, or even hen 1 s
eggs, but that they were only to be had in very
deep water.
Our men did not bring home any single
large pearl, as they were not there at the season
of the year for pearl-fishing, They said however
that they found an oyste~ there the flesh of which
weighed forty-seven pourtds. •••
Son after our men
had sailed from · Thedori, the larger of t:w two
ships ( the Trinidad)· sprang a leak, whic >.!. 1et in
so much water, that they were obliged to return
to Thedori. The Spaniards seeing that this defect
could not be put right except with much labor and
loss of ti,me, asreed that the other ship (the Victoria) should sail to the Cape of Catti.c~ara, thence
across the ocean as far as possible froLl the Indian
coast, lest they should be sea:n by the Portuguese,
until they came in sic;ht of the southern point of
Africa, b .:::yond tl:::.e troT:)ic of Capricorn, t·Jhich the
Portuguese cell the Cape of Good Hope, for thence
the voyaze to S?ain was easy.
It is also arranged
that, when the ~epairs. of the other ship were completed, it should s3.iJ. back through the Archipelago and the Vast {Pacific) Ocean to the coast of
the continent, 11Lic:1 we have already :mentioned
(South America) unt:U. they came to the Isthmus of
Darien, where only a narrow neck of lnnd divides
the South Sea from the Western Sea, in which are
the islands belon:fng to Spain. The s~aller ship
accordingly set sail again from The.-:bri, and though
they went as far as twelve degrees so nth, they did
not find Cattigara, which Ptolemy considered to lie
considerably south of' the equator; however after
a long voyage, they arrived in sight of the Cape
of Good Hope, and thence sailed to the Cape Verde
Islands.
Here this ship also, after having been
so long at sea., began to be leaky, and the men,
-v.iho had lost several of' their compe.nions through
hardship in the course of their adventure, were un-
-45able to keep the vmter pumped out. They therefore.
landed at one of the islands called So.ntiar;o, to
buy slaves. As our men, sailor-like, had no money,
they offered cloves in exchange for sl~ves. When
the Portuguese officials heard of this, they committed thirteen of our men to prison. The rest
eighteen in number, being alc1rmed at the position
in which they found themselves, left their companions behind, and sailed direct to Spain.
Sixteen
months after they had sailed from Thedori,·on tha
sixth of Septem1J<Jr 1522, they nrrived S8fe and
sound at a port (San Lucas) near Seville.
These
sailors were certainly more worthy of perpetual
fame, than the Argonauts who sailed with Jason to
Colchis, and the stip itself deserves to be placed
among the constelJ.a tior.s more tha.n the ship Argo.
For the Argo only sailed from Greece through the
Black Sea, but our ships setting out from Seville
sailed first southwards, then through the whole
of the W~st, into the Eastern Seas, then back again
into the Western.
·
-46-
CHAPTER
THREE
LA'rER ATTEMPTS AT QOLONIZATION,
1525-1565
1. Tho Loaisa Expedition
The return of the Victoria in September, 1522, with
survisors of the Magellan expedition
ar'JUS ed
in Spain great
King Charles I himself was much
enthusiasm and interest.
impressed by what had been accomplished.
Shortly after
the return of the Victoria he gave orders for the launch:.
ing of a new expedition to the East "to reap the fruits of ·
It was his aim to extend to the
Magellan 1 s discoverieEi. 11
East the Spanish colonial empire.
Preparations for the ne1,1 exp(idition were completed
in the summer of 1525.
A much larger expeditionary force
than the one led by lViagellan was ass.embled.
seven vessels and 450 men.
It included
In command of the -expedition
was Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, a distinguished Spaniard,
a man well versed and experienced in thE1 art of navigation.
Accorapanying him as ranking officer was Sebastian
del Cano, who had made a name for himself as an able pilot
and pavigator by succt:issfully bringing home the Victoria.
One of the members of the expedition was a young man named
Andres de Urdaneta.
Urda not a, like many o. young man of
his time, was full of the spirit of adventure.
IIe joined
-47the expedition desirous of seeing new lands and strange
peoples in the East,
The Loaisa expedition, with all the preparations made
to assure its success, came to an inglorious end.
l'ilisfor-
tune and. disaster awaited it on the long and arduous way to
the· East.
Tho fleot left the port of Corufia on July 24,
Even before the Strait ,of Magellan _was reached,
1525.
three ships had been lost, - two were wrecked and one deserted.
Later, aft8r the passage of the Strait had been
accomplished, another ship was forced to separate from the
fleet.
Shortly after the fleet entered the Pacific Ocean,
a series of misfortunes befell the expedition in rapid suc-
cession.
Four hundred leagues from the Strait of Magellan
Loaisa died July 30, 1526.
His successor, Sebastian del
Cano, also died a few days after assuming command.
The
third commander, Toribio de Salazar, died September 15,
1526.
The fourt in succession to the comniand of the ex-
pedition, Martin de Iniguez, lived until July 11, 1527, when
he, too, died.
The last commander, Hernando de 1::t Torre,
succeeded" in bringing the flent to one of the Moluccas Islands, but no better luck awaited him there.
He and his
companions fell into the hands of the Portuguese.
Of the original 5 roup that started on the venture,
only a few lived to tell the story of this. ill-fated expe-
-48dition.
One of them was Andres de Urdaneta.
He and the
other :survivors returned to Spain in 1536.
An important source of information on the Loaisa expedition is the account written by Andres de Urdaneta..
This
was published in Spain shortly upon Urdaneta's return from
the East in 1536. 1
In this account, Urdaneta m&de some in-
teresting observations regarding the lands he visited in
the East, thGir .natural productions, and the customs and
peculiarities o.f their inhabitants.
'l'he .following are por-
tions of his observations on Mindanao and the Moluccas:
Arriving at Bendanao (l\fd.ndanao), we anchored
at th.e port of' Bizaya. 2
Later on we :v-mnt ashore
in a sir..all ho.at to trade with the inhabitants of
the place. 'The latter h.ad swine and hens, but'
they would not .sell any of these to u.s.
These
neople are well dressed. Thev wear cotton and
silk clothes and satins from ,Cnina. In this island of Bendanao there is much gold.. They offered
to sell to us a quantity of' this metal. Here we
l - It bears the title "Relacion del Viaje de la Armada del Comendador Ga d,e Loaisa a la.s Islas de la Espe,ceceria ••• "
It was published in Valladolid, Feb. 28, 1537.
The document is folli-id in Goleccion de Doc. Ina&tLtos dnl Real
Archivo de Ind.l.e.s, vol. 5, Madrid, 1666.
'
2 - The identity o:f this port is not rnowJ1. The expedition touched at. various places on the eastern coast of
Mindanao but thf'.re is no port at pre3ent unoer that name
anyt-"1here in Eastern Mindanao.
Urdaneta, however, state,o
that "forty leagues from there {the port o.f Eizaya) we came
t,o another island which is called Talao .• u
Urdaneta was
referring here to Talaud, and island south of l\!iJnciianao. On
the basis of this ref'crenc e, it can be said that the J)ort
of Bizaya must have b.e,en located somewhere on the southeastern coast of W.d.ndanao.
-49got an Indian whom we brought to Maluco. The latter told us that every year two junks from China
came to the place to buy gold and pearls of which
there is an abundc1nce.
Cinnamon also abound in
the western part of the island •••
The island of Maluco which produce qloves are
Tidore, Ter:renate,. l,Iotil, lV"mquian, and Bcichan •••
In this five islands eleven thousand six hundred
quintales more or less of cloves are raised every
year •••
If it should please Your Majesty to order the
establishment of trade with f,'Ialuco, to the end that
all the cloves, nutmegs, and mace gathered in
those islands could be brought to Espana, then of
necessity a,11 those who wish to buy these articles
will have to go to wherever Your Majesty commands
that the tr~ffic in these articles be made.
For
Your Majesty should know that nowhere else in the
known world 8re cloves, nutmegs, and mace produced.
Therefore, to Your Majesty those islands
of Maluco and Banda should bo of great interest
for from spic os alone they bring an income of more
than 600,000 ducados a year •••
2. The Saavedra Expedition
Two other expeditions were despatcbed to the East subsequent to the departu.re of Loaisa:
the Sebastian Cabot ex-
pedition, dispatched from Seville, Spain, on April 13, 1526,
and the Saavedra expedition, whie·h was launched from Mexico,
on October 31, 1527.
The Cabot exp edition coD.sisting of
four ships and 250 men .failed to ruach its destination.
After spending three years exploring the eastern coast of
South America in a futile attempt to discover a shorter
route to the East, fi3hting hostile Indians, and searching
-50for gold, it returned to Spain, arrj_vj_ng there j_n August,
1530
I
ThG Saavedra expedition was prepared by Hernando Cortes,
Viceroy of Mexico, in compliance with an order from Charles I,
It.was the first Spanish venture to the East to be launched
from the New \Jorld. · Placed under the command of Alvaro cle
Saavedra, cousin 0£' Cortes, the expedition set out to accomplish four objectives:
(1) to rescue Juan Serrano and other
Spaniards who had been loft irt Cebu in 1521;
(2) to look
for the Trinidad, one of the vessels in the Magellan expedition;
(3) to find out what befall th8 Cabot expedition;
and ( 4} to follow up the Loa is a expedition and render to it
whatever assistance it 9eeded.
Saavedra brought with him a letter from Hernan Cortes,
Viceroy of Nueva Eapafia, for delivery to the King of Cebu.
In that letter, Cortes expressed, ir1 the na;ne and on behalf
of the King of Spain, hj_s regrets for Mavella.n' s actuations
in Cebu.
"The King grieved, n Cortes wrote,
11
at having a
captain who departed from tho royal commands and i11structions that ho c arriE'd, E'Dpecially in his havi1~ s t;irred up
war or discord with you and yours. 11
Cortes also requeoted
the release of Spaniards held captives/ by the Kinr; of Cebu.
11
This Emperor our lord, Ii he vn·ote, "will be rnuch pleased if
you will deliver to this capt,::in (Saavedra) any of the
-51Spaniards who are still alive in your prison.
a ransom for it, he shall give it
If you wish
you at your pleasure and
to your satisfaction. 111
With three ships and 110 men the 3aa~odra expedition
I
sailed ·from the port of Zaguatanejo, Mexico •. Like the
Loaisa expedition befor:a it, it met with misfortune and disaster on the- way.
Somewhere in the @id-Pacific, two of
Saavedra's vessels were wrecked.
With only one vessel with
him, Saavedra succeeded in reaching Mindbnao, but he was unable to go to Cebu as he had planned to do in fulfiJ.lment
of one of the objectives of his expedition.
His lone vos-
sol was swept by strong winds to 'Ticlore, one of t,ho Moluc-
cas islands.
pedition.
Here he met the remna.nt,'3 of the Loaisa exAfter staying for about two months in Tidor.(:),
Saavedra prepared to go back to Mexico.
tined, however, to see Mexico again.
He was not d.3s ...
He ~ied at sea, Octo-
_________
ber 9, 1529. 2
,
1 .. The full te.xt of the letter is in B. & R.~ Vol. 2,
p. 39, ff.
2 - An important source of informntion on the Saavedra
expedition is the account written b;r Vivencio de Napoles entitled "Relacion Hecha:J por Vivencio de Nnpoles, del Vinj e
que Hizo la armada que Hernan Cortes Envio en Bu.sc:1 de las
_Islas de la Especeria, 11
It i~3 found in Martin Fe1~nandoz de
11Jnvarr2t e' s Col ecc ion de los v;i.aj_Q_s y d.~Q.f.ubrimiontos_(;J_gQ
hicieron ~or r~iar los · espafiol es deseu: mes del sip:lo. XV., voJ • 5,
Madrid, 1 37.
-523. The Treaty of Zaragoza
Spain's venture in the East with the Magellan expedition g~ve rise to a dispute between Sp,::lin and Portugal over
the ownership of thE1 Moluccas ond other isLn1cJs in the East,
Sp~in claimed thot those lands were within the Spanish side
of the line of demarcation as fixed by the Treaty of Tordesillas.
Portugal on the othor hand, rnuint:;ainecl that tho
lands in question rightly' belonged to her by reason of prior
discovery and occupation.
Two conferences were held in 152t,.. to sGttle the controversy, - one at Victoria, Spain, in February
1524, and
another at Badajoz, Ap:cil 11 to May 31, 152li-~
1fo satis -
fc1ctory result c2.rne out of them.
In,1529, the two nations
finally were able to reach an agreement.
By this time,
Spain was no longer in a mood. to make :further attempts at
colonisation in the .East.
She had incurred heavy expenses
in fit ting out the Loaisn, Cabot, and Saav-edra expeditions
and up to that tim0, no favorable report had been received
from o.ny of them.
Under the circumstances, Spain was in-
clined to @.gree to relinqui:Jh wh::i.tcver rj_,~;1t:J she claimed
in the East especially if in so doinz she could obtain n
,...
lar~e sum of money from Portugal.
I
The Treaty of Zaragoza,
conl uded April 22, 15 ;29, reprt::s ent cd a v\li thdi-awal on the
part of Spain, at least for the t irne boi:r,_3, from further
-5;colonial ventures in the
East.
Important provisions of the Treaty are the following
:1
Inasmuch as there existed a doubt between
the said Emperor c:md King of Castilla, otc., and
the said King of Portugal, etc., concerning the
ownership, possession, and rights, or possession
or quRsi posses,sion, navigation, and trade of
Maluquo and other islancis and seas, which each one
of the said lords, the emperor and king of Ur:sti.lla and the- King of Portugal declaret, ns his,
both by virtue of the treaties mad.e by the most
exalted, powerful, and Catholic sovereigns, Don
Fernando and Dona Isabel, I'1;lers of Castil]_a,
grandparents of the said emperor and the King,
Don Joam the Second of Portugal (may they rest
in glory} about the demarcation of the Ocean Sea
and by virtue of other rights and privile1es -which
each one of the said emperor and monarchs asserts
to belong and pertain to said islands, seas, and
lands belonging to him of which he is in possession; the said emperor and monarchs have covenanted and agreed as to the said doubts and disputes
in the follcwinp; form and ,nanner:
First, the said grand. cha:nc ollor, the bishop
of Osma and th(~ commcmder-in-c:1ief of C&latrava,
attorneys of the said empe~or and sovereign of
Castilla declared that they, in his nai:1e, and by
virtue of their said po111;er of attorney woulcl sell
and in fact did sell from this dD_y and. for all
time, to the said King of Portugal, for hLn and
all the successors to the crown of his kingdoms,
all rights, action, dominion, 01-mership, o.nd possession o::."' quasi possession, and .s.11 rights of
nnvigation, traffic, and tr2de in any ri12nnor whatsoever; that th0 said 8mp2ror and king of Castilla declares that he holds and could holJ howsoever and j_n whatsoever manner in the said ¥.iB luquo,
islcrnc.s, places, lands, and seas, as
will be declared hereafter; this, with the Jecla-
tne
-------1 - B. & R.,
vol, 1. The treaty w3s ratifi(Jd by King
Charles I of Spain the day following the signing of the
Treaty.
King John III ratified it later on June 20, 1530.
-54rations, limitations, conditions, and clauses contained and stated hereunder for the sum of three
hundred and fifty thousand ducats of :old,2 paid
in the current money, of gold or silver, ec18h ducat being valued in Castilla at three i11mclred nnd
seventy-five maravcdis .3
Th.0 ,suid Kin§': of Portugal
will rive tmd. p,:ly this amou11t to the sc1id empcr?r
and King of Castilla, r-:.nd to r, he pors,:ms whom his
Majesty may appoint, iL t!1e followin;; nwnnar: one
hundred and fifty tho1rnand ducat:J to be paid at
Lixbona, within tL.e :f:.rst :ifteen or t,:wnty days
after this contrnct, confirmed by the cciid emperor
and king of Castilla, shall have arrived at the
T • b oa, or w:1erev9:.;_~
· , v·
c1· ty o f ....,1::-~tno
sa1.a.
.\.:i..ng 01" F ortug.11 may be; t~iirty tLousanci ducats '~o be paid in
Castilla - twent.v thousand at VaJ_hadolid and ten
thousand at SeviJ.12, by the twent:.eth day o:r:: the
month of Ma:" of this present year; s evcnty thous- and. ducats to j e paid in Castill,'.J. at the May fair
of Medin1 dol C::impo oJ' this same year, et ·1::,110 tarms
of the po.yrnents of s,J.id fair; and the hund:ced
thousand ducats remainin~ 2t tig October fair at
the said l::,own of I,fodina de2.. Carroo of tld.s s-:'une
year, at the t 3rr.'iS of the)· pay:::nei1t of the SF1.Lle - all
to be paid over and :1bove the rate of exchange ••••
The afon~scid stile is n:ad8 t:y th,~ said emperor and
king of Cnstillr~ to the said King of Portugal on
condition that, at 1vhc'. t eve:'.'.' t imr.3 the snid emperor
and King of 8astilla or his succc~ssors, s1:10uJ.d wish
to ruturn, and should retu:cn, all o.f the ,a.1.:ld three
hundrGd and fifty tnousanj duc1tr., wit,)-wut any shortage to the said King of Portugal or his successors,
the El.Sid sale becomes null. and void ,'Ute! each ona of
the said sovereigns shall enjoy the right and authority which lie no·;,·J holds &a·nJ c1aim.J to :10::'..d, both
as regards the right of p-o::;ress:icn '.)I' cm3.:-;,:'_ r:;os,session, and as recards the proprietorsh::.p' howsoevm·
and in whatever manner t h0:· b':;lons ·c0 hic11, 2.s if
. concl'.'ac
'
t ,·-Jere no t mci.uo,
-l
' '
•
th 1s
· 11-ir_,~ J•.. n -c.nc
m.1.nrer in·
which they first held possossion nnd cJ.aL11eC. to
hold it, and this contract. sha1.l Ccl11SG no p1·ejudicG or innovation.
1
2 - A "ducatn \·ms a gold coin worth, in former times,
about $2.2C79, or about ?4.57 Philip~ine 8urrency.
3 - Maravedi \vaE a di)anish co:pper coiu int:coduced by
Ferdinand and Isabella. It was wol'th nomin?.lly 1/34 real.
-55It§.!12: It is covenanted and agreed by the
snid attorneys, in the names of their said constituents, that, in order to ascertain what islands,
places, lands, sens, and their rights and jurisdiction, are sold, henceforth .and forever, by the
said em1.Jeror and Eing of Castille, by this contract
under the aforesaid (jondition, to the said King of
Portugal, a line must be detorminod from pole to
pole, that is to say, from north to south, by a
semicircle oxtendine northeast bv east ninetoon
degrees from Maluquo, to which number of degrees
corrt~spond 0.l1:1.ost seventeen degrees on the equinoctial, amounting to two hundred and ninety-seven
and one-half leagu0s east of the islands of Muluquo,
allowing seventeen and one-half leaguos to an equinoctial degree.
In this northeast by east meridian and direction are situated the islands of Las
Velas and of Santo Thome, through which the said
line and semicircle passes.
Since these islands
are situated and ere distant from :Maluquo tho said
distance, more or less, the deputies determine and
agree that the said line be drawn at the said two
hundred and ninety-seven and one-half J_e2.gue.s to
the east, the equiv,alont of the nineteen degrees
northeE,st by east. from the scdd islands of' I,1aluquo,
r;,he
3,,; d der,utJ· """ d·<:iCl 'll'8·' +-h· t
in
as a.L~"'o1~esa1.·
.,
• d t
.J.
order to ascorta:i.n where t.hs ssid lino should be
drawn, two charts of tlie sqrne tenor be n1c1dc, conformable to the cha.rt iP the Indic1 Hou~-e of Trade
at Sevilha, and by which the fleets, vassals and
subjects of the said emperor and king of Castilla
navigate.
Within thirty days from thf~ date of
this contract two persons shall be a9;)ointed by
each side to examine the a.foresaid ch,,1rt and n:ako
the two copies aforesaid conformable to it.
In
them the said line shall bG drawn in ti1e manner
aforesaid; and they shall b o signed h:T the said
sovereigns, and sealod with their· sea~s, so that
each one will keep his own chart; ani the said
line shall remain fixGd henccfo~th at the ooint
and place so designated.
This chart shall also
designate the spot in which the said vassals of
the emperor and king of Castilla shall situate
and locate l\:Jaluquo, which durinc; the time of this
contract slwll be regarded as situatGd in such
place, although in truth it is situated mo:r,e or
less distance enstward from the place that is deLl-
.:··
.t;.:\.,)
. ._.
,,_... ~.
:._,
1
Cl
'
signated in the said charts.
The seventeen degrees eastward shall be drawn from the point where
Mnluquo is situateu in said charts, For the good
of this contract the s:1id Kine; of Portugal must
have said chart, and in case the aforesaid be not
found in the House of Trade of Sevilha, the said
persons appointed by the said sovereigns shall make
said charts within one month, signed and sealed as
aforesaid. Furthermore navi2:ation charts sh:111 be
made by them, in which the said line shall b,:3 drawn
in the manner· aforesaid, so that henceforth the
snid vassals, natives, and s 11bjects of the said emperor and king of Castilla shall navigate by them;
and so that the navigators of eitrFir part shall
be certain of the location of the sc1id line and of
the aforesaid distanc~ of the·two hundred and ninetys even and one-half leagues between the said line
and Maluquo.
Item: It is covenanted and agreed, that, in
all the islands, lands, and seas within the said
line, the vessels and people of the said emperor
and king of Castilla or of b-is subjP.cts, vassals
or natives of his kingdom, or any others (al·i:,hough
this latter be not his subjects, vassals, or natives of his. kingdoms) shall not, with or without
his command, consent, favor, and a:i.d, enter, navigate, barter, traffic, or t&ke on board anything
whatsoever thc~t ma;rbe in said isl,-=tnds, lo.rids or
seas. Whosoever shall henceforth violate any of
the aforesaid provisions, or who shall be fo;rn.d
within said line, shall be seized by any captain,
captains, or people of the said King of Portugal
and shall be tried, chastised and punisi.iecl by the
said captains, as privateers and violators of the
peace.
Should they not be found inside of said
line by the sEdd captains or people! of the said
King of Portugal D nd should come to any port,
land, or seigniory whatsoeve:t~ of the S-'iirl. emperor
and king of CastilJ.a, the saj_d em9eror and king
of Castilla, by his justices in that place, shall
b"i obliged and bound to take and hold them. In
the meantime the warrants and exarninatio11s proving their gu:Ll t in each of the above-said things,
shall b (: sent by the so.id King of For"tu,:--~ci.l, or by
his justices, and they shall be puujshed and chastised exactly as evil-doers and ~iolators of the
peace and faith.
-57Jtem:
It is covenanted and· agreed by said
deputies t~at tho said emperor and king of Castilla
shall not, personnll.y or through an agent, send the
natives of his kingdoms, his vassals, subjects, or
aliens (and althol:tr•'h these latter be not natives of
his kingdoms, or his VDE,sals or subjects), t,o the
said islands, lands, and seas within said line, nor
shall be consent nor give them aid or favor or permit thf~m to go th1:Jre, contrary to th0 form and determination of this contract.
Rother he shnll bo
obliged to, forbid, suppress, and prevent it as much
as possible.
Item: It is covorwntod thut the said 0mp,9ror
and ki.n2: o.f Castilla command letters and instructions to be given inUil!:3diateJ.y to his Gaptain:::: and
subjects who are in thcj said islands that thuy do
no more trading henceforth and return nt once, provided that they be allowed to bring f rcely wln:te'ler
goods they shall have already bartered, traded, und
taken on board. ··~
Item: It was covena~ted and agreed by the said
deputies in the names of their said--conE:tituents
that the t roatiet3 ne?:otiat ed b r:/.~wCEm tl!8 said C,1thol ic sovereigns, Don fornando and Dona Ysabel and the
King of Jonrn the Second of :?ortugal in regard to the
demarcation of the Ocean G,:::a s1.1a::i.1 rernnin valid .c:1.nd
binding nin toto 11 .snd in every partiGu:1.ar, no is
therein contained end declared, excepting those
things which are othervds e covenanted and agreed
upon in this co:1tract.
In case the said emperor
and king of Castilla returns the sum ~hich accordin,cz: to this corri:iract i.s to be e:ivon in tr:'J manner
aforesaid, thus canceJ.ing the·--~,nle, the S·'licJ t:roaties negotiated b etw00n th<~ tia id Celt l1t)l :Le .'3ovun~ie:ns
Don F'ornando and Don::i. Ysa'Jol and the :--;aj_d K:Lne: Dorn
Joam the Socond of Purtufal, sha::'..J. re,.in_j_n in full
fore e and power, Ei.S if this contr,,' et ',J0.1·e not nndo;
and the s::i.id conDtit11or1ts shc:::11 be o·:):LJ.gcd to cor:1ply wtt.h it in every re6pe..;t, as is churcin stated. • ••
-584, The Villalobos Expedition
The return of Urdaneta to Spain in
1536 and the pub-
lication a year later of a report of his experiences in the
East served to draw public attention once rrore to tl1e lands
and peoples of the Far Enst.
For one. t ~1ing, it reawakened
Charles I's interest in Spanish colonial entorprise in that
I
part of the world.
Shortly after Urdaneta's return,
Charles I gave ordors to the Viceroy of Nueva Espafla,
Antonio de Mendoza, to despatch a new exr.edition to the East,
The treaty of Zaracoza, which had assigned all lands lying
west of a line 297-1/2 lnagues east of tlrn :Moluccas to Portugal, was still in existence.
Apparently, King Charles I,
in ratifying the treaty, did so with some mental rossrva-
tions.
It would seem that he did not consider the treaty
as having at all u.xtinc;u.:i.shed Spain's rights to the lnnds
discovered by Magr:~11an and formally taken possession of by
the Spaniards for the Xing of Spain.
In compliance with the King'
:3
orders, a floet of six
ships, ce1rryi.ng three hundred men, sail 0d fr-0111 l\!avidad,
Mexico on Novemb 13r 1, 1542,
In command of thf~ e::.q,edit:Lon
was Ruy Lopaz de Villalobos, brot]11:)r-in-law of Viceroy
'
(
f
-59Mendoza.
ono,
1
The voyage a9ross the Pacific was a pleasant
On the way the Spaniards discovered Palau and several
other islands of the Carolinas Archipelago.
On February 2,
1543, the fleet reached the eastern coast of Mindanao.
At
Sarangani, Villalobos started to build a colony, putting his
men to plant food crops.
Villalobos' men, however, did
not find tilling the soil much to their likinr;, saying that
they hnd come "not to plant, but to make conquests, t1
colony experienced many hardships.
The
Food was scarcu and
Villalobos was forced t.o send out ships to ncighbod.ng islands in search of provisions.
Of the hard.ships endured by Villalobos' mon at S,-:iran-
gani, Fray Geronimo Santisteban gave a vivid account in a
letter he wrote to the Viceroy of Spain in February, 1547.
Among other thingf:, Fray Sat.isteben wrote: 2
If I should try to write to your 1ordship
in detail of the l1unier, need, hardships, disoase
d"'atl·1c•
r:,i· u-.~
Q"'l'·;,r:,n•,·,n
I
ar... d +11~-'
u
v
, .... ·'··l-,"+·
l.1J.!ov ·1-".) auF'"",---.I~"'a' n,J
.J.C:-l:-[:J~
)
would fill a boo!;: • • • In that island we found a
1
~
~
1./'1,._,
1o-.!
.L.i.t;
t,:;
J.ittlo rice .snd tingo, n few hens and hogs, and
three deer,
Tldr; w;:rn eaten in a few dE:ys, together with what remained of the sldp foou, A nurn-~
ber of cocon-palms were discovered; ~nd because
hunger ca,nnot s u.:c'i'er delay, the buds wldch are the-'?
shoots of the palms were eaten. There were some
l - The command of the expedj_tion was first offered to
Pedro de Alvarado. Upon the latter's death, Andres de Urdaneta was asked to t.a lrn command. Urdm1E~tn declined the off e1',
whereupon Villalobos was chosen.
2 -
B, &. R.Vol.
2, P• 65.
-60figs and other fruits. Finally we ate all the
dogs, cats and rats we could find, besides horrid
grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused
the deaths, and rauch of the prevnlent disease.
.
And especially they ate large ni1mbers of a certain
large variety of gray lizard, which emits considerable glow; very few who ate them are living.
Land
crabs also were eaten which caused same to go mad
for a day after pnrtaking of them, especially if
they had eaten the vitals.
At the end of seven
months, the hunger that had caused us to go to
Sarrngan withdrew us thence.
After about eight months in Sarangani, Villalobos,
despite his instructions to the contrnry, decided to go to
the Moluccas.
He reached Tidore April 24,
1544,
and his men fell into the hands of the Portuguese.
Here he
Villa-
lobos was put aboard a Portuguese vessel to be returned to
In Amboina he contractGd illness f:com wl1ich he died
Spain.
(1546).
He was assisted in his dying moments by Francis
Xavior, a ,Jesuit missionary, the future St. Francis Xavier,
"Apostle of the Indies • 11
Xavier was in the Moluccas at
that time engaged in Apostolic work.
Although the Villalobos expedition like its predeces-
5ors failed in its mission, it had one notable accomplishment to its credit:
it_ guve to the Philippines a. new name,
Felipinas, from [elipe_, the name of Charlec I's son and
heir to the Spanish throne.
FeJJ.:.]_i1l.fil?_ was originally ap-
plied to some islands in the Leyte-S~mar regJon, but in
its modified form E,ilipi™, it was later :;:;iven as a per-
-61nianent name ta the entire archipelago
5.
.3
The Legazpi Expedition
The failure of the ViJ.lalobos expedition had guit.e a
sobering oflect upon CtarJ.es I's colonial ambitions.
It
dampened his ardor and enthusiusrn for the extension of
Spain's colonial crnp:i.ro in the En st.
Up
to the year of
his abdic,qtion (1558), no new colonir:11 V(Jnture wns under-
taken,
It remained for his son and successor, Philip II,
aftor whom the PhiliDpin911 had been named, to bring to n
realization his cherisLE:d clr(,am and ambition - the fo1mding
of a rermlmc:nt Sp,mish colony in the Far East,
Three yGars aftor his acc(~.ssion as King of Spain (1556),
Philip II took tb0 inj_tia1 steps towards the eventual ful-
fillwent of th0 Spanish dreRm of empire in the East.
In
September 1559, he wrote) a lettr:~r to the Viceroy of Mexico,
Luis de IJoJ.asco, inst!~uct:Lng h:im to prepare a new expcdition to tho E3st.
Velasco was ordorod to despatch two
3 - ':'here arc two important sources or information ori
the Villalobos Gxpedition.·
One is a lotte:)r written by Fray
Geronimo do Sant.j_stobnn datec. lobruary 22, 154-7, to the
viceroy o.f New ~Jpain,
Snntist:ilx:m 1;,-Jf.H"l in the expedition
of Villalobos.
The other 1s Garcia Duscal~nte Alvarado's
Relac::;_on dcJ__y_L,.)~~dG Ruy_g.91nQ.&.J..~ic) de VDlalop_Q.§_, Lisboa,
l .o de at~o~,1-.0, 154-8 ;r
Those accounts aro found in the
Co 1 e c flQ.Q d c Do c 1lllifllG_QJl In.2..cJH~ Q.Q.,
-62ships "for the discovery of the Western islands toward the
Moluccas.rr
In another letter written at the sawe timEi,
the King invited. Andres de Urdaneta to join the proposed
expedition.
Urdaneta was at that time living in an Agustinian convent in Mexico.
He had entered the r'E')ligious life not long
after he returned to Spain fr~m the ill-fated Loo.isa cxpedition.
Now well advanced in years, ho expected to spend
the rest of his life in retirement in the simple and poace-
ful surroundings of the Agustinian community in Mexico.
But his reputation as a cosmographor o.nd as a navigator had
not been forgotten.
The King was awRre that the services
of a man of Urdaneta's knowledge, ability and experience
were greatly needed to inJure the success of the proposed
exp edit ion.
The King's let tor must have touched a responsive chord
in UrdanetE,' s hoart.
Despj_t e the handicaps of age and thG
inconvenience of having -'..~o go out again into the world at
the sacrifice of the peact~ and quiet of community life, h·J
accepted the
1
1
oyal invitation, :placing him~;elf entirely at
tho service of His l.1.·1.jesty.
It may be presumed that he
found in the King:' s offer a nc•,J opportunity, not onJy to
serve his King and his country, but God Him.self.
For hG
was aware of the fact that an importc:mt objective of the
""PJ..
t ·.:
·;'..rr
'j .
,, - ·j .,
j'.
entqrpripe 1-ia;:, .t.h~;·~_xtens:i9r1 of ,:t_he .,Christian
faith
to
-.r, .", :/:;;•).''
!~ (,'.
,_./
·'"•"
.,:;
I
,.·~-,_i.
_;l_
:.
:
:.~•;
-~··;:_;,·,
l
the inhabitants of the Ind~es.
Five y~ars
we;r,e.
spent,
·in·
prepa;ring
for
the pew
ven.. ,
·,.. : -·'
. _; .. - ,.~,
} , r ;. ., . . .'
C :
.:
:·1 ;
'.·1
ture.
•
-, .-
In November, 1561+, the fleet that was to carry the
exP,edi
tionary
,;forc.e
was' ready·
.to sail.
• •..
' .
' . •
;
.. . !. '; :
~
I
! • ;
'-~
-I
Instructio!ls.
,·
had been drawn up and a commander had been chosen.
On
Father Urdaneta' s recommer1dation,, Mit:,uel Lopez de Legazpi
was appointed commander-in-chief of the expedition.
Father Urda net a himfrn1f was made chief pilot of the fleet,
cho.rged with ·t:he important mission of bringing the expedition safely to its intended destination.
No better men could have been chosen to lead the
expedition than Father Urdaneta and tegazpi. ·
Both per-
formed the tasks assigned. to them efficiently ani1 well.
Father Urdaneta piloted the fleet, ,with great skill and
succeeded where his predec~ssors had failed.
Moreover,
in compliance with royal_. instrui::t10ns, he charted a safe
rout0 for vessels to follow in crossing--thG Pacific on.
their way back to' Espana f1"0,m the Philippinos.
Legazpi, like Father Urdancta, was quite advanced
in years when he received the appoint1118nt to lead the new
exp~dition to tho East.
A native of Zumarraga, Guipuzcoa,
-64Spain,- he had left Spain as a young man to find fame and
fortune in the New World.
He was not quite successful
in his quest of material wealth, but in his actuations as
a humble employee in the Ayuntnmientq o~ Mexico.he acquired a reputation for honesty, patience, tact-, and loyalty to duty.4
His known qualities and virtues made
him fully deserving of the important post to which he was
appointed.
Chivalrous, courageous, upright, steadfast
in his loyalty and devotion to God and Country, Legazpi
was a worthy representative of the best type of Spanish
character of his age, an age which produced Miguel Cervantes de Saavedra, Ignatius Loyola and Saint Teresa of Avila.
In his dealings with the Filipinos, he invariably displayed a spirit of good will and conciliation.
'
'
He sought
'
to sec'ure his obj actives without undue resort to threats,
display of force, or unnecessary sacrifice of human lives.
To him belongs mucl'l ~_he crodit for the establishment
on firm and permanent foundations of Sp,anish rule in the
Philippines,
On September 1, 1564; the Audiencia of Nueva Espana
gave the neceGsary instructions to c;uide Legazpi in the
expedition.
Among oth~r things, L6gazpi wa~ instructed
4 - For nearly thirty years he served as scrivener
(escribano) of the ayuntamiento of the city of Mexico.
-65to proceed with the fleet
11
in search of and to discover
the Western Islands .situat0d toword the Malucos, but you
shall not in any way or manner enter the island of the
said Malucos, ••• but you shall enter other :islc1nds con.tiguous to thGm, as for instance the Filipinas, and others
outside the said treaty, [Zaragozg_7 Emd within his majes-
ty's demarcation, and which are reported olso to contain
spice. 11
•
Two nfonths lator, thn flt~et car:cying the expe-
dition sailed from the port of Navidnd,
The story of -~ho Legazpi 0xpodition is told by Legazpi himself in a letter which he wrote from Cebu in
1
1565.
The letter in port read as follows:
I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de
la Navidad giving as full an account as possible
up to that port. Now I shall d0 the same, for I
consider it a debt justly du~, and I shail always
consid'3r it so whenever the opportunity i'.)rcsents
itself. I am enjoying good hoclth, thanks be to
our Lord; and the same can be snid of the whole
canp, a thing ·which ought not to b 13 looked upon
as of little importance. :May our Lord grant to
your _excellency the good he::ilth that I wL,h.
On Tuesday, November 21, _'three hours before
dawn, I set s:d.l with tno fleot th1·i::. 1,vas at.
Puerto de Navidad. For five days the fleet
sail E:d. southwcst, but on the sixth w <J directed
our course westward until we reached the ninth
degree.
We sailed on in this latitude in search
of the island of Los Reyos, in orde~ that-we
-------·--1 - Letter
B • a.:
t. R • ,
VO 1
•
writtE:n by Legazpi to Viceroy of Mexico,
2~ , p •
--~oc
f'·"'
..L 7 ·; ..L
•
-66might go from that point to the Felipinas.
A
week after we hhd taken this course, we awoke·
one morning and missed the vatache "Snn Lucas,"
with Captain Don Alonso de Arellano in command.
Thero had been no stormy weather to make it lose
sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso' s
fault, for he wa.s a gallant man, as ho showed.
It is believed that it was due to the malice or
intent of the pilot.
And as he had already been
informed nbout-the expedition that we were· making, and the course we were to sail, and as he
was fully instructed o.s to what he must do in
case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither he must proceed to await us,
we expected all the time that we would find the
vessel in some of these islands.
But ~p to this
time we have heard nothing of it, which gives
me not a little uneasiness.
After the fleet
had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less,
we reached land, which proved to b c an island inhabited by poor and naked fishermen.
This island was about four leagues in circurnference.t and
had a population of about two hundred men. That
same day we sailed between two other small islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by
many reefs, which proved very troublesome to uo
for five or six days. At the end of that time
we decided that the fleet should continue its
course along the thirteenth degree of latitude;
so that we might strike a better land of the Filipinas, which the pilots were finding already,
and should not strike Vindanao.
1:l e followed
our course in this latitude, and on Monday, January 21, we came in sight of land, which after ...
ward proved to be one of the Ladrones Islands,
called Gua.
·we directed our bows to that island, but we were no more than two leagues from
it when fifty or sixty praus under sail surroun"ed the fleet.
These Qrq,us-wore furnish':ld with
la.teen sails of palm mats and were as light as
the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with
remarkable speed, either with the wind or at
random.
In ecch cm1oe were from six to eight
Indians, al togothGr naked, covering not even
the privy parts, which men are wont to cover.
They laughed aloud, and each of them made signs
-67inviting us to his own town {for they were from
different villages) and promising to give us food
there, At break of day we coasted the island and
th0 next morning we cast anchor in a very good
port, The day had scarcely begun when a great
number of those prRus appeared about us, There
were so m~ny of them, who came to trade with us,
that some of our men who counted them affirm that
there were more than four or five hundred of
them around the ships. All that they had to sell
us were articl~s of food, namely, potatoes, rice,
yams, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane; excelle11-t bananas,
and several other kinds of fruit.
They also
brought ging-er, which grows in this island in so
great quantity that it is a thing to wonder over;
and they do not· till or cultivate, but it· comes
up and grows of itself in the open fields, just
as any other herb,
The natives shouted at us,
each one inv~ting us to buy of him ••••
This iGland is called Ladrones, which according to the disposition of the inhabitants, is the
most appr-opriate name that could have been given
it.
Eleven days c).fter reaching this island, we
set sail following our course in the aforesaid
latitude.
After sailing eleven days more with
good weather• we finally came in sight of Filipinas, where we finished our voyage, According to
the experiments and opinions of the pilots, we
covered more than two thousand leagues from
Puerto de la Navidad to this island, although I
have heard that they were deceived as to the distance.
On the afternoon of the same day in which
we came to this land, we cast anchor in a beautiful bar, called Cibabao, and there we remained
seven or eight days.
Meanwhile we sent two
boats, one south and the other north (for this
island is located north and south) to see whether
they could find some good port or river.
One
of them returned minus a gentl cman of my company,
called Francesco Gomez, and with the report that,
for ten leagues north, they had found neither
port nor rivor.
The gentleman was killed by
some Indinns, a.ft Gr he disembarked to make bl,oodfriendship with them, a ceremony that is considered inviolable. This is observed in this manner: on.::i from ench party mu~t draw two or three
-68drops of blood from his arm or breast and mix
them, in the same cup? with water or wine. Then
the mixture must be divided equally between two
cups, and neither person may depart until both
cups are alike drained. While this man was
about to bleed himself, one of the natives
pierced his breast ,from o,ne side with a lance .....
Leaving this bay, we sailed south until we
reached the end of the island, where the land
turns west. Just south of this island are
other islands between which this island there is
a straight channel running west. The fleet passed
through this channel, and on the second day from
our departure from Cibabao, after having sailed
no8rly thirty lea~ues, we reached a port of
Tandaya island.
In this port a small river empties itself
into the sea through an estuary. Some of our
boats sailed up this river and anchored at the
town of Cangiungo,
The natives received them
neither with peace nor war; but they gave our
men food and drink, When they were about to eat,
an Indian came to them, who spoke a few words in
the Castilian tonp:ue, saying "Comamosvr (let us
eat"), "bebamo srr { :riot us drink"}, and answering "sf' ( "yes;1 }, when questioned by Anton Batista Billalobos (Villalobos)~ and "Captain
Calabaea."
It seems that he had traded with the
people of the .fleet of Billa_lobos, according to
what was gathered from him. And because he said
this, this native vexed the ruler of the village,
and never eume back. The next day I wished to -go
to the same village, and found the nativeG hostile.
They made signs that we should not disembark, pulled grass, struck trees with their
cutlasses, and threateningly mocked us,
s·eeing
that in this caso cajolery could not suffice, we
withdrew in order not to disturb then; but .s.s we
departed, they began to shower sticks and stones
nfter us, and I was obliged to order the soldiers
to fire their arouebuses at them; and thoy never
appeared again.
This town has a population of
twenty or thirty Indinns.
On arri vins at that port, I despatched Captain do Goiti with a boat and a frigate, well
-69supplied with men and provisions, to discover
somo port along the coast. On the way ho was to
examine thoroue;hly the town of Tandc1.ya, which was
not very far from where we wers, and other towns
of the island of Abbuyo.
Dec0ived by the appearance of the coast, he sjiled on past the
coast for fifteen len2;ues, without seeine; anything.
Finally he reached a lar~o bay on which
was situated a large town containing mc3.ny families;
the peoplo hnd many swine and hens, with .J.bundcmce
of rice cind potatoes.
He returned to the fleet
with this news, which gqve us not a little content, for all were lorn;ing for land-products. The
fle~t left this port, and in the afternoon·of the
next day we rCJcichod the abovementioned bay, where
we anchored in front of the large town of Cavalian.
One thing in especial is to be noted --- namely,
that wherever w~ went, the people entertained us
with fine words, and even promised to furnish us
provisions; but afterward they would desert their
houses. Up to the present, this fear has not been
in any way lessened.
When we asked the people of
this village for friendship and food, they offered
us all the friendship we desired, but no food whatever. '£heir attitude seemed to me to be ouito
the contrary of what had been told me by fhose who
had gone there; for they had said that, in this
village of Cavalian, which is located on the island of Buyo, Spaniards were received anct·were well
treated. Now they did not wish to see us, and on
the ni1~ht of our arrival, we were made thoroughly
aware o.f this; for they embarked with their wives,
children, and property, and wont aNay, The next
day, a chief called Canatuan, the son of I\ie.late2
who is the principal chief of the town, came to us;
but I detained him in the ship, until provisions
should b<e sent us from land (paying for them to
their satisfaction), becnus e of his not returning to the villa,:se and because his father was very
old and blind. But this proved no remedy, to make
them give us anything but words.
It was determined t.hat the people sl10uld go ashore*
And so
2 - In the relation published in Col...!. doc. ined.,___Q:J:_tramar, ii, pp. 265-277, ·where these tran.sactions are re:counted in great er dE-)tai}., these namPs are spelled Camut 1.an
(Camutuan, Camotuan), smd l•:aletcc, respectively. B.&R.,Notes.
-70they went, and, we made a fine festival,. killi1;g
for meat on that same day about forty-five swine,
with which we enjoyed a merry carnival --- as payment for which articles of barter were given to
the chief whom I had with me.
rrhe lutter sent
us ashore with an Indian, to give those articles
to the owners of the swine.
This chief, Canutuan, by signs and as best he
could, informed me of the na,:1es of the isJ.ands, of
their rulers and people of importance, and their
number.
He also·promised to take us to the island of Mancagua,3 v!hich was eight lcaguos from
this island. We set sail with the Indian,·and when
we reached :r.iiacagua r sent him three others, who went
him to their village in a canoei after giving them
some clothes.
He 1-rns quite wJe 1 satisfied? according to his own ·words, and became our friend.
This Macagua, although small, was once a thickly populated island. The Castilians who anchored
there were wont to be kindly received.. i'Jow the island is greatly changed from former days, being quite
depopulated -- for it contains less than twenty In•
dians; and these few who are left, are so hostile to
Castilians, that they did not even wish to see or
hear us.
From this island we went to another,
called Canuguinen~4
Here we met with the sane
treatment. As the natives saw our ships along the
coast, they hastenecl to betake thernsel ves to the
mountains.
Their fear of the Castilians was so
great, that they would not wait for us to give any
explanation.
From this islrind the fleet directed its, course
towards Butuan, a provinco of the islo.nd of Vindanao; but the tides and cont r3.ry winds drove us upon
the coast of an island called Bohol.
Here we cast
ancrior, and .-vithin a small bay of this island we
made some necessary repairs to the i'lagsh:1,p. One
1
3 - Apparontly the same ,:ls the Massaua of earlier documents. Ibid.
4 - Inthe relation cited above, note 92, the name of
this island is spelled (p. 277) Camiguinin. Ioid.
-71morning the alm:iranta.5 sit_:hted a junk at some disThinking it to be one of the smaller
:2,ralls., the master-of-camp despatched against it a
small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to
the flagship to inform me of what he had done~ Seeing thG.t he had not sent men enou.~h, I despatched
another small ooat with all the men it could hold;
and the maste1" ... of-cnmp himself with instructions
how he was to procee~, reached the boat and junk,
which W·2re exchangircg shots,.
The junk seeing that
the boat contC\ined so few men, defied thera,
When
the second bo:1t arrived it found sor:1e of the r.1en
wounded, and that the junk had ;many and well-r:1ade
arrows and lan~es 1 with a cul verin and some muskets~
The junk defied the second boat also.
Shouting
out in Castilian, "a bordol a bordol" (boardt
boardI")
They grappled it, and on boarding it,
one of our soldiers was killed by a lance-thrust
in the throat.
'I'hose aboard the junl·: numb2rod
forty-five soldiers. Fourteen or fifteen of them
jumped intO o. canoe whicb. thGy car::::'ied on ti1eir
poop deck, and fled.
Eigh or ten of t:1e others
were captured alive, and the remainder wore :dlled,
I have been assured· that they fought w::11 and bravely in their defense, as was quite 2pp3.r0nt; for
besides the man they kilJ.ed, ~~hey nl so wou~ded more
than twenty others of our soldiers.
In the junk
were found many white and colored blankets, some
do.masks, almaizales6 of sill...: and cotton, and some
figured silk; also iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain,
some go:Ld, and rnany other things. Tbe junk ':vas
tal:en to the fla.g,3hip.
Its crew were Burnei l'roros.
Thtdr property was returned to thera, .3nd v,hat appeared, in our reciconine;, its equivalent in arti-
tance away.
cles of barter was riven to them, because their
capture was not induced by greed.
My chief intent
is not to go privateerinf, out to make treaties
and to procure frhmcts·, of which I o:rn in great ·need.
The Burneans were nuch pleased and satiDfied with
5 - Th·Jsecond ship of the fleet, "San Pnblo.n The
"San Pedro" or flagship wo.s spoken of as the ca_pt!~.{l~· Ibi_<i.,
6 - A veil of thin gauze worn by the Moros. Evidently the term is used in this connection, as thu I-'Iohamr.1edans
of these islands were called Moros (Noors) by the Spaniards•
Ibid~
---
-72this liberality displayed toward them, thus showing how fickle they were.
On the same dav that the boats wept to the junk,
I despatched the patach§. "San Joan" with orders to
go to Butuan and sail along its coast, and to find
out in what part of this island the cinnamon is gathered, for it grows there. They were also to look
for a suitable port end shore where a settlement
could be made.
While the patache went pn this mission, I kept the boat of the Burne3ns and the pilot.
This latter was a man of experience, and versed in
different dialects; and he informed me of much regarding this region that I wished to know.
A1aong
other tnings he told me, that if the Indians of this
isl2nd avoided this fleet so much, I should not be
surprised, because they had great fear 0£ the name
of C3.stilla.
He s,;id that while 11Je were amon3
these islands no Indian would speak to us; and that
the cause for this was that about two years ago, somewhat. more or less, some Portuguese from Ii!aluco visited these islands with eight large 12.rnus and many
natives of 1'1aluco.
Wherever they went. they asked
for peace and friendship, saying that they 1:1ere
Castilians, and vns3als of the king of Cetstilla;
then when the nntives felt quite secure in their
friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing
and capturing all thnt they could. For this reason
the isl 'J.nd of Macau:ua was depopulated, and scarcely
any inh:1bit2nts remo.ined there. A:-1d in this island
of Bohol, among the killed and captured were more
than a thousand persons.
Therefore the natives
refused to seQ us and hid themselves - as in fact
was the case. Although, on my part, I did my best,
to gain their confidence, giving them to understand
that the Portw~uese belong to a different nation
and are subjects of n different king tl:an we, they
did not trust ri1e; nor, was this sufficient, for they
say that we have the same appearanc0, that we wear
the samd kind of clothing, and carry the same weapons.
In this island of Bohol live two chiefs, one
called Cicatuna and the other Cigala, who through
the Bornean's going inland to call them, came to
the fleet.
Fror.1 these chiefs I heard the same
.,.'lj-
thing that I had 'ueen told by the Burnei pilot and
his companions, in regard to the great robberies
that the Portur;ueso coff,mitted hereabout, in order to
set the natives against us - so that, on our coming,
we should find no friends.
This fell out as·they
~ished, because, ali;;hour;h Cicatuna and Cigala r:1ade
friendship with me, 1;Je could put no confidence in
ther.i; ncr would they sell us anything, but only made
promises.
While in this island, I despatched a frigate
to reconnoiter the coast of certain islands that
could be seen from this island.
The chief oilot and
Joan d8 Aguirre accompanied it, and it was su.pplied
with sufficient food, men, and provisionr3.
Corning
to the entrance between two islands, thoy were caught
by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the
channel; and in 6rder to return, they sailed around
the island.
On this island they saw a t6wn where
the Moro pilot declared that ho was known, and that
he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants; but
undar pretense of friendship, the nativGs treacherously killed him with a lance-thrusto The space of
one week had been .ziven to then, but it took much
longer; for the return could be accomplished only
by ::;ailing aro1.md the island which was one hundred
and fifty leagues in circumference.
Whe~1 the pa tac~~ returned from Butuan, it reported that t:1e3' had seen the king, and that two Moro
junks of the large and rich island of Luzon were anchored in the river 11J.-.tich flows near the town. The
Moros sold our men a large quantity of wa::::.~
When
the men of Luzon saw our tostonos they were very
much pleased 1vith them, and they save nearly twenty ,
marks/ of gold, v-thich they had there in that island,
giving for six toston.£§_ of silver one of gold; and
they s&id' that they had more gold, if our rnen would
give them more to St<211.§.§.., and that in exchD.n&;e fo3:
the latter they ~ould give them ten or tw0lve quintals of gold which tl1ey had there in ·{ hat islo.nd. • ••
Whilo in the bay of the island of Bohol, I was
very anxious about the frigate, sine o it vJas to be
gone but one week; while twenty-one days had passed,
and it was now ho re to be seen.
Meanv-1hile a nrau
which I had despatched with two soldiers and the
-74chiefs Cicatuna and Cigala to the island of Cubu
to endeavor to ascertain some news concerning it 1
had returned, bringing no news whatever of its whereabouts.
On Holy Saturday, three hours before daybreak, while we were thus plunged in great anxiety
and grief, f ee.rin[:; that our companion~ r:.1j_ght have.
been lost, captured, or killed, the srJ.out r1the frigate1 frigatet" w2s heard in our .fleet.
Turning
my glance, I beheld it entering the bay. Only the
Burnei pilot was missing; the others looked well 3nd
strong, although they had su:t'fered from hunger.
On arriving, they informed us that the island which
they ho.d coasted had a circuit of one ~rnndred and
fifty leigues, and that on t½eir return they had 7
passed between it and the opposite coast of Cubu.
They reported that this island of Cu.bu ·was densely
populated, containing many large villa.rfes, · and among
them were many pebple inhabiting the coast, and in~
land many cultivat,)d districts.
The above-mentioned
soldiers who "t·Jent to Cibu in the prau with Cicatuna
and Cigal11 said that the same thing was to be obs~rved on the other coast, and that the port of the
town of Cibu admitted of anchorage, and was excellent. I decic~ed to take the fleet to the.t island a pl~n I carried out, with the intention 6f requesting peace and friendship from the riatives, and of
buying provisions from them at a reasonable cost.
Should they refuse ~11 this I decided to n~ke war
upon them - a step which I considered justifiable
in the case of these people; for it was in that same
port and town that Magellanes and his i'1eet were
well received*
King Sarriparra and nearly all the
natives were baptized, and admitted to our holy
faith and evangelical teaching, volunta:cily offering
themselves as his majesty's vassals. Mae;allanes
and more than thirty of his companions were afterwards killed while fi.zhting in behalf of thi,s island against the people of-}Jiatan, a t hiclcJ.y populated island situated near this ona.
Afterward the
two islands made peace privately between themselves,
and the inhabitants of the toi,"Jn of Cibu 1.~illed many
of the Spaniards, of the same fleet, and drove the
remaining fei:J away from their land, Hence we see
that all this is sufficient occasion for any course
7 - Apparently ref erring to the island of Negros.
-75whatever. In accordance with this last opinion
the fleet left the port of Bohol and we reached the
port of Cibu on Friday, April 27, 1565.
vfo had
scarcely arrived when an Indian tame to the flagship
in a canoe, who said that Tupas, the ruler of the
island, was in the town, and that he was goir~ to
come to the fleet to see me.
A little later there
came from the village, an Indian, an interpreter
of the Malay languag0, who said, on oehalf of Tupas,
that the latter was getting n:ady to come to see me,
that he would come on that very day, and that he
wouJ.d bring ten of the prin~ipnl chiefs of that island. I waited for ther;1 that whole day; but ns I
saw that the poopl8 were niuch occupied in removing
their possessions from their houses and carrying
them to the Llountain, Gnd that during all this day
and until noon of the next, Tupas, the son of Saripara, who killed the men of Magallanes, did not come,
I sent a boat with father Fray Andres de Hurdanata
and the master-of-camp, in order that, in thoir
presence, the government notary, w~th Hieronimo
Pacheco, interpre"cer of the Malay tongue ( which is
spoken by many of the natives of this land), might
request the natives, as vassals of the king of Castilla, to receive us peaceably. They were to assure the people that I did not come to do them any
harm, but on the contrary to show them ovcry favor,
and to cultivate their friendship.
Three times
this announceme ..1t was ma de to them, wi t11 all the
signs and kind words possible to win their friendship.
But at length -- seeing that all our good
intentions viere of no avail, and that all the natives had put on their wooden corsclets and rope
armo.,_· · and had armed themselves with their lances,
shields, small cutlasses, and arrows; and that many
plumes and varicolored headdresses were 1,1aving; and
that help of men had. come in prau§. from the outside,
so that their number must be alrr;ost two thousand
warriors; and considering that now was the time for
us to make a settlement and effect a colony, and that
the present port and location were exactly suited
to our needs~ and that it was useless for us to wait
any longer; and seeing that there v1as no hope for
peace, and that they did not wish it, although we
-76had offered it - the master-of-camp said to the natives throup:h an interpreter: "Since you do not desire our friendship, and will not receive us peacefully, but are anxious for war, wait until we have
landed; and look to it that you act as men, and defend yourselves from us, and guard your houses."
The Indians ans1:ered boldly: 11 Be it col Come ont
We await vou here."
And thereupon they broke out
into loud.cries, coverin~ themselves with their
-shields and "'.:ira.ndishinr: their J.ances.
'fhen they
returned to the place whence they had set out,
hurling their lances by divisions of threes at the
boat, and ret·J.rnin::~ c3.fain to their' station, going
and coming as in a f3me of cafias.8
Our men got
ready and left the ships in boats; and as the
boats left the shipG for the shore, in accordance
with the order given them, some shots were fired
from the ships upon the rnul titude of Prc!l!_~ anchored
near a promon-~ory, as 1,rnJ.l as at the landsmen upon
shore, and upon the town. But, al r,hough they had
showed so great a ·desire for war, when they heard
the artillery and saw its effects, they abandoned
their village without w.g_i_ting for 'oattJ.e, and fled
through the large, beautiful, and fertilG open
fields that are to be seen in this region.
Accordin~ly we rerr1:1ined in the villare, vJhich hc.1.cl oeen
lef-i.~ totallywithout provisions by the na·~;ives. We
pursued the enemy, but they are the li~htest and
swiftest runners whom I have ever seen. Hhen we
entered the village, all the food had already been
taken away. However, I believe t:i1at there will be
no lack of food. In exchanqe for our hardshins
this is a good prospect, allhough there is no.hope
of food except th~ough our swords~ The land is
thickly populated., and so fertile tbat fonr days
after we ·too'.:: the villa_,1e the Castilian seods had
already SprOU"CGd, T.Je have Seen SOlne li,_:;;t:,]_e gold
here, on the ::z2.r1iients worn bv the natives. -:.Je are
at the ,fAte a~-ic.l in the vicinity of the 111ost fortunate countries of the world, and the most remote;
it is three hunc.rec.1 lea2:1.leS or thereaboul:.s farther
t:1c.m gre?-_t c~1ina, Jti.rneJ:, Java, La-:J.zon, Sumatra,
~aluco, Halaca, Patan, jian, Lequios, Japan, and
8 - .An equestrian exercise with reed spears.
Ibid.
-77other rich arid large provinces. I hope that,
through God's protection, there will be in these
lands no slight result for his service and the
increase of the royal crown, if this land is settled by Spaniards, as I beli~ve it will be,
From
this village of Cu'ou, I have despatched the ship
with the fat her prior ( Urdaneta) and my grandson,
Phel ip e de Za 1zedo, with a long relatiun of the
things which I boldly write here to your e~cellency.
They wiL'._ inforL1 his majesty at length, as persons
who have been eyewitnesses of all, especially of
what has taken place here, the state of t:ie new
settlement, and the arrangements ma de for everything.
It reraa ins to be said that, sine e this
fleet was despatched by the most illustrious viceroy, my master, of 'blessed memory, and further,
chiefly because of beinr~ an enterprise ti10.t every
gentleman should all the more favor, inasuuch as
it pertains naturally to your excellency, as the
heir of the g:!_ory resulting from this expec.ition
--- your excellency should favor it in such a manner that we may feel here the touch.of your most
illustrious hand, ;.:md so tr.at aid should be sent as
promptly as the necessity of our conc:it:I.on demands.
Fo:c we shall have war not only witn ths natives of
this and other neighboring isle.nds of the Philj_ppinas (which is of the lesser import), bu.t --- a
thing of greater consequence -- we shall have to
wage war with many different nations and islands,
who will aid these people, and will sida against
us. On seeing us settled in this island the Port"J.f_!;uese ·will not b~ pleased, nor will tho Eoros and
other powerful and well-armed people. It mi:;ht
happen the.t, if aid is delayed and is not .::;e:1t by
you to us with e.11 promptitud13, the delay will prove
a sufficient obstacle, so that no r·osul'.j 1;Jill follow from the work that we have a cconp1is~wc..
I
beg his maj estv to send us some aid v·' it.11 the uromptne'ss, which rightly should not be 2-u::::s +;hem in that
city of Espa:2ia, where his majesty rc.sid2s.
And
because it is worth knowing, and so tha~ your exw
cellency may underatand that God, our Lord, has
waited in this same place, and that he will be
served, and that pending the beginning of the extension of his holv faith and mast glorious name,
he has accomplished most miraculous 'things in
this western region, your excellency, should know
1
-78that on the day when we entered this village, one
of the soldiers went into a large and well--buil t
house of an Indian, where he found an image of the
child Jesus (vvhose most holy name I pray may be
universally worshiped).
This was kept in its
cradle, all gilded, just as it was brought from
Espafia; and only the little cross which is g£nerally placed upon the &;lobe in his hand was lacking.
This image was 1Jell kept in that house, and many
flowers were found before it, no one knows for what
object of purpose.
The soldier bowed before it
with all reverence and wonder, and brought the image
to the place where the other soldiers were; I pray
the holy name of this image which we have found here,
to help us and to grant us victory, in order that
these lost people who are ignorant of the precious
and rich treasure which was in their possession, may
come to a knmvledge of him.
-79CHAPTER FOUR
EARLY FILIPINO CIVILIZATION
The Filipinos whoriJ the Spaniards encountered in the
Philippines were the direct descendants of the Malay immigrants who came to the Philippines from South and Southeast
Asia in successive waves of migration centuries before
the arr.i val of the I,!JaKellan expedition.
In their new
homes, the Philippine :Ula.lays set up their own forms of political and social organization, of which the unit and pattern was the balan~a-: or ~np;ay to use the Spanish transcription.
Of the estimated population of 500,000 then occupying
the Philippines, a considerable number were living in single parf.lngay.§_ consisting of from JO to 100 far,1ilies and
ruled by datos or Il1cl.1?inoos.
The rest were living in larger
political units, larce con~mnities or confederacies of
ba:i:_cgia:ay_s_, under _D;1.iahs, l).aris or sultans.
The rulers
governed their respective b~_r_~ngay§. or confederacies of
ba_r.2,_IlE.§.Y§. in accordar1C e ·,dth established laws, customs and
traditions.
The people carried on trade among themselves
and with their 01·ie:ntal 111:,izhbors.
writing, consisting of syllabaries.
They had systems of
They had their own
-80religious beliefs and practices,as well as their DWn standards of morality and their own sense of values.
For the study of early Filipino civilization, the
writings of four well-known authorities· will be used Antonio de Morga, Miruel de Loarca, Juan de Plasencia and
Francisco Colin.
Antonio de Morga was a high official in the Spanish
government in the Philippines.
royal Audiencia in Manila.
He was a member of the
At one time he served as
acting governor of the Philippines, 1595-1596.
He had
during his residence in the Philippines (1595-1603) good
opportunities for observing conditions in the Philippines
and the ways of life of the Filipino people.
The work which he wrote, under the title nsucesos de
las Islas Filipinas 11 (Events in the Philippine Islands), is
a narration of events in the Philippines from the first discoveries by Europeans in the East until his own title.
It
was published in He::::ico in 1609.
Of particular interest to the student of early Filipino civilization is the eighth Ghapter of the Sue~,
for this chapter contains Morga 1 s observations on various
aspects of Filipino life.
The following are portions of the eighth chapter
-81of l'forga' s Sue eso s: 1
Geography of the Philippines
The islands of the eastern Ocean Sea, adjacent to farther Asia, belonging to the crown of
Espana, are generally called, by those who navigate
thither by way of the demarcation of Castilla and
Castilla' s seas and lands of America, "the Western
Islands;" for from the time that one leaves Espana,
he sails in the course of the sun from east to west,
until he reaches them.
For the same reason they
are called "Eastern Islands" by those i'lho sail from
west to east by way of Portuguese India, each of
them circumscribing the world by voyaging in opposite directions, until they meet at these islands,
which are numerous and of varying size; they are
properly called Filipinas, and are subject to the
crown of Castilla.
They lie within the tropic of
Cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north
latitude to the equinoctial line, which cuts the
islands of Moluco.2
There are many others on the
other side of the line, in the tropic of Capricorn,
which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude.
The ancients affirEted that each and all of t~--iem
were desert and uninhabitable, but now experience
has demonstratec~ t:1at they deceived themselves; for
good clirna,tes, many people, and food and other
things necessary for human life are found there,
besides many mines or rich metals, with precious
gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which nature has not stinted.
It is impossible to number all ~he islands counting larger and smaller - of this vast archi-
------1 - B. & R.,
vol. 16, PP• 69-133.
_The full text in English of Morga' s §..1.J9J2_s_Qs de las
Is_la~__lilip~nae, is in v0lumes 15 and 16 of the Pl1iliDPine Is1.§.lli!,s.,. Blair and Robertson have included in the:Lr edition
the notes made by Rizal in his own edition of Morga (Paris,
1890), as well as those ta~en from Stanley's translation of
korga (Hakluyt Sec. ed., London, H~68.)
2 - The present lirdts of the P~1ilippine Archipelago
are as follows: 116° l~O' and 126° 34' east longitude, and
4° 40' and 21° 10' north latitude.
1
-82p elago.
Those comprised in the name and government of Filipinas, number about forty large islands,
besides other smal;J_er ones, all consecutive.
The
chief est and best known are Luzon, Mindor6, Tendaya f3
Capul, Burias, Masbate, l'iarinduque, Leiti, Camar,
Ybabao, Sebu, Panay, Bohol, Catenduanes, Calarnianes,
Mindanao, and others of less re~own.
The first island conquered and colonized by the
Spaniards was Sebu, From.there the conquest was
started and continued in all the neighborin'.; islands.
Those islands are inhabited by people, natives of
the same islands, called Vicayas; or by another
name, Pintados -- for the more prominent of the men,
from their youth, tattoo their whole bodies, by
pricking them wherever they ~re marked and then throwing certain black powders over the bleeding surface,
the figures becoming indelible.
But, as t}1e chief
seat of the r;overnrnen-t, and the principal Spanish
settlement, was moved to the isl,~nd. of Luzon -- the
largest island, .and that one nearest and opposite
to Great China and Jauon -- I shall treat of it
first; for mucl:l that will be said. of it is similar
3 - It is very difficult now to determine exactly which
is this island of Tenday1:i, c,·JlJ.ed Isla Filipina. for some
years.
AccordinJ to Father Urdaneta's relations, this island was far to the east of the group, past the meridian of
lVIaluco.
Mercator locates it in Panay, and Colin in Leyte,
between Abuyog and Cabalian -- contrary to the opinj_on of
others, who locate it in Ibabao, or south of Samar,
But
according to other documents of that per~od, there is no
island by that name, but a chief called Tendaya, lord of a
village situated in that district; and, a~ tho Spaniards
did not understand the Indians well as that time, Llany contradictions thus arose in the !'elations of that period.
We
see that, in Legaspi' s expedition, whiJ.e the Spanicu'ds
talked of islands, the Indians talked of a man, etc. After
looking for Tendaya for ten days they had to cortimrn without finding it "and we passed on without seeing Tend.aya or
Abuyo".
It appears, nevertheless, that the Spaniards continued to give this name to the southwestern part of Samar,
calling the southeastern part Ibabao or Zibabao and the
northern part of the same island Samar.---Rizal.
-8Jin the others, to each of whose particulars and distinctive details I shs.11 pass in due time.
This island of Luzon extends lengthwise, from
the point and head where one enters the Filipinas
Islands (by the channel of Capul, which lies in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the
other point in the province of Cagayan, called Cape
Bojeadqr (and located opposite China, in twenty degrees), more than two hundred leguas.
In so~e
parts its width is @ore constricted than in ·others,
especially in the middle of the island, .1here it is
so narrow thnt it is less than thirty lefuas from
sea to sea, or from one coast to the other,
The
whole island is more than four hundred leguas in
circumference ••••
0
Inhabitants of the Philippines
The people inhabiting the province of Camarines
and almost as far as the provinces of Manila, in this
great island of Luzon, both along the coast and in
the interior, are natives of this island,
They are
of medium hei-;ht, with a complexion lilrn stewed
quinces; and both men and women are well-featured.
Xhey have very black hair, and thin beards; and are
very clever at anything that they undertake, keen and
passionate and of great resolution. All live from their
labor and gains ::._n tl1e 1ie_Ld, L'.t1eir fistlin,~, ana
trade, going f:.:,om isJ.crnd to island by sea, and from
province to p~ovince by land.
The natives oi the other provinces of this island as far as Cagayan are of the same nature and
disposition, except that it has been learned by tra"".'
dition that those of ~anila and its vicinity were
not natives of this ]_and, but came thither in the
past and colonized it; and that they are i~lay natives, and colilG from other islands and remote provinces .4, ..
-·-----4 - The ancient
traditions point to Sumatra as the
ancestral home of the Filipinos.
These traditions were
completely lost, together with the mythology and the genea-
-84The province of Cagayan is inhabited by ,.,natives of the sari1e complexion as the others or the
island, although they are better built, and more va1 ia.nt and warl :.Llrn than the others.
They wear their
hair long and l:tan,£ine: down the back. They have been
in revolt and rebellion twice eince the first time
when they were pacified; and there has been plenty
to do, on different occasions, in subduing them and
repacifying them.
The apparel and clotting of those natives of
Luzon before the entrance of the Spaniards into the
country were r:;:enerally, for the men, certain short
collarless garments of ~ng:a.q, sewed togethe~ in
the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching
slightly below the waist; some were blue and others
black, while the chiefs :C1ad some red ones, called:
chinanas.5
They also wore a strip of colored
cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between
the legs, so that it covered the privy parts, reaching half-way down the thigh; these are called b?-h.§..9Q.§.S.
They sso with legs bare, feet unshed, and
the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called
potong just below it, with which they bind the forehead and temples.
About their necks they wear gold
necklaces, wrought like spun ·wax, anc~ 11ith links in
our fashion, some larger than others.
On their
arms they wear armlets of wrou_;ht gold, vfhich they
called calombi.ga§., and which are very large and
made in differont patterns. Some wear strings of
logies referred to ~Y the old ci~roniclers, thanks to the
zeal with which the rnissionar·ies destroyed everythi:n.g that
reminded the Filipinos of their former pagan culture,.,
Rizal.
5 - Chinanas. ".Je do not know for certain the origin
of this word.
To us it rfoes not appear t:J be derived from
China. I.f we are perPi:Ltted to of.fer a guess, we ·would say
that it is derived from tinina (from tina) which in Tagalog
means colored dress a!1d th3t-;--·throughan error in phonetical
tran5cription, the word was transformed into chinina. The
chiefs were in the h3iJit of wearing red-colore-d dr~sses,
made, according to Colin, fi~on-i 11 fine Indian gauzen. This
partiality towards the red color, which' we find among the i
ancient Romans, still exists among the pagan tribes of Min-~ i
danao.--Rizal.
'I,
-85precious stones -- cornelians and agates; and other
blue and white stones, which they esteem highly.
They wear around the legs some strings of theso
stones, and certain cords_, covered with black pitch
in many fol~ings, as garters.
In a province called Zamb&les, they wear the
head shaved from the middle forward, On the skull
tney have a hugh lock of loose hair.6
'I'he women
throughout tl1is island wear small ja. ckets ( sayuelos)
with sleeves of the same kinds of cloth and of all
colors, called .Y.§.129.£•
They wear no shifts, but
certain white cotton garments which are wrapped
about the waist and fall to the feet, while otber
dyed clothes are wrapped about the body, 1 ike kirtl es, and are very graceful.
The principal women
have crimson ones, and some of silk, while others
are woven with gold 1 and adorned with fringe and
9ther ornnments.
They wear many .::old necklaces
about the neck, caJ.umbigas on the wrists, large
earrings of wrought gold in the ears, and rin8;s of
gold and precious stones.
The black hair is done
up in a very gracefbl knot on the head.
Since
the Spaniards came to the country many Indians do
not wear bahaw1es, but wide drawers of the same
cloth and materials, and hats on their heads. The
chiefs W8ar braids of wrought gold containing ruany
designs, while many of them wear shoes.
The chief
women also wear ~eautiful shoes, many of them havins shoes or velvet adorned with gold, and white
garments like petticoats.
Men and won:.en, and especially the chief peo ple, are very clean and neat in their persons and
clothing, and of pleasing address and grace. They
dress their hair caTefully, and regard it as being
more ornamental when it is very black, They wash
it with vrnter in which has been boiled the bark
of a tree called .2:.orz:o.
They anoint it with aljonjoli oil, preparecr~iith musk, and other perfumes.
All are very careful of their teeth, which from D.
very early age they file and render even, with
----·---·6 - This manner
of headdress and the long robe of the
Visayans have an analogy with Japanese coiffure and kimono.-Ri:ml.
-86stones and iron.
They dye them a black color,
which is lasting, and which preserves their teeth
until they are very old, although it is ugly to
look at. • ••
Both men and women, especially the chief, walk
slowly and sedately when upon their visits, and when
going through the streets and to the temples; and
are accompani(~d by many slaves, both male and female, with parasols of silk which they carry to protect them from the sun and rain,
The women walk
ahead and their female servants and slavc~s follow
them; behind these walk their husbands, fathers, or
brothers, with their man-servants and slaves.
Their ordinary food is rice pounded in wooden
mortars, and cooked -- thi.s is called moriso1_J3_t.s1,
and is the ordinary bread of the whole country -boiled fish (which is very abundant), the flesh of
swine, deer, and wild buffaloes (which they call
carabaos). • ••
They also eat boiled camotes (which are sweet
potatoes), beans, .921il_ite,2., and other vegetables;
all kinds of bananas, guavas, pineapples, custard
. i::.ies
.
' l
•
app __] es, many varie
o.L.c, orang cs, an d o-c.1er
varieties o.f fruits 8.nd herbs, with which the country
teems.
'i'heir drin~c is a wine made from the tops
of cocoa and nipa palm, of which there is a great
abundance. They are grown and tended like vineyards, although without so ruuch toil and labor.
Drawing off the tl!,_ba, they distil it, using for
alembics their own little furnaces and utensils,
to a greater or less strength, and it becones
brandy.
This is drunk throug:h the islands.
It
is a wine of the clarity of water, but strong and
dry. If it be used with moderation, it acts as a
medicine for the stomach, and is a protection
against humors and all sorts of rheuir,s.
I'Iixed
with Spanish wine, it makes a mild liouor, and one
very palatable and healthful. •••
·
Ships and Boats
Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for
on the rivers Jnd creeks inland they use certain
-87very large canoes, ea.eh made from one log, and
others fitted with benches, and made from planks,
and built up on keels, They have vireys and barangays, \,vhich are certain quick and light vessels
that lie low in the water, put together with little
wooden nails.
These are as slender at the stern
as at the ·oo\·J, and they can hold a number of rowers
on both sides, who propel their vessels with b_µcce:y_e§_
or paddles, and with z..:,ciones on the outside of the
vessel; and they tiue tlwir rowing to the accompaniment of some who sing in their language refrains
by which they understand whether to hasten or retard their rowing.
A:Jove the rowers is a ulatform
or gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the~ fightingmen stand, in order not to interfere with the rowing of the oarsmen.
In accordance with the capacity of the vessels is the number of men on these
gangways. From that place they manage the sail,
which is square and made of linen, and hoisted. on a
support or yard made of two thick bamboos, which
serves as a mast,
When the vessel ts large, it
also has a foresail of the same form.
Both yards,
with their tackle, can be lowered upon the gangway
when the weather is rough.
The helmsman are stationed in the stern to steer.
It carries another
bmnboo framework on the gan<sway itself; and upon
this, when the sun shines hot, or ,it rains, they
stretch an awning riiade from some mats, vmven from
palm-1 eaves • T1J.es e are very bulky and cJ_os e, and
are called .£_~Z.filliL8-•
Thus all the ship and its
crew are covered and protected.
There are also
other banilioo frameworks for each side of the vessel, which are so long as the vessel, and securely
fastened on. They skim the water, withont hindering the ro,winf, and serve as a count errJo ise, so
that the ship cannot overturn nor upset, however
heavy the sea, or strong the wind against the sail.
It may happen that the entire hull of these vessels, which have no decks, may fill with water
and remain between wind and water, even until it is
destroyed and broken up, without sinking, because
of these counterpoises.
These vessels have been
used commonly throughout the islands since olden
times. They have other larger vessels called caracons, lapis, and ta:12.§.92::!_e_~, which are used to carry
their merchandise, and which are very suitable, as
they are roomy and draw but little water.
They
-88generally drag them ashore every nigh~, at the
mouths of rivers and creeks, among which they always
navigate without r~oing · into the open sea or leaving
the shore. All the natives can row and manage these
boats.
Some are so long that they can carry one
hundred rowers on a side and thirty soldiers above
to fight.
'rhe boats commonly used are barangays
and vireys, which c2rry a less crew and fighting
force.
Now they put many of them together with
iron nails instead of the wooden pegs and the joints
in ihe planks, while the helms and bows have beaks
like Castilian boats ••••
Natural Resources
All these islands are, in many districts, rich
in placers and mines of gold, a metal which the natives dig and ~ork.
However, since the advent of
the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more
slowly in this, and content themselves with what
they already possess in jewels and gold ingots,
handed down from antiouity and inherited from their
ancestors. 7
':iihis is considerable, for he must be
poor and vvretched who has no gold chains, calornbigas (bracelets), and earrings.
Some placers and mines are worked at Paraceli
in the province of Camarines, where there is a good
gold mi;rnd with copper.
This commidity is also
.traded in the YJ.ocos, .for at the rear of this province, which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty
and rug~ed mountains which extend as far as Cagayan.
-·-~--~·--7 - The Indians
'
upon seeing that their wealth aroused
the rapacity of the encomenderos and soldiers, abandoned
the working of the mines, and the friar historians state
that, to free them from their vexations, they urged the Indians to proceed in that manner.
However, Colin states
that, from reliable sources, tho Islands produced in his
time 100,000 ~esos 1-vorth of gold a year, after eight years
of neglect and abandonment. - According to a private manuscript, the first tribute from the provinces of Ilocos and
Pangasinan alone amounted to 109,500 pesos. An encomendero
in 1587 sent to Manila in the gnlleon Santa Ana, which Cavendish later captured,3000 tons of gold.--Rizal.
-89On the slopes of those mountains, in the interior,
live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom
no incursion has been made, wno are called Ygolotes.
These natives possess rich mines, many of gold e.nd
silver mixed.
They are wont to dig from them only
the amo 1.,mt necessary for their ·want,s. 'l'hey descend
to certain places to trade this ~old (without completing its refining or prepc:1ration), with the
Ylocos; there they exchan§':f) it for rice, swine, carabaos, cloth and other things they need.
The Ylocos
complete its refining and preparation, and by their
m.adium it is distributed throughout the coun1:,ry.
Although an effort has been ma-tie with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work them,
and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has becm learned, for the Ygolotes fear that
the Spaniards will co to seek them for their gold,
~nd say that they ~eep the gold bet-ter in the earth
tnan in their houses.
There are .also many e;old mines and placers in
the other isl.:,:110.s, especially among the Pintados,
on the Botuan River in Mindanao, and in Sebu, where
a mine of 3old is worked, called Taribon.
If the
industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be
converted into the working of the gold, ns much
would be obtained from any one of these islands as
from those provinces which produce the most in the
world.
But since thev attend to other means of
gain rather than to this, as will be told in due
time, they do not pay the proper attention to this
matter.
·
In some of these islands pearl oysters are
found, especially in the Cala~ianes, where some
have been obtained that are large and exceedingly
clear and lustrous.'
Neither i; t~is means of profit utilized.
In all parts 1 seed pea~~'1f:: are
found in the ordinary oysters, and tre:c0 ere oysters as large as a buckler. From the (shells of
the) latter ~the natives rnanufactur,~ beautiful articles.
There are also very lar~e sea turtles in
all the islands.
Their shells are utilized by
the natives, nnd sold as an article of commerce to
the Chinese and Portuguese, and other nations who
go after them and este8m them highly, because of
the beautiful things ma.de from them.
-90On the coasts of any of these islands are
found many small white snail shells, called siguei.
The natives gather them and sell them by measure to
the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoples
of the mainland.
It serves there as money, and
those nations trade with it, as they do with cacaobeans, in Nueva Espana.
Carabao horns are used as merchandise in trading with China; and deerskins and dye-wood with
Japon.
The nati7es make use of e·1erything in trading with those nat,j_ons and derive much profit therefron:. • ••
In this island of Luzon, especially in the provinces of.Manila, Panpanga,. Partgasinan, and nocos,
ce:ctain eart:1enware jars ( tibores) are found among
the natives. They are very old, of a brownish color,
and not handsorue. Some are of medium size, and
others are smaller, and they have certain marks and
stamps.
The natives are unable to give any explanation of where o~ when they got them, for now they
are not brought to the islands or made there. The
Japanese see~ them and esteem them, for they have
found that the root of a plant calJ_ed £l1c1 (tea) which is drunk hot, as a great refres1.1ment and medicine, among the kings and lords of Japon - is preserved and keeps only in these tibo~s.
These are
so highly valued throughout Japon, that they are regarded as the most ~recious jewels of their closets
and hou.s ehold furniture. A tibor is North a great
sue, and the Japanese adorn them outside with fine
gold beautifully chased, aEd keep them :Ln brocade
cases. Some tibors are valued and sold for two
thousand taes of eleven reals to the tae-, or for
less, according to the qualit:r of the tii)Or. It
makes no difference if they are crac:~ed or c:1ipped,
for that does not hinder them :'rom holding the tea.
The natives of these islands sell tbs~ co the Japanese for tho best price pos~i~le, and oeek them
carefully for this pro.f.'it.
Lfowevei,, :£'ff\'! are found
now,. because of the assictuity witn whicb. the natives
have applied themselves to that search.8
8 - Dr. Jagor in n~s faoous work Reisen in den PhilipE.:i!l§g (Berlin, 1873}, discusses in chap:z,;·rXV-these-Jars,
describing some of t:;hem, giving very curious and inte;r-esting
-91Cotton is raised abundantly throu.:hout the
islands. It is spun and sold in the ckein to the
Chinese and other nations, who come to get it. Cloth
of different patterns is also woven frorn it, and the
natives also trade that. Other clothes, called medrinaques, are woven ~rem the banana leaf.
The islands of H&buyt:mes consist of many small
l
•
.-.r, ·c.'1e
' '
•
..,_ying
o:i:1
up:?er coas.,+ o:i. t h.e province
of Cagayai1.
T~wy arc inhabited by natives, whose
chief industry consists in going to Cagayan in their
tapaques, with swtne, fowls, and other food, and
ebony spears, :L'or cxch.am~e.
The islands are not
ass iEr...ed as oncomieno.ns, nor is any tribute collected from them. 'l'hcre are no Spaniards among the-,m,
as those natives arc of less understanc.ing and less civilized (than the others)..
Accordingly no Christians have been made arrong them, and they have no
justices.
• 1 an d s
is
C"
Other islar..ds, called the Catenduanes, lie off
the other head of thG island of Luzo~, oppositG the
province of Camal'ines, in fourteen degrees of north
latitude, near the strait of Espiritu Santo.
They
are islands de.nsely populated with natives of good
disposition, who are all assigned to Spaniards. They
posess instruction and churches, and have an alcaldemayor who ad.rnin:l.sters justice to them. IV'i.Ost o.f -::.hem
cultivate the soil, but some are ~n_ga.::;ed ir: goldwashing, and in trading between various islands, and
with the mainland of Luzon, very near those islands.
..
,.
det.::iils about their history, form, and. val uo, some of which
are highly priced, like those of the Sultan of Brunei who
turned down an offer of 100,000.dollars for one of them.
Dr~ Jagor himsolf, while in the Philippines, was able to
get one, .found in an excavi.:l.tion r.:ad·3 in Li:;mana~1, Camarines Sur, in 1$51, together wit~ oth3r prehistoric artifacts
belonging to the bronze a 6 es, as evidenced by the knives
n~de from this metal, and the absence of articles of iron,
ate.
It is a pity that these objects were not better
studied.
Studying these precious jars from Cambodia?
Siam, Cochi:r;icbina, Philippine:,s and other ncighboring islands, and det0~r·mining th2 time of thoir manufacture in the
remot0 past, and their form, structure, seals, and inscriptions, we would perhaps find a clue to the problem of the
common cultural ori 1~in of th0se nations .--Rizal
-92The Pintados
(Bisayans)
South of this district, lie the islands of Bicayas, or as tlky c1re also called, Pintados.
They
arc many in numb or, i~hickly populated '\idth natives •.
ThosG of most renown nrc0 Leito, Yoabao, Cama1" (Samar), Bohol, island of Negros, Sebu, Panay Cuyo,
and the Calamianes.
All the nativos of ttese islands, both. r,1on and vJoniun, are wclJ. -feat.ure;d, of a
good dir.-;position, mid of better nature,. and more
noble in their actions than the inhabitants of the
islands of Luzon and its vicinity.
'rhey cliff er from them in their hair, which tho
men wear cut in a cue, like th1J ancient stylo in Espafia.
Their bodies are tattoed with many designs,
but the face is not touphed. They woar l&rge aarrir1gs of vold and ivc:,ry i11 their ears, and bracelets of tho s~me; cortain scarfs wrnpp0d round the
head, very showy, which r0semble turbcms, and kriotted very gracefully and e:;dged with u;old.
Thoy\
wear also a loose collarless j3.cket t;ith tight sleeves,
whose skirts roach half way down trw l01I•
These
gri.rments are fastenod in front and arc rno.de of rnedrinaque and colorcd silks.
They trnar no shirts
or draw0rs, but bahaques (i,0,, br0uch-cloutD) of
many wroppin3s, which cover their privy partc, when
thoy remove thuir r.e1::irts 2nd jackets. 'I'ho women
ar(3 good-lool<ing anc;_ e;raccful.
Ti.wy arc very
neat, and wall-: sl.owly.
Their hair is black, long,
and dr:1wn into n knot on the hoad. Thoir robes are
wropped about the v1aist and fall downward. Those
c:tro rrnds of all colors, and they w0ar collarl0ss
jackets of tl1tJ s':{,,Ki material. Both rnen and wornen
go naked and wit!mut any coverin~s, and barefoot~
and with meny gold chains, earrings, and 1·Jrought
bracelets •• , ..
The island of Sebu is an islRnd of morG than
one hundred lcguas in c ircu11L:cr2nce. It has abundance of provisions, and gold ~ines and placers,
and is inhabited by natives ..
Beyond it lie othar islands, very pleasant and
well populat0d, ospecio.lly the island of Panay.
Panay is a large islEmd, Lor0 tha::i ono hundred leguas in circumference, containing mnny nativG settle-
-93ments.
It produces considerable quantities of
rice, palm-wino, and all manner of provisions. It
has flourishing and wealthy settlements, on what
is called the river of Panay.
The chief one is
Oton, which has a bar and port for ealley§ and
ships, shipyards for buildir:.c; large slli:os, and a
great amount of timber fo1 their construction. There
are many natives, vJho aro n:asters of all l:inds of
shipbuildings.
Near this isla11d lies an islet
eight leguas in circumfernnce, which is densely populated by natives who are all carpenters.
1 hey
are excellent workrnen, and prcJ.ctice no other trade
or occupation; and, without a single tree of any
size on this whole islet, they practice this art
with great ability. From there all the islands are
f\l..tmishud. vl/ith wor!nirnn for carpentry.
The island
is called that of the Cagayanes.
1
1
After the island of Sebu follow immediately
the isl::.md of Mindanao, 3.n island of' more than threo
hundred leguas :.i.n circumferance, and Jolo, which is
small.
Lower down is the island of Borneo, a very
large island, more than five hundred le,i:;u.-:i.s in circumference. All of t:b.ese isl-'lnds are denf:.wly populated, al though that of Borneo is not subdued.
Nc::ithur is that of :fv'T.J.ndan2.o in entirety, but only thra
river of Botuan, Dapitan, and the Province and coast
of Car:1.go.n.
Below this island (Mindanao), bc)fore reaching
that of Born~o, lie the islands of the Calamianes.
They are very numQrous, Dnd consist of isl2nds of
various sizes, which are densely inhabit.·:)d, with natives; they havo some supp1y of provisio21s and engage
in cnrta.in kinds of husbandry.
However the most
usual occupation is that of their navigations from
island to island in pursuit of thei.r trading and exchange, and their fisheries; while tlmse who live
nearest the isl2.nd of Borr:eo are wont to go on pir::i.tical raids and pillage the natives in other islands. • ••
Systems of Writing
The lan:;u,2.ge of all the Pintados and Bicayas is
ono and the same, by which they understand one another when talkj_n;;, 'or whEm writing with the letters
-91+and characters of their own which they possess.
These resemble those of the Arabs.
The comrr.on manner of writinr,: c1.r;1onri: the natives is on leaves of
trees, nnd on -bamboo bark.
Throughout the islands
the bamboo is abundant; it has huge and misshapen
joints, and lower part i~ a very thick and solid
tree.
The law·:ua?:c of Luzon ond those islands in its
vicinity differ; ~idely from that of the Bicayas, The
language of the is1,:md of Luzon j_s not uniform, for
the Cagayans lE,ve ono language and the Ylocos another,
The Zc11:1b2l c:s have their own particular language, while the Parnpango1J also have one different
frorn the others.
The inhabitants of the province of
:Manila, the Tagals, heve their own lunguage, which
is very rich and copious.
By moans of it one can
express elegantly 1.Jh:i.chever he wishes, .and in many
modes and nianners. It is not difficult, either to
learn or to pronounce,
1
The natives throughout the islands can write
excellently with certain characters, almost like the
Greek or Arabic.
These chnracters are fifteen in
all.. Three are vowels, which are used as our five.
The consonnnts number twelve, and each and all of
them combine with certain dotG-or corrmms, c1.nd so
signify whatever one wishes to write, as fluently
and easily as is done with our Spanish alphabet. The
method of writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, cornmencins; the 1 ines at the ri,i;ht and running
to the left, in the Arabic fashion,9
Almost all
the natives, both men and women, write in this lan-
9 - The quesT,ion of tl:ie direction followed by the ancient Filipinos in their writin~s has given riso to varied
opinions nnd theorie:::i among scholars.
Chirino, San Antonio,
Zuniga and Le Seutil sa::,· thot it was vE.1rtical, from the top
to the bottom. Colin, Esguerra and Mo.rche believe that it
was vertical but in the opposite direction, from the bottom upwards. PC::ldro I/fr:ircilla and. Sinibaldo de Mas, on the
other hand, assert thBt it was horizontal, from left to
right,
Dr. Ri znl in his edition o.f Morga' s Sue eso s sets
forth his view on the same subjoct as follows:
-95guage,
There are very few who do not write it excellently and correctly.
This lane;uage of the province of Manila, (i.e.,
the Tagal extends throughout the province of Camarines, and other islands not contiguous to Luzon.
"What would seem the logical deduction is th~t they
wrote in both ways, vertically and horizontally; vertically in the primitive epoch when they had to write on pieces
of bamboo and palm leaves as this was the easier way, and
horizontally when the use of paper became general.
At
any rate, the form of the characters was such that it could
be written in these different directions. n ( Quoted by
Villamar in his k{Ll,ntigua .E 2 critara Filip in?.,, p ~ 39, Manila,
1922),
Dr, T, H. Pardo de Tcrve:ra in his Contribuc ion· para el
§ill!,udio de los antiguos ulfabetos fj_lipinos (Lozana, 1884),
after swnrnari zin~ th0 opinions of the various authorities,
stated his own view as follows:
·
In view of the opinions cited, it appeo.rs cert.nin
that the Filipino system of writing passed through three
stages of devolopment:
1st. The anci.ent Filipinos wrote their language in
·their own characters, and that the 4irection in which these
characters were written was olso their own.
2nd, These languages, without giving up their characters, abandoned the old direction and adopted a new one
from the Spaniards.
Jrd. The characte:cs, in turn, were abandoned and the
Latin alphabet was adopted.
This conclusion which,at first siJht, appears logical
and certain is nevertheless far from the truth.
The first
and the third only should be o.ccepted for the second stage
never took place e:::cept in the imae;ination.
Dr. Tavera then went on to state that the languages
in :Malaysia whose alphabets were similar to the ancient Fi1:Lpino nlphabets were written in a horizontal direction,
-96There is but little difference in that spoken in the
various dist:ric:.:.s, except that it is spoken more
elegantly in some provinces than in others ••••
H o u s e s
The houses and dwellings of all these natives
are univer,sallv set upon stc:lkes and arigu§.§.. (i,e.,
columns) high above the ground,
Their rooms are
small and the roofs low. - They are built and tiJ.ed
with wood and bamboos, and covered and roofed 'ivith
nipa-palm leavGs. Each house is separate, and is
not built adjoining another.
In the lower part are
enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, 1;,1her e their
fowls and cattlos aro rea~ed, and the rice pounded
and cleaned.
One ascends into the houses by means
of ladders that co.n be drawn up, which are made from
two barnboQs,
Above are their open batalo.nes (galeries) used for hou.s ehold duties; the par,:mts and
( o.:rown) children 1 iv c to eether,
Th.ere is little
aJornment and finery in €he houses, which are calla~
b§.handin,
---------·
from left to the
ri;~ht, a direction common to all thB systems of writing of 1Iindu orie;in, and that it was probable
that this was the primit:i.ve a11d only way in which the Filipinos wrote their characters.
Justice Ignacio Villamar in a pamphlet wh:i.ch he wrote
under the title La Aqt_i.z.µJ}, Escritura E,ilipina, {JVIanila,
1922), arrived nt the same conclusion that was reached by
Dr. Ta~era.
Justice Villamar used as a basis for his
study several ancient Filipino raanuscripts1 particularly an
old Philippine edition of the Belarmino, which presented
texts of the Christian doctrine in the old Filipino characters. His basic conclusion after a careful study of
these documents was stat,ed by him in these words:
••• from what appears in the Belarr(lin_Q. and the documents and signatures herd.n r oproduced, all dating prior to
the year 1636, we venture to conclude that the ancient FiliI?inos wrote in a horizontal directiQn, fror1( left to right,
Just as we do now.
-97Besides these hou.::;e~,, which are those of the
common people anc"'. t,'.-tose of less importance, there
are the chiefs' houses. They are built upon trees
and thick aricues, with many rooms nnd cot~orts.
They a r(-'.l -well const:cuct ed of timber and ::1lanl~s, and
are stronr: und la r/e.
They are :furnishGd and supplied with al1 that is necess,117, and are muc11
finer and more sub stnntial th,:m tb.ci other;c:. They
arc roof eel, ~1owever, <1s .:::ire the otlF:rs, w:Lth tl1e
palm-leaves culled nipa.
Those keep o~t the woter
and the .sum mo:ce than do .shinc1;J.es or tilos, althouzh
the dan~or from fires is greater.
The natives do not inhabit the lower part of
their houses, bec~:use they raise their fowls and
cattle there, and bocauf-3G of the damp and heat of
the earth, an.:l the H9_ny r.:.its, 1:Jhich are enormous and
destructive ·toth in the houses and sowed fields; and
because, as their houses are eonerally built on sea
shore, or on i~Le 1xrnks of rivers and creeks, the waters baths the lower parts, and the latter are
consequently left open.
·
Go
Y
e r n me n t
There V\l•c:Pe no !-,~inr.i:21 or lords throuri:hout tb.ese
islands 1~ho r~_.lJ.ect over Ehcm ~rn in the mariner of our
kingdoms and proviuces; but in every islund and in
each province cf it, many chiGfs were recognized by
th,3 natives thcmsel vE:s.
Some -vrnr 2 more powerful
than others, t:110 et-lcrl ont=1 had his follo-uers and subjocts, by districts and fnmilies; and those obeyed
and respectc~d the chirif.
SJmc c:.1icis had friendship and co1i1munication w::i.tb others, Dlld. ut~ ti;-.1e .s
wars and quarr8ls.
/"
1-·l-_
, .,p.1.--~-:.LPC..1...po.:,.,_1
~- -,1 ··t.J.c.~
".., anl
. l l .o,.y,Jc·,.,1,_,
1·nTl1ose
..:_Js' it.·•ere
•vi
_
hcrited in the malo lino and by succeEsion of fnther
a11d son c:1r.d their dPsc<:1ndunts.
I:f these ,1crc lclck-
ine, thon their brothers and collateral relatives
succeeded.
Their duty was to rule and govern their
subjects and foJ.lm-1ers, c:md t.o assist thertr in their
interests .smd nece:Js5.ties.
What tte chiefs received froL: c:wir f'ollm-Jers was to be held by them
in great veneration und rospect; and they werG served
. tl
. ·cJ._
' · 11.ing, sowin t1:e1r wars ;-~nc, voya7,eo, 311 d· J.n
- ·1c1r
•
1,.,
•
'
-98ing, fishing, and the buildin~ of their houses.
To these duties the natives attended very proli1ptly,
whenever summoned by their chief.
They olso pnid
the chie.fi:., tribute ( which they call eel b~i:,.,), in
var rin'.?: quantities in t.he crops that ti.-i:ey gathered.
TheJde~cendants of'such chiefs, and their rel~tives,
evAn though they did not inherit the lordship, were
held in t1e same respect and consideration.
Such
WE!re all regardec~ ::s nobles, and as persons exempt
from the services r8ndered by the others, or the
plebians, who were called tima_r:uas.
The same right
of nobility and chieftainship was preser7ed for the
women, just ns for the men. \'Jhen any of these
chiefs ',vas mol'e couY.'a,<:<:eous than others in war c.nd
upon othAr occasions,-such a one enjoyed nIDre followers and men; 3nd the others werG under his leadership, even if they w0re chiefs.
These latter re~
tained to theE1scl vcs the lordsl1ip nnd po.rticular
government of their own following, which is called
barangai amon,-,; them, They had datos and other special leaders (mandadores) who attended to the intercs-ts of thobarangay. • ••
1
When soue natives had suits or disputes with
others over matters of property and int crest, or
over personal injuries and wrongs received, thoy appointed old ;non of the same district, to try them,
t~e parties boing present. If they had to present
proofs, they 1:irou~:-it th2ir witnesses t~1ere, and the
case was inmeJiately judged accordi1€ to what was
found, et ccord.ir:g to the usag ,c:;s of tho ir ancestors
on like occasions; and that sentence was observed
and executed ·without any further oiJj ect:l.on or delay.
The nat i vcs' laws tl:irou;~hout the isJ.ands were
made in the same rnmmer, and tlioy .:ollo,:wd the traditions and customs of their ancestors, without
anything bein~ written.
Some provinces had different customs than others in some respects, However,
they agreed in @ost, and in all the islands generally the same usages were followed,1O
19 - T~is fundnDe}~Rl a~r8ement of laws, and this ~eneral uniformity, prove ~Dot tne mutual rolutions of the islands were widesproad, anc1 the bonds of friendship more frequent than were wars and quarrels. There may-have existed
-99Social CJ.asses
There ar,2 thr2e conditions of persoJ.1s aniong
,the nativus of tl1E.~s0 :Lslancls, and into which tlieir
government is divideJ; the chiofs, of whom we have
alrGady troate,~; "t,he ti:1mr;uas, who are equ:..valent to
plebeians; and slaves, those of Loth chiefs and tirnaguc1 s.
The slaves vrnre of .sever.11 classes.
;Soi11G were
for all kinds 1 of wor~-: and sJ.avc:1ry, lil:e those which
we ourselves l-iol d.
E.>uc h nre c;illed gg_uig_uil5J.:§S;
they served inside the house, as did like~ise the
children born of thou,
There are others who live in
their own housos with their families, outside the
house of their lord; and come, at the se~son, to aid
him in his sowings and harvests, among his roAer·s when
he embarks, in the construction of his house when it
is being built, and to serve in his hou.SE) when there
are guests of distinction. ·
These .::,.re '.Jound to come
to their lord's house whenever be suLn:1.011:':1 them, and
to serve i~ t.hese oifices without any pay er stipend.
Thes<:i slaves are co.l.led pamamahays, Rnd :.:,heir cL.ildren
and descendanto are slaves of the saMe cl2ss. From
these slaves- Qpgg~JJ)._irE~. and Q§.J:SlI.!][:l-iay'?. - .::ir~~ issue,
some of whom are w11ole slaves, som,J of :iiom CLr2 Lalf
slaves, ~nd still others one-fourth slavos, It happens thus: if either the father or the mother was
freo, and they had an only child, he was half free and
half slo.ve.
If tiwy had more than one ch.ild, ·~hey
were divided as follows: the first follows the condition of the .f,q:thcr, freG or slave; the s1cicond that of
the rnothor. If thero were a::1 odd numb er of childr,3n,
the last was :-1,1lf f rce ~:i.nd half slave.
':Chose 'iJho descended from these, if c~ildren of a free Mo~her or father, were only one·<'ourth slaves, becau:3o of ~-1eini;
children of a free father or mother and of a halfslave,
These half slaves or one-fourth slaves, whether sagn~i1.:i::t'..2. or !:!,_qlM\~~-h§_,,CQ, se;_-·vcd thei.r mo.stGrs
during every other rIDon; and iD this respect so is such
condition slavery.
a confoderation, since we know from tho first Spaniards that
tl1e chief of r,:aniln was cornmonder-in-chief of' the sultan of
Borneo. In addi t :Lon, docum811ts of the twelfth century that
exist testify the same t}dng. ---Rizal.
-100In the snme way, it may happen in divisions
between heirs that n slave will fall to several, and
serves each one for the time that is due him,
When
the slave is not wholly slave, but half or fourth,
he has the right, because of that part that is free,
to compel his ma.ster to emancipate him for a just
price. This price is appraised and resuldted for
persons accordin~ to the quality of their slavery,
whether it be sE1p:uigu:i.lir ·or no.mamahr1.y, half slave
or quarter slave. But, if he is wholiy slave? the
mast rn~ cannot :J e compc3ll ed to ransom or emancipate
him for any price.
;
The usual price) of et sag'..liguilir slave among
the native~ is, at most? grme~ally ten tD.os of good
gold, or eighty pesos; if he is namamahay, half of
that sum. The others are in tho same proportion,
taking into consideration the person and his age.
l\T
1~0
1,
• d b- eginning
•
•
•
, as t'ne ori•
·· ixe
can b e assignea
gin of these kinds of slavery nmong these natives,
bec~use all the slaves are natives of the islands,
and not strangers.
It is thought that they were
made in their wars and quarrels. Thu most certain
knowledge is that the most powerful made the others
slave and seized then for slir:ht cause or occasion, and many times for loans [ind w:1urious contracts which were current nmong them.
The interest, capitc=:l, nnd debt, increa:3ed so much 1,1ith delay
that the borrowers become slaves.
Consequently
all these slaveries have violent and unj:.1st 'o3ginnings; and rno3t of the suits among the n:.1tives cire
over these, and they occupy the judges in th2 exterior court with them, and their confes~ors in that
of conscience.
These slaves11 comprise the greatest wealth
and capital of the natives of these islands, for they
11 - The condition of slaves wns not always a melancholy one.
Argensola says that they ate at the same table
vvith their masters, a.ncl married into their familie:=;.
The
histories fail to record the assassination for motives of
v~ngeance of any master or chief by the natives, n::1 they do
01 encomenderos.
After the conquest the evil deepened.
The Spaniards made slaves vdthout these p1·etexts, ,imd with-
-101-
are very useful to them and necessary for the cultivation of their property.
Thei are sold, traded,
and exchanged alilonz thorn, jm,t ns any other n:ercantil e· article, f:corn ono villagu to another, from one
province to another, nnd likewise from one islanJ
to another.
Therefore, and to avoid so many suits
as would occur if theso slaveries were oxanined, and
their ori~in and source ascertained, they are preserved and held :u:; tl1eJ were formerly •
.Marriage Customs
The rnarrL:i.ces of these natives, commonly and
generally were, and are: Chlefs with women chiefJ; timaguas wi~h those of that rank; and sluves with those
of their own class.
But sometimes theti8 classes intermarry with one another. They considered one woman,
w~om t~~Y marr.ied! as. t~_e l~riti~r1c:1te _·:Jife '.9.n~ ~ t}'ie 12
rnJ.stref::~ of the house i and t,he was styled _y_11.,:i..:iBO..i,1,
'l'hose whom they kept besidos her they considered as
frienda. The children of the first were regarded as
legitimate and whole heirs of thoir parents; the children of the others woro not so rogard0d, and were
le.ft_ something by assignment, but they did not inherit.
The dowry 111as furnishf:;c.1 by the man, . :-; "<i.~'.'~' i?:i ven
by his parents.
The wife furni.shod notbJ.n : 1 or thB
marricige, until she had inherited it from hvr par-
out thoso enslaved boin~ Indians of their jurisdiction going moreover, to take-them away from their own villages
and islands.
Fer·nando do los Rios Cororn~l, in his rnemorL-:11 to the king ( Mctclricl, 1621) pp. 24-25, specdcs in
scathin.r: terms of tlrn crueltie.s inflicted on the natives
in tlrn construction oi.' ships du:cing t.ht) governorship of
Juan de Silva.
A lott1r lrom Felipa II to Bishop Domingo
de Salaz3r shovrn the avdul tyranny excrci::;(:jc1 by the encomondi::T·o,s upon the nr'.L-i.ve:=;, whose condition was worso than
that of slaves.--Rizal.
12 - Inasawa_, or :;;ore correctly usq:-~q
Rizo.l.
(consort.) ...
-102-
cnts_ 1 3
The solemnity of the marriage consisted
in nothin12: more than the agreement between the parents and relatives of the contracting parties' the
payment of the dowry agreed upon to the father of
the bride, and the assembling at the wife~ s pare1:its'
house of all the relatives, to eat ·and drink unt1.l
they would fall d01rm.
At night the man tool: the woman to his house and into his power, and there she
remained.
These rinrriay,es were annuled and dissolved for slight cause, - with tl°ie exam~nation .an~
juds;ment of the relatives of both parties, ano. 0I the
old men, who acted as mediators in tho aff~irs.
At
such a time the man took tho dO\~ry {which they call
vigadicaya), unless it happened that they separated
through the husband's fault; for then it ·.vas not returned to him, and the wife's p.J.rents kept it.
'l'he
property that they had acquj_red together was divided
into halves, and each one disposed of his own.
If
one made any profits in which the other clid not have
a share or participa-t.G, he acquired it for himself
alone.
13 - This continued the union between parents and
children, which "'1as a 1,Jiser arrangement than what is found
in many parts of Europe where cases ars known of sons neglecting their parents once they have obtained their inheritance and of pGrents not allowing their sons to marry
so as not to lose control of their resources •••• We say
that thi.s arran.&>:ement continued the union nnd ncit ·::,he
affection which- is tal:en for grantectEUia'.-which in many
cases amounted to veneration.
While. the f'c::thor or the
mother was living, the home continued to exist even if
all the children were already married and lived independently.
Naturally, the daughter did not have to bring
any dowry.
The qualities of the Filipino wom2in, a person who was a help rather than a burden to the husb:i.nd,
would reject such a practice which is nec,~ssary to .::1 European who generally is 3.n additional char:::;e, or burden upon
the man I s budget•
In the Phil ipi) ines, the W')l11an docs
not go out to fish for, but to ch'.3ofrn, a husb:mtl..
And
the husbsnd does not take on the heuvv burden 01, the zoke
of matrimony, but a companion who is to help and to introduce. economy in the disord0red life ocf the young man. --Rizal~
-103-
Status of Children - Inheritance
The India1w were adopted onE-:i by another, in
presonce of the rel,JtivtJS,
Tho adopted. }Je1·son gD.ve
and uelivorcd all his D ctunl possessions to chc one
who adopted hin1.
Thereupon he romained in his housG
and care, and hQC 3 right to inherit with the other
children.
Adulteries were not punishable corpo!'c1lly, If
the adulterer paid t,he aggrieved party the amount
adjudged by the old F:en 11nd o.greed upon by them, then
the injury was pardoned, and the husband wus appeased and retained his honor,
He would still live
with his vdfr:.: .'.H1c_ there would be no further talk o.bout
the matter,
In inheritonces all the lepitimate children inherited eoually from their parenis whatever property
they had acquired. If there were any mov~ble or
landed propert; v-1~1ich they had received fror:i their
parents, such went to the nearest rela.tives and the
collateral side o; that stock, if there were no legitim:.ttE:: children by an ynasaba.
This was the case
either with or without a will.
In the act of drawing a will, there was no further ceremony than to
have written it or to have stated it orally before
acquaintances,
If any chief was lord of a barangai, then in
that caso, the eldest sons of any ynasaba succooded
him, If he died, the second son succeeded.
If
there wero no sons, then, the dnughters succeeded in
the same order. If there were no lu2_:itimate cmccessors, the succession went to the nearest relative belonging to the lin,2a2_;e and relationship of the chief
who had been the lact possessor of it.
It a.ny native who had sLwe wo1nen :11a(e concubines of any of them, and such slave woman had children, those children were free, DS was the sL.J.ve.
But if she had no children, she remained a slave.
These children, by a slave woman, 3nd those
borne by a mar1·ied wo1iic1n, were re'Ia:t'ded nE; i1lezitimo.te, and did not succeed to the inheritnnce with
the other children, neither W8re the parents obliged
-104-
to leave them anythi~~.
Even if they were the
sons of chiefs, they aid not succeed to the nobility or chieftainship of the parents, nor to their
privileges,, but they remained and were reckoned as
plebeians and in the number and rank of the other
timaguas.
Trading Methods and Practices
The contracts and negotiations of these natives were generally illegal, each one paying attention to how he ·cJ1ight b otter his own business and interest.
Loans with interest Wt'.!re very common and much
practiced, and the interests incurred was excessive,
The debt dou.bl ed and. increased all the time while
payment was delayed, until it stripped the debtor of
all hi[3 pos s essionfj, .::end he cmd his chil dron when
all their property wao gone, became slaves.
Their customary method of trading W3S by bartering one thing for/ another, such as food, cloth, cattle, fowls, lands, houses, fields, slr:tves, fishinggrounds, and palm-trees (both nipa and wild),
Sometimes a price intervened, wh:i.ch was paid in gold, as
agreed upon, or in metal bells brought from Cl;1ina.
These bells they regard as precious jewels; they resemble large pan:3 c1nd are very sonorous.
They play
upon these at their feasts, and carry them to the
WE1r in their boatfl instead of druns ':3.ncl other instruments.
There are often dGlays and terms for certnin pc,.yments, and bondsmen wbo int,ervene bind themselves, but always with very usurious and excessive
profits and interests,
C r i rn e s
Crimos were puni::,hcd by request of the aggrieved
parties,
Especially were thefts punished with greater severity, the robbers being enslaved or sometimes
put to death,
Tlrn s:1111e wa3 true of insul tine; words,
especially whe:n spo>ei1 to chiefs. They had among
themsolves many expressions and words which they regarded as the h:L ;hest insult, when said to men and
-105-
women.
These were-pardoned less willingly and
with greater difficulty than was personal violence,
such as woundint and assaulting,
·
Religious Beliefs and Practices
In m~tters of reliJion, the natives proceed-
ed more barbarouGly and with greater blindness than
in all the rest,
For besides being pagans, without any knowled~e of the true God, thBy neither
strove to discover Hin by way of reason, nor had any
fixed belief,
TLe devil usually deceived them
with a thousand errors and blindness.
He appebred
to them in var:Lous horriblG and frightful forms,
and as fierce animals, so that they feared him and
trembled before him, They generally worshipped him,
and made images of him in the said forms.
These
were kept in caves and private houses, where they
offered th0m perfumes and odors, and food and
fruit, calling them gnitos.
Others worshipped the sun and the moon 1 and
made feasts and drunken revels at the conjunction
of these bodies.
Some worshipped a yellow-colored
bird that dwells in their woods, called batal§.,
They generally worship and adore th~ crocodile when
they see them, by kneeline; down and cJ.as:ping t1wir
hands, because of the harm that they received from
those reptiles; they believe that by so doing the
crocodiles will becoLle appeased and leave them.
Their oaths, execrations, and promises are all as
above mentioned, namely: fl]lftay bt~Y.illl eat thee, if
thou dost not speak trv.th, or fulfill v,1hat thou hast
promised, 11 and similDr things.
-106-
Miguel de Loarca was one of the soldiers who came
As a reward for the ser-
with Legaspi to the Philippines.
vices he rendered to the Spanish Crown in the
pacification
and conquest of the Philippines he was given an Gncornienda
in Panay.
He wrote in 1582
ah
account .of the Philippines
and its people under the title, Ji,elacion de las Islas Fili-
It tells, in the words of Loarca himself, of
ilall the islands and people::; reduced to the obedience of
his royal Jviaj esty.
• •• and of the form of e;ov0rnment among
both the Spaniards and the natives.
And of some customs
of the Indians and Moros of these islands , 11
Of the rnarriai:::;e customs of the ancient t.a::iayans,
Loarca gives the follo,,iin;?; interDstinr; account: 1
MARRIAGE OF 'rHE CHIEFS. - When any man wishes
to marry, he, since the man always asks the woman,
calls in certain tima~uas who are resDected in the
village.
(This is w~at the chiefs d;, For thore
appear to be three ran:~s of men in these islands namely, chiefs, tit~guas, who are freemen, and
slaves - each cl~ss having different marriage customs.)
The chi~fs, then, I say, send as ~a-between
some of their t:Lrnncuas, to negotiate the murrj_age.
One of these rnen tc.Los the youn13 man's lance from
his .father, and Hhen hL-j reaches the house of' the
girl's father he thrust the spear into the staircase
of the house; and while he holds the lance thus,
1 - B•. ~ R., Vol, V, p. 155,
Doth the original in
Spanish and the English trcmslation of the Helucio,n are
given in this volume.
-107thGy invok8 their cods and ancestors, roauostinG
them t.o be propitious to this marriage. · If the
mc1rria:;e take.s place, tho lnnce belong~~ to the
go-between, 0r it is redeemed,
After the marrio._·_;r; is agreed upon - that is
to say, a.ft()r fixin0; dw amount of the dowry which
the husband pays to the wife (which among the chiefs
of these islands iG genernlly the sum of one hundred taes, in folrt, slaves, and jewels, &nd is equivalent to one hundred pesos) - they go to brine the
bride from the housEi of hE;r onrenti:.
One of thE~
Indians tak«3~"3 her on his sho;J.lders; · and on arrivinv
at the foot of the stairway to the bridotroom's
l"(J" uc: e J
,J.
~
C
i-.J
J:1· e
a f'-f'e,ct c• co ·yi D•·' s u,
..L
U'-.)
,:.,
C,
nd
' 1
U.1.
C._, ·;re,
UUJO
·t J..hn<;tv
i·.
C' h,.:, ·
hJJ.J.'v
\-1~··i- l]·•
When many entreaties have proved useless, the father-in-law comes out and promisos to
·
·nc,r a s 1 ave J.I
· ,.. s h ,a wi.
· 11 go u~J.
s·ne :,;1ouncs
give
the staircase, for the slave; but when u~e reaches
the top of the stairway and looks into her fatherin ..law' s housr:) and sees the people &ssern;:.;l ed -within, she again pret0nds to be bashful, and th0 f&therin-law mus~ give her another slave,
Aftor she
has entered, the same thing takes place; ahd he
must f:: ive her a ,jewel to mak<-: her sit dm·m, :.mother
to mako her begin to eat, and another before Ghe will
drink,
While the b8trothed pair an:: drinting_ together jD old man rises, and in a loud voice calls
all to silence, as he wishes to speak.
He says:
17 So-and-so marries so-and-so, but on the condition
that if the rnun shou.ld throuci·1 dissolute conduct
f~il to HUpport his wife, she will leave him, and
shall not be obli:~;uc~ to retm,n anything of the dowry
that he has 0::i.ven her; nrcd she shall have froedom
and permission to marry another m·111, And therE.:for8,
should the womari betray her husband, ho can take
away tho dowry thu.t he 2;c1Ve her, leave :her, c:1.nd
marry another woman.
Dc all of you witnesses for
me to this cornpnc-t,. 11 _When the old man hns ended
his speech, they t~ke a dish filled with clean,
uncooked rice, and an old woman comes and joins the
hands of the pair, and lays them upon the rice.
Then, holdin3 their hands thus joined, she throws
the rice over a~l those who are present at the banquet. Then tho old woman give;=:, a loud shout, and
all answer her with a similar shout; and the murriage contrc1ct or ceremony is completed-. Up to this
not enter.
J
-108time, her parents do not al1ow the yo1:1-ng co1:1ple to
eat or sleep to~ether; but by performing this ceremony they deliver her up as his wife. But if, after
the marringc contrc:c'i:; has been negotiated by a third
party, the man who s eaks marriage should repent the
bargain
and see!: to marry another
. woman,. he. ,..loses
h
the earnest-money th.1t b.e has given, oven 1.r he as
had no int ere ours e with 'the former; b0ccmse wben they
commence ne0:otiations for the marria,o:e they begin to
give the dowry.
If a man say in conversation, or
at a drunken fea::,t, nr wish to marry so-and-so.,
d:aughter of so-an<l-so, 11 and afterward brea.1-:: his promise and refuse to marry her, he is fined for it; and
they take C:iJ.way a great part of his property.
In regard to the dowry, neither the hus1~and nor
the wife can enjoy it until th,ey have children; for
until then it belongs to the father-in-law.
If the
bridegroom is not of' age to marry, or the. bride is
too young, both still work in the house of the fatherin-law until they are of age to live together .•
MARRIAGE AMONG THE TIMAGUAS .- The timafuas do
not follow these usa,:es., 'tlecause they have no property of' their own,
They do not observe the ceremony
0f Joining hands over the dish of rice, through rEi)spect for the chie:fs; for that ceremony is for chiefs
only.
Their rn.arriase is accomplished v.Jhen the pair
unite in drinkin:: pitarrilla .from the same cup.
Then thr;y give a Gl-,out, and all the guests depart;
and thRy are ,c.onsidsreJ as married, for they ar.e not
allowed to drin': to"~et,her until late at nir:".h:t. The
sarne ceremony is observed by rich and respectable
slaves.
MARRIAGES AJiDNG SLAVES .• - But the poor slav·es,
cwho serve in the houses, m3.rry each other Vil:i.thcmt
drinking and without any go-between..
They observe
no ceremony,, but sirni)1y say to each other ;,Let us
marry • 11
If a chief' hRVE) a slave, one· of his ayoiys,
·who s-erYes in the house, and vdshes to marry him to
female slav,e of the sarne class belonging to another
chief, he sends an Indian woman as aQ'.ent to the
·
Ifil;lSt er of the female s1ave, 5ayin,cf · that her rn~.: st ,::;r
w:i.shes to marry one of his male :"olDves to the •other's
female slave. Aft.or the marriage has been ar-r2nged,
he gives his slave 311 earthen .jar, or three or four
-109-
dishes, and there is no other ceremony, Half of
the children born to this couple will belong to the
master of the female slave, and the other half will
belong to the master of the male slav3. 1.ivhen the
time comes when their children are able to work for
their masters, the parents are made tumaranpootrns,
as we have said; bcJCc:use when a male slave of ~one
chief married the female slave of another chief they
immediately receive a house for their own use, and
go out to work for their masters. If a free man
marries a female slave, or vice versa, half of the
children are slave~. Thus, if there are two children, on~ is free and the other a slave,'as the parents may choose.
The following is an account by the same author of
l
the religious beliefs of the ancient Bisayans:BELIEF REGARDING THE DEAD.- If those who die
from dis~ase are young, the Pintados say that the
mangalos, who are goblins, are eating their bowels,
wherefore they die; for these people do not know
that the corruption of humors causes diseases. They
say of those who die in old Gge that thE1 wind comes
and snatches away their souls. And of. those who die
in old age that the wind comes and snatches ~way
their souls.
And o:f those who dj_e thus the Arayas
(which is a certain alliance of villages~, they say, go
to a very high mountain in the Island of Panay, called
IV:k1yas.
The soul[·, of the Yligueynes, who comprise
the people of Cubu, Bohol, and Bantay, go with the
god called Sisiburarn:rn, to a very high mountain in
the island of Burney,
THE GOD 3IDAPA.- They say that there is in the
sky another god, called Sidapa.
This good possesses a very ta,11 tree on mount Mayas.
There he meas1 - Ibid,
The best-known work on Filinino methology
is F'erdincJ.nd Blumentritt' s, D;Lcc~91-1:-u,"iQ m:i,tolozi,cp de. Fi~ipin.f!§.~
This is tGproduccd ,:in:...Retana 1 s !!;:chivg,dei B1bl1Q.filo F'il~pino ~ vol, 2,
-110-
ures the lives of all the n0w-born, and places a
mark on the tree; when the person's stature equals
this mark, he dies immediately.
BELIEF CONCF:~{NING THE DESTINATION OF SOULS. It is believed that at death all soulo go directly
to the infernal reJions; but that, by means of the
maganitos, which are the sacrifices and offerings
made to the god Pandague in sight of the mount of
Mayas, they are redeemed from S-irnuran und Sie;uinarugan, gods of the lower regions.
"
It is said that, when the Yligueyr:-es die, the
god Maguayen carries them to Inferno, When he has
carried them thithe:c in his barangay, Sumpoy, another godl sallies forth, takes them away, and leads
them to Sisiburnnen, the god before mentioned, who
keeps them all.
Good or bad alike, he takes them
all on equal terms, when they go to Inferno.
But
the poor, who have no one to offer sacrifices for
them, i'em::dn forever, in the inferno, and the god·
of those regions eats them, or koeps them fareve~
in prise~.
From this it will bo seen how little
their being good or bad avails tbem, and how much·.
reason they have to ~ate poverty.
BAYLANAS.- The natives of these islands have
neither time nor place set apart for the offering
of prayers and sacrifices to their gods. It is only
in cAse of sickness, and in times of seed-uowing or
of war, that sacrifices are offered,
Th0se sacrifices are c.s.lled bayJ_c'.'LJl<;JS, c1.nd the priest em.Jes, or
the men who perform this office, are also called
baylanes,
The priestesses dress vdry gaily with
garlands on their heads, and are resplend8nt with
gold. They bring to the place of sacrifice some
pitarrillas (a kind of earthen jar) full of ricewine, besides a livG hog r:.nd a quantity of prepared food, Thon tho priestess chants her songs
and invo~ces the demon, who appears to her all :'i;listening j_n gold,
Then he ent01°s hf)r body and hurls her
to the ground, foaming at the mouth as one possessed.
In this state she doclares whether the sick person
is to recover or not.
In rego.rd to other matters,
she foretells the future.
All this takes placo to
the sound of bells· and kettle-drums,
'I'hen she rises
and taking a spear, she pierces the heart of the hog.
I
-111-
They dress it and prepo.re a dish for the demons.
Upon an altar erected there, they place the dreased
hog, rice, bananns, wine, ~nd all the other articles of food that they have brought. All this is
done in behalf of sic~ persons, or to redeem those
who are confined in the infernal regions.
When they
go to war or on a plu.ndering expodition, they offer
prayers .to Varangao who is the rainbow, and to their
gods, Ynaguirdd and Mocc1nduc. . For the redornption
of souls detained in the inferno above mentioned,
they invoke also their ancestors, 2nd the dead, claiming to see them and receive answers to their questions,
·
BELIEF CONCERi'HNG THE WORLD. - :rhe Go.,2.. Mo.c.Q.P..They believe that the world has no end, They
say that Maco.ptan dwells highest in the sky.
They
consider him a bad god, because h~ sends disoase
and death among them, seying that because :1e has
not eaten anything of this world, or dr1.mk any pitarrillas, he does not love them, and so kills them,
t.fill. -
THE GOD LALAHON.- It is said that the divinity Lalahon dwells in a volcano in Negros icland,
when she hurls fire.
The volcano is about five
leagues from the town of Arevalo. They invoke L3lahon for ·their harvest; w:1er1 she does not choose
to grant good harvest she sends ~he locusts to destroy and consume the crops.
This Lalahon is a woman.
BURIALS.- These natives bury their dead in
certain wooden coffins, in their own houses. They
bury ~ith the dead, ~old, cloth, and other valuable
objects - saying that if they depart ri.ch thuy wj_lJ.
be well received in the other wor]. d, but coldly if
they go poor,
HOW THEY GUARD THE DEAD. - ·when anyone dies,
the people light many fires near his house; and ;:i.t
night armed men go to act as sentinels about his
coffin, for fear that the sorcerers (who are in
this country also) may come and touch the coffin,
for then the coffin would imruedi:1tely bErst open·
and a great stench issue from tho corpse, which
could not any longer remain in the coffin.
For
this reason I they keep watch for several nights.
-112-
LARAO OF THE DEAD. - 'THAT IS, MOURNING. - One
of tho obse.""Vences wl1ich is carried out with most
rigor is that called larao ~
This rulo requires
that ,~,hen a chief dies c.11 mi..:.st mourn him, and. must
observe the followin~ restrictions: No one shall
quarrel with any other durin,FJ' th() tim3 of mourn.in~,
and especially at the time of the burial~
Spears
must be carried point, clowrr>1urd, and da,srers be carried in the belt hilt rover::.'luci, l'Jo gala or colored
dress shall be worn d:irin,c,: thc1t time, ':L'he1"0 must
be no singing on board a 6ar~ngay ~hen returning
to the village, but strict silence is maintained.
They make an enclosure around tho house of the dead
man; and. if anyone, great ,Jr small, pa,ss 12s by and
transgresses this bound, he chall be ounishoti. In
order that all men may know of a cl..,ief T s death and
no ono feign ignoranc:f3, one of the timac:uas tiho is
held in hot10r goes through trw v:U.lag8 Dnd mo.kes
announcerner1t of the rnou:::·ri:Li1g.
He who trc.msgresses
the law must -pay the pe~al~y, without fail. If he
who does ":,hj_~, w:r.ori.g bu e.. s::i.ave - one of tho3e who
serve 1ivitnout the o.we::..2.ino.: - 2nd has !lot the means
to pay, his owner pays fo; him; ~ut ~he lattor takes
the slave ~o his own housa: tha~ he may servo him,
and makes him an ayoey.
They say that these rulos
were left to them by :Jublubar: and Panas.
To some,
especially to the relisious, it has seemed us if
they were too rigorous for these peopJ.e; b 1.1t they
were general amonc:: chiefs, t imaguas, and slaves.
In the sumo a:::count, E.£l@.£iori_.de las IslJ.~_E]J iPJ..!Hlll.,
Loarca makes the follov:ing observations of the religion,
government and laws of the Tagalogs:l
THE GOD BATALA,- According to tho religion
formerly observed by these Moros, 2
thay worshippod
1 ,:1-r--7.
]·-- . ,
1 - .;.;.!2,±Q,.'
pp. 171 --.0
2 - Loarcu. here is referri.ng to the inhabitants of
Manila and neighboring towns and villcJ..'!es where lfohammedan
beliefs and practices had been introduced.
~113a deity callod among them Batala, which properly
They s2ic1 thut they adored this 3atala bec~use he was the Lord of all, and had created
human beings and vill.agcs. 'l'hey_ said that this
Batala had ma.ny agents under hirn, whoi~ he sent to
this world to prdduca, in behalf of m3n, what is
yielded here.
'f.'hesG bein?c;s were called a:1:Lt£§.J and
' an i't· 0 na cl a specici
• 1 o:..f''"''
'
eacn
1 ice.
~ Jrno o f_ t11em
were
means "God. 11
1
C,
for the fields, ~nd some for thase who journoy by
sea; some for those vvl10 went to '\!>Jar, .1nd sour~ fo:c
diseases.
Each 2nito was therefore named for his
office; there was, f~r inst&nce, the Qnito of the
fields, and the Qnito.of the rain.
To these anitos the people offered sac~ifices, when they desired
anything - to each ono accorcang to his office. The
mode of sacrifice was like that of the Pintados.
They summoned a cataJ.011.an, which is the same as the
vaylan among the Fin"ca6.os, that is, a prieot.
He
offered the saciifice, requesti~g from the anito whatever the people desirad him to ask, and heaping up
great qua:1tities of rice, meat and fish.
His invocations last8d until the derion entered his tody,
when the cataloncm f,3ll. into a sr.-Joon, foardng at the
mouth.
TJ.1e Ind:Lrns sang, d.ran~f .snrl f e2 steel until
the catalonan camo to himself, and told them the
answer that the c.niJ.:.o J:-wd ;2:iven to him. If the sacrifice was in behalf of a-sick person, they offered
many golden chains and ornaments, saying that they
were paying a ransom for the sisk person's health.
This invosation of the anito continued as long as
the sickness lasted.
When the natives were asked why the sacrifices
were made to th3 anit;o, and not to Batala, they answered that Batala was a groat Lord, and no one could
spea~c to him.
He lived in the sky; but the anito,
who was of such a nature that he came down here to
talk with men, wus to the Batala as a minister, and
interceded for them. In some places, and e.specially in the mountain district:~3, when tht3 fatlinl', mother, or other relative dios, the peopJ.e unit~ in
making a small wooden idol, and rresarve it. Accordingly there is a houso ,1hich cont.,1ins one hundred of those idols.
These im.3.g:es also a:c·e called
,fillitos, for- the:,, say that When people die, they [';O
to serve the Batala.
'l'here.fore they make sacrifices
-114to these anitos, offering them food, wine, and gold
ornaments; and request them to be int0rcessors for
them before the }3atala, whom they regard as God.
GOVERNlviEi.\JT OF' T:i-iE MOROS• - Among the Moros
there is precisely the same lack of government as
among the Pinta dos. 1rhey had chiefs in thei~. . rGspective districts, whom the people ob8J(3d;_ tHey punish9d crimirrnls, c.nd J.nid down the lavrn t11~t must
be observed.
In the villag0s, where they had ten
or twelve chiefs, one only -- the richest of them -was he whom all obeyed.
They greatly esteem an ancient J.ineafc, which is therefore a great advantage
to him wha desires to be a lord,
When laws·were
to be enacted for governing the commonwealth, th:J
e;reatest chief,- whom all th,c! rest obeyod, assembled
in his own house all the other chiefs of the village;
and when they had corne, he ma de n spr:;ecli, declaring
that, to correct the many criminal. acts ·which were
being committed, it w.:t:3 necessary that ttey impose
penalties and enact or·dinances, so that the:rn evils
might be remedied and that all might live in peace.
This policy was not in vogue among the Pin"t,ad.os,
because no one of them was willing to recognize another as his superior.
Then the other chiefs replied that this seemed good to them; and that,
since he was the greatest chief of all, he might do
whatever appeared to him just, and they would approve it.
Accordingly, t ho.t chief made sueh regulations as he de0med necessary; for these ~-'Toros possses tte art of writing, which no other natives of
the islands have.
'rhe other chiefs npproved what
he ordained.
Immediately c&me a public crier, whom
they call umalaho_.£illl, who io properly a rnc17or-d'.)mo,
or steward; he took a bell end went th:.r:'ou,q::1 the
village, announcing in each district the re~:ulations
which had been mude.
The people re?lied that they
would obey. Thus the umalahocan went. from villa{:e
to village, through the whole distri c't of th:i.s ci1ief;
and from that time on he who incurred tte penalties
of law was taken to the chief, who sent0nced him accordingly.
If the ponalty be death, and th~ condemned men say that ho prefers to be a slave, he is
pardoned, and becomes & slave.
All the othor chiefs
are ~lso judges, eac:.-1 in his own d.ist:cict; but ·when
any in~ortant case arises the head chief calls all
-115the others together, in ordor to decide it, an~ the
affah• is sc:ittled by tl10 vote of o.11.
The ch:iefs
are accustor..1ed to impose the taxes; but therf:) is
no fixed amount for thes_e, save what the proper judge
decrees shall be paid. '
MJ'.RRIAGES. - The so l\lioros followed in their marriages the same customs ns those of t:ne Pin-t:.u.dos} in
giving the dowry. Thus, if.' the man should, contrary
to the woman's desire, breuk his pled~o and nnro1l
t:be rnc:trria~e, he would los{::1 tho dO'lr1ry, c:nd she would
retain it, free from him.
Likewise, if the wife
left the husband she was obliged to return h~m tho
dowry.
If _she committed adultery and the l1usband
therefore left her, she returnej him double the
amount of the dm,Jry.
If the wife lef"i:, the husb&nd
in order to marry [1nother, the s3cond husband. was
obliged to repay to 'chcJ first hurJband the dowry which
the latter had given +,o the woman, and to pny a fine,
more or less - such an amount as the judge should order him to givo.
If the :nu::band we::.." 3 a ch::.ef, a.nd
caught his w:1.fe in the ac-:i of committing adultE,ry,
l
•
..
t o pur:isn
• , ner w::..tL d oo t 1J.1, an CJ t-h
h e h a d t,,1e
rizh'.,
_,_ u
adul tcrer also, arid could slay t:1ern with iin~Junity.
If h8 killed one and the o~hcr escaped, the::e ir'JO'.lld
be open war between tlle. t,1110 families until tho o·t;her
adulterer died. If both escaped, thGy wust pay for
their lives with a certain w ei::;h:, of ;old. If -thoy
were thiefs, the penalty was one bunrt~ed tacs,fifty
for the woman and fifty for the udul~or8r.
This
done,
they were pardoned, and remained friends. If
they were tin~guas, they incurred a :ighter penalty.
1
1
.t..
•
1
0
There was 2rnon~ tho nati V8S a law
It was a p~tty theft if t~a
amount were less than four taes i tha·!::, :i.s, t1'Jeff~Y
pesos); but if more than that suM 1 it was n ser~ous
offense.
He who comr;litted the former mu3 4~ return
1
·o-,·"'en+-·,r1ce·.J
at ·f-'"E'
,_1'··n
the t.--;'0ld ' C.:-'."rld thc,n
I.)
c. ):;.
'•' ~> •
•J ,
J.1 :,, Wl'
- ••'- ] ~ OP
..r..
l! J,""
judge, to pay a fine in money.
If it wer1.) the p;r·e'1tcr thoft, invo1. vt:r. .g an amount of fou:r ta es or upv!nrd,
he incurred the penalty of slavery. But ii the goods
stolon amounted to a cati (catty) of p:old, the penalty was doatl'1, or tlle ern:,JavC;rnont of the culprit
and his children and all those of his housohold.
'I'HIEVES. -
concerning thisvos.
0
J
,K
L,
It was also a law th~t for the first theft the·
penalty was a fine in money, for the sGcond, sl.qv~~ry;
-116-
for further offenses, it was death,
Or, if pjr-.
doned, as described above he was made a slave, with
his wife and children,
fhis punishment did not apply to the son who proved ~hat he was outside the
house -- whether he d1velt in a .house of' his own or
lived with relatives on an indeponden~ footing; and
therefore he was freo.
Only those who lived in the
house of the? delinouent wero J.iaiJlo to punishment,
because they all were suspected of kno·,JJ.cdp;o of tiiG
theft.
Thero was also a law that anyone who spoke aisrespGctfully of a chief, or uttercC abusive langua~e
to him, W3S liable to death. If he could redeem his
life, a fino of fifteen ta0s of gold wns imposed. If
he did not have the moans to pay and rolatives did
not contribute to ransom him, and the dolinguent
begged for mercy, saying that them h0 would become a
slave, his life was spared, and he became the sl~vo
of the injured purty,
Fo~ this reason the penalty
of a fine was available for him who possessed wenlth.
If the quarrel were between persons o~ equ~l ran~;
the chief~ settled the matter according to justice
&nd tlwir laws, and t;he li1<e penulty ·.;J: s Ln;)osed.
If the delinquent refused ~o pay 2ccordinz ~o t~is
sentGnce, war was dec~ared b~twaen t~e villages or
the factions.
Hostilitiss then followe6; nrti from
that tiws those who were captured wore ons~uved.
1
ONE MAY BE RELEASED AFTER PAYI~\JG THE sui-: DECREED;
UNTIL THE::'1 HE IS A SLAVE~- It was a J.c:w tho.t if, when
two timagua s were to1ethe.r, 8i t.hcn' of tt,ern insult Gd
the other, he must pay a sum'o.f money according to the
nature of tho i~sult, ¼hich was decided by the judge.
If the insult were a ~ross one, the fine was large
accordingly; and if tbe cu~_prit J1[;d not the mean3 to
pay more them five taus, hG becc1m8 the slave .of the
injured person, If tho delinquont be~ged from the
chief or some other frj_end the fc1vor of lendinR: h:.m
the money, he became the slave of him who loan;d th~
money. This slavery extended onl~r to the culprit,
and not to his children or rcl~~ives, except to
children who wero born during his slavery.
It is usu.::tl among the natives o:f this islo.nd to
aid one another with money-loans. Ho who borrowed
from a chief or a tim2gua retained the money until a
-117-
fj_xed time had elapsed, during which he mic_;ht use
the money that was lent to him; and besides, he divided with the lender the profit that he made, in
acknowledgmont, of the favor that he had received.
It was a law that if he who borrowed the money
became insolvent, anJ had n0t means to pay his debt,
he w:Js considered a slc1ve thcre_+>or, together with
the children born during his slavery; those already
horn v11ore free,
It was a l.A.VJ amor:g these people, when two men
formed a ~ucJ.ness partnership in which each placod
the same amount of :110,1ey, th2t if one o.f tham went
to trnffic v<iith the money belon6 hlg -'e,r) both, and.
while on a trading ,journey wer3 cc,ptin-·ed oy enemies,
the other raan wl-io re~;1ained in ti:1c v:Llla0 e must go to
ransom hi,3 partner, w ::i.th 11,1J_f ;)f the :car:sorn·~price
agreed upon; and the captive was then rcleasef irom
liability -- not only for -whut was due to t}1e partnership: ~1ut for the amount wl:.ich was aftenrnrd if::i.ven
for his ransom, and was not obliged to pay anything.
If. the rr:an who lost "~he monoy loct it in _'3.'-1I11bling, or
by spending jt, ·with women, i:w w2s obli[:1E..:(:' to repay to
,. +- -~ c• h.. J.p
• ' +-v }·.1e a' ..r 1ui.:,.nt,
,. ,
•
i-_lC
• I..l 118
l
' ,l c.rd,
:
• ··/ n
-1' ,-, •
t h 8 ,_par..,r.·c.,r,.,
W•.
..: 1cL,
v11~re
from, &nd ho and his child:cen were o'Jl:.p-cd to pay it.
If t]1e amount were so s2·e2..-c th:1-:.-:, they could rot po.y
it' within :;ho time agreed upon, :ie a;id Lnlf his children would become the slavss of the ourtne~. If
there wer3 two children, one w2,s 2 slave,· :rnd the
othe:;_, v;as free; if' four 1 two were sL.tvcs, :111d two
wsre free; and so on \vi th any la::,ger nun .ber. I:f the
childrc,n were a:Jle to r-c:iy their fatherr s d(Jbt aftcr1
1
ward, they were set free.
-118-
Juan de Plo.sencia, a Franciscan friar, came to the
Philippines in 1577.
He wB.s one of a small group of Fran-
ciscan priests that arrived that year, the first of their
Order to come to tho Philippines.
Father Plasencia had,
among his natural endowments, an aptitude for learning new
languages~
Having been assigned as a missionary to the
province of Laguna, ho quickly acquired a mastery· of the
Tagalog language.
Within a short time after his arrival,
he couJ.d speak fluently and eloquently in tl:at lang'!..tage.
During the governorship of Santiago de Vera (1584 to
1590), Father Plasencia wus commissioned to prepere an authoritative report on Filipino customary law.
In pur-
suance of his commission, Father Plasencia '\lffot. G e.n account
of the customs of the Tagalogs, under the title "Las Costumbres
diJ
los Tagaloe • 11
To obtain the informRtion that
he wanted, he interviewed several of the old men in tho
province, all known to him for their intelligence and for
their knowledge of thoir customs and usagas.
Fnther Plasencia 1 s"Las Costurnbres do los Tagalos"
was submitted to Governor r.,e Vera in 1589.
Copies thereof
wero furnished to alcc.tldes mayores for their information
and guidance in the settlement of disputes an~ng the Filipinos.
-119-
For many years, controversies arising among the Filipinos conccrnin_r:i; such matters as the status of slave,s, successions, inheritances, adoptions, wills and other matters
of civil nature were decided by the alcaldes rrayores in
accordance with Filipino notions and ideals of justice such
as described nnd explained in Father Plasencia's
tumbres de los Tagalo s. n
account has been called,
11
Las Cos-
It is for this ruason that the
11
the first civil code of the Phil-
ippines."
Father Plasencia's account reads as follows:
l
DATOS AND BAHANGAYES.- This peopl.o always
had chiefs, called by them datos2, who governed
them and wero captains in their ~ars, and ~horn they
obeyed und reverenced. The subject who comnitted
any offense against then, or spoke but H wo~d3 to
their wives 0nd children, was severely punished.
1 - B.&. R,, volume?, pp. 173-184. 'l he footnotes
accomprmyine: this account w0re 111/i".'ittrm by Dr. T. II. Pnrdo
de T::i.vora for the edition ~hich he made of Plasencia's work.
1'he Taver.J od±tion wqs publit.:hed in Madrid :L:r:1 ~~8?2, under
the title L~!.§. Costumbror; do los T,.ag:3.los en iJlF)ll'as sog:,.:un.
el P. Plas:;ncia.
1
2 - Nowadays this expression is not used in Tag::i.log.
Among the Mo.lays datu or datu_k originally moant grnndfnt.her, head of a farnilf, v,1hicli was none other than the members of a barangay. In Mindanao and <Jol.9 this title is
preserved to de3ic;nate certuin chiefs.
3 - Undoubtedly an
11
offonsiv8 11 word.
..120-
These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as hundred houses, sometimes oven
less t:b1m thirty.
This tribal gathering is c~lled
in Tagalog a barang:ax.
It was inferred that the
reason for giving themselves this name arose from the
fact (as they classed, by their l.anguageJ, among the
TfJal.ay nations} that ·(Jhen they came to this land, the
head of the barangay4 which is a boat, thus called,
became a data.
And so, even at the present day, it
is ascertained that tµis harangay in its origin was
a family of parents and children, relations and
slaves.
There were of many of these barangays in
each town, or, at least., on a~count of wars, they did
not settle far from one another.
They were not, however, subj e,ct to one another, except in friendship,
and relationship.
The chiefs, in their various wars,
helped one another with their r·espective baran.gays .5
SOCIAL CLASSES • .;. In addition to the chiefs,
whc correspond to ou.r knights, there were three
castes; ncbles, commoners, and slaves..
The nobles
were the free-born whom they call maharlica .6
They
clid not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war., at their own .expense.
The chief
4 - The r~al Tagalog word is Balaga:y:.
5 They we~e smal:t. conf.ederaci(.--s whi.ch in some pla..,
ces, were governed by a chief who bore: the title _of Rad.ia or
Lad.Ja, during the Hindu pe1:iod, and that of Sultan, when Islanism appeared in these Is.lands. At time the title of H,a:r~
was used, which reveals high pride, and u11.do1.l!!btedly
Hindu
origin, of th0 chief who bore this :title. H:ari, in Sanskrit,
signifies Brahma, th0 Sun, Vichnou.
The sovereigns. o.f tne
Javanese Kingdom of lV.Iadjapahit bore, among others, the title
of "descendant of the race of Hari."
a
6 - Maha.rlica a,omes from the Sanskrit rnahardhika,
and signifies, "who enjoys liberty.n
Calli.ng them 11 freed.
menu is improper-, because they were never slaves, although
there are some freedmen -who properly were f-;uch: they were
free men who depended on nebody except the dato, in so far
as their obligations to him were in accordance with the
ugali, which defiped the rights of ,each person in the barangay .•
-121-
offered them befor~hand a feast, and afterward they
divided the spoils.
Moreover, when the dJ.to went
upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him.
lf he tuilt a house, they helped h1m, Etnd had to be
fed for it.
The same was true v1lwn t,he whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage.
The
lands which they inhabited vver2 dividc)d among the
whole bdrangay, especially the irrigate~ ,ortion und
thus each one ~new his own.
No one belonging to anther baran~ay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance.
LANDS.- The lands on tho tinguos,7 or mountain ridges are not divided, but owned in con~on by
the barangay.
Consequently, at the time of the rice
harvest, any indi viducil or any particular baran3ay,
al though he may have come from some o+:,her village, if
he commcnco~:1 to clear any 1and may so,._,v it, and no one
can compel him to abandon it.
There are some villages (as, for example, P:i.la de la Laguna), in which
the.se nobles or ma.harl:i.cas, paid annually to the
data a hundred gantas of rice.
The reeson of this
was that, at th~ time of their settle~ent there, another chief occupied tiw la.nds, which the nev·l ch:i.e;f,
upon his arrival, bou::;ht wit b. his own e;old; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for thG
arable land, and he divided it, arnong those whom he
------7 - Tingi is
an old Tagalog word which does not mean
anything nowadays, but which wa::;; use(l in t.he days of th8
conquest to signify mountain.
Fro::n thL, circumsto.ncG the
mountain people were called. tingianes (pronounced. tinguianes), a term which later was ap~liod orly to a certain class
of non-Christians inhabiting the mountains of northc:!rr. . Luzon.
flThe tin.r:i::ues extend from the rnounto ins of :3u.n. Por.;lo via
Nacarlan-.~ up to CiJ.laylayan, where stoud the old capital of
Tayabas, and from there begins the range of mountains of
Cabinti up to Vilingviling, which is the summit of M".:.i.bitac.
(Santos.- Vocabulorio_j'ag_Ql.Q..[, Manil:1, 1794, in tl::le preface.)
The whole lake of Bai is surrounded by vct~J steep
mountains, which thoso people call tingui::Js in thG 1 a,salog
lant?:;uage.n
{San Antonio, Q]::Qpi.cas, etc., I, II, p,
1
471.)
-122-
saw fit to rewarct. 8
But now, since the adv0nt of
the Spaniard, it is not so dividud.
FISHERIES.- Tho chiofs i~ com8 villages had also fisheries, with establiah8d li~its, and secti0ns
of the riv8rs for markets. At these no 0ne could
fish, or trade in thG markets, without poy~ng for the
privilege, unless he bolongc1d to the chief's barn.ngay
or village,
COMivfONERS ,- The comrnoners9 arc cal:l.od ali.J?Jllg
namamah§..Y,
They ar0 married, and s e:rvc: c hc:Lr m~J.S :ter, whether he be a dato cir not, with half of their
cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the be~inning.
Thc:y accompanied h1m wnenever he vrnnt beyond
the island, and rowed for him,
TheJ live in their
own houses, and are lords of their property and gold.
Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property
and iands, The children, then, enjoy tho roLk of
I
8 - It is to bo observed, there we~e threo kinds of
[
property: that which belongs to each inhabitant of the ba,
rangay; that of the ba.ranc,;2.y i11 common, that of the chief
acquired by him by purcnase from a.not her chief or baro.ngay,
In Sumatra, the right of propcirty is acquired 'Jy orir.;inal
occupatio11: proprietorship in ~-and may bs tranuforred thru
inheritance, as it can not be sold,. All the :)coples of
[
the lVJalay race were governed and· sot1e aru cve:i.1 today, by
an t2.£!3.I, which literally signifies custo.rri, •.1s:1.ge,
'rhe
laws,wnich are unwritten, wertJ preserved :1.n traditions
handed down from father to son, and gener~Jly ~he older peo- I
pJ.e, being more practical, and whose exp,Jd.c:nc;e en].bled
them to understand their own customs, were the ones that
decided their suits,
When they· pronouncr:id t}:10ir cJ.r:;cisious,
11
thoy did not say, Thus seith the 2.mJ, 11 but, 11 :-:n:ch is the
custom, !I which inc 'ragalo:; is ill1E.-~:1J.j:.
, 9 - This term is very exact: the aJ. ipin[; namamahay were
perfectly comparable to the cowm.one:t2 of ~ip;:dn, 'fi1-0 Tagalog
alipin rlcnot es·, nevorthGl Gss, a slave, but, it j_n UB ed here
with the term nam3mahay, which means 11 whrJ has a house, 11 or
11 who is in his houso, 11 v-1hich g iVeEJ one to u.ndrn."c;tanJ tbat
they were consider::.d as 11 of the hour3c 11 tl.1at is, as mornbers
of the family.
These persons could becorn0 a maharlica by
paying a certain alilount to th8ir masters, a circums·i-:,ance
which gave rise to the appelation of freed men of which we
spoke elsewhere.
I
!
1·
1·
-123-
their fathers, anct they cannot be made .sla'res. ( SE!_··
g_ui12:uilfr) nor can either parent3 or children be
sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the
hands of a son of their master who was voing ta dwell
in another village, t:1rq could not be tal:en from
their own village and carried with him, but thej
would remain in their native village, doing service
there and cultivating the sowed lands.
SLAVES -
Tho slaves are called .QJiD:i_:;11,g sJ~
gui guilir,10. They serve their master in his house
and on his cultivated J.ands, and mE1 y be sold. Tlw
master grants ther,1, should he see fit, and providing
that he ·has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully~
For these reasons, servants wto nro born
in the house of their master are rareJ.y, if ever,
sold. That is the lost of captives in war, and of
those brought up in the harvest fields.
SLAVES BY REASON OF DEBT. -
Those to whom a
debt was owed transferred the debt to ano~hor, thereby thems el vos making u prof j_ t, und r,,duc in;j; tLe
wretched debtors to a slavery which was ~ot their
natural lot.l~
If any person among those who were
10 .,.. It, would not bo so car.y +;o ~ive tho ety:nology of
the term sagu:l.guilir (better sagigilir J did we not 1mderstand the meaning of namamahay. G~ilir or, with more ortographic propriety gilir, means 11 house doo::.1 1 in 'J.'agaJ_og, and
gicilir is a compound which mGans, door-hea.d; hence aliping:
. · 1 1r
. s1Jn1
.
. f'.ieu-'I t11e
],.
],..
.
.
• t o ~ive
, .
1
sag1g1
s_.ave
W110 naa no rign~
wi. tt.11in doors, and who, as momber of tho Jo-.,,rnst grade of the social scale, ho.d. no right in thEl house of his r,12.ste1~ nay
more than a door-head has.
Hu is not ~,,orthy to live in
it, and ordinarily he lives in the lowe3t pa~t of the house,
with the animals J.nd. t}1e imp.laments of labor, of fi:-Jhing,
etc. etc.
11 - This detestabJ.E:! custom .,ms crJiilrron anong :J.11 iJialays.
c•
,
l
•
• d , '
. •
I n ,:Jumatre,
w .non
a man rd.ies -w,10
is
u1
.ei::)'i; co, ,Go c.n.o .,_,,J:1er, 11J.s
children render services, that is, they inherit the obligations of thei~ fathor. Those who are slaves by debt have the
privilege of changinc masters if aoneone or a relative pciid
the debt for them. In this c3se they went to serve this person as a guarantee and to pay off the irrterestc of the amount
paid, which they repaid, when they were able to do so, in
order to regain their liberty.
.J..
1
1
-124made slaves (§§...J?U~.c:·uiJ_ir) - through ·,vn.r, by the
·:.:.ro.de 0f go}_usfo.l.tl1, or oth8.cNise - happoned ·co possess any gold be/ond tho sum that he had to give
hj_s master, he r,:m,somed himsoJf, becoming tl1us a
npmamaho.y, or whclt. \i\1 8 call. a commoner.
The tJrice
of this ransom was never less than five tacls,12
and from that upwards; and if he ~ave ten or moro 1
ta. el ,'.3, as they might ngree, he b eca.me wholly free.
An amuoing corc-;Jnr)n-y accompanied this c1-wtom, Afte:r'
having divided all the trinkets which the slnv~
posse;sed, if ha maintained a houso of his own,
they divided even tha pots and jars, arid if an odd
one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece
of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle,
·The difference between the _glio.·i nr nari§J!@.h~
and the al -:D:!.ng s..Q.__gg_ip:ut_l~.t, should be noted; for,
by a confuJion of the t~o terms, many have boen
classed as slaves who really are not.
The Indians
seeing tnnt the c:-~lcaldeD-mnyor do not underotand ·
th~s, have adoptod_t:~e custom of takin[2 awuy the
rr1a 1'"ll"J" ~,.-,('., of
ChlldI. . en o·f the a-l 1p-ir·1rr n·3.·111r:ir•1c:h"
,t::!_~r.. ,
1
riy
''·'O'l]
c
o-r
tl-·,e
·:o,
J'r,-'.,,.,,.,
q<::i
·.,·11·:,:r1J '.'! ·ir·
t hem c:;·~s +-n"
..;
vv , . .,
.._
L
~';.;;...:.~'L:. uo ,..i.;;:..:a.:;;.;.c..~.c:.::::,._.,
'9.'~
servants in their hous0holds, w~~ch is ille~ul, anct
if the al ipjJ:!E._J2f'Ine_mahq_y :'3hoeld appe.•1J. to ju.stic e,
it io proved. U1nt ho is an fl: j_cinr as well <.~s his
father anJ ruoth0r before him and no re~nrvation is
m.ad.G as to wh0ther he ::.s :.11:. -oinP:_pam:1rnal:ay or
al ipir~g sa. __guiP.:uilir.
H0 is at one c con::d.clered
o.n a. 7.. il:J.:n, without further docl.1ration.
In this
Woy .1e l.....,_
.,,eco,,:es a sa 1~tµgu1~J.r, a.nu. is even so J.a..
Consoquen:rJ.;-, the aJ.cc:tJ.des-r:1uyo:c f,hoJ.J.cl be irstructed to ascert2in, vJhen nnyorw askn for hi.s :1lJp:i_Q,
to which class .he b elor;.g:s, [,.nd tc ha.V'J the nnswer
put in the document thLlt thGy give ~im~
J.
•
•
_
. . .!~
--~
c.,~ J,~c_ . .
._
1
,.:ti.
.,....
.A.C) _,
.;.>
J
1
YI
•
•-,
•
:J
•
i
1
0·1-;,·, ,.:.u..,Av
'·u1·,c,
T
th
CHITIJ'RE'r\J
.u
-,
•,._;,. .Ln
· cse t.circe
c J.asses,
those who are rnalwrlicns on both the father's a,nd
mother's side contim7et'o bo so forevr::ir; and if it
(:IT
--------
12 - A tnel o.f gold was worth. at the time o.f the
conquest, ten real es fu.e:ctes; M,1l1a1~ giv01.., to i 1:, the value
of one hundred ten francs,
It is oossiblc that this
latter value was what the tael had :Lo whlr:!11 P. Plasencia
refers.
-125happens that they should become slaves, it is
through marriage, as I. shall soon explain. If these
maharlicas had children among their slaves, the
children and their mothers becarue free; if cne of
them had children by the slave-woman of another, she
was compelled, v•1h0n pregnant, to give her master
half of a gold tael, because o.f her risk of death,
and for her inability to lc:bor durin,':~ the pregnancy.
In such a-· case· half of the child was free - namely,
the half belonging to the father, who supplied the
child, with food. If he did not do this, he showed
that he did not recognize hifu as his child, in
which case the litter was wholly a slave.
If a
free woman had children by a slD.ve, they were all
free, provided he were not her husband.
~~RRIAGES OF FREEWlEN WITH SLAVES.- If two
persor.s married, of :Phom one was a maharlica and
the other a slave, whether namarnahay_ or sa e;ui.e:uiJ.ir,
the children were divided; the first, whether male
or female, belonged to the father; as did the third
and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth
fell to the mother, and so on. In tnis manner, if
the father were free, all those who belonged to him
were free; if he were a slnve, all those who belonged
to him were slaves; and the same applied to the
mother.
If there should not be more than one child
he was hali free and hnlf slave. The only question
here concerned the division, whether the child were
male or fenwle.
Those who become slaves fnll under
the category of servitude -which was their parent's,
either namarnahay or sa guiguilil..,.
If there were an
odd number of children, th.e odd one was haJ.f free
und ho.lf sla.ve.
I have not been able to ascer':.a.in
with any certainty when or at what age the division
of children was made, for each one suited himself
in this respect.
Of these two kinds of 3lnves the
sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay
and their children, nor could they be transferred.
However, they could be transfErrod .from thG barangay
by inheritance, provided they remained in the same
village.13
13 - This confirms what we have said in connection
with the confederacies which existed at the arrival of the
Spaniards.
'fhe barang.Jys v.ere simply a family group, lar~e
-126The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move
from one village to another, or from one barangay to
another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as
arraneed among them, . This fine was larger or smaller
according to the inclination of the different villages, runnine; from one to three taels and a banquet
to the entire barangay,
Failure to pt\Y the fine
might result in c1 war betweoL the barangay which the
person left and thu one which he ent~red.
This applied equally to men and womec, excep~ that when one
married a woman of another vj_llage, t:i1e children
were afterwards divided equally between the two bar.s.ng,:iys.
This .::tr-r.~mc;ement kept them obediont to the
data, or chief, which is no longer the case- because,
if the' dato is encrr:etic and cornr:iands what the religious fathers enjoiii him, they soon leave him and go
to other villages and other d.atos, who endure and protect them anci do not or·der them about.
This is the
kind of dato that the-:,;- r1ow prefer, not him who has
the spirit of commanct,14
There is a great need of .
reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and fainthearted.
INVESTIGATION OF SUITS,- Investigations made
and senteacus passed by ttrn dato must take place :i.n
the presence bf those of his barangay.
If any of
the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was
unanimously named from another viJ.la:::;e or barangay,
whether he were a data or not; slnco they had for
this purpose some persons, known as :air and just
men, whD were s:1id to give tru~.3 ,judgment according
to their customs.
If the controversy lay Uetween
two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also
convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the
same if the disputEl.nts belonged to t,,-vo different barangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink,
the -plaintiff invitin~ the others.
~
------or small, 1r.Jith its
sJ..aves of various rankr:-1. A number of barangays .formed a villo.ge under the government of the Dato who
was r.iost powerful i:n that community, using different titles;
Cat, Ladya ( for Radja), Laka, Sul tan, etc. etc,
14 - Which goes to sho1,11 that, at all times and in all
places, man of whatever race fled from tyranny.
-127LAWS GOV1~RNING CAPITAL PUNISHlV[ENT. -
They had
laws by which they condernnec;_ t-:J death a man of J.ov1
birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief;
likewise witches, and others of the sa~e class.
They condemned no one to [JJ.aver-1, unless he
merited the death-penalty. As for the witches, they
killed theo, and their chiJ.dren &nd accomplices became slavos of the chief, nfte~ he had made somo
recompense to the injured perr5on.
All other of·rctb y ..r·ines in
· goJ.lcJ.,
·,_., w;1J.c.l.!.,
,·1r.
·r not,
f enser; were punis.10
1.
paid with promptness, expo[rnd the culprit to serve,
until the paymAnt should be madej the person a~grieved,
to whom tho money was to be pfdd.
This w~:.s do:'.1e in
the follm-l)ing way: Half the cultivated lnnds and
all their produce belonged to the master, The master
provided ttie culprit with food and clothing, thuc enslaving tho culprit and his childr·en until such t,j.r11e
as he might ama;3s enough money to pay the f ir..e. If
the father should by chance pay his debt, '.::ihe muster
then claimed that he had fed and clothed his children,
and should be paid thorefor,
In this way he kept
possession of the children if th8 payment could not
be met,
This last was usunlly the c~se, 0nd they
remaineq slaves. If the culprit had c.,orr~c relative
or fri8nd who paid for him, ho was obliged to r~n~er
the latter half his sarvics until he was paid - not,
however, sorvic p, within tho howJG as al:i.ping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as Etl:i.p:in t:.am1111a.hay.
If tho creditor were not serve1 in this wise, the culprit he~ to pay the double of what was lent Lim. In
this way sloves were rnnde by debt: ei~her sa gui3uilir,
if tl1ey- scr·vnd the mastc:r to whom tho jud:pnont applj_ed; or aliping namum<:thaJ, if tlwy sfirved the p0r-son who lent them wherewith to pay.
LOANS. - In v-1r:1at cone ~::rns J.oans, there we.s formerly, and is today, an excec;s of usur:;ir, whict i.s a
rreat hindrance to baptism aG wolJ. as to confession;
for it turns out in tho sam0 way as I lwve showed in
the case of the one under jurlgment, who giv00 half
of his cultivated landu and profits u:i.1til he po.ys
the debt.
'l'he debtor 5.s conderm10d to a life of
toil; and thus borrowars become slaves, and after
the death of the father the children pay the debt.
Not doing so, double the amount must be paid.
system should and can be reformed.
This
-128INHERITANCE,- As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and ~other inherited
equally, except in case where tho father and mothor
showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or
three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel,
When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and,
when in order t.o marry him to 0. c.hi8f' s daughter,
the dowry was greater than ths sum ;;:ben the other
sons, the excess was not count0d in the whole property to be divided,
But any other thin~ that
should have beon ,given to any son, t:-·"ou.gh it mi,a;ht be
for some necessity, was taken into consideration at
the tillie of the partition of the property, unloos the
parents should declare that such a besto~al was made
outside of the inheritance,
If ono had had children
by tv10 or more le:?;itin:ate wivGs, each child re8eived
th0 inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its
increase, and ~hot share of his fathor 1 s estate which
fell to hir:r:. out of the whole,
If a ~:an h1:.1d a child
by one of his slaves, as well as legitimnto children,
tho former hc:1.d no s!·1.bre in the 5.nheritc:nco; bu-:. tb.e
legitimate children were bound to i'rc.,e the rr,other,
~
• ,.., t'
•
an d t ogive
n1rn somo~n1ng - a +~no~l or a s~ave,
11
ne
father were a chief; or if, finally, c:-myti:-d.ny, eJ.se
were !!iv:::m it wets "by the unani:::1ol;.s consei1'r, of all.
If be;ides his le~i~imate children, he had 21s0 some
sons by a free unmarried woman,l5
to w11orn a dm,;ry
was given but was not consider8~ as a renl wife, all
these 1AJere clc1;s.,sed as natural r~hi.ldren, ,:l1though the
child ::,y the unmari"ied woman should l1D.ve been begotten after Lis m&rriage.
Such childrun diG not inherit equ2lly with the lcg~_timut0 c:h:i.lcJ.r0:;:J., but only
th:) thh"d part. For example, if t;1(n-·e /JGi.-·C:: two children, the legitimate one h8d two parts, and the one
of the _in_t12 §..~.:suil 6 one part.
V/ben thero ·were no
1
•
'
l
'
------15 - It must
be rl:ir:.1embel"C!d t.hDt tJ10 ma:1arli:-::a.:; co11ld
have concubi:1es who werG the frse vwmen, to whom this statement refel's.
16 - Inuasava, who was taken for a wife, that is con-
cubine.
-129-
children by a legitimate wife, but only children
by an unmarried. 1,,1oman, or inaa sava, thE· la tte:r inherited all.
If ho had a child by a slave woman,
that child received his shart as above stated.
If
there were no lE)gitirnate or natural child,. or a
child by an j.rnlc.l§.cLYJ-l, whether there wets a_ son of a
slave woman or not, -~be inheritnnce went only to the
father or grandparents, btothGrs, or nearest rolotives of thE.: doccaser,i, who gB.·10 to the slavc-ch::iJ.d
as above stated.
CHILDREN BORN IN ADULTER~.... In the cuse of a
child by n free married woman, born •:1r.d.lo she 1:Ju.S
married, j_f the husband pur.ish(:)d the adulterer this
was considered a dowry; and the child entored. w:i th
the others into partition in the ini1eritanc0, His
share equa1ed the part left by th.s father, nothing
more.
If there were no other sons than he, the
children and the nearest relatives ihherited egually with him.
But if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the '\r.JOman who had th8 child,
the latter was not considered as his child, nor
did he inherit anything.
It should be no.tic J 1l
that the offendor wns not considered 6ishonored by
th0 punishment inflicted, nor d:Ld the hu,sbDrcd : . eave
the woman.
By the punishment, of the fat her t~ie
child was fit.tingly made l8gitirriate.
ADOPTED CHILDREN. - Adopted children, of ·whom
ther·e aro many arnont:: them, inherit the double of
'
what was paid for their adoption.
For e:;~pn,plo ~ if
on13 gold ta8l. 1,va13 ~iven that he might be ac!opted
when the firl3t father died, tho child wao givon
( in inheri tanr::cd two ta ;:;~U;. But if this cL.ild
should die fj_:i:•f:t, his cj:iild.r8n do nut inhe1;it from
the second father, for the arrangement stops at
that point.
This is the danger to which his· money i3 exposed, as well as his b8:i.rig protectud as a chiJcL
On this account this manner of ndoption common
among them is considered lnwful.
DOWRIES,- Dowries c:ro given by thcJ wen to
the women's parEmt;:;.
If tl'1e latter a.cr3 liv::i.nf,
they enjoy the use of it. At, their dea·~~11, provided ·the dowry has not beon consumed, it ic divided
-130like the r0st of the e,state, equally arnong the
children l:!XCePt in case the father t3hould cc:.re to
bes tow s~mething ctdditional upon the do.ught::. c:r, If
tLe vvife, at the time of her marr5.age, bas neither
father, mother, nor grandparents, shs cnjoyc her
dowry - which, in such o case, belongs to other
rel:::i.t:Lve or child, It should be noticed t}1at unmarried women can own no propert;, in lnnd or dowry, fo~ thu rasult of all their labors accrues to
their parents.17
In the casB of a divorce before the birth of
children, if "'.:.he v:~fe left the husb·.:md for t.he purpose of marryin1:; another, all her dowry and an
equal additional amount fell to tho husband; but if
she left him, and did not marry an:Jth(3r? tho dowry
was retur:nr:.)d,
When ·i:,he husband left l:us vJife, ho
Jost the ho.lf of the dcwry, an1 the other half was
returned to him. If he oassesaed chi:dren at the
time of his divorce, the-whole dowry and the fine
went to the children, and was held for thcin by
their grandparents or otl"ier responsibJ.e rGJ.atives.
I have also seen another practice in tv:o villages. In one case, upon the d0uth of the wife
who in a year's ti1nr:3 had borne no chi:ic~rc3n, th,) parents returned one-half the do\'1/rJ to the h~1uband vJhose
wife had died.
In the other c.:.:.r:::o, upon t.hc1 dC;.1th
of the husband, one-half the dovvry war, ret~.u·ned to
the relatives of the husband. I have a,sc8..:'tf:.iined
that.this is not; a ser.eral practice; for U),)On in17 - In Tagalog the dowry is cc:,11 ed bi 6 ay-kaya. No~
body has yet gi VEm the etymolof:/ of this word :.:.n a satisfac·
tory manner, .for k::ry-L{ just 1 Lrn t ingi, h.:1s no L1caninc now
in Tago.log that might e:::plain the sense which was given to
-~t.
Kaya meant wenlth, fortune, meEming which kaya in
l\.'ialay still proservos. So th:tt bigay ( to give) v.nited with
kaya, explai:1ed clenrly vJhat vrnt~ to be given.
'I'he dowry
was determined by tho v::i.1·cnt,3 of t J:1'?. gi.rJ, according to
their position and prcrcerwions.
.vJorcov:Jr thoy took into
account, in fixing the amount, the pnnhiri1ayat 11 which llad to
be paid to thu mothor of the ,:•irl for the labors o.nd watchfuli1ess incident to the bring:Lnr.; up of the daughter, and the
pasoso, which must be paid to the chichiva, or the nurse
who has cared for her • 11 $an Antonio Croni__
ca.:2., otc. 1, page
168.
-131quiry I learned that when this is done it is done
thn.1 piety, and that all do not do it •
.MARRIAGE CONTRACT. -
In the mattr1r of mar-
riage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons
when they are about to be married, anJ talf of which
is 6 iven :i.mmediatcly, oven whe~1 they are onJ.y cl1ildren, theY-'e i,s a great deal n,.of.'r:; corn~lcxii:,y. Tl1Gro
is a fine stipulated in thG contract, tha~ he who
violates it shall pay a certain sum which vuries
according to the practice of the village und the affluence of the individual. ThG fine was heaviest
if, upon the death oZ the paronts, tho son or
daughter should be unwilling to marry becaur::;e it
had been arran6 ed by h:i.s or her parents.
In this
case the dowry which t,he :par~nts- had ruceived wa,s
returr,.ed and nothing rnore.
B'..lt if the parun.ts
were living, they paid the fine, because it had
been assumed that it had been their design to separate the children.
The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearlv concerning the customs obs3rved
amonrr. those r.a t:l. vss in all this Laguna and the
tingues, and amor:g tl10 entire T.1gc1.lo r2cG. 'l'he
old men say that a dato who c:id anytl1iLg contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in rolating
tyrannies which they had con-:.mitted, some conc:.emned them and adjudged them wickGdi
-132-
Francisco Colin, a member of the Jesuit Order, arrived in the Philippines in June, 1626,
He was a man of
· scholarly interests and attainments and endowed with cuperior talents.
He was at first assigned to teach in
,.
the Jesuit College of San Ignacio in I"'faniJ.a.
Later, he
was made rector of the Colegio Seminario de San Jose,
For
some time, too, he served as provincial of the Jesuits in
the Philippines.
He
spent the last years of his life as
a missionary in San Pedro Macati where he died May 16,
1660.
As a historian, Father (!oJin is best kno1tm for his
work, kabor Evangelica, a record of the missionnry activities of the Society of Jesus in the Philippines.
Th0 work
is a valuable source of information on the civ:.Uiz:1.tion,
in its various phasos, of the pre-Spanish Philippiaes, as
well as of the Philippinos of his own time_-
In the pre-
paration of this work, Father Colin mad3 extensive use of
the work of a fellow Jesuit, Pedro Chirino, _w 1~10 ca:·ne to
the Philippines in 1590.
Father Chirino's work, R0laciog
de las Islas Filipinas, like the L(tl:?_or Evjlngel:tcg,, is an
account of the work of the Jssuits in the Philippines,
was published in Rome in 1604.
The origi.nal edition of Labor Evanr:i:elicn. was pub-
It
-133lished in 1663.
The work was reprinted in 1900 under the
editorship of Pablo Pastells, S.J.
The Pastells edition
is a notable work of scholarship and is a valuable contribution to the literature of Philippine history.
from the copious notes made by the editor, it cont~ins numerous reprints of rare historical documents.
.
Following are portions of Father Colin' s !,p.b9r Evc1.n1
l
g,:Ll.£.i!•
Physical Features and Characteristics of the
Filipinos
The ordinary stature of these Indians is medium, but they are well built and good-looking, both
rr.en and "i'Jomen. 'l'he~r complexion is yell :Jwish iJro-wn,
like a boiled quince, and the beard is sligbt. The
Tagulogs wear the hnir hanging to the shoulders;
th2 Cagayans lbnger and hangin~ over the shoulders;
the Ilocans shorter, and the Visayans still shorter,
for they cut it round in the mariner of the old-time
cues of Espana.
The nation called Zambals wo:1r it
shaved f~om the front hal1 of the haad, while on
the skull they have a great shock of looso hair.
The com1Jloxion of tho womon in all the islmlds differs little from that of the men, except amonr:; the
Visnyans where some of tr1e womon are li:;ht-com-·
plexioned..
Al.l of the women :-rnc. r ·!..:.ho ha:Lr tied up
in a knot on top of the head with a tasteful ribbon.
Both men and women, uni vorsall y, conc.::idor it e s~wntial that the hair should bEi vm·y black and well
carod for. For that purpose they use lotions mnde
of certain treo-barks and oils, prepared 1:Jith mnsk
and other perfmllf!S.
Their gre,,-ite,st anxiety and
1
1 - B. b~ R., vol. l+O, pp. 60-~69.
the 14th chapter of Labor Ev:J.n,cr cl icG_.
'rhey form part of
-134care was the mouth, and from infancy they polished
e.nd filed the tc)eth so thnt they might be even and
pretty.
They coverod thorn with a coatin~ of black
ink or varnish which aided in preserving them.
Among tho influerrtial people, esp6cially tho women,
it WclS the custom to set some of the teeth most
skillfully with gold which could not fall out, nnd
gave a beautiful appearance, Th0 men did not glory
in their mustaches or beards, bnt quite the; contrcry;
and consequently they pulled. th::.,rn out on purpose.
And just as it is an amusement or custom of some of
·,
'h
P•
us tJo gnaw our ~1nger-na1_s,
~.ey
ge~. amusemen~··-·in
pulling out the hairs of the beard with certain
littlE: bits o.f cleft bamboo ( cnfiuelns hendid.as) or
wit11 little shells j_n the form of' pincers.
All the
women, and in some places the men, adorn the ears
with large rinzs or circlets of gold, for that purpose piercing them ut 2n early aee.
Among the women the more thr) ear.s were stretched and opened,
so much'greater lt!as -~h8 beauty. Some had t·wo holes
in ench enr for two kinds of earrings, some being
larger than others.
Clothing and Adornments
The men adorned tho hGad with only Q_~nq_§,1_ or
long a.nd narro"vv thin cloth, with which they bound
the forehead and tern~?les, and wi'lich they cnll .9.52,J:,ong.
It was put on in dif?erent raodes, now in the r,Ioorish
manner like a turban v1ithout a bonnet, and now twisted and wrupped about ths; hoad like tl-it0 crown of a
hat. Those who were esteemed as valiant let the
elaborately worked ends of the cloth f~ll down upon
their shoulders, and these were oo long that they
reached tho le,'s~,. By the color of tho cloth thGy
,.
.,,. . ran:.<:,
1
. was t 1·1e .oaog:e
,.,
cnsp
..l o.ye d ·011e1r
cd'1 d it
01 t11<:!lr
deeds and 8Xploits; and it was not allowed to any one
to use the red notonr!'. until he h3.d at lenst killod
one person.
In ord8r to wear it embr'o:i.d.e:rod with
c erta~1: bo:::,ders, v:hich were 1 iko a crown, they must
have KJ.lled seven. The per:::.onal clothing of those
men was a small garment or short loose jacket (charnarrcta) of fine linen which barel:7 reached tho waist.
It had no collar r.md wc: .s fittE'id formerly _with short
fJleeves.
Amon:; the chiefs thosrc) jackets 1,1ere of
a scarlet color, Et11d vvcre rw1cle of f'ino Indian mus··
l
1
•
-135lin. For breeches they wore a richly colored
clothed, which ,,.irrn p: enerall y edged with !~olc1, et bout
the waist and brought up between tho legs, so that
the J.egs wore decently covered to the middlo of
the thigh; from there down feet and logs were
bare.
'Jhc chic:)f a dornmcnts con,sistecl of orr..mnonts ·
and jewel8 of gold and precious stones, They had
various kind:.~ o.f nec::laces, and chc1::i.ns; brn.ccluts
or wristlets, ulso of gold and ivory, on the arms
a,s high .as the ulbovJ; whilc:J some h::u.l strings of
corneliann, agat0s, and oth0r stones which aro
highly esteemed r:.1mon 1:i; thorn.· On th,;; lcn;s, j_nsto&d
of gurters, they wear sornc strinf s r)f th1:J same
stones, ,n1d certain cordr3 of m:.u1y s~1·rmds, dyed
black, The fingers of the hand &re cover0d with
n:any rings of gold and pr0c iou;::: st0nr-:.::;. ~f.1Le f :i.nal
complement of\ the gala att:Lre WDS like our sas 11,
a fine bit of colored cloth crouted over the
shoulder, the Gnds joined under th2 b.rm, which
they affocted greatly. Instead of that tha Visayans wore .s. robe (ma1'lotr1.) or jacket (pag1!QTQ)
made without a collar and rea.ching quite dovm to
the feet, and ombroidered in colors. The entire
dress, in fine, was in the Moorish style, and was
truly ricli :and cay; and oven today th!?Y c:1.f.fect. j_t.
The dre3S of tliB women, bcsidG,S the small
shirt wit:.h sleeves ,1lready mentioned, whJ.ch wa::.
shorter for them, far thGir gala dress had littlo
modesty, was a skirt GS wide at top as at bottom,
which thoy gathered into folds at the waist, allowing the folds all to drop to one side.
ThiJ
was long enough to cover them even to their feat,
and v.ias g\:merally white. v,b.en they wunt outsido
thG house thev wore for a cloak certai~ colored
short cloaks,· those of th(; principa.l wonw11 bcin::i;
of crimson s E.k or other cloth;.1, ernbroiderud wit,h
d ao.orrrn
·
d w.1t'1
' l ri,::n
' ' f r1n5~0.
''
r
t,,
'
go 7.. u1 an,
DU.,
L;ueir
principal gala attiru consistJd in jewels and ornaJ1ents o~ gold c:1t1d ston0s v1d:ii0,}1 thr3f vrnar in
thGir e1:l:"'/J, and on ·~he nock, thr, fingers of the
hand 2nd the wrists of the arms. B\lt; no";J they
havu be·Y.un to woai"' the 3,ittnish clot.h,Js· a;1ct orn·1~·
rnents, 11.amely, chains, n;3e1':.la1;0:::,, :3ki.rtcj,, shoe.s,
and rnantiJ..las, or bl-cJ.ck veils. 1.1 !-...8 LHTj wear hats,
short jackc:>.ts (rQl?X1J2 s,), breeches, c1nd sl"i? os. .
0 nt]y
..... r,c,e,~1t·
drc·,,,.
of
tlj('
IncJ·1'rnS 711
Cons 0v:,ou t:..
_
J the·
,...
.::D .l
.. ,w .,.t u
..,,UiJ
, .., ...
1,
.J
•.
.
-,C..
...
.,_
-136these regions is now almost Snanish.
Tattooing
Besides the exterior clothing and dross some
of these nations wore another inside dress, which
could not be removed c::.ftsr it 1i\1.:H, once pu-1~ on.
Thes0 are/ the ·ca.ttooings of tb,:: body so •(:;:'c)a.tly
practiced among the Visayans, whom we c~ll Pintados for that reason, For it 1A1c1s a custom among
them, and was a mark of nobility and b nrJ(;:cy, to
tattoo tho whole body from top to toe when they
were of an age and strength sufficient to endure
th3 tortures of the tattoing, 'IJIJh:i.ch was done (after being carefully designed by the artists, and
in accordance with the proportion of the parts of
the body and the sex) with instruments like brusht'\· 1· r.;' ~ ,,.1-: t 1. , ·,1 (' ry f ·l,,., "-' DO ·i 1--1+V S O J..r., b "n1e u"' or cma]
boo.
Thu body v;,rn pric:.ced and rnarke:d with them
until blood was drawn, Unon that a black nowder
or soot made fron pitch, ;;hich novcr faded~, was
r,ut on. The whole ~Jody wns not tattoed at one
time, but it was done gradually, In olden times
no tattooinQ was be~ufi until some brave dGed had
been pcrforn1ed; ::cr1c('-:1fter t.hat' for each one o.f
the parts of the body which was tattood even
their chins and c1 bou-'.; the eyes t3o that they appeared to be masked.
Children were not tattouct, and
the ~orren ocly on one hand and part of the othor.
'l':he :aocanos in this island of [/Inrdln also ,00.ttoed
ther1u0l V8S but not to the sr::me e:1:tent us the Visayans.
The dress of both men ~nd womon among the
Ilocanos is almost alike in that prov~nce.
Thus
far the dress.
We shall rtow ~ay somewhat of the
food and their customs in eating.
U,\
,.
.1··
1
'V
,.:::'-·'
.
.. L .;.,.-
0
_..
. ..
....1...LJ.~
J.:
.--
Cl,J.~
Foods and Beverages
Their usual sustenan~e is as stated above,
rice, well hulled. and cleAned, ;_rn.d b,YLJ.ed orily with
1•1ater, which is Cc)lled n1ori2ouetn by tlrn s,aniardc,
as if to cetll it 11 f'ood of the !Jj.oore.• 11 The rncat :LG
that of a small fish 111lt:i.eh :i.s ln.ckin<s j_n no part.
That i:::- 0L10 boilec in wat·~r, and vdth tbe broth from
it they give a flavor to the morisqueta, ior lack of
-137rice and fish they use the herbs and many kinds of
native potatoes, and fruits, by which they are sustained well enough. At their banquets they add venison, pork, or bfJef, which they like best v1hen it has
begun to spoil, and to smell bad. Their manner of
eating is, to be seated on the ground. Their to.bles
are sn:all &nd low, round or square, and they have no
table cloths or napkins; b1i.t thf; pla-+:-,es w:Lth tht=J food
are placed on tho same tables. 'Ibey e&t in co1:1panies
of four which is as many as can get around a sw~ll
table. On the occasion of a wedding or a funeral, or
similar feasts, the ~hole house will be filled with
tables and guests. ~he food is placed all together
on Various plates. The people do not shun all reaching out to the s8me plate, or drinking from tho same
cup. They relish salt, D.nd salty and acic1. foods.
They have no botter cJ.a.irr-ty for the sick than vinegar
and green or pickl0d fruits. Thay eat sparingly but
drink often; one:l whou they are 5.nvited to a banquet,
they are asked not to eat but to drink. They waste
much time in both oatiYJ½ and drinking. When they
have enough an.d are drunk, the tc1bles are taken awa1
and the house is clecred. If the banquet is tho occasion of a feast, they sing, play, and dance. They
spend a day and a ni1)1t in this, amid great racket
and cries, until thoy fall with weariness and sleep.
But rarely do they become furious or even foolish;
on the c~Jntrary, after they haVC:i ta}am wino they
preserve due respect and discraet.bohavior. They
only wax more cheerful, and converse better and say
some witr,y things; and it is well known t:1at no one
of them, when he leaves a banquet, althou.•:?)1 it ~Ji:) at
. '
'
. "+- 'GO
'
h'
any nour o.f t_h G ni'.6r1t,
,f ai·1 s to go s-crE1J.Q:,L
, is
own house. Ancd if he: has occa.sion to buy or sell,
. ' go ld• or e1iv0r
. .. . 'ne does
.,
j
and to exRc.ne
and weiga
1't
with so great steadiness that the hand do,::1.s not
1
tremble, nor does he make any E~rror :in tho weight.
Th0 wine con'.monly used among ti1crn is either
that made from palms, as it is throu~hout India, or
from sugar-cane, which they call Q.'d.il~,· 'l'he latter is made by e::tractin:; the sap :f:rorn tl10 cancis,
and then ~ringing it to a boil over the fire, so
that it becomes like red wine, although it does not
taste so good. ':i.lic palm -,-Jine is made by extracting
the sap or liquor from whlch the fruit was to ba
formed. For as soon as the palm be?ins to send out
-138tbe ~~hort from the snd of the twig, and be.fore the
flower is unfolded,. that flowor-stoc~ is cut, and a
bit of bamboo is fastened to it and is tied to tho
stalk or shoot.
Since the sap naturally flows to
that part, os in·the pruned vino, ~11 the sap that
was to be converted into fruit, flows into that
bamboo, and pasi:.;es tr1rough it to vess r1ls, where,
somewhat sour and st8cped with bark of cettain
trees which give it color, teat, and bite, they
use it as a comraon drink and caJ.l it tuba.,
B1l't
the real and proper palm-wine it) made from the same
liquor before it turns sour, by distillin 6 it in
an almnbic in ovc.ms tbat they h8.ve prE~parGd for it.
They give it a greater or less strengthi as they
please; and they get a brandy as clear as water,
althou~h it is not so hot (as our brandy) .2
It
is of~ dry quality, and, when used with moderation, it is considered even outside Filipinas as
healthful and medicinal for the stomach and a preventive of watery humors and colds.
The Visayans also make a wine, called pafig2si,
from rice. Tho method of making it ~s to place in
the bottom of a jar or ordinary size (whi9h is gonerally of two or throe arrobas, ~ith them) a quantity of yeast m&de from rice flour and a certain
plant. Atop of that tLey put GJ.ean :rice until th u
jar j_s half fuJl. T11en wat(ff is add,)d to it, and,
after it has s~ood for.a few days, it, is fermentod
by the fo:cce of the )Tcest, and is converted into the s~rongest kind of wir:e, whic11 :Ls not liquid,
but tLic:c lik3 .c:achar}. In order to drink it they
po~r water into the jer. It is a cause for surprise that even though wr1tcr b,3 pourud in a2;ain
and again, the liquor is pure and liquid 1,,-1tne, nntil
the strength vanishes and is lost, and then they
lGave it for thu children. The method o:f drinking
2 - "Such is the wine from nipa
called Tc1:ndq_Q,Y.
The famous chemist (a Chinese mesti~oi Anacleto del Rosario, discover~d a process by which the disa~reeablc taste
of this brandy disappears; anct it becomes e;ual to that of
Spain in col or, smell, test e, and stren5th. 17 ( Father
Pastells, in his edition of Colin, i,. p. 62, note 2.)
B.
&
R.
.
-139it is with a tubo, which they insert clear to the
bottom where thc yeast is.
They use three or four
of those tubes, according to the number of the persons who can find room around the vessel. They
stuck as much as they wish, and then give place to
others.3
Songs, Donces Musical Instruments
The banqu0ts arc int orspersed with :.:;ing ing,
in which ine or two sing and thu othBrs respond.
'I'he songs:+
are usually their old songs and fables,
as i,s usual wit1-1 other natiuns. The dances of men
and women are generally performGd to the sound of
bells which arc made in their style like basins,
large or small, of metal, and the sounds are brought
out quickly and unint0rruptedly.
For the dance
is warlike and passionato, but it has steps and
measured changes, and interposed ore some elevations that really enrapture and surprise. They generally hold in the hands a towel, or a spear and
shield, 3nd wi~h one and the other they make their
gestures in tiwo, which are full of meaning. At
other times with the hands 0rnpty they make movsmcmts
wr:ich correspond to the movem;mts of the f eot, now
slow, now rapid. Now they attack and r0tiru; now
they incite; now thoy pacify; now they come close;
now they go away; all the grace and elegance, so
much, in fact, that at times they have ~ot been
judg2d urnvorthy to accompany emd sol,}mniz e our
ChrL3tian fcasts,5
However, the children C;nd youths
________
,
3 - Among the Igorot~ of Northern Luzon, this drink
'I'he yeast
used to ferment it is mad,:; o.f rice flour and thTL~ of a
plant known, among the Ilocano s, as buca c:o.o. \.
is widely used, bei:-1p; called by them binubuC::.an.
4 - 11 The:Lr most popular traditional songs are the
Q.'b!,ll.cli,_mau, the C9_g;,12-1:::.cJ1l, the BaJj.tQQ, the '.Ja,l.orn:t, and the 1-'alinrl.ao.
Some o.re only snng; in oth,:::rs, they ::3inr; and dance
at the same time." (Pastolls, in hi13 Colin, i, p. 63, n9te I.
B. L E..
5 - "The dance here rtescribed by the author is that
which is calll:~d in Filipinas M_q_z:2-Mo.L.Q.•l' (Pastolls, u~ supra,
p. 63, Note J.) B. & n.
-140-
now dance, play, and sing in our manner and so well
that we cannot do it better.
They had a Lind of guitar which was called
which had t1-w or more copper strings. Although its music is not very artistic or fine, it
does not fail to be agreeable, specially to them.
They play it with a quill, with great liveliness and
skill, It is a f' act tha.t, by playing it alone, they
carry on a conversation and make understood whatever they wish to say.
£Q.l:Y§.tl,
All of these islanders are extremely fond of
the water for bathing purposes, and as a consequence
they try to settle on the shores of rivers or creeks,
for the more they are in the water the better they
like it. They bathe at all times, for plea~ure and
cleanliness.
When an infant is born, it is put into
the river and bathed in cold water; and the mother,
after having given birth, does not keep away from
the water. The manner of bathing is, to stnnd with
the body contracted and almost seated, with the water up to the throat. The most usual and general
hour is at sunseti when the people leave work or return from the fie ct, and bathe for rest and coolness. Men and woman all swim like fish, and as if
born and reared in the water. Each house has avessel of water at the door. Whenever any one goes up
to the house, vJhether an inmate of it or not, he
takes water frou that vessel to wash his feet, especially whEm it is muddy. That is done very easily;
one foot is dried with the other, and the water falls
down below, for the floor there is like a close
grating,
Speaking of the religious beliefs and practices of
.I
the Filipinos, Colin in the same ace.cunt, ~abC2.£_Evangeli.£§.,
says:
l
1 - Ibig., pp, 69-82 being portions of the 15th chap~
tet of the L~bor Evangelica.
-141-
It is not found that these nations had anything written a})out their religion or about their
government, or of their old-time history. All that
we have been able to learn has been handed down
from father to son in tradition, and is preserved
in their customs; and in some songs that they retain
in their memory and repeat when they go on the sea,
sung to the time of their rowing and in their merrymakings, feasts, and funerals, and even in tteir
work, when many of them work together. In those
songs are recounted the fabulous genealogies and vain
deeds of their gods.
Among their gods is one who
is the chief and superior to all the others, whom the
Tagalogs c&ll p~:!,_!?_gJa Mev~aEal,2
which signifies
11 God" the "Creatorir or 0 1viakcr".
The Visayans call
him La..QQ, which denotes "antiquity".
They adored (as did the Egyptians) animals and
birds; and the sun and moon, as did the Assyrians.
2 - Pastells discusses the meaning of the word Bathala;
- he thinks that it is ascertained "bv resolving the word into
its primary elements, ~%ta and Ala = 'Son God, or Son of
God'.
This is why the first missionaries did not deprive
the natives of this name when they instructed th$m about the
existence of God a~d the mysteries of the Trinity, the incarnation,. and redemption, as states an anonymous but very
circumstantial relation written at Manila on April 20, 1572.
This is more evident in tb e song which the Mand2yan baylans used in their sacrifices, when they chant the M;i.m_insad.
The Iv'iandayas believe that Man.silatan is the fat her of Batla
( ~ being a prefix -which indicates paternity, being, or
dominion), and the Busao who takes possession of the baylanas
when they tremble, and of the Baganis when they become furious; it is a power which is derived from Mansilatan ••.•
This interpretation of the word Bathala is confirmed by
that word of the Visayans, Qiuata; we always find here the
same idea signified in the wo~ds Diw~ and ~~tq, differing
only in their transposition •••• In closing, we may note
that Dtwa in Malay, De'i§: in Javanese; §_u_n_qg, Makasar, and
Day (akTT, Dev~ in M...aguindanao, and Qj_eba.!§. in Bornean,
signify 'the supreme God', or "Divinity," --- B. & R.
-142-
They also attributed to the rainbow its kind of divinity.
The Tagalogs worshiped a blue bird as large
as a ~urtl e-dove, ~hich they called t ~g~;3-m_<;1-nt1g1,l~!;l,
to which they attributed the name of .u2.coa1a., wnich,
as above stated, was among them a n~rne for_divinity.
They worshiped the crow, as the ancients did the god
Pan or the goddess Ceres, ar_d called it IJiovlu-qa, signifying "master of the earth~ 1'
'I'h<Jy held the crocodile in the grea~est veneratio~, and when they saw
it in the water cried out, in all subjection, "Hano,"
signifying "Grandfatherir. They asked it pleasantly
and tenderly riot to harm them, and for tho.t purpose
offered it a portion of what they carried in their
boat, by thrmving it into the 1c,1at er. 'I'lnre was no
old tree to which they did not attribute divine
honors, and it was a sacrilege to think of cutting
it under any consideration.
Even the very rocks,
crags, reefs, and points along the seashore and rivers were adored, and an offering made to them on
passing, by stopping there and placing the offering upon the rock or reef. The river of Ivianila had
a rock that served as an idol. of that wretched people for many years, and its scandal lasted and it
gave rise to many evils, until the f&thers of St.
Augustine, who were near there., broke it 1 through
their holy zeal, into small bits and set up a cross
in its place. Today there is an image of Et~ Nicholas of Tolentino in that place, in a small shrine
or chapel o
Tulfhen sailing to the isla.nd o:z.' Pa.nay,
one saw on tne point, called Nasso, n8ar Pot.al, a
rock upon which were dishes and othar pi?ccs of
cook:ery-ware, 1J11hich were offered to it b'/ those who
went on the sea. In the island of Mind::i.nao, 'between
La Caldera and the river, there is a great point of
land, on a rough and very hig~ coast.
The sea
is forever dashing against these headlands, and it
is difficult and dangerous to double ther:i,
r,'Jhen
the people passed by that one, as it was so high,
they offered it arrows, which they shot at the cliff
itself with so great force that they st,1c:{ there,
off erin,g_, them as if inm sacri.f ice so that it would
allow thGm to pass. lhere -were so raany of these arrows th~t, although the Spaniards set fire to them
and burned a countless number of ther:1 in hatred of
so cursed a superstition, many rem3.ined there, and
the number increased in less than one year to more
-143than four thousand.
They also adored private idols, 1Jbich each one
inherited from his ancestors. The Visayans called
them _gj.vata, and the Tagalogs@j.to,
Of these idols
some had jurisdiction over the m0untains and open
country, and perr;1ission ·:tJas as.teed f rorn them to go
thither.
Others had jurisdiction over the sowed
fields, and the fields were co!JlI11ended to them so
that they might prove fruitful; and besides the sacrifices they placed articles of food in, the fields
for the anij:,.9_§.. to eat, in order to place tnem
under greater obligations.
There was an g_gitQ of
the sea, to w horn they commended their fisheries and
navigations; an anito of the house, whose favor they
implored whenever an infant was born, and when it was
suckled and the breast offered to it. They placed
their ancestors, the invocation of whom was the first
thing in all their work and dangers, among these
anitos.
In mer~ry of their ancestors they kept certain very small and very badly made idols of stone,
wood, gold, or ivory, called licpa or lgraV.§,ll•
Among their gods they reckoned also all those who
perished by the sword, or who were devoured by crocodiles, as well as those killed by lightning. They
thought that t,he souls of such irmnediately ascended
to the blest abode by means of the rainbow, called
by them oalan2:ci9.
Generally, whoever could succeed in it at~ributed divinity to his aged father at
his death~ The aged themselves died in thnt presumptiwus del '1sion, and. during their s ic~mess and at
their death gaided all their actions with what they
imagined a divine g!'c1vity and manner.
Consequently, they chose as the place for their grave sone assigned spot, like one old man who lived on the seacoast between Dulac and Abuyog, which is in the island of Leyte. He ordered hirnoelf placed there in
his coffin (as was done) in a house standing alone
and distant from the settlement, in order that he
might be recognized as a god of navigators, who were
to commend thernsel ves to him·. Another had himself
buried in certain lands in the mountains of Antipolo,
and through reverence to hin. no one dared to cul tivate those lands (for t~ey feared ~hat he who should
so would die), until an evc-1,ngelical minister removed
that fear from them, and now they cultivate them
-144without harm or fear.
Thev mentioned the creation of the world, the
beginning-of the human race, th8 flood, glory, p~nishment, and other invisible things, such as evil
spirits and devils. They recognized the latter to
be man's enemy, and her.ce feared them. By the beginning which they assigned to the world and the
human race, will be soen the ~anity of their belief,
and that it is all lies and fables. They say that
the world began ~ith only the siy and water, between
which was a kite. Tired of flying and not having
any place whe1·e it could alighs, the kite stirred up
the water a[ainst the sky. The sky, 'in oruer to
restrain the water and prevent it' from r,L)Lirtin½ to
it, burdened it with islands; and also ordered tte
kite to light and build i-ss nest on them, ancl leave
them in peace. ?hey said that men had come from
the stem of a large bamboo ( such as one sees in
this 0-rient), w11ich had on~-Y two nod,.,1les. That
bamboo, floating on tl:e vrnter, ·1rns carried by the
waves to the feet of the kite, which was on the seacoast. The kite, in anger at what hac, st:'.'"_lck its
feet, opened tne bamboo by picking it with its beak,
When it was openPd, out of one no~ule came ~an and
from the other woman.
Aft er varicus cl.if i':lcul ties
because of the obstacle of consanguinity in the
first degree, one of the gods nar:.:ely, the earthquake, a:ter consulting Witt the fish and bJ_rds,
absolved them, and they married and had :-na.iiy children, Fro1a those children ea.me the vario·J.s kinds
and classes of people. For it happened that the
pa.rr:mts, angered at h&ving so many ci'iildren idle
and useless in the :O.ouse, .took counsel to:<;other;
afterv·Jard the father one day gave wa:r to his, anger,
and was desirous of punish!ng them with a stick
which he had in his hand (a thing which they never
do}. The children fled, so that some of them took
refuge in the chambers and innerrr..ost parts of the
house, from whor:1 they say ct:me the chiefs j oth'3rs
escaped outside, and from them came the freemen,
whom they call timauas; others fled. to the kitchen
and lower parts-;and They are t,he slaves; others
fled to various distant places, and they are the
other nations.
-145It is not known whether there was any temple)
in all these islands, or any place assigned in common for worship, or that the people ever assembled
for public functions.
In private they were wont to
ha."e in their own houses (and not ou.tsJ.de them in
any cavo or like place) so~2 ~inct of altars, on
which tlwy :'.)leced tl1eir :,;.c.olr1j and before them a
small brE,sier with burn:Ln~: a:ror:_at,ics. But a:i"chough
they had no temples, they .d!icl not lack p:c:Lests or
priestesses for ~he sacrifice, which each onG offered
for his own purpose or nccess~ty.
The Tagalogs
~alled those cursed ministers cat8lonan, and the Visayans L8ba·~~n.
Some were priestt ~y interitance
and relatio:1sbip; oth3rs by the dexterity with which
they cause,i_ them~3el ves to be ins-1:.ructed E..tnd substituted in the office of femo 11s priests by gaining
their goodwill.
Others were deceived by the devil
with his wonted w:.I.J.es, and made a pa.et l:Jith i1:-1.m to·
assist them, £.nd to hold C'.)nverse with him through
their idols or a:1j.tos; &nd he appeared to them in
vnrious forms.
The method of making the sacrifices
hinged on the different purp-oses for -,vhich tl1t~Y
were intended. I~ it ~ere for a feast of os~entation and vanity that was being ~ade to some chie~,
they cc.lled it 11 thc feast of the grc1t god.,;,
T:ie
method of celebrating it was nea~ tLe ~0use of th0
chief, in a J.ea~y bo;er which th~y er3c~ed especially fo:;:, that pur:JoSc"l, hung round abcut w:Lth iian1;ings
•
.h
•
f as·1J.o:i.1,
l '
.,
,
71,1
•
in
ti._l.eJ_l'
name.qr,
tJrn
JJ1oor:.;.sn,
,,,ric,'1 v.'ere
lnf' de l rom odcis and ends of piec 3,s, of Y,irii<LlS co lors. The guests assori1bled there, and tte i::icriCE:S :1Rving been prepared (on these oc8ario··,1s of a
feast ueual}_y some ~ooc. fat pig), the cecta:!..ona ordered the 2irl of the best upnearence ~nd who was
best aJorn~d to give the spc~r-ttru3t to the animal, amidsi. t1-ie ceremony of ccrtair;. d::mces 0:: theirs.
When tLe an:i_rna1 wHs ddFid it, was r:ut i 11to b :i.ts and
divided amo1~ all the people, as is the blessed
bread. Althou~h othar animals wore kiJled and
oaten, and other viands and ref~:--eshmcnts :)ec;u.liar
1
3 - nrrhe :Mahornctans
lanr:a" (Pa~te11°) Lt>ca~rn:i
tfiets have/' no-· ( ;·eli~iou~)
temples nor idols, nor do
•
,
(IVToi.'G~,) had their mosque, or
says (Vol. III, p. 60): 11 'fhe healai-J at all; th0y h:1ve neither
they offer any sacrid.ces.--B. & R.
-14-6to these people were used, thnt animal was the.one
esteemed and was reverently consuMed.
The chief
p~trt of the feast was t,he drinking, accompanied, us
ever, with much music and dancing.
It r,~mains fo :c us to so E:)ak of the:Lr mortt:.ary
cnstoms. As soon as t;.-1n r-ic°>: person dL)S, they be[!in to bm,va:Ll him with sots :~Le: Gries - not or.ly the
;2latives and ffiencis, but a!s0 those who have that
;J.S a trade and. hire thel't1selves 0 1t for that purpose.
They put into thei.r so:r..g innumerab~_e bits of nonSf:mse in pr~1ise of the rloceas1::id.
To the: sound of
that Bad ruusic, they washed the body. They perfumed it wi~n storax, or benzoin, aEd other perfumes, obtain8d froril trce-re:,i.ns which ar·e :found
throu~nout thGse forest~;~
Havin::i: do:r.e that -t:,hey
1
3hrouaed the corp3e, wrappinp 'it-in a greater or
less numbr::;r of cloths, according to the rank of the
deceased.
The most 1)o't1erfuJ. were a no:i_nt od and emb:::ln,ed according tc the manner of the Hobrmvs, with
aromatic liqu0rs w].-dc£1 preserve tho bouy from corruption, especially that lliade from the nloes wood,
or as it is callP.d, ea_:;le-wood.
That wood is much
esteemed &nd Ere~tly used tnroughout thls Indiu
e:;~tra Gar:_ge"."!1.
The sap from tr.e ')lent c:'.lled "au.yo
Twflich-is the fa:nous o'etril of Gll~ Inciiu) 1,1as nl~30
used for- that :r-urpose. A quantity of thQt sap was
placed in the mouth so that it wouln react the interior.
The grave of poor peopl9 w&s a hole in
the ground under their own houses. Aft;~:r tha rich
and po~0rful were bewailed for three day8, they
W8re pl,qced ir1 a box or coffin of fa1cor:::·uptible wood,
the ~oJy ado~ned with rich jewels, 2nd w:th sh0cts
of gold over tte mouth and eves.
Tte box of cofftn ""as c1ll of one pi0::cG, and was gc'!nera].ly d11f~ out
of the trun~ of a larze tree, and the lid was so
adjusted that no air could enter. Ey such moans
some bodies have beeri found uncorrupted after the
lapse of many years. These coffins were placed in
one.:: of three r.ilacen, ,:;.ccording to thE: inc:.ina-t:,ion
and co~nand of the deceasetj. That place was either
in the upper part of tho house with the jewels, which
a~e generally kept there; or in the lower part of
it, raisec1 up from the i-;::..~ound; or in the r;round itself, in ~n open hole ~nich iG surroundod with a
small railin's, wit 11out covering the coffin over with
e3rth.
Near it they gGnerally placed anothef box
-11+7filled with tlw best clothi.ng of the deconsed, cmd
at suitable times v~rious kinds of food were vlaced
on dishes for them, Beside the men were placed the
weapons, and beside the women-their looms or other
instrum~_mts of labor. If they were much beloved by
those who,bew~iled them, they were not permitted to
go alone. A good meal ~as given to some slave, male
or f emal 8, and onr:.: of those rnost liked by the deceased; and then he was killed, in order that he
might accompany t:1e d ece&sed. Shortly ~JeforG the
entrance of the faith into the is7.und of Bool, one
of the chiefs of tl-,c:1t i:,land i·:iad hir.;.self buriod in
+• • L t'
•
] l .oc.r&n.i::iay,
• d o··f ooav,
a .kin
w11ic1j_
.,i10. n:.-:1t1ves
ea_
surrounded o y 2 evr:n1ty sloves with orms, an1rnunition,
1
and food - just as he >;vas want to 0 o out upon his
raids and ~obbcries whon in life; Dnd aa if he were
to be as great a pirate in the other life as in
this. Others buried their d9ad in the open country,
and made firet3 for many days under the house, and
set guards so that the deceased should not return
to_ carr:;r away those 1'Jho had rf:;mained..
After the funeral the lamen~ations cea8od, although the 0ating and drunkenness did not. On the
contrary, the latter continued for a gr0ater or less
time, according to the rank of the aece~scd. The
widow or widower ~nd the orphans, and other r8la1 as . .,
~·ivec ''/1,.,0
1·' ,-y,E, v1no'"'t- ar"·r='ect- l., (J. by t;
crr•i' ccf
f',-.c.-il
°v
'
-··
1
1
7
-i
"
d
,.
··t
.
.,
f,,,
·
rq
·"
"l'
.,,.:
'"'h u"'nd
S~.gn Q __ IT'.OUJ'.lL.ng, L,n aus a1.1.ec1 ... 0 ,_ l.J..8u 1, .L..~.:,.'
otbcr ,:-,ood p•:,ti"1"' c1urin.cr tho ·r, davc.· na11c1-t
but ve·--b geta~le~, and those only sparingly, That manner of
~acting or nsnitence for the dead is ca:lcd sioa
1'"0;1rnJ'
,--·].. L.:..;"-'
7'J'7~·
b v tl,.,·:,'···r-,aaal
l1V
c·--- Qn'S
i. •
v ..
... 1···0'
le::.: aY\'lonP'
,-.:!:;, t.,.'t1·e· T')
r'.t..;:.)c~
..l...:,
bJ_ack, i:-inci aritong the Visayans white, and in adcdtiion
the Visc1yans shave the htiad and. eyebrovH··J.
At tl1e
death of a ~hief silence must regin in the village
until the interdict was raised;. and that lasted a
greater or less nur:1ber of dc1ys, accordi.np: to his
U - ~
..;
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I.
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C-'
V
0 ,
C\ U V V -..:.,
:,..l
1:.l
.,,
..1..
'
J.
.. , q
. ~-;
.
J.·.t
-
.
0
.
U
~
-·
.,: U
.
l·1
r0nk. During that time no S()un.d or no~:_sc was to
be heard anywhore, under pennlty of in:'.:'a.rr~y.
In rogurd to this even the villa~es along tho river-bank
placed 3 certain signal aloft, so that no one might
sail by th3t side, or enter or leave tho village,
under r~nalty of death. They deprived anyone who
broke that silence of his life, with t~e greatest
cruelty and violence. Those who were killed in
war were celebrated in their lamentations and in
-148their .funeral rites, and much time was spent in
offering sacrifi.ces to or for them, accor.1panied
with m3ny banquets, and drunken revsls, If the
dGath had happened through violence-- in war or
pe,·ce, by treason, or any other manner - the mourning was not :aid aside nor tlrn iYJ.·I, c;rcict l'aised
until the children, brother~, or relatives 1 killed
crn 8gual nw:nber not only of -i.~hsir enemies and the
murderers, but 3.lso of any s·':.ran?;e persons who were
not their frionds. Like· hi~hway . ·men and robbers they
prowled on land and se3, anJ ~ent on tho hunt for
men, killin~ as many a3 they could until their fury
wa.s appeased. That barbarous kind of VGl".geance
is called ~nlata a~d in token of it th8 neck was
girt with
which was worn until the number
of persons prescribed had been killed. Then a great
feast and banquet was nade, the interdict ~as ,raised,
nnd at its proper time the mourning was removed.
In all the above are clearly seen the traces of
heathendom &nd of thos~ anci0nt rites and customs
so celebrated and noised about by good aQthors~ by
which many other nations, more civilized, were considered as famous and worthy of history.
a.strap
Of the systems of writing, languages 2nd civilities
of the Filipinos, the same author makes the following ob-
.
1
servat1.ons:
From the ::ihc..1pe, nwnber, and use of the char~cters and letters of tLis nation it ia auitc evident that they 2rc all taken from the l,foro Iv[e:l&ys
and originuted from the Arabs.
The vnvrnl J.E.itters
are only three in number, but they S(:;I'.7e for five
in their use; for the s0cond and third ~re indifferently 8, i, y, o, and u, according LLS is required by the meanin1 or sens8 of the word which
is apoken or written,
1 - I'g_iti•, pp, 4fi"'."60, being; portions of the 13th
chapter of Colin' s 1abor Evan.!cI.2.+Jcg.
-149'rlH:1 consonants are thirteen in number, and
serve (except at the beginning of the phrase or
initial letter) as consonant and vowel; for the
letter alone, without a dot above or below, is
pronounced with 11 A 11 ,
If a do~ be placed above, the consonant ~s
pronouncE)d with 11 e" or "i".
If the dot be placed below, it is pronounced
with "o" or "un.
Thus the "B" with tne dot above
is pronoi__mceJ "bi 11 or 11 be", nnd with the ciot below,
11 bo"
or "bu".
For example, in order to say 11 camai1 (i.e.,
bed) the two 1 ett ers 11 CII and "Iv'11 1 are sufficient
without a dot.
I
If a dot be placed above the "C" it will be
11 quema 11
11 co mo 11
(i.e.,
11 f:l.:ce 11 , )
If dots be placed below each, it will be
( i • e • , n as n ) ,
The final consonants are supplied in all express ions. Thus in order to say 11 cnntara (i.e.,
11 to sing 11 }, one wr:Ltes 11 catan, only a 11 ca and n, 11 T11
To say 11 barba 11 (beardn), two 1tB1 sn G.re f3U.:'ficiont.
•
':Jith all the supplements, ho who reads in
that langu.:ige will, if hG be skilful, havo no trouble in pronouncin: the words or phrases correctly
bv substitutinr,: the letters that must oo ::::ubstit;1ted ,'.1ccording to the s0nse.
But since that 21ways occasions difficulty, those who k~ow our characters are studying how to write tht.dr O'\!D lanp'.uage
in these.
All of. them have now ado:rted our wny
of writing, ·with tho lines from 1 e~'.:t to righ'.:.; for
formerly they only wrote verticallJ cow~ and up,
·plac1'nr• the 1.".,J.·1,s+ l ·J..~[ t-o tr1'" 1 "'f·I:, c1nrl [' 11 Iffil1"" the
o'chE:rs continu.ously to the right, just opposi~;e
to the ChineSEi and tTapanese, who althougi:1 they write
in vertical up and down J.inas, continue tte page
from th,J rip;ht to the lf::ft.
All tlw,t points to a
great antiquity; for running the lirn-:l from the
•
{:}
J'
-
V
•·-
11"
..,._,
V
'.J
..!- V
'
.,
,.,.
•
'·
0
right to the left is in accordance with the present
1
-150-
and general style of the Hebrews; und the style of
runnin;-:i: the lines vertically fron: the top to the
bottom7 is that of the o1dest nation of the Chinesei..vhich doubtless greatly resembles. the rnothod of the
Hebrews, whose chnrc.cters have much resemblance to
thej_rs.
Those of the iforo Arabs resemble those
of the Syrians, Diodorus Siculus, who wrote iq-the
time of the Ntperor Caesar Au1rustus, in making
mention of an island which luy in our middle re~ion, or torrid zone (wh:l.ther Iamblicus the Greek
vrnnt in the course of lds :3.dv2nt ures), says that
they do not write horizontally as we do, but from
top to bottom in a stra5.fht line; and thc.t they
use charc-iC!tdrs which, although few in number, ma.lee
up in their USE' for man1, for· ee.ch one 2-w::: four different transformations.
Consequently, one may see
thut that method of writing, and tlrn chur'acters of
those nations, are very old.
Beforj they knew anything about paper (and
even yet they do in places where they cannot get
it}, those p•2ople wrote on bamboos or on palmleaves, using as a pen the point of a knife or
other bit of iron, with which they engraved.the
letters on the smooth side of the bamboo.
If they
write on palm-leaves they fold and then seal the
t ter wh en writven,
. +•
.
1
_t..e
J.n
our rnann,3r. T.hey .:Ll.. .....7 c1 ing
fondly to their own method of writing and re3ding.
There is scarcely a man, and still less a woman,
who doGs not know and pra et ice th,'..1t me':;_:·tod, even
those who are already Christi~ns in matters of devotion.
For from the sermons which thoy he8r, and
the histories and live3 of the s3ints, and the prayers and poems on divine matters, composod by themselves (they have 2lso some perfect poets in their
rn,:tnner, who translate elegantly :i.nto the::.r language any Spanish comedy), they use small boois and
prayerbooks in their lnngua 0 e, and manu~-cri:p~cs
1vhich are in great num:Jer; as is aI'f'irrned in his
manuscript history by F2.ther Pedro Ch::Lrj_no, to whom
the provisor and vicar-genernl of this .cn·chb:Lshopric
entrusted 'the visit and examination of those books
in the year one thousand six hundred and nine,
for t~e purpose o:c' prlJVentinp; errors. That was a
holy proceeding, anC ono that was very proper among
so new Christians.
-151,!
The Fil:tp'inos· easily accustom themselves to
the Spanish letters and method of writine. They
are greatly benefited thereby, for m~ny of them
write now just like us, because of their cleverness
and quickness in _j_mitating any letter or design, and
in the doing ot anything with the hands. There are
some of them who commonly serve as clerlrn in the public accountancies and secretaryships of the kingdom.
We have known sofue so capable that they have deserved
to become officials in those posts. amd perhaps to
supply those offiCGS ad mterin1. They also are a
great help to students in making clean copies of
their rough drafts, not only in Romance but also in
Latin, for there are already some of them who have
learned that language. Finally, they are the
printers in the two printing-houses in this city
of Manila; and they are entirely competent in that
work, in which their skill and ability are very evident.
Coming now to the other point, that of their
languages, there are many of these. For in this island of Manila alone there are six of them, which
correspond to the number of the provinces or _civilized nations; the Tagalog, Parnpanga, Ca111:1-rines ( or
Visayan), Cagayan, and those of tha Ilocans and Pangasinans.
These are the civilized nations,
We
do not yet know the number of the nations of the
Negrillos, Zambals, and other mountain 11-?.t ions. Although the civilized languages are, strictly speaking, dissimilar, they resemble one another, so that
in a short time those people can understand one another, and those of the one nation can converse with
those of another - in the same way as the Tuscan,
Lombard, and Sicilian, in Italia; and the Castilian,
Portuguese, and language of Valencia in Espana. The
reason why these law;uages resemble one another so
closely is the same as in Italia and Espana,
For
as the latter lan~uages originated from the Roman,
just so do these orirdnate from the M.-11ay.
For
proof of that it is i1ecessary to do nothing else
than to compare the words and idioms, or the modes
of speech, of each one of these languages with the
Malay, as will be seen in the following table, in
whicn is made the comparison of the three most important languages, th~ Tagalog, Visayan, and Pam~
panga. Since for the sake of brevity the comparison
-152-
is made in a few words, whoever is interested can
with but sli~:ht :Labor extend the comparison through
many words.
cieJ.o(i,e.,sky) langriet
so 1 ( i • e • , sun ) mate: ari
1 una ( i • e • , moon } oulcrn1
Tasralog
Paffil?.8.ngQ
Visuau
lanngit
arao
banon
aldao
bulan
laguit
arlao
bulan
Bouan
Of these lan~uages the two most general are the
Tagalog' which is llS ed through the g l'eat er part of the
coast and intarior of the isJ.and of Iv:fanila, and the islands of Lubang and Mindoro; Rnd the VisG.yan, which is
spoken througl1out a11 t~1e isl,snds of Pinta.dos~ Of the
two without doubt the most courteous, grave, artistic,
and elegRnt is the Tagalog, fo~ it shares in four qualities of the four greatest languages in the world,
. l T~avin,
+- •
,
•
",T • t}
name 1 y, IJ.eb rew, ,,-,uree,r,
an d 0pan:i,_s,1,
~~1
1 t'ne
Hebrew, besides the resemblance already noted in the
mann0r of its vowels and consonants, it hc:s the roots
of the vocables and their hidden a:::1d obscure meaning
( sus prenezes, y mister:i.os) and_ sorn0 zutturals; with
the Greek, tho articles in the declension of nouns,
and in the conjugations the abundance of voices and
moods; with the Latin, the abundance and elegance; with
the Spanish, the fine structu~:--e, polish, c.nd courtesy.
• • • Among the u.ncivj_lized nations, o.lthoue:h the people are fewer, the lang'..lages a:..,e mo:.... e; for almost
every river has its ovm :Cc..n2:ua;..::e.
In 1\tLnd.oro ( and
the same v'1il1 he true oi othe~-~ (~isti'~_cts more remote)
we saw the b:irbaroi.,w r·:a.nr:uianJs a.:,3cH,:b1in.0: from
places bnt lit·0J.e distant fro;n EJac~1 other,~ who did
not understand one unother. 'l1lwy vnre so barbarous
that they had never seen & Spanish face. The things
sent them to attr2ct them wer·8 hawkr f'-belJs, nails,
needles, and other s :i.i/ilar thi11gs. '1.'hey thought ·
that the i,,ounds of the harp ::ri.1d guitr.,.r ·;,vere human
voices. When u niirror was heid up b,~fo:c!:J t-hem, they
exhibited sinzular effects, in one of fear and in
another of joy. T~1e la cJc of civil i ~c1tion Dnd corn-:
munication is tbe :ceE1son for the 1n 1ltiplicity of.
languages. For just as in the pri;:nit.ive multiplication of languages which toolc pJ.ac(3 in the tmrnr
of Babel, the docto1~s observe that the languages
1,. '
1
-153equaled the number of :families o.f the descendarits of Noah, so amonz the barbarouD nations ench
one lives to itself alone wi~h.out any recognition
o1 or subjection to public laws-. They are always
having petty wnrs and dissensions amon~ themselves; and, since the; lack cornII1unic:.rt.ion, they
forget the comn1on langunge, ,::.md each one has so
corrupted its own language thE1t it cannot understand the othurs.
We .observed in soma districts
thGt ono language was spoken at the rr;.outh of a river and another one at its source. That is a
great hindrance to the conversion and instr~ction
of those peoples.
The polish and c0urtesy, especinl~y of the Tagalogs and those near them, in speech and writing
are the same as those of very civilized nations.
They never say 11 tuif (i.e., "thou a) or spE)ak in the
second person, singular or plural, but always in
the third person: , thui;!, ) 11 Tl1e chief would. like this
or that. 11
Especially a woman when addressing a
nan, even thoush they be equal and of the middle
class, never say :;..ess than i1Sirn or nrvbuter, ;, and
that after every wcrdl ,i;;t,en I v'llc.l.G comlnt, sir,
up the rive:r·, I 3ff\iJ, sj_r, ,3t e. n
In w:,:'::_ting they
mc..1ke constrmt u.se of very LLne and delicato c:;~0 I.... ren"""'~
..,n d 1--,V e"c:l ll.Ll.,..L-: e·-'0 c..~ n·.a' co·· 1J1··+L"> .,_, •
pres S].•• on"'
J.:0
. 1...-!VU.,,\
0 d.L \.'l'
Their m&nner of salutation ;-JhE::n L,hey me-c one C:i.nother 1°1as the removal of the P,o·:9J}l::, 1'1hich is a
cloth like a crown, worn aa we wear tho tat.
When
an inferior addressed one of higier-r1nk, the courtesy used by hi:·11 t:a::: to inclir.;e hir D')dy J.ow, and
then lift one or- toth hands to t11P fac0, to 11eh the
cheeks vdtl1 it, ::rnd at tl:.e sc%e t.:5.rne r·-d.se 0118 of
the feet in the air by doublin~ tLe knee, anct thon
seating oneself.
The method of doin~ j t was to
fix the sole of the feot firruly, and 1ouble both
knees, without touching the ground, kJn~inz the
body upright and the face raised. 'I'h0:r bent in
this m2nner witr1 tl-:e hec_d uncova:i'cd ::1;1:..~ the p.9.~9J1g_
thrown over the left shouldel' like a r,,.;v'cl; they
had to wait until they were auastianed, for it
would be oad breeding - to say anyth:Lrns until a question was asked.
C-1...,
'Cl
The method of giving names was the following.
As soon as a child was born, it was the mother's
-154business to name it. Generaliy the occasion or
motive of the name was taken from some one of the
circumstances which occ~rred at the time.
For
example, Maliuag_, which means "difficult, n because
of the difficulty of the birth; Malacas, which signifies 11 strong 11 , for it is thought. that. the infant
will be stronr:.
'i'his is liko the custom of the
Hebrew~, as a~penrs fro@ Holy Writ.
At other times
the name was given without any hidden meanin::':, from
the first thing that struck the fancy, as Daan,
which signifies 11 road", and Da~!£, signifying ngrass 11 •
They were called by those names, without the use of
any surname, until they were married. Then the
first son or daughter gave the surname to the parents, as Amani Maliua.!!., Jnani r::al~.§.i. 11 the father
of r-~aliuag, n 11 the mothel" of MalacaE:; 17 • The names of
women are differentiated from those of men by adding the syllable •·1 in 11 , as Ilog, "rivern; Si 1log,
the name of a E1al e; Si lloguin, the name of a f emale. They used very tender diminutives for the
children, in our mcmner. Among tlrnmsel ves they
had certain domestic and delicate appellations of
va:.~ious sort::3 for the different degrees of relationship - as ,that of 2 child for his father and mother, and vice versa.
In the same way (they have
appellations, for their ancestors, descendants,
and collaterals. This shows the abundance, elegance, and courtesy of this language. It is a general thing in all these nations not to llave special
family names which are perpetuated to their successors, but·each individual has the sin~le name
that is given him at birth. At present this name
serves as surname, and the peculiar name is the
Christian name of Juan or Pedro which is imposed at
baptism.
However, there are now mothers so Christian and civilized that they will not assign any
socular name to their children until tlF~ Christian
name has been given In boptism, and then the surname is added, al though it ha.:3 alrr;ady been chosen
after consultation with the parents and relatives.
In place of our 11 Don 11 ( which indeed has been cwsigned to them as much abuse as among ours el vos),
in some districts they formerly placed before th~ir
names, Lacan or Gat: as the I-Ioluccans use Cachil,
the Africans MulC:D::, the Turks Sultc:ill, etc.--The
11 Donn of the ,1omen is not Lac an or Gat, hut r1Dayang,
D2yang I,fati, Dayan,,:,: Sanr,:uy~ i.e., aflona Mutia, HDona
Sanguy 11 •
-155There is g e1v:1r2l distaste among our Tago.logs
to mention one ::mo::;r:ie:r Clrnong themselves by th2ir
own names alone, without adding something which
smells of courtesy.
When th0y are asked by the
Spaniards "Who is So-and-so?" and they cannot avoid
naming hi:r..t by his ovm name, they do it. with a certain
shamefacednesf., and urnbarrcssr'1crnt. Inasmuch ar: the
rnDthod of namiEg one is fithe fr,ther of So-and-so, 11
as soon as he has children, rrn· him v1ho lwd no children (among persons of influence}, his relatives
and acquainttmces ;;ssemhled at n 1:),::tnquet, and gave
hi.ma new narno there, which +,lie.:,y designatc)d as Pamngat.
That w2s usually a nam.e of excell0ncc~ by
some circumlocution or metaphor, 'uased on the:l.r
own old name. Th~s if one was called by his own
name, B~cal, which- sign:ifie,s irironH the now nane
gj_ven h:1.00~1ld be Iirrintci.n.3.es,:,ri, s~gnifying •1not to
spoil with time~ 11 If' it wer:) BavJ.ni, ,,1hicl: signifies 11 valiant. 11 and spir:i.te.d, 11 -he \/JEJ.0 caJ.1eC: !J:.Elal_g_nitan "he to whom no onu is bold."
It is also tl1e
custom among these natior:s to call or:.e nnother
·among thems~lves, by way of frienrlship, by certain
correlative names hased on some special circums- -tance.
Thus if one had givon a br~nch of swuet
b&s il to another, the t1.i·JO-~ among therr~s elves cr1.lled
each other Casolasi, the name of the thine given;
or Caytlog, he ~ho ~te an o~ an egr with another. This
::Ls in the rnFJ.Lnei-· of the namut; of f.'ullow-students ur
chums, as used by us. These are all ~rg~ments in
f~vor of the civilization of these Indians.
Concerning the pcli tical and social insti-~utions
among the Pilipinos, .. their government, their ln1:rn, the
administrati~n of justice, their marriage custornu, inheritance laws, slavery, 0tc. -' Colin in the same work
~
.
.
1
ma k es t h e toll
owing
o b servation.s:
l - Ib.ig_., pp. E:52-93 being part~:i of tho 16th chapter
of Colin' s 1.§Qqr EVfil!fJJJJc:1,
·
-156There were no kint".S or rulers worthy of mention, throughout this a~chipelago; but there were
many chiefs who doHinated otl-1ers 1 ess powerful.
As there were many without much power, th(ffB was no
security from the continual wars that were waged
between them. :Manila had two chiefs, uncle and nephew, who had equal power and authority. They were
at war with another chief, who was chief alone; and
he was so near that tbey were separated from one.
another by nothing more than n not very wide river.
The same conditions ruled in all the rest of the
island, and of even the whole archipelago, until
the entrance of the faith, when they were civen
peace - which they now nst.eem much more than all
that they then obtained from those petty wars and
their depredations.
They were divided into barangays, as Ror~ into districts, and our cities into parishes or colJ.ntions. They are called barangays, which is the name of a boat, preserving the
name from the boat in which they came to settle
these islands. 3ince they came subject to one leader in their barffngay, 1vho acted as their captain
or pilot - who was accompanied by his children, relatives,. friends, and comrades - .1fter landing, they
kept in company under that leader, who is the dat~.
Seizing the lands, they began to cultivate them and
to make use of them. They seized as much of the
sea and near-by rivers as they could preserve and
defend from any other barangay, or from many baran-gays, according as they had settled near or far
from others. Although on all occasions some barangays aided and protected others, yet the slave
or even the timau§!_ or freemen could not pass from
one barangay to another, especially a married man
or a married woman, without payin~ a certain quantity of gold, and ·giving a publ:ic feast to his
whole barangay; where this was not done, it was an
occasion for war between the two barangays. If a
man of one barangay happened to marry a woman of
another, the children had to be divided between the
barangays, in the scJ.me manner as the slaves.
Their laws and policy, which were not very
barbarous for barbarians, consisted wholly of traditions and customs, observed with so great exactness that it was not considered possible to break
them in any c ircimstance.
One was the res_pr;ct o.f
parents und eldors, carried to so great a decree
that not 8Ven the nume of one's f8ther co~ld pass the
lips, in the same way as the Hebrews (recorded) the
name of God.
The individuals, even the children,
must foJ.:low the ;;i:enoro.l (custom). Thero were other
laws aloe. For tEa deter~ination of their suits,
. . ..
t,,.1j e:r.>c was no o th.er :JU
. dge
nc, crimim:1..1,
than t~10 sa:id chief, w:i.th trn ass:l.stanc:e of some old
men of the saLle barGru 1 ay. With them tha suit was
determined in the folioiving form. They had the opponents summoned, and ondea70I'(-';d to ha.vc them come
to an agreement. But if.' thay would not agree, tl:wn
an oath was administered to each one, to the effect
that he would abide by what was determined and done.
Then they called for witnesse1::-: J and examined summarily. If trie proof was equal lOn both sides), the
,oo tl,.,
1!
ci. VJ_· 1·
;:i,
difference was given in favor of the one who pcnquered,
If the one who was defeat~d resisted, the
judge made hi~self a party to the cause, and all of
them at once &ttu~ked with the armed hand the one
defeated, and execution to the requirod amount was
levied upon. him.
The judge received tL.(:, larrcr
share of this amount, an.d. some was pairi to the witnesses of the 011(:l who won too suit, whiJ. o the poor
litigant received the least.
In criminal causes there were wide distinctions mc:ide bocause of t,hc rant of the murderer and
thu slain; nnd if the latter were a chief all his
kinsme;1 ·went to hunt for the murderer etnd his reluti ves, anJ toth sides engngE:d in war, unt:iJ. mediators undertook to declare the quantity of gold
duo for that murdor, in accordance with the appraisals to their custon. One half of that amount belonged to t~u chiefs, and the other hali ~a3 divided
el1·7 l (iI"AJ''.
rq1<·l re"I .'-''tl' ·n,:,·~ of '--1-1(;· d'·"a F·on-r tl"'J. c w·1 f·'o•
ceased.
'fiw ponn~_ty· o:;:' deT~h w1.~J nevGr imposed
by proc css of law, cxc ::ipt wh r-;r; thu murderer o.ncJ. his
v:i.ctirn were coLi,10:1 rr:.en e.nd :1r1d no ,u:old to satisfy
tht-) murder.
In Gt ch ,J case, if tEc m,m' s ~ti!:::9..
or rra~inco (for these are one and the saffie) d~d
not-kI:.1 him, the other chiefs did, spearing him
after lashing him to a stake.
.. .1
.t.:.::.::;
i,,,:;;
.J..._
'
.J • • • .L....._.
~
...,, . _ '
C:t..,.
.;
_ .. ~A
'V' ...., ~.)
•
U ,
1
In a matter of theft, if the crime were
proved, but not the criminal, and more than one
V
-158person was suspected, a canonical clearance from
guilt ha cl to be made in the following form,
First
they obliged each pbrson to put in a heap a bundle
of cloth, leaves, or anything olso that they Wished,
in VJ hich they r:ti.;,:ht discover the article stolon.
If the article stolen waF found in t~e heap, at
the end of thio effort, then the suit coased; if
not, one of three r~thods was tried. First, they
W8re placed in the part of t~e river whore it is
deepest, each one wi.th his wooden spoar in hi3 hand.
Then at the same time they wore all to bo plur~ed
under the water, for all are equal in this, and he
who came out first vrns regarded ai;i the criminal.
Consequently, many l.ot therr.so:l.ves drown for feur
of punishment. T11.e second was to place n stom, in
a vessel of boiling water, and to order them to take
it out. He who refused to put his hand into the
water paid the pe~alty for the theft. ~hirdly,
each ono was given a wax cand1 e o.f the sarno ·,dck,
and of equal size .:tnd wc:dg:ht. 'I'ho candles were
lighted at thE:; same time, and he whost:, cc:mdle first
went out was the culprit.
There ~re throe kinds and classes of people:
chiofs, whom the Visc:i.yan~3 call gato nnd tho Tagalogs maginoo; tho timo.uas, who are the ordinnry
common people, called muharlica among the Tag,s.lo(l;S;
and the slavos, called oripuen by the Visoyans and
alipin by the Tagalogs.
The last are divided into
several kinds, as we shall relate soon. The chiefs
attain that position gen8rally through their blood;
or, if not that, because of their energy and strength,
For even thout;h ono r1,ay be of low extraction, i.f he
is seen to bi:, carei\1-l, anc.i if ho gains some WeDlth
by his industry and schemes - whether by farilling and
stock-raising, or by trQding; or by any of the
trades amonJ them, r::uch ar. smith, jcwel(3r, or carpenter; or by robb0ry and tyranny, which ·wc:S the
most usual method - in -~hut w2y he g:: ins 8uthority
and reputation, and increases it the more he practices tyranny ;:;ncl v:i.olenc e. With these bcg:innj_ngs,
~he t2,k0s the nun~e of .9.::1to_; and others, whether his
relatives or not, come to him, and add credit and
estuem to him, and rnnke him a leader. Thus there
is no superior who E:ives him authorit~y or ·title,
beyond his own efforts nnd power. Conse~uently,
might was proclaimed as right, and he whci robbed
most and tyrannized most was the most powerful.
the
If his childrcm continued those t yro.nr..ies, they
conserved that grandeur. If on tnc; contrary, they
were men of little ability, who allowed themselves
to be subjugated, or wers reduced ,either by misfortunes and disastrous ha~pnnings, or by sicknesses
and losses, they lost their zrandeur with their
possessions, as is custom:.:;ry throughout ·::,.he world;
and the fact tho::it thoy had b.onorc::d pe,rents or relatives was of no ava~l to them, or is of no avail
to them now.
In thj_s wo.y it h&s happened that the
fqthcr might be &.. ~i-1:i_ef t and the son or brother o.
slave - and worse, oven a slave to his own brother.
Their manner of life and ordinnry conduct from
. , , is
• +-..,ra d e, in
• :u". l sor"s
t:
"' •
by
t .ne d,ays o i~ O.ia
OJ.,.. ,c111ngs
wholesale, a11rl. more by retc:::il in the products of the
enrth, in accordance with ¼hat is produced in each
district.
The niaritirne peoples are great. fis-I-1ers
with net, line, and coral, Th~ people who livG inland and (:XC(:3~lerrt farmers and hunte:,:,s.
':'hey are
always cultivatin~ rice, besides other vegetables
and garden products, quite different from those of
Europa,
The women also are shrewd in trading, especially of their wec:ving, needls work, and. emoroiderios, which they muke very n2atly; dnd there is
scarcely one who cannot read and write. Sometimes
tho husband and wife go together on their trading,
and, whether for this or for any other thing, she
must always go ahead; for it is not their custom
to go together. Even if it be a band wholly made
up of men or of -worn(m, or of mon and women mixed,
and even if' the road be very wide, they go in si n,e:J G
file one after the other.
.1.
In thEi celebration of their marriages, espousals, and divorces, and in tho giving and r~ceiving of dowries, they also proceeded acc,ording
to reason. , In the first place, they agreed as to
the dowrv, which is nromised and given evan Tl,.,now by
"+
the mo.n, in the sum nar:i.ed by the parentr,. vu.'.en ~v
is determined the betrothal takes place, gancraliy
with a conventional pene.lty whir-h i C\ :rigorously
E:xecutcd.
However, neith2r men nor wori1en tcJ.ke
it for an insult o• ~riove greatly if the betrothal be refused, bet~use then thoy benefit by·t~e
fine. The truth is, that if those who are bouna by
•
~
·
T
-160the fine were the parents, after their deaths the
children are free to break the contract without
incurring the penalty; by only the restitution of
the amount received as dowry.
Mntrimony at present includes, beside,s the
above, the delivery of tht~ person and thu do.vry.
The lattAr is not recei•rud by the -woriian but by hor
parents or relatives, as it ~ere se~lin~ tteir
girls, in the manner of the Aasopot~Mians and other
nations.
The parents conver·t:, the dmvrJ into their
own 'estate, and it is distributed. with other property, at their deaths, among all the children
equally. But if the son-in-law has been very obedient to his parents-in-law, then the latter eenerally return the dowry to their children.
The
other relatives are only depositaries of what they
must again d:3.liver to tho children. Be:3ides the
dowry, the cI1iefs formerly gave some pre.sents to
th8 parents and relatives, and even to the slaves,
to a greo.ter or loss amount according to the rank
of the bridegroom,
.
The pagan ceremony and form of marriage had
to be authorized by a s,':i.crifice; for aft or tho marriage had been agreed upon a~d th9 dowry paid over,
the catRlona came, and a hog was brought to her.
The cerernoniGs were performed as in other sacrifices. The lovers having seated themselves in
their bridal chamb or, each in the lap of an o1 d
woman who acted as godmother, the latter gave them
to eat from one plate and to drink from ono cup.
The bridegroom said tht:it, he took the woman to
wife, and, accepting her, the cat2 lonQ or Q!i,QE!.Yl.fil:ba
immediately gave them a thousand benedictions, saying to them: "Moy you be ·well mated. Yiay you hcget
many children and rrandchildren, al.l rich and brave, 11
and otlrnr things of this sort.
Thereupon the hog
was slain, and the lovers were married; and whon
the others bocame tired of dancirn; and ,3ingin,'3,
all became intoxicated and went to sleep. If tho
recently-married couple did not suit ea.eh other,
another sacrifice was ordered, in which the bridegroom himself danced and slew the victim -- the
~hile talking to hie illJ.:i.tg_, and offering himself to
it for the sake of peace and harmony with his vvi.fe •
That hav:Lng beun clone, he calmed himself, confident
that then and thcmceforth the two would J.ive in harmony, and onjoy thoir married life in peace.
These nations consider it irnportnnt to take a
wife only froN thoir own family, and the nearer the
b(3tter.
Onl:, they expoct th._3 fi.r:.3t grade (oI' kinship), for thuy c.d.1Jays consicl0red thet as a dissolving impediment. But ·\1'1h::tt mc=u·Tia.:;es were those in
which the contract 1:rns not indisso::..uble, and co0ld
be dissolved by the woman, if she were to blame,
merely returning the dowryl
If the husband were
to blame, i~ was not returned; and the marriage
could be repudiated by thems,alves, without any solemnity of law.
That was done da~ly for very slight
cau.s es, and new marriages wo:ro forued w::.th others.
Polygamy was not ~ho fashion among the Tagalogo.
However, if tho wife bore no childron,. the husband
could with his wife's permission hav~ them by his
slave women, in o.ccordhnce with the example of the
ancient patriarchs.
Arnonp; the principal Visayans,
the ministers of the gospel found established.the
custom of hnving tvw or more legitimate v1ives;, o.nd
large dowries, w~ich was a great obstacle to uhristianity.
Thus far in regard to rnarriace, As to the
children and their succession and inheritance, if
they were legitimate they :inherited equally in the
property of their parents, For lack o: legitimate
children th0 nearest relatives inherited, If there
were illeg;j.tj_mate children, who had for exarni')le been
had by a frecwoman, they had their share in the
inheritance, but not GqualJ.y with the lGgitirncte
children, fQr tho latter received two-third3, and
the illegitimate or,e-·third. But if there were no
legitir1i1:tte child:cer1 t11on the illGP;itimut(; received
all the inheritance. ~he children of a slave worn~n w:10 belonged to the man ·wore e;iven some po.rt
of the housohold effects, according to the will of
the legitimat0 chj_ldron. In addition the mother
became free for the very re,'.'1.:son that h(';)r master had
had a child by her.
There were ulso adopted children, and the
pt act ice was that the one· adopt eel bo ui;ht his adoption.
For the natural pc1rEmt gave a c e:rtr:i in ~rnri1 to the
-162-.
@dopt ed pare~1t in orcl er to have his son or daughter ndo;':)tE:d, and tJ.1crcupon th'3 J.attur vJas ac.opted
without any other ·subtlety of low or of pDternal
powor. It was done onl:;r 'to t!1e encl that the adopted child, if he should out--li7e th8 one adopting
him, should inherit do-:.1bl e the sum hu cl J een given
•
..
f or 111s aao:pc::i.on, .1.1:.us, J.·f +-.,un ·wer8 6 1,ven,
110
m•1st inherit ·twenty.
But i.': the ac:op-:, ed raront
outlivGd the aoopt.:;d child, ~~he ado}:.-ition expired
as well a2 the ri:?;ht o:f :Lnhe:c:i.tc:incG, wh:Lch was not
given to the heirs of tho adopted one, either ~n
whole or in pe.r·t. Eut if, on tho c.:orri:,r.:.::ry, the
parent uj.ed wril,3 his 0·11n chilc. w,1;:, liv:i.ng:, h0 left
him by way of addition to thJ sum for adoption
doubled, soine jewel or r-3lave woman, as a rE:;Wai'd .for
hi:::; good services. But, on the other k1nc', if the
ch::.ld. wa·s ungrateful and acted badly, t~1e adoptive
parent gave :1iDi up, by restoring the S'.D1 that had
b8en given for his adoption,
1,.
•
•
'
•
r,1,..
•
Arl.ultery was r.ot pPnishnd corporally, hut by
a pecuniary fire. T.her(::1for13 the adulte::."'er, by paying to the aggrie·1ed party th8 sum of isold agreed
upon between ttem, or given by the sentence and
judgment of the old ri:en, was pardoned .fo::." the injury
that ho had corrm:itted; and trw aggrieved party was
satisfied, an6 h~s honor was not bes~irchod. Also
he continued to l :t ve v:ith his wife '\Iv ithout anything
more ::>eing suiC:: 0:::1 the subject. !1ut thlJrrn cl1j~ldren
had by a marr~ed woL~~ did not suscced to the nobility oi' the :rx::re~1ts or to thcd.r Driviler-~t)R; but where
alwc1ys reckoned j_)J.(3bei;:ms, wi:1om t~1ose .90.ople call
ti~auas.
Likewise those children had bv a slave
w'o'r.ien-,-&lthough they WGro .freu, as "''8.S t,be mother,
were always regarded as of low birth. ?hose "\IJho succeeded to t~1e nobility were the L:w;:Ltimate ch::.1dren. In the baraneay, when the f2ther was lord of
it his eldest son inherited that orfice; but, if he
died, then ho who came next in ordur, · If there were
no male chiJ.dren, t.hcn the d8u[.1:htr3:i_ sue c 8eded in
the same order; ancl for want of e:~ tr: er rilD.l es or
females, th:::: succession went· to t:iR neurust rolative of the last i)osse,ssor. Tl1us no wiJ.l was necessary for all these: sucGessions; for wills wer(~ never
in vogue.: amon,e: these nations in the: form and solemnity of such. As for left-scies it. w:1s sufficient
to leave them oponly, in writing or entrusted by
0 [,
-163word of mouth, in the prosenco of known persons.
A great part of the we3lth of theso Indians
consistod in slaves. For, a~tor gold, nu propArty
was held in p;reater estc~r:m, ueceuscJ of t11ci rnan:'
comforts that 1·:cr·3 cnj )f()d for their ruode of living
through a multitudo of fllavef;. Thus our 8pa:1inrds
whon. they ence1·ed tl1e island:3 found so 1w:1.ny :::J.c1.vcs
that there were chiefs ·who h::id on0, tvv'J, Dnd ·three
hunc:red sla-v83, and those gene~rally of tl1Fd.r uwn
coJ..or and ncJ.tion, and not of other :foreign nations,
Tho most general ori~in of thos0 s~averieo WGro int(JrPst and usury. 'l t:,1t wes S<.:1 rcuch r,r.c.tc+:.iced cmontr
therr., th,-=it no fatho1· ·.,-;,)uld o.id his t>or, no son his
father, no brcthor !:iis brother, and muc11 less any
rolc:.tiv,~ his relative, even thou;~h hi;=., de:r·o snl'fering extrome necessity, without an agreemen.t to rest~re double. If payme1:it w2.s not madf.:: 1,ihon p:co:mJ.scd, the d";btor rcDDJ.ned a oJ.ave tmtil he prt:.i.d,
'fhat happen,3d often, for the in.tere:::t o:c increase
continued to :,cc'...l.Lr._:J.ato ,iust :.10 long as the payment
wus deferred. ConBcauently, the interes~ exceeded
the wealth of the debtor, a::1d therefore the dBbt
was loaded upon i1i,s shou::..ctcrs, and the i-)oor crc2,ture b0come a slavr;; ard. from that tim(3 his children and descend3nts were slaves. Other slaveries
W8re dl;le to. tyramry and cru01ty: Fo1; s=..aves vrnre
madu either in vengeance on onE.:rnes, in -cl:e enc:agements and petty ware that they wagGd against one
another, in wh:Lch tl:i.e prisoners made'! re:.:112.ined .sl,:t'V8S,
'JVen t.1-1ough they wore o.{:' the sc:me v~_llago ond race;
or c:s a punishment which the more nc,we:rful inflict,3d
on the weaker ones, even for ti, matter of J_.ittl0 i.m1.-- •
t'
t,
•
1.1:.,.,.
port encc), o:i..,:> w1uc:1
·ney r:ia,,:e o. rr!a-·:-,er
o:t:n ::.iW
For instar~ce, if tho les::rnr did not, obso]."'Ve thu interdict on talking and noise, usual in t~o tir~ of
the burial of the chiefs; if he p3ssod ncor w~ore
the chief's wife: w;.u:; ba~hing; or if ttl?,Y dnst or" any
other dirt fell from the house of the tiri1r.ua 1.F)0n
thQ chi(d or his w:Lf e whc:n pas sine; through t:1e
street; then ir.,_ thucfl an<.i numbnrles,s otl1{0r similar
cases the powerful aces deprived tha poor wretches
of lib orty, and ty:;."',::mnic,~llly made them slaves and not only q1c,11 ;:mt ti11eir ehiJ.dr•Jn, and per;1aps
tne wife and nl:'or rclDtivE=:::. '.i.'he ~-mrst thin::-; is thnt
all those who had ~oen 3:aves by war, or for punishrnont or debts, 1°Jere rigorously regcJ.rdcd ns such, as
1
1
1
,J
<
V
•.,
~
-164slaves for any kind of service or slavery, and
served inside the house.
The samG was true of
their children in the manner of our slaveries, 2nd
they could be sold at wi11, However, thu mas·ters
Wt'3re not accustomed. to s r)ll those ·born und.er cheir
roof, for they regarded them in tn~ li~ht of relatives. Those slaves wero allowed to tee~ for themselves a portion of any profit whic 1-t they made, The
T:1galogs celled such true sl:.ivos §._cli~£]!iF:,i:Ll.ir,, and the
Viso.yans halon.
Other :3laves wer-2 c .::~11 ed na!]J,rnc. hu, for they
did not ,serve their master in all cr:pacities, nor
inside h:i.s house; ~)ut in thei:c ow::1 b.ousor~, and outside that of their rna,st,:;rs. '.L'hey were hour. . d, however, to obey their mastP-1'' s summons eitrrnr to
serve in tis house 1:vhen he had honorod guests, or
for the erection of his house and its ronair and
in-the sAasons of sowin~ nnd harvest, They (had
also to respond} to act-as his rowers whon he went
out in his boat, and on other like occasions, in
which th~y were obliged to serve their master without any pay.
Among both kinds of slnves, s2n~uiguilir nnd
n::i.momahay, it hap:oons that there arc: some who are
w1.1.ole sl c..ves, some ·who arc half s::;_;ives, and some
one-fourth p~rt slave,
For if the father or the
mother were free, ar:d had an only son, :1e was halffree and half slave. If they had rnol'e ;:;~1sn one
child, these were so divided that the first followed
the conditi~n of the father, whether freo or al~ve,
and tho second that of ,che mother,
So <Jj_6 it happen with successive pairs, J~t if there were nn
odd number of children, the lust was halt freG and
half slave. Those who descended fr0n1 thera, if they
wore children of a free father or ~other, wero.slaves
only i.1 the fourth part, as they wo:ce th0 children
of a free father or mot~nr, and of one half slave.
Sometimes, ·osc2us0 it happen,:d that two })(:Jople had
agreed to marry and the men had no w0alth for tho
dowry ..1 or rather, nothing with whir::h to buy his
wife - he became hor slavo, In such case the children were divided in thG said rnanne1·, and the first,
third, ,:md fifth, and the remo.inin.7, ones in the samo
way were slaves, iYJ.asm.uch as they b nlong r.:d to the
father; who WAS also a slave of the ruother and not
-165only slaves to her, but also to her brothers and
sisters and relatives, in case of her death and the
division of her property. On the contrary the second, fourth, and others in the same way, were according to their custom free, inasmuch as they belonged to t h0ir mot1:1er who was fre~~; o.nd they were
masters and rulers over tb,,.d.r own f::ith9r &nd brothers and sisters. The same thii--:g heppened in the
case of interest, a thing of-so great importance
,:1mor1g them tha,t, as already rm11c1rked, tho father
would not pardon the doht ,md interet::t oven to the
son, nor,the son the father, even in case of necessity, until the one had made a slave of the other
for it. Consequently, if one brother iansomed another brother, or a son his Zc:~th e:c, the 1o.tter remained a slave, a:::; did his deccendants, until the
value of the ransom was paid with interest. Consequently, the captive was gain.er orily by the ch&1:.ge
of rr;aster.
Such ns the abo7e arG the monstrous
things that are seem whore the law of God and Chris-tian che.rity are lacking. In the divisioP · mado between heirs, when a slave belonged to many, the time
of his serv:i.ce was div::.dec. and each of the masters
had the share that belor..ged t:,o him ::md was h:Ls in
such slave; and the division was Jiade by montbs,
or as was conveniGnt among thG masters. When a
slave is not a whole slave but only a half or fourth
part, he has the right to compel his mast or to give
him his freedom for the just price at which he is
appraised, according to the iank of the slavery,
sc.nguig_ui~_:g: or ~§1£0.,flC,Y.,
But if' he bo a whole
sle.ve, the lilaste:c cC:nnot be compelled to ro.nsom him
at any price, even tho'.1gh he should hnvo become a
slave for debt, if alren.dy th8 day set for t;1e payment of the debt has passed.
There was another kind of service· which was
not of a truth s-ervitudo, althou-sn it appeared to
be such. If was ,:enerally seen aruon.g cGrtain persons called cabal o.r~.s.Y.
Wh:21wver such persons .
wanted any smC1.ll trifle, thi-?.y begged the hc::td chief
of their barangny for it, anJ he gave it to them.
In return, whenever he su.mrr:onod thorn thoy were
obliged to go him to work in his fields or to row
his boats. Whenever a feast or banquet was given,
then they all came together and helped furnish the
tuba, wine, or guilan, such ':Jeing their method of
service.
·
·
-166The ancient custom in manumission was for
the whole .§...fillgniguilir to pay ten taes of gold, and
the namamahay the half; and, in addition to that,
ho had to give the half of whatever things he owned.
For instance, if he owned two large jars he had to
give one.
In order to make that conveyance, the
slave must make· a benguet, at which werG present masters, relatives, ~nd friends.
At the ~eight of the
banquet the delivery of the gold and household articles was made, those prC:-)Sent being witnesses that
the master had received them. The latter was thereupon satisfied, and the slave was set free.
Even today the Tagalogs are wont, at death~
to grant freedom to the children of thGir slav0s
who are born in their house, no matter how young they
be.
However, they do not free the parents of those
children no matter how old they be, .J.nd even if they
have been served throughout life by them. That seems
absolutely illogical.
To what has been said of dowries and marriagGs,
it must be added that in some districts, besides the
bigayc13:yg and those presents made to the relatives,
there w&s panhimg_y_fil.
This was a kind of present
that was given to the mother of the bride, merely in
return for the bad and watchful ni?.:hts that she had
passed in rearing her, That panhirnuyat_ signifies
"watchfulness and care".
If the dowry wns equal
to five taels of gold, the 12.£lnhi::nuya~ was equal to
one tinga, which was equivalea-to one tae, or five
pesos. That was a custom which well shows tho harshness and greed of these nations, since the mothers
wished to be paid even i' or the rearing of their
daughters.
Al so, whenever a chief married any daw,::hter
of his and asked a large dowry of his son-in-law, as,
for instance, eighteen or twenty taes of golu, the father was obliged to give his daughter cortain gifts
called l?.§:.§Q!lQJ.:, such as a gold cha.in, or a couple of
slaves, or something proportional to the dowry. It
wns very shameful to ask a large dowry without giving
a P.aSOU.Ql:• This is still done,· resembling the gifts
which among us the father presents to his daughter
12.,raetor dot£.!!!, which thc3 civil law calls Q.Q.!1.§;_ pa:i:sJ: •
£.b.ernal ia,
-167-
PART
TWO
THE F'IRST CENTURY OF SPANISH RULE
CHAPTER ONE
SPAIN AND THE PHILIPPIN~S IN THE 5IXTE2NTH AND SEVENTBENTH
CENTUIUES
The one-hundred-year period, extending from the estnblishment by Legaspi of the fj_re,t permanent Spnnish settlement
in the Philippines (1565) to the uccession of Charles II in
1665, was from many points of view a glorious ono in Spanish
national history.
This period embraced the reigno of
Philip II, Philip III anc1 PhiJ_ip IV.
During t.his period
Spain runked among the p;1·eat nations o.f the 'world.
Her voice
was listened to with attention and respect in the courts and
She possessed a colonial empire
chancilleries of Europe.
of world-wide proportions.
So extensive~ and far flung were
her colonial possessions that King Philip II used to boast
that the sun never set on th(=; Spanish E:r:rpire.
For another reason, this age was a notable one for
Spain for in ma.ny fields of human endeavor 3:xnliardt, · accomplished gre~t things,
In literature, it was the age of
Cervantes, Lope de Vega, Quevedo, and Caldero!1 de la Barco.
-168It was the age,too, of Velasquez, Murillo and El Greco, famous painters.
In architecture, Spain had two distinguished
representatives in Juan Bautista de Toledo and Juan de Herrera,
the builders of the Escorial.
The Escorial together with
the Cathedral of Villadolid, which was constructed under
Herrera's supervision, represent two of the architectural
glories of the reign of Philip II.
In the field of interna-
tional law Spain had a worthy representative in Francisco
de Vitoria whose writings on the subject of international relations in times of war were valuable contributions to the
literature of that subject,
Philip II' s reign, lasting more than forty years (1556-
1598), is a memorable one in the history of Spain.
During
this period Spain reached the zenith of her imperial power,
con~erned
Grave problems of E1tate arose which/the lives an_d fortunes,
not only of the Spanish people, but also of peoples in other
lands.
At home, the descendants of the Moors rose in revolt
(1568-1570) in protest against alleged acts of injustice and
intolerance on the part of the Spanish Goverm11ent.
The Gov-
ernment waged against the rebels a campaign of extermination,
The Spanish Netherlands also rose in revolt (1566).
dispatched a large force against the Dutch.
Spain
Spain's ef-
forts at pacification, howev-er, failed to crush the spirit
of resistance.
The Dutch continued.their struggle for J.i-
-169-
beration from Spanish domination throughout the reirn of
Philip II.
In the field of foreign relations, challenging issues
arose.
Philip intervened in the civil war in France (1562-
1595) between the Houso of Guis~ and tha Bourb0ris.
He sided
with the· Guises in their struggle against the Bourbon King,
Henry IV.
Spain also took port in the war ag2inst the Turks
and the ~~slems of North Africa,
Her participation was a
doter.mining factor in the conflict.
In the naval engage-
mer.t at Lepanto (1571), the decisive event of the wo.r, Spain
and her allies defeated the Moslems.
nexed Portugal to Spain.
dependency of Spain.
In 1580, Philip an-
For si:i::ty years Po1,tugal was a
Philio
- ~- also became in7olved in a con-
flict with Queen Elizabeth of England.
In 15C6·, ho dis-·
patched the Invincible Arma'ia against .2:ngland.
however, was repulsed by ths British.
The Arrno.oa,
What reuained of it
were destroyed by a furious tempest which arose in the I:nglish Channel.
In the succeeding reigns, Spain beran to decline rapidly in power and influence.
The num.crous viars vvhich
arose in Europe in the s8ventcentii century put a severe
strain on her strength and n1Dterinl resources.
In the course
of these wnrs, Dutch .:rnd British privateers preyed on Spanish
-170-
galleons on the _high seJ,s
to Spain 1.s commerce.
causint thereby enormous losses
In 1640, the House of Braganza reco-
vered from Spain the independence of Portugal.
In 1648, at
the close of the Thirty Years War, the Dutch likewise won
from Spain their political independence.
In 1655, the Bri-
tish wrested Jamaica in the West Indies from Spain.
reverses marked the beginning of a process of c~ecline and
decadence the ultimate result of which we.s t11c disintGgration and Gxtinction of Spain's colonial empire.
· In the period under consideration, Spanish colonialism
in the Philippines took on its permanent form and character.
In its administrative phase, the Spanish colonial system
followed closely the pattern of colonial government that was
established in Spanish America.
Tho supreme governing b~dy
was the Consejo de Indias (Council of the Indies) sitting
in Spain.
This body was created by Ferdinand in the first
years of Spcnish colonization.
It was reorganized by
Charles I in 1524 to make it a more adequate agency for the
administration of Spain's vast colonial empire.
Its mem-
bers, nppointe'd by the King, were chosen for their learning, their wisdom and their probity.
The Consejo de Indias governed the colonies on behalf
and in the name of the King of Spain.
Its jurisdiction ex-
-171-
tended to all matters affecting the interests and welfare
of the inhabitants of the Indies.
It had in its hands all
the important attributes of sovereignty - executive, judicial and legislati V(~.
In its executive capacity it ap-
pointed persons to the £ii[;her posts in the government of the
colonies.
As a judicial body, it was a court of final ap-
peal to which decisions rendered by royal audiencias in the
colonies were taken for review and final decision.
In its
legislative capacity, it enacted laws, orders, decrees,
etc., for the government of the colcnies.
The vast col-
lection of colonial legislation now known collectively as
the L3ves je Ir..dio.s (Laws of the Indio:3) was the ·,Jork of
It is a rich source of information
1
on the history of the Spanish colonial system.
the Consejo do Indias.
For purposes of administration, Spain'.;;, colonies were
d:Lvided into viceroyalt::1.E::S and these in turn were subdivided
--------1 - The gre.:1ter
part of the L_fyes cle In.cUc!§. c1.re kept
and prcservGd in the Archivo do Indiai3 ir: 3Jv:'J.La, Spain. A
.
t o~f' t:-1E": 1mporta21t ctccu1:1en t s in
. t'nG co.;..
~7.• cc·t'ion was ma d e
d iges
and publish8d under the titlo, R.3cc,pil::1c.i_q_l}. ,J_e lc1s LevQs de
J.os Reinos de LJ.S Indi;:u3.
Th8 fi.rst edition of ~he R2cop=b,lacio:.1 Kas iJ:;:inted on 01,:-der.s of Gh&rles II in 16,'30.
Thu
fourtTi and J.c1.st edition was published in 1811-l,
The fourth
edition of the R,2q.Q_pilacio:1 consist,ed of 3 voJ.un~es, 9 books,
and 218 Titles.-· ':'itle l:-6, vol. 3, Book IX of the Reco·;1iiac12l:2: reads: 11 C:oncerning the Nav:i.gation anrl Commerce of
the Philippine Islands, China, l'Jaw Spain, and Peru. 11
1
•
'
•
-172-
into captaincies-general,
The Philippines was a captaincy-
general under the jurisdiction of the viceroyalty of Mexico,
then called Nueva Espafia (New Spain).
In the Philippines, the administrative machinery established in the early years of Spanish rule remained, in
its general outline and basic character, practically un- _
changed throughout the Spanish regime.
At the head of the
government was the Governor and Captain General of the
Philippines.
This official was also President of the Royal
Audiencia and Vice-Regal Patron.
As Vice-Regal Patron his
duty was to protect and preserve the rights, interests and
prerogatives of the Spanish Crown in religious and ecclesiastical matters.
Assisting the Governor and Captain General in the government of the colony was the Real Audiencia (Royal Audiencia).
As origi:::1.ally establish~d in 158/i.., this body had a
two;..fold character:
(1) it was an advisory or consultative
body to the Governor and Captain General of the Philippines
sharing with the latter some of his duties and responsibilities;
(2) it was a judicial body, the highest court of
justice
in the colony.
As the supreme court in the Phil~
ippines, it passed jud?;ment on casGs taken to it on appeal
from the provinces,
Except in some cases which could be
elevated to the Oonsejo de Indias, decisions of the Royal
-173-
Audiencia were final,
Other high officials in the Philippine government
were the factor, the accountant, and the treasurer.
These
officials took charge of the revenues of the Crown.
For administrative purposes the Philippines was divided
into province[:;.
In the ee.rly years of Spc::1nish rule the prov-
inces were kncwn as ulcaldias and c0rre~~mien~os.
The first
were governed by officials called :.11 ca1 ·JN: n:1\.Q.I'..ss, the latter, by correpidor0s.
These officials were appointed by
the Governor and Captain General of the Philippines in consultation with the Real Audioncia.
Apart froE1 thcdr duties
as provincial executives, thay administered justice in their
respective districtsr
The provinces were in turn divided into towns and municipalities.
As originally organized
by the Spaniards,
the town or municipality was nn adaptation of the pre· .
.'
0pan1s,h I"'1·1 ipino
communi·cy.
0
•
organized for convenience or mutual benefit into a confederacy under the leadership of the most powerful and most influential d'3.~00 or rc11.ah in the community.
Usin~; such
.::i.
community as a basis, the Spaniards org::mized new towns•
In each town, a govcrnini body was set up of which the
chief officinl was the ri:obernndor (governor), subsequently
----·--
~
-174-
called r.:oberno.dorciilQ. (petty governor).
Morga in his Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas described
the system of local government as it existed in the early
years of Spanish rule.
governor who is elected,
17
Each village,
11
h·e wrote, "has a
He and his constables who are
called vilanfc':os comprise the usual magistracy among the
natives,
The governor hears civil suits whore a moderate
sum is involved; in appeal the case goes to the corregidor
or alcnlde mayor of the province.
These governors are
elected annually by the votes of the married natives of such
and such a village.
The governor of M:mila confirms the
election, and gives the title of governor to the one elected • • •
&Q.Y.§.,
This governor holds the chiefs, lords of baran-
under his rule and government, and, for any special
service, such as collections of tributes and assignments
of personal services, as his dc1tos and ~.9.Ql.1f:..§., it
The Spanish colon:Lal administration was a highly centralized one.
The separation of powers which ~as a char-
acteristic feature of the governmental systems of England
and the United States was unknown in Spain.
In tho Span-
ish colonial administr,::ition the functions of government,
whether in th~ central, provincial or town level, were concentrated in one governing body.
-175-
The Spanish r6gime, as a general policy, respected
and preserved the lai,1s and customs of the early Filipinos.
This was so particularly in regard to slavery, successions,
!,d··-.;,..,
Opv..:..OP0, wills and business transactions.
inheritances, c,,_
Royal decrees enjoined ~,lwt disputes arising over these
matters should be deteriained and judged in accordance with
Filipino laws and customs.
It was in view of this require-
mcnt of Spanish colonial policy that during the administration of Governor Santiago de Vera, Father Plasencia was
commissioned to mako a study and subrr.it a report on Filipino customary law. 2
The same policy was followed in reg~rd t-o the form.er
chiefs of barangays.
The honors and priv:ileges the latter
enjoyed ns such were recoe;nized and respected.
in his work already cited, wrote:
As 1VIorga,
ilThe king our sovereign
has ordered by his decrees that the honors of the chiefs
be pres~rved to them as such; and that the other natives
recognized them and assist them with certain of the labors
that they used to give Hhen pagans.
When he harvest::; his
rice, they go one day to help him; and the same if he
builds a house, or rebuilds one."
Moreover, the former
chiefs of baro.ngays V'.ere givGn important duties and responsibilities in the government of the town.
-----
2 - Vide S.unra
They were the
-176agents of the· gob:e1~nadorcillo in the collection of the tribute and in thEf ·assigning of men in their reopecti ve barc::mgnys for the polos,y, servicios (personal services ~o the
State).
A notable feature of Spanish colonialism was the encomienda system.
Spain regarded the colonies as properties
of the Crown and their inhabitants as subjects of the King.
As subjects, they were required to pay tribute- and to render personal services to the State.
In the Philippines, as
in other colonies of Spain, the land areas together with
their inhabitants were apportioned into encomiendas.
miendas were of two kinds: royal and private.
Enco-
The royal en-
comiendas, which included the principal centers of population, were reserved to the Crown.
given to
Private encomiendas were
private individuals as regards for services
rendered to the Crown in the pacification and conguost of
the Philippines.
The income from the royal cnconr~endas
accrued to the royal treasury; the tribute from private encomiendas was collected by the encomenderos for their own
use and benefit.
The encomenderos, however, were required
to contribute part of the tribute for the support and maintenance of religious instruction in their respective encomiendas.
Under the laws of the Indies, the privilege of
-177-
holding an encomiendas lasted for two generations, subject
to
extension, by parmission, to a third generation.
Prominent among the distinguishing characteristics
of the Spanish colonial o.dventu,re in the Philippines was the
deep int~rest taken by the Kings of Spain in the propaghtion
of the Catholic religion.
The conversion of the Filipinos
to Catholicism was a major aim of Spanish colonial policy.
Spain wanted the Philippines to beccme an advctnced outpost
and center of Christianity and of Christian culture in the
Far East.
In pursuance of their religious aims, the Sp2nish
sovereigns assumed for themselves the role and character
of patrons of the Church.
As such they 'took upon thernsel ves
the duty and responsibility of providing the Church with all
the means she needed to carry out successfully her ~ission.
Ministers going to the Indies were transported at royal expense; churches nnd convents were erected in the colonies;
and due provision was made for the support and maintenance
of the Church and her ministers in the .colony.
In return for these services, the Spanish Monarchs
obtained from Rome special rights and privileges.
Pope'
Julius II, in a Papal Bull issued in 150a, granted to Ferdinand and his successors on the throne of Spain
(1) the
-178-
right to erect churches in the Spanish colonies, and
(2)
the right to nominate 3uitable person's, churches, cathedrals,
and other ecclesiastical benefices and pious places~
This
Bull was the source and basis of what is known as Real_Patronato (Royal Patronage),
The Patronato gave to the kings of Spain considerable
powers of supervision and control in the administration of
1
Church affairs.
These powers were exercised in the Philip-
pines by the Governor and Captain General in his capacity
---"---------------
as Vice-Regal Patron (Vice-Real Patron).
~
The nature and
scope of these powers were defined in detail in a decree
promulgated by Philip II in June 1574..
The text of the
decree was incorporated in the royal instructions given to
Gomez Perez Dasmarifias, Governor and Captain Generc1l of the
Philippines during the years 1590-1593.
The outstanding achievement of the Spanish polonial
adventure in the Philippines in the first century of Spcmish
rule wns unquestionably the rapid conversion of the Filipines to Christianity.
This was the work of the Spanish
missionari0s who 1-vent to the Philippines in the first years
of Spanish rule.
Pioneers in this undertaking were the
Agustinian Fathers who came with Legazpi.
They were joined
a few years later by missionaries of other relig~ous orders
-179-
in Spain - Franc is cans J.n 1577, Jesuits in 1581, Dominicans
in 1587 and Recollects in 1606,
Within a generation fol-
lowing the arrival of Legazpi Christianity had been prenched
in practically all parts of the Philippines.
By 1600, the
great majority o.f the Filipino people had been brought,
through the sacrament of baptism, within the Catholic fold.
To take care of the spiritual needs of the new converts, parishes were organized in the towns und cities in
tt..e Philippines.
Th0 general rule regarding the ad.minis-
tration of pnrishes as J.2id down by the Council of Trent
'IWS
that secular priestc, thc-,t is, priests not at,tacLed to
any religious order or congree;E;.tion and bound by the r11les
of that order, should t.e l:e charge of parochi.::tJ. work.
At
that early stage of the colonial period 1 however, there
were very few secular ::_::Jriests in Spain avail2bl€ for service in the parishes in the PhilippinGs.
For this reason
the missionaries themselves, apart from their duties as
.9.9ctrinero,s ( teachers of Christiau doctrine) to,Jk over tte
responsibility of attendin3 to the spiritual needs and ~el-
fare of the new converts.
They ivere :cefer:cec: to, in that
capacity, as friar-curates.
This arran<_?;ement ·was 111.1.de posc:ibl.e by a dispcmsTt:.on
or concession
fl'. ra.Le
n~- d
0
by- the Pop· e_ nt the reo_uest
of Philip II.
-i
-180-
The concession, in the words of the Dominican historian,
Vicente de Salazar, "exempted the religious of the Indies,
who were employed in the parishes, notwithstanding the requirements to the contrary of the Council of Trent, from
the jurisdiction and visitation of the Ordinaries and the
latter's examination and approbation necessary for the
taking of this charge, (and permitted) the religious ta remn.in, even in their capac.ity as ministers of souls, under
~he absolute and sole jurisdiction of their respective supervisors."3
The grant of this concession proved to be a fruitful
source of misunderstanding and controversy between the diocesan authorities, the bishops and archbishops, and the
friar-curat-es.
The diocesan authorities as such had their
duties and responsibilities to discharge nnd these included
periodic diocesan visitations and general supervision over
the work of the parish priests in their ·respective dioceses,
The friar-curates, on the other harid, claimed
by virtue of
the privileges conceded to them by Rome, exemption from
the jurisdiction and visitation of the diocesan officials.
Such a situation was bound to produce as in fact did pro3 - Historia de la Provincia Santisimo Rosario. Manila,
1742. Quotation is from Sob re Una Rosofia Historica de Fili:
pinns, Manila, 1906,
-lSl-
duce, conflict and controversy.
A number of such controver-
sies arose in the early part of the Spanish period.
among these were Bishop
Prominent
Salazar's cor:flict with the Agusti-
nians and Franciscans. (1581), the 1652-1654 incident, and
the Camacho controversy 11hich started in 1697.
In its economic aspects, the Spanish color:ial policy
in the sixtecmth and sevonteenth centuries was, in characin common
ter and spirit, strongly mercantilistic.
with many European nations in early modern times, '.Jased her
colonial policy on the doctrines and con~cpts of mercantilism.
She followed a policy of excJ.usivism and monopoly in corn-
mere ial matters, of str::..ct r:J?ulat ion and control of the
me8ns of pro1uction and distribution of the nation's resources.
In line with such a policy, foreieners (j .• e., Europeans),
were excluded from the colonies.
, vn'th
could· t raae
. ··. th
- __ e I n a·ies.
Spanish merchants alone
Th e. t.,.,h.,.
.
··t·+ed
l.L ippines
v:a s pE:rnii.,
._, .
to trnde with China and other countries of the Orient, subj ect, however, to string cnt regulations.
P~1ili'.~)ir..e for-
eign trade outsidci of Asia was confined to Nuova Zsp~fia,
but this trade was c1.lso V8ry much restricted,
The numbr,r
of vessels a year allowed to be dispatched to Acapulco in
Nueva Espana was limited.
The tonnage of tho vescels also
was limited, as well. as the v1:1lue of the n1.ercll9ndiso to be
·-182-
carried in the galleons, both on the outgoing voyage and on
the return.
Merchm1ts whether in Nueva Espana or in the
Philippines were forbidden to establish commercial agencies
None of the merchandise brou;::;ht from the Philip-
in Asia.
p5.nes to Nu.eva Espn:?i.a could be intro dt.J.c 0d to o.ny
other Spanish colonies in the New World,
0·2
the
Those ro,stric -
tions were iFiposed in the intQrest of Spanish merchants in
Cadiz and Sevilla who hnd a monopoly of the trade of the
NovJ World.
The death of Philip IV in 1665 and the accession of
Charles II imr1edia.tely thereafter mark:::d the corr.plotion of
one hundred years of 3pariish colonization in the Philippines.
During this period, twenty-one persons occupied
the post of governor and captain general of the Philippines,4
Of these, seven served as governors ad interim.5
On £'our
different occasions, the Royal Audiencia took over the powers
and functions of the chief executive in the nbsonce of the
proprietary governor, viz., 1606-1608, 1616-1618, 1624-1625,
4 - Legazpi served from 1565 until his death in 1572,
Contemporan0ous with tho acceE.ision of Ch2rles II -was the administration of Diego de Salcedo, 1663-1668,
5 - Guido do Lavezares, 1572-1575; Diego Ronquillo,
15C3-g4; Pedro de Roj3s, 1593; Luis Persz Dasmarifiis, 15931596; Rodri~o de Vivero, 160C-1609; Fernando de Silva, 162526; Juan Cerezo de Salauanca, 1633-1635,
-183and 1632-1633.
At the end of this period, the sovereignty of Spain
in the Philippines hc1d been consolidated and firmly e.stablished.
It had survived the dangers that at one time or
another threatened its existence - the Portuguese a~gressions ngainst Le~azpi at C ebu (1566), the Lim;1hong attack
on Manila (157h), the Cliineae uprisings (1603) and (1639),
and,_ of even greater danger, the various Filipino revolts
that occurrGd during this time.
Of the latter, tho ono~;
that proved to be particularly perturbing we:r-e: che Lakandola-
Soliman revolt of 157 4, 6uring Lavezare;:;' ;:?;ovr:ffnor,sLi_p; the
widespread conspiracy of 1587-eS, led by Ag~stin de Legazpi
and Magat SaJ.amat, chief c of Tondo, during the governorsl:ip
of Santiago de Vern; the Su~noray robellion of 161-1-9, dur:i.ng
the administration of Diego 2e jardo (16/:.4-1654); and the
ltSCD-1661 revolts, dur:Lnc: the administrc.tion of Sabiniano
M.-,_nriquu de Lara (1653-J.663), which flared up simultaneously in Petrnp::mge, Pc1nrasin::m and I1oco.s under the leadership,
respectively, of Francisco Mailia1.:;o, Andrc>s It1fr1lon~, ond Pedro
Almasan.
The Filipino revolts refleeted the reaction produced
among the Filipinos towa1·ds the changes 2.nd innovations
• t.r1e
l
•
•
l • h accompanied the establishment 1n
wnc
:~11l'l.1pp1nes
uJ.
D
Spanish sovereignty.
In 1ri.any case~, the rE;Volts were the
-184-
outgrowth of the keen resentment and outraged feelings of
the peopl~ and their leaders over the loss of their former
liberties.
as
In mo :=;t eases, howevez·, the underlyin.e; as well
the ir:unediate c.:iuses of discontent -vvhich gt\Ve rise to
the revolts were the tribute 2nd the
D0 7
os v servict.9...§.,
These impositions of Spanish sovereignty prov0d to be particularly hateful and irritating because of the harsh and
violent manner in which they were generally exact~d by
Spanish encomenderos and Spanish officials.
In 1665, Charles II, the last of the Spanish Hapsb~1rgs, ascended the throne in Spain.
He did not have· the
strong qualities that c!1aracteriz:;d the first rulers of the
dynasty,
He was weak both in body and in mind.
in 1700 'v'Jithout leaving any heir.
He diod
His dr::nth g&ve :rise to
a problem which attracted great interest, not only in Spain
but in many countries of Europe as well.
-185-
CHAPTER '!WO
MORGA ON THE EARLY YEARS OF SPANISH RULE
In the same eighth chapter of the Sucesos de las Islas
Filipina 2 in which he described the life and culture of the
Filipinos, Dr. Morga wrote about the Spani~h colonial enterprise in the Far East during the first years of Spanish rule.
Important aspects of the Spanish colonial administration
We~e dealt with ·such as the work of the missionaries, the
administrative system in the colony, the encomienda system,
the financial status of the Colony and the trade of the Philippines with Nueva Espana anq with their Oriental neighbors •1
The arrival of the Spaniards in these Filipinas Islans, sine~ the year orte thousand five hundred
and sixty-four, the pacification and conversion that
has been made therein, their mode of governing, and
the provisions of his Majesty during these years for
, their welfare, have caused innovations in many things,
such as are usual to kingdoms and provinces that
change their religion and sovereign.
The foremost
has been that, besides. the n~me of Filipinas which
all the islands took and received from the beginning
of their conquest, they belong to a new kingdom and
seigniory to ·which his iVIajesty, Filipo Second, our
sovereign, gave the name of Nuevo Reyno de Castilla
( "New Kingdom of Castilla 11 ) , By his royal cone es- _
sion, he made the city of Manila capital of it, and
gave ~o it as a special favo_r; among other things,
,,
.
1 '-B.&, R., vol. 16, pp. 135-193, being portions of
the eighth cha pt er of :IY'.Iorga' s Sue eso s.
-186-
a crowned coat-of-arms which was chosen and assigned by his royal:_person.
· This is an escutcheon
divided across.
In the upper part is a castle on
a red field, and in the lower a lion of gold, crowned
and rampant, holding a mtked sword in its right paw.
One-half of the body is in the fcrm of a dolphin
upon the waters of the sea, to signify t~1at the Spaniards crossed the sea -witi1 their arrns · to conquer this
kingdom for the crown of Castilla~2
The city of Mariila was founded by the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, first governor of the
Filipinas, in the islend of Luzon, It occupies the
same site where Rajamora had his set,tlement and
fort -- as has been relatec. more at length -- at the
mouth of the river vvhich empties into the bay, on a
point between the river and the sea. The whole site
~as occupied by this new settlement, and Legazpi apportioned it to the Spaniards in equal building-lots.
It was laid out wit:1 well-arranged streets and
squares, straight and level.
A suffici'3ntly large
main square (FlQ.Q.JIL9Y.Q£j was left, fron-i:.:;_f!.g wi1ich
were erected ~l1e cathedral church and munici·oal buildings.
I:Ie left another square, tha·t. of an11c- (Plaza
de armas), fronting \vhich was bv.ilt. the fort, as
well as the royal buildings.
Ee gave sitPs for the
monasteries, hospital, anct chapels which were to be
built, as being a city which was to r;row and in-·
crease continually-~ as already it hGs done; for,
in the course of the time that has passed, that city
has flourished as much as the best of all the cities
in those regions.
The city is completely s;1rrounded. ·with a stone
wall, which is more than t.-i:w and one-h2,lf ve.ras wide,
and in plnc es more than three.
It :1as small towers
and traverses at intervals.
It has a fo~tre~s of
hewn ~to~e at the point that guards the bar ahd the
river, with a ravelin close to the water, upon which
2 - The coat-of-arms of the Government of the Philippine Islands as adopted oy the Philippine Commission on July
3, 1905, included, as one of its outstanding features, the
old coat-of-arms described in this' account by Dr. l-1orga.
-187,.
are mount~d some large pieces of aitillery.
This
artillery .comrno.nds the so.a and river, wh:Ll.e other
pieces a.re· mountc°q fEJ.rther up to defend the oa:c,
besides some other moderate~sized-field-~ieces and
swivel..:.guns.
These:· fort:.ficat:.:.ons have~ their
vaults for storin3 Bupplics and m~nitions, and a
magazine for the pm-:der> whic:7. is ~vell guc,rded and
situated in the innor part; aLti a copious well of
fresh water.
There are 2lso ouarters for the soldiers and artill~ryru~n,· nnd th~ house of the commandant ( alcayde) ~ · Tho city has b,;en lately fortified on the lana side _at the Plaza de arnus; ~here
it is entered by h strong wall and tw6 salient to~ers,
defended with srt:l.11ery·, which comue.r.i.d the 'v'J.::tll and
gate~
This fortress is called 3antiagol and has
a company o:f thir·c:' soldiors wi.th their offi'cors,
and eight artillorynwn who :;uard the gai:,e and entrance by. watctes -- al:i_ in charge of a commanc1:ant
who lives inoide, Etna :1as the guard and custody o.:
the fort.
There is another fortrass, also of stone, in
the small wall, 11:Lthin ci:lvei."in range 7 1oc::,0°;d at
the end of tl:1e curtain, vJhich extcmds n2.or:_g t,hc
shore of the bay.
It is called Nuestra Se1ora de
Guia, and is a· very 1 arc;e to:ver,
It ha.s its mm
court, vilell, 2nd quarters insic.e, as woJ.l &.3 the magazine, and other rooms for 1wrk.
It hD. s a traverse extend_;_ng to the beach, on w:1ich are rn,Junted
a dozen lar,~;:::: 2.nd r11od.e:'ate-sizH:;_ pieces, which
command the oay and swenp t:1e walJ., which e·~;::;cLds
alonq the shore to the ~ate and to the fort of Santiag;,
On the other s{tio the fo~tress ~as n
lnrge s2lient tmvr3r; mounted w:i.th f'om' :1-c.1rge }Jiecos,
which corumand tha shor~ che3d in the dir0ction of
tho chapel of Kue3tra Se::.'.ora de G1.i:'c.i."1..
The :::c1.te
anC. entrc'.nc0 is wit.L.in the c:Lty and is ;:-y.ard(~rl by
a comp1.ny o.f twe:it:r sol diE::rs ar..d their offic2~'s,
six artj_ll eryr.1en, and one commo.ndant and his lieut. enant, who live inside.
On the land side, vvhere the w2ll e::;~tends,
there is a rnmpart, callod Sant Andres, which uounts
six pieces of artiJlery that commirn.d in o.11 directions, and some swivel-guns. FartlHcr on is ::moti1er
traverse callud S~n Gabri0l, opposite the parian of
-188-
the Sangl eys with a like amount of cJ.rt ille ry.
have some soldiers and on ordinary guard.
Both
The wall has a sufficient height, and is furnished with batt1ements and turrets, built in the
modern style, for its del'ense.
It h2-s a circuit of
about one legua, which can be made entirely on top.
It has many broad steps of the same hewn stone,. at
intervals inside.
7h~re are thres principal city
gaves on the land side, and many o~hor poster~G
opening at convenient places on the rivo~ e.nd beach,
for the service of the city.
Each and all o~ them
are locked before nightfall by the ordinary patrols.
These carry the keys to the guard-room of the royal
buildings.
In the morning when day comes, the patrols return with the keys and open the city • • • •
Within the city is the monastery of St. Augustine: It is very large and has many dormitories, a
refractory and kitchens.
They are now completing a
church, which is one of the most sumptuous in those
districts.
This convent has generally fifty religious.
The monastery of St, Dominic is ins iclc t,~-10 vvaJ.1s.,
It contains about forty religious.
It was built ofstone, and was very v-Jell constructed.
It has a
church, house, and all offices.
It has l2tely been
rebuilt, and much better; for it was completely destroyed in the burning of the city in tho ~rear sixteen hundred and three.
The monast~ry of St. Fraric is . is f art}13:1.~ on. It
is well constructed of stone, and its church.is being rebuilt.
It contains about forty doscalced religious.
The residence (cole7.io) of the Soci0ty of
Jesus is established ne::i.1: the .fortress of nuestra
Senora de Guia. It contains t~;!enty religious of
their order, and is un excellent stone house and
church.
Thero they study Latin, the arts, and
cases of conscience.
Connected with them is a
seminary and conviccorio for Spanish scholars, with
their rector.
These students wear gowns of tawnycolored frieze with red facings.
-189-
In another part of the city stands a handsome house, walled in, with its stone church, called
San Andres and Santa Potenciana,
It i3 a royD,1
foundation, and a rectoress livec there o
It h2.s 'a
revolving entrance and. a parlor, and the rectoress
has other confidential assist2nts; and ~here shelter
is given to neody women 2nd girls of the city, in
the form of religious retirement. Some of the girlo
leave the house to be married, while ot~~rs remain
there permanently. It hE).s it, s own hou.s e for ;Jork,
and its ch_oir.
His Majesty assi3ts th•c:1.1 witl1 c:. portion of their maintenance~; t?ie res":, is :;:irovided by
thDir own industry and property.
Ttey Lave their
own steward and their priest, who adGiniste~s the
sacrawents
to them
••••
'
.
This city is the capital of the kingdom and the
head of the ,'.sOVernmont of ell tr:e isl.and.s.
It is
rthe reetropolis of the other cities arid settlements
of the islands~ In it reside the Audiencia allCl Chanchilleric, of his l-1?.jesty, and the governor and captain-general of the ~slan~sd
Manila has a city catildo with two o.lcaldes in•ordL!ary, t~v~l--~e per~et.ual regidors, ar,. alP;v. a cil ··
mayor (:i,e~, ~1nei cons~c1.cle), a ro:ral s":.ar:idarc.i.bearer, scrivan8r of the cabildo, and other otficials,
The archbishop of 'che Filipinas IslDnds resides
in this city.
1-ie £1c1s his metropolitan chvrch, and
all the catheir&l dignitaries -- ca~ons, r2cioneros,
media s rncione ros, clw.plA.ins, and sGcris-:::-D.r:.s ·-- and
a mueic-ctoir uho ch&nt to ti1e 2ccompanL11ent of the
oq~an and of !'lutes \Ii:inistri2..t3_§_) ~
'I'h8 cathedral
is quite ornate and vJell ci.E;cora.ted, and tlie Divin~
off~ces ~re celebrated there with t~e utrno2t gravity
and 6erenony.
As suffrGgans the catheJrcl has
· h.ops -- na-1::1.w J-Y, :::_n
· t h e 1s_
· l ano.' 01~ 0eou,
" '
nd
th ree '01s
a,
in Cagayan and Camarines.
There is a roynl trebsury wit~ three royal officials -- factor, accountant, and treasurer -- by
whom the royal l'evenue of all the islcrnd3 is managed.
,
..
-190-
I~ the province (of Cagayan) of this same island of Luzon was founded the city of Sezovia, during the term of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, the third
governor,3
It has two hundred Spanish inhabitants
who live in wooden houses on the shore of the Tajo
_River, two 1 eguos from the sea o.nd port of Ca!l1alayaga.
There is a stone fort near t~e city for ~he defense
of it and of the river.
Thi:3 fort mouncs some artillery, and has itc own ccmmandant.
3osides the
inhabitdnts, there are gor_erally one hundred regular
soldiers, arquebusiers, und their offic~rs.
They
are all in chc1.rR:e ,::md. under comrr,and of the alcaldemayor of the province,
·v\JhO
is its military commander,
In that city is established a bishop and his
church, although at present the latter has no dignitaries or prebendaries,
There is a city cabildo
consisting of two Qlcaldes, six1regidors, and ~n alguacil-mayor.
The city abounds in all l:inds of
food and refreshm,3nt at very cheap prices.
The city of Caceres was founded in the province of Camarines of the sarre island of Luzon, during the term of Doctor Sande, governor o~ the Filipinas..
It has about one hundred Sp2-nisi1 inhabitan,ts,
and has its cabildo, consisti:1g of aJ.caldes, rogidors, aqd officials.
A bishop of that province is
established th1::;re and has hi .s church, al tl-1cug!1 ·with··
out dignitaries or prebendaries. A monastery of
discalc8d Franciscans is located there. TLe government and milito.ry affairs of :-,hct province are under
one alcalde-mayor and war-captain, who resides in
Caceres.
T~s latter is a place abounding in and
furnished with ell kinds of provisions, ut v~ry low
rates. It is foundeC on the bank of a river, four
1 eguas inland from the sea, .and its houses are of
wood.
The fourth city is that called Santisimo Nombre de Jesus; it is located in the island of Sebu, ·
3 - Nueva Sego via was o:i:-iginall y estabJ. ished near the
site 1,,1here the to~-m of Lal-loc ,now stands. It was founded
by Juan P. Ca.rreoi1, cornrnander of the expedition which drove
the Japanese corsair Tayfusa from the coast of Northern Luzon,
-191-
in the pro vine(~ of Bicayas or Pintados. It was the
first Spanish scttleJent and was founded by the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, the first governor.
It is a fine seaport, whose water· is very clear and
deep, and capable of holding many vessels~
Tte
city has an excellent sto!1e f:irt, w!-ii8h mon_nts a
considerable ~i&nti~y of arti::ery, and ~~~eh has its
com1nar:dant nnd officers for t::.e [,)J.ard and G.efen:::;e of
the port and of the city. It is suf~iciently ~arri11 ren. sonea
·i· .....~ 'u.-'1,•c.-,,,
0O
·u ·-::,~,rl 01.·" t'1e
. , , 1 '·vv it
Si.A.·.1- "'rC'
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·~
alcalde-mnyor, the :-aj_lit<1ry cornr:.:ind·~~' of ·::.he province,
who lives in the cit:r.
'I':he sstt,l,;3'.':iert contains
about two hundred Spanish inhajitan~s who live in
houses of wood.
It has a cab~ldo, consistinz of
two alc-':1.ldes -- in-orc.ina.ry, 8ight regidors, and an
algUc::.cil-may:Jr and his o.:ficersQ
It has a bi3hop
and his church, like those of other cities of these
islands; without prebendaries.
1
1
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1
CL
1
,.1c..11J.
J.
The city is provided with food by, and is a
station fer, the si1::.ps goir:g from J\.'bluc:J to Manila.
Thr<;rngh his l\11.ajPsty' EJ cour:ession they keep the:"'e a
deep-c.raft rnerchan":. v es se:1., which 6 enerall:r leaves
its port for N\wva Eop2:?ia, laden wi ~h the nerchnndise of the products gathered in those provincgs.
It has a mon.3.stery of Augu~ti:'.1icn religious -3.nd a
seminary of the Society of Ja3us.
Th0 tow~ of Arevalo was founded on the island
of Oton (Pun.J), d:ir:.ng the term of Don Joi::zalo
Ronquil:_0.
It contL5ns atou~:; eig 1.1t:' Spa:l::...sh tnhabitan~s. a~J is locEtej aJose to these~.
It
haa & WY)o.en fort, 1-ihich ncun~s so:wi r·r~i::_:;_ery, and
a mon2.stery of the Oro.e:r' of St, J1-u:-!'k:i.in3 :; also a
i:'l.t"' "ts O•Jl 1 Vi--.·:iv• :;1,i c.,~"'i'-c?I' 1)·,isst
P·a1•-:c;l--'-1-..,11.. C ...Jl'l'C.h
.
This ch11:cch beJ_onR:a
·~ to tne 0.io.::ese o.+· tte .=i2bu
bis~opric.
It has ri ca½i:do, consisti~; of alcaldes, re 6 idors, ar:d other o:'.:'fi.:::iuls.
Tlv~:..·e is one
alcalc.e-rna:ror and. militJ.:cy leadf,jr iri those pr8v~.nces.
The tcwn ic well sup1-,li8d with all kinds of provisions, sold at very low rates.
I
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l e
Set t .:..
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W11lCi
was foundod in the province of the I1ocos on the is-
4 - Now Vigan, Ilocos Sur.
•
-192-
land of Luzon, is settled by Spaniards, but -very
few of them remain there.
It has a church, with
its own vicar and secular priest.
Now no mention
will be made of it, on accoun~ of what has been said.
The alcalde-mayor of the province resides there,
and the town is situated in tne cio~ese of the Cagayan bishopric.
From the earliest beginni~g of the cocquest
and pacification of the Filipinas Isl2nds 1 the preaching of the holy gospel tirnrein and ":.he conversion of
the natives to the holy Catholic fa~tt W3re undertaken.
Tte first to set hand to this task were the
religious of the Order of St. Augustine, who went
there with the adelo.ntado Legazpi in the fleet 0f
discovery, and those of the sane order who went afterward to labor in this work. and toiled therein with
great fervor and zeal.
Thus, finding the harvest
in good season, they gathered the first fruits of
it, and converted and ½aptized many infidels throughout the s&id islands,
Next to them in the fame of this conyersion,
the discalced religious of the Orde~ of St, Francis
went to the isl&nds by way of I~eva Rsp~fia; th0n
those of the Or~er of Sto r~minic 1 ar.d of tte Society of Jesus.
Lustly, the dis6alced Augustinian
Recollects we~t. One and all, after being established
in the islands, wo rkcd in tte conve:t·sion ar.d instruction of the natives.
Consequently they have
made -- and there are now in ail t~e Islanris -- a
great numter of ba 11tized nitives. ~Jesides n,anv others
in many parts, who-: fer w2nt of ia-,)Orerc;, rav~ been
t~i·s b 1 A~~~rg
Pu t of~ and u.~re a~JQ~ti·n~
\:
··s ;nd "-icsts
l_..J .... -to minister- to the::1.
I-b_"thei."to thF:·A h:tvc-:; been but
fev~ rrissions in cha::".'ge o: sec .1le.r pries::::,s~ as i1ot
many of those have gone to the islinds, a~d as very
few have been ordained there-, for lack of students •
•·
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~c.,.
1
. The Order of St. Augustine has many r::issj_ons
in the islands of Pintados and has establ:i.sr:ed and
occupied monasteries and various visitas.
In the
island of Luzon, they have thoRe of the ~rovince of
Ylocos, some in Fangnsinan, and all thos8 of La Pampanga - a large number of monasteries; while in the
province of Manila and its vicinity they have others,
which are flourishing.
The Order of St. Dominic has the missions of
the province.of Cagayan, and others in the province
of Pangasinan, where are many monasteries c1nd visitas.
They also administer others about the city.
The Order of St.· Francis has some missions and
monasteries about Manila, all the provj_nce o.f Gamarines and the coast opposite, and La Laguna de Bay.
These include many missions.
. The Society of Jesus rias three large missions
in the neighborhood of Manila which have many visitas.
In the Pintados it has many others ofi the islands of Sebu, Leite, Ybabao, Camar (Samar), Bohol,
and others near 'by.
They have good men, who are
solicitous for the conversion of the natives.
These four orders have produced many good results in the conversion of these islnnds, as above
stated; and in zood sooth the people have taken firm
hold of the faith, as they are a people of so good
understanding.
They have recognized the orrors of
their paganism and the truths of the Christian religion; and they possess tood and well-built churches and monasteries of wood with their reredoses and
beautiful ornaments, at>:l c1.lJ. the ut3nsils, crosses,
candJ.e st-icks, and cl1.o.lices of silver ar..d i::.;old.
:Many devotions nre offered, and there 2.re rne.ny confraternities. rter~ is assiduity in taking the sacram8nts an~ in att~ndan:e on the Divine services;
and the people are careful to entertain an1 support
their religious ( to whom they show groat obedience
and rBspect) by the many alffis that they give them,
as well as by those that they give for th0 suffr2ges and t'.1e burial of their dead, whict they p:~oVide with all punctuality and liberality.
At the same ti;:ne tha.t the relirdous ut!der't.ook
to teach the natives the precepts or'-'roli::;ion, they
labored to instruct them in m3tters of their m·m
improvement, and esta.bl ished schools for the reading and writing of Spanish among ti1e boys,
They
taught them to serve in the church, to sing the
plain-song, and to the accompaniment of the organ;
to play the flute, to dance and to sing; and to
play the harp, guitar, and other instruments.
In
this they show very great adaptability, especially
about Manila; where there are many fine choirs of
chanters and musicians composed of natives, who are
skilful and have ~ood voices~ There are many dancers' and musicians on the other instruments which
solemnize and adorn the feasts 'of the most holy sacrament, and many other feasts during the year. The
native boys present dramas and comedies, both in
Spanish in their own language, very charmingly. This
is due to the care and interest of the religious,
who work tirelessly for the natives' advancement.
In these islands there is no native province
or settlement which resists conversion or does not
desire it.
But, as above stated, baptism has been
postponed in some districts, for lack of wo~kers to
remain with the people, in order that they may not
retrograde and return to their idolatries.
In
this work, the best that is possible is done, for
the mission-fields are very large and ext0nsive.
In many districts the religious make use, in their
visitas, of certain of the r.atives who are clever
and well instructed, so that these may teach the
others to pray daily, instruct them in ot:ier matters
touching religior., and see that they come to mass at
the central missions; and in this way they succeed
in preserving and maintainir.g their converts.
Hitherto, the orders who control these missions in virtue of the o:n.i.1::..wodo and other apostolic
concessions have attended to the conversion of the
natives, administered the sacraments, loo~ad after
the spiritual and ter~oral ~nd ecclesiastical affairs of the natives, and absolved them in cases of
difficulty.
But now that there are an archbishop
and bishops, this is being curtailed, and the management of these affairs is bej_ng given to the bishops,
as the archbishop's vicars - although not to such
an extent, nor has the administration of these natives been placed in their charge, in matters of
justice, and under the inspection and superintendence of the bishops, as they have endeavored to
obtain.
-195The governor and royal Audiencia of I,Ianila attend to what it is advisable to provide and direct
for the greatest accomplishment and advancement of
this conversion, and the administration of the natives and their missions -- both by causing the encomenderos to assist the religious and churches, in the
encomiendas that they enjoy, with the stipends and
necessary expenses of the missions; and by furnishing from the royal revenues what pertains to it, which
is no less a sum.
They also ordain whatever else is
required to be provided and remedied .for the said missions and for the advancem~nt of the natives.
This
also is attended to by the, archbishop and the bishops
in what pertains to them in their duty and charge as
pastors.
The Holy Office of the lnquisition, residing in
Mexico of Nueva Espana, has its commisaries, servants,
and helpers in Manila and in the bishoprics of the
islands, who attend to ,11atters touching the Holy Office. They never fnil to have plenty to do there oecause of the entrance of so many stranger::; into those
districts.
However, this holy tribural does not
have jurisdiction of the causes pertaini~g to the natives, as the latter are so recently converted.
All these islands are subdued, and are governed
from Manila by means of alcaldes-mayor, corregidors,
and lieutenants, each of v-:hom rules and a<lJ.1inisters
justice in his own district and province.
Appeals
from their acts and sentences go to the royal Audiencia.
The governor and captain-general provides
what pertains to government and wa:c.
The chiefs, who formerly h8ld the other natives
in subjection, now have no power ovar them in the tyrannical manner of former days.
This 1:1as. not ti:1e 1 east
benefit received by these natives in raving been freed
from such servitude. Ho·,vever, it is tr ..H3 that matters
touching the sla.ve::."'y of former days have remainod on
the same footing as be.fore, The k_ing, o·o.r sovereign
has ordered by his decrees that the honors of the
chiefs .be preserved to them as such; and that the
other natives recognize them and assist them with certain of the labors that they used to give when pagans.
This is done ·with the lords and possess-ors of barangays,
-196-
and those belonging to such and such a barangay are
under that chi€:Z' 1 s control. When he harvests his
rice, they go one day to help him; and the same if
he builds a house, or rebuilds one.
This chief lord
of a barangay collects tribute from his adherents,
and takes charge of these collections, to pay them
to the encomendero.
Besides the above, each village has a governor
who is elected. He and his conatables who are called
vilangos comprise the usual r.ia1~dstracy amons the natives
The ,:::overnor hears civil suits ·.vhore a moderate sum is-involved; in appeal, the case goes to
the corre3;idor or alc2.lde-mayor of tl1e province.
These governors are elected annually by t:1e votes of
all the married natives of such and such a village.
The governor o.f I-Ianila confirms the election, and
gives the title of governor to the one elected, and
orders him to take the residencia of the outgoing
governor.
This governor, in adclit ion to the viJ.angos and scrivener (before whom he makes his acts in
writing, in the languaEe of the natives of that province), holds also the chiefs -- lords of bara.niays,
and those ivho are not so -- under his rule Etnd government, and, for any special service, such as collections of tributes, and assignments of personal services, as his datos and ma:1dQ.2..§.§.~
They do n.ot allow
the chiefs to opr:·ress the t.imazu2s or slaves under
their control.
4
The same custoiilS observed by these natives in
their paganism, .a~e observed by them s~nca they have
become Christians, in so far as they are not contrary
to natural law, especially as to their slavery, suet.
., .,
1 awiu.L
,., 1
cessions, inlleri·t ancG, o. d op;ions,
WL.i.S anc.l1
trading. In their suits, they always 2llege and prove
the custom, and are judged by it, ac-::orci.i:1g to royal
decrees to that effect.
In ot:1er canses which do
not involve their customs, and in c~i::1inal cases, the
matter is deter1:1i_ned by law as arr:ong Spaniards.
•
•
1,..
All of these isl~nds and their natives, so far
as they were pacified, were apportioned into e~comiendas from the beginning. To the royal crown were
allotted those ~B1ich were chief towns and ports, and
the dwellers of the cities o.nd towns; and also other
special encomiendas and villages in all the provinces,
-197-
for the necessities and expenses of the royal estate.
All the rest was assigned to the conquerors and settlers who have served and labored for the conduest
and pacification, and in the war,
This matter~is
in charge of the governor, who takes into consideration the merits and services of the claimants.
In
like manner, the villages that become vacant are assigned. There are r.1any very excellent encomiendas
throughout the j_slands, and t:C1ey offer many profits,
both by the amount of their tributes .;:md by the nature
and value cf what is paid as tribute. The encomicnda
lasts, according to the royal laws and decrees, and
by the regular order and manner of succession to them,
for two lives; but it may be extended to a third life,
by permission,
After it becomes vacent, it is again
assigned and granted anew,
The tributes paid to their encomender6s by the
natives were assigned by the first governor, Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi in the province Qf Vicayas and Fintados, and in the islands of Luzon and its vicinity;
they were equal to the sum of eight rcales annually
. for an eatire tribute from each tributori0.
The natives were to pay it in thsir produc~s -- in :.:;old,
cloth, cotton, rice, bells, fowls, and whatever else
they possessed dr harvested. The fixed price and the
value of each a~ticle was assigned so that, when the
tribute was paid in any one of them, or in all of them,
it should not exceed the ve.lue of the eight reals.
So it has continued until now, and the governors have
increased the appraisamcats and values of the products
at different tirnes, as thGy have deemed advit:able.
-
Tbe encomenc~eros have mad,3 great profits in col1 ecting in kind, for, after they acquired possession
of the products, they sold them at hic3L.er prices. · By
this they increased their incomes 2nd the ,roceeds of
their encomiendas considerably; until a few years ago
his Majesty, by p0t.itior.. of the r(;li3~_cus and. p:i.'essure
that they brought to bear on him in ~his ~atter, ordered for this region that the nativGs shonld pay
their tribute in whatever they wished - in kind or in
money -- without being compolled to do othcrv-.Jise. Consequently, when they should hav<::: paid their eig:1t
reals, they would have fulfilled their obligat~on.
Accordingly this rule was initiated; but experience
-198-
demonstrates that, although it seemed a merciful measure, and one favora·,)le to the nativGs, it is doing
them great injury. For, since they naturally dislike
to work, they do not f.;ow; spin, dig gold, rear fowls,
or raise other food supplies, as they did before,
when they had to pay the tribute in those articles.
They easily obtain, 'Aithout so much work, the peso of
money which is the amount of their tritute.
Consequently it fallows that the natives have less capital
and wealth, because they do not work; and the country,
which was formerly very well p:i.'·ovided and t1ell-supplied
with all products, is now suffering want and deprivation of them.
The owners of the encomiend2s, both
those of his Majosty and those of private persons who
possess them, have sust~ined considerable loss and reduction in the value of encomiendas,
When Gomez Perez Dasm~rinas was appointed governor of the Filipinas, he brought royal decree ordering the formation of the camp in ManilCt, with an
enrollment of four hundred paid soldiers, with their
officers, galleys, and other military supplies, for
the defense and security of the country.
Before that
time all the 3::ianish inhabitants had attended to that
without any pay.
Then an increase of two reals to
each tributario over the 8iR:ht reals was ordered. This
was to be collected by the encomenderos at the same
time when they collected the eight reals of the tribute, and was to be delivered and placed in the royal
treasury.
There this amount was to be entered on
an account separate from that of the other revenue of
his Majesty, and was to be applied in the following
manner; one and one-half reals for the exuenses of the
said camp and ,·Jar stores; and the remaining half real
for the pay of the prebendaries of the lfia:1ila Church,
which his Majesty pays from his trea::mry, until such
time as thei~ tithes and incomes suffice for their
sustenance.
Those tributes are collected from a11 the natives, Christians and infidels, in tr1eir entirety -except that, in those encomiendas without instruction the encomendero does not take the fourth pa.rt of
the eight reals (which equals two reals) for hir:1self,
since that encomienda has no instruction or expenses
for it; but he tnkes them and deposits them in Manila,
-199-
in a fund clllect· "the fourths."
The money obtained
.from this source is applied to and spent in hospitals
for the natives, and in other works beneficial to
them, at the option of the governor, As fast as the
encomiendas are suonlied with instruction and religious, the colJectl~n of these fourths and their expenditure in these special works cease.
Some provinces have taken the census of their
natives; and according to these the tributes and the
assignment of the two reals are collected.
In most of the provinces no .census has been taken, and the tributes are collected when due by the encomenderos and their collectors, through the chiefs of
their encomiendas, by means :)f the list and memoranda
of former years.
From them the names of the deceased
and of thos.e who have chnnged their residence 2re
erased, and the names of those who have grovm up, and
of those who have recently moved into the encomienda,
are added. When any shortage·is perceived in the accounts, a new count is requested and made.
The natives are free to move fr-0m one isla:r:d to
another, and from one province to another, and pay
their .tribute for tiwt year in -which they move and
change their residence in the p1ece to which t11oy move;
and to move from a Cliristian villaR:e tha-c Las instruction to another village possessj_ng·- it. B1.rc, on the
other hand, they may not move from a place bJ:1.ving instruction to one without it, nor in t~e same village
from one barangay to another, nor from one faction to
another. In this respect, the nece3SE:ry ~)recautions
are made by t~1e governri1ent, and the necessc.~ry :9rovisions by the Audiencia, so that this syst3rn may be
kept, and so that all annoyances resu~tin~ from the
moving of the settled natives of one place to another
place may be avoided.
Neither are the natives allo~ed to go out of
their villages for trade, except by pern ission of the
governor, or af his alcaldes-mayor and justices, or
even of the religious, who most often have boen embarrassed by this, ~ecause of the instruction.
T~is
is done so that the natives may not wander about aimlessly When there is no need of it, away from their
homes and settlements.
1
-200-
Those natives who possess slaves pay their tributes for them if the slaves are saguiguilirs.
If
the slaves are ~mahays living outside their owner's
houses, they pay their own tributes, inasmuch as they
possess their own houses and means of gain.
The Spaniatds used to have slaves from these natives, whom they had bought frora them, and others whom
they obtained in certain expeditions during the conquest and pacification of the islands. This was stopped
by a brief of his Holin~ss and by royal decreRs. Consequently, all of these slaves who were then in the
possession of the Spanish, and who were natives of
these islands, in whatever manner they had been acquired,
were freed; and the Spaniards were forever pr'.Jhibited
from holding them as slaves, or from capturing them
for any reason, or under pretext of war, or in any
other manner, The service rendered by these natives
is in return for pay and daily wage~. The other
slaves and captives that the Spaniards possess are Cafres and blacks brought by the Portu.5ueso by way of
India, and are held in slavery justifiably, in accordance with the provincial councils and the permiss~ons
of the prelates and justices of those districts.
The natives of these islands have also their personal services, which they ~te obliged to render -- in
some parts more than in others -- to the Sp2niards.
These are done in different ways, and are commonly
called the J2..Q.lO
For, where there are alce.ldes-mayor
and justices, they assign and distribute certain natives by the week for the service of their houses. They
pay these servants a n!pderate wage, which generally
amounts to one-fourth real per day, und rice for their
food. The same is done bv the religious for the mission, and for their monasteries and-~ ct.urchcs, and for
their works, and for public works.
4
The Indians also furnish rice, and food.of all
kinds, at the prices at which they are volued, and
sold among the natives.
These prices are al·ways very
moderate4 Th0 dates, vilangos, fisc2.ls make the division, collect, and take thesa supµlies from the natives; and in the same manner they supply their encomendcros when these go to make the collections.
The greatest servi~e rendered by these natives
is on occasions of war, when they act as rowers and
crews for the vireys and vessels that go on the e:x:peditions, and as pioneers for any service that aris~s
in the course of tllG war, although their pay and wages
are given them,
In the same way natives are as.signed and c1.pp0rtioned for the tinzts works, such as the building of
s}1ips, the cu~ting of wood, the trade of makine; the
rigging, the work in the artillery, foundry, and the
service in the royal magazines; and they are paid their
stipend and daily wage.
In other things pertaining to the service of the
Spaniards and their expeditions, works, and any oth9r
service, performed by the natives, the service is voluntary, and paid b:' n:utual agreern,3nt, :01·, as hithorto,
the Spaniards have 1Jorked no mines, nor have they given
themselves to the gains to be derived fror1 field labors, there i3 no occasion for employing the natives in
anything of t:1at so!'t,,
Most of the Spa.niai~ds of the F:Llipinas Islands
. . in
. t h e ci. t y o.f J.V'an::i.
1\/f
• 1
. + 1 01. +vile
'
resiae
a, r l:..e capL,a_;_
Kingdom, and where the ctie.: trade and comn1e::-ce i3 carried
on~ Some encomend6ros live in provinqes or districts
adjacent to Mar:.ila, whi::i.J: otA9r Sp:3.niard.s live in the
cities of Segovia, Caceres, $0.ntisimo Nombre de Jesus
(in Sebu), and in the town of Arevalo, where they are
settled, and where most of them have their encorniendas.
,J
n
1
•
Spaniards may not go to the .India~ villaces, except for the collection of th'3 tri.'.)u":es wLen t:1ey are
due; and thBn only ,::;he a:cEtldes-rraJor, ;::01TegiC.ors, and
justices.
It :J.s :,1ot perr:itted th~se t0 1·cmain continually in one settler:cent of their distri.:::t ~ b·J.t they
mu$t visit as much of it. as possib~.G. T~·1oy must change
their rebidence and place of abode BVery four mont~s
to another c:1ief v:LlJ.a:.se ar.:.d settlement, v1here e.11 the
nat:i.ves m&y ohtaii1 the beriefit of ·0hei:".'' :1rese:1ce; and
so that ttie no.tives may receive as sli;;i1'.:; 2nnoy2.nc3 as
possible in suppor~ing them and in the on1.inr:i.ry service
that they renJ~r them.
Th~ governor r:w.kes appointments to all offices.
When the ,_'t):.et'm of ofi'j_ce expires, trl8' roy.:tl Audiencia
-202-
orders the residencia of each official to be taken,
and his case is decided in ai:::cordance ti:iercwith; and
until the residencia is completed, the incumbent cannot be appoint eel to any other duty or office.
The
governor also appoints comr.1andants of forts, companies, and other military officials, in all the cities,
towns, t,nd hamlets of the islancis.
Certain offices of re~idcrs and notaries have
been sold by royal d~cree f~r one life, But the sale
of these offices has been superseded, as it is now
considered that the price paid for them is of little
consideration, while the disadvantage of perpetuating
the purchasers in office by this method is greater.
Elections of alcaldes-in~ordinary for all the
Spanish towns are held on New Year's day by the cabildo
and rr~gistracy. The residencias of these alcaldes-inordinary and their cabildos are ordered by his lfujesty
to be taken at the same time as that of the governor
and captain-general of the islands is taken;-and they
give account of the administration of the revenues
and the estates under their care. However, the governor may take it before this, every year, or whenever
he thinks it expedient and cause the balances of their
accounts to be col:ectcd. With the ~overnor's advice
and permission tl:.e expenses desired by ti.1s towns ar.e
made.
The city of :Manila has sufficier.t public funds
for certain years, throu~h the fines imposed by its
judges; in its own particular possessions, inside and
outside the city; in the rcweighin 6 of the merchandise and the rents of all the shoos &nd s~tes of the
Sangleys in the pario.n; and in the ?1orooo:i.3r on the
playing cards, All this was cone ed.cd to tLe city by
his Majesty, especir:tlly for the ex?en.ses of H;s fortification,· These revenues are spent for that purpose;
for the salaries of its officials, and those o:': the
agents sent to Espaiia.; and fo:t the te2.sts of tlw city,
chief of which are St. Poten8iana's ~EY, 1~y nineteen,
when the Spaniards entered and seized tha city, and
the day of St. h.ndrew, Novernb er JO, this date on which
th2 pirate Limahon ,:vas conquered a~1d driv2n from the
city.
On that day the city officials ta:rn out the
municipal standard, nnd to the sound of music go to
-203-
vespers and mass at the church of San Andres, \-Jhere
the entire city, with the magistracy and cabildo and
the royal Audiencia, assemble with all sol er.mi ty.
The above rtevenues are also used in receivlng the governors at their first arrival in the country, in the
king's marriage feasts, and the births of princes,
and in the honors and funeral celebrations for the
kings and princes who die. In all the above the greatest possiole display is made.
The other cities and settlements do not possess
as yet so many sourc0s of vieaJ. th or revenue,· or the
occasions on which to spend them -- although, as far
as possible, they take part in them, in all celebrations of the same kind. • ••
A considerable number of §_Q!Q-fi2 and junks (which
ar,e large vessels) generally come from Groat China to
Manila, laden with merchandise. Every year thirty or
even forty ships are wont, to come, and although they
do not come t0rether, in the form of a trading and war
fleet,, still tl1ey do come in groups with the monsoon
and settled weather, i·:hich is generally at the new
They belong to the provinces of Canmoon in March.
ton, Chincheo, and Ucheo (Fo .. Kien), and sail from
these provinces. They malrn their voyage to the city
of Manila in fifte011 or twenty days, sE:11 their merchandise, and return in eood season, before the vendavals set in -- tho end of May and a few 'days of' June ...
in order not to endanger their voyage.
These vessels corr~ laden with m0rchandise, and
bring wealthy m:.:::rchants who own the srdp.s, and servants
and factors of other r.1erchc:nts who rciLiain in C:iina.
They leave China with the perJlissL:m c.=r~d license of
the Chinese viceroys. and manda:--iris.
T~'!e nerchandiso
that they generally bring and sell to th3 Spaniards
• t s o f raw ei· 1 k· in
. b una"l es, 0.1..c- t-_,;~e :;: ineness o f
cons is
two strands (doLg_abe.£_§.§.), and otb~:i.' ;.'.::.Le of ~corer
quality; fine untwisted si:k, whita en{ of c6iors,
wound in small skeins; qurllltities-of vc;lv0ts, some
plain, and some embroiderod :i,n all .sorts of figures,
col ors, and fashions - others Nith bo c.y of gold, · and
embroidered with gold; woven stuffs and brocades, of
gold and silver upon silk of various colors and pa·~terns; quantities of gold and silver thread in skeins
1
n •'
·
.
-204-
over thread and silk -- but the glitter of all the
gold and silver is false, and only on paper; damasks,
stains, taffetans, gQ_rvaranes, picotes, and other
cloths of all colors, sorae finer and better than others;
a quantity of linen made from erass, called lencesuel£
(handkerchief) ;and white cotton cloth of different
kinds and qualities, for all uses. They als6 bring
musk, benzoin, &nd ivory; many bed ornaments, hangings,
coverlets, and tape3tries of embroidered velvet; damask
and gorvaran of different shades; tablecloths, ·cushions,
and carpets; horse-trappings of the same stuff, and
embro:i..der8d with glass· beads and seed-pear:::. s; also
some pearls and rubies, sapphires and crystal-stones;
metal basins,copper kettles, and other copper and castiron pots; quantities of all sorts of nails, sheetiron, tin and lead; saltpetre and gunpowder. They supply the Spaniards with wheat flour; preserves made of
orange, peach, §Cor~onera, pear, nutmeg, and ginger,
and other fruits of China; salt pork and other salt
meats; live fowls of good breed, and very kind capons;
quantities of green fruit, oranges of all kinds; excellent chestnuts, walnuts, pears, and chiCl)._iles. (both
green and dried, a dGlicious fruit); quant::.ties of fine
thread of all kinds, needles, and knick-knack~; little
boxes and writing-cases; beds, tables, chairs, and
gilded benches, painted in many figures and patterns.
They bring domestic '.)uffaloes; goose that resemble
swans, horses, sori1e mu.les and asses; even caged birds,
some of which talk, while others sinsi;, and they make
them play innumerable tricks.
The Chinese furnish
numberless other gegaws and ornaments of little value
and worth, which are esteemed among the Spaniards; besides a quantity of fine crock3ry of all kinds; canga_nes,
sines, and black and blue robes; !:.Qcl01:, 1,•fr1ich are
bfads of all kinds; strings of corne~i~ns, and other
beads and precious stones of all colorL; pepper and
other spices; and rarities -- which, did I refer to
them all, I would never finish, nor have sufficient
paper for i.t.
As soon as the ship reach,3s the Gouth of the bay
of Manila, the "\--Jatchrt1an stationed at the island of
Mirav0les goes out to it in a lisht vessel. Having
examined the ship, he puts a guard of two or three soldiers.on it; so that it may anchor upon the bar, near
the city and to see that no one shall disembark from
-205-
the vessel, or anyone enter it from outside, until
the vessc~l has been inspected. By the signal made
with fire by the watchman from the said island, and
the advice that he sends in all haste to the city -of what ship it is, whence it has co:me, what m0rchandise and people it brings -- before the vessel has finished anchoring, the governor and the city generally
know all about it.
When the vessel has arrived and anchored, the
royal officials go to inspect it and the register of
the merchandise aboard it, At the same time the valuation of the cargo is made according to lmi, of 1-:hat
it is worth in Ma.nil{~; for the vessel iJru:1edia"':.ely pays
three per cent on everything to his Majesty. After
the register has been inspected and the valuation made,
then the merchandise is immediately unloaded by another official into. champans, and taken to the Parian,
or to other houses and magazines, outside of the citf.
There the goods are freely sold.
No Spaniards, Sangley, or other person is allowed to go -:.o the ship to buy or trE:de merchandise,
food, or anything else. Neither is it a.1_J_ovrnd, when
the merchandise is ashorfJ, to te kG it from them or buy
it with force and violence; out the trado mus·:::. be free,
and the Sangleys can do ;,1hat they like with their property. • ••
Some Japanes2 c:md Portuguese merch:mtmen also
come every yeur from thG port of Nangasaquc in Japon,
at the end of Octo"ucr with the north winds, and at the
end of March. They enter and anchor at }'1':·.nila in the
same way.
The bul:: of their cargo is 2:x:cell ent wheatflour for the provisioning of Hanil2, a~1d. hig~1ly prized
salt meats.
'i'hey al so bring some fine ~-Joven silk
goods of mixed colors; beautiful a:1d f L10ly-decorated
screens done in oil and gilt; all :dnds of cutlery,
many suits of armor, spe3rs, catans, and other wea?ons,
all finely wrought; writing-cases, boxes and srnc:lll
cases of wood, japo.nned and curiously rnA.::.~ked; other
pretty gewgaws, excellent fresh pe.qrs; burrels and
casks of good salt tunny; cages of sweet-voiced larks,
called f.:hmb~o_§,; and other trifles.
In this trading,
~ome purcl}ases are also ma.de, without royal duties being collected from those vessels.
The bulk of the
-206-
merchandise is used in the country, but some goods
are exported to Nueva Espana.
The price is generally paid in reals, although they are not S? greedy for
them as the Chinese, for there is silver in Japon.
They generally bring a quantity of it as merchandise
in plat~s, and it is sold at moderate rates.
These vessels return to Japon at the season of
the vendavals, during the months of June and July.
They carry from r,'fanila their purchases, which are co,mposed of raw Chinese silk, gold, de8rskin, and brazilwood for their dyes.
They take honey, manufactured
wax, palm and Castillian wine, civet-cats, large tibors in which to store their tea, glass, cloth, and
other curiosities from Espana.
Some Portuguese vessels sail to Manila annually
during the monsoon of the vendavals, from Maluco, Malaca, and India. They take merchandise consisting of
spices - cloves, cinnamon, and papper; slaves, both
blacks and Cafres; cotton cloth of all sorts, fine
muslins ( caniquies), linens, gauzes, raQ1buties, and
other delicate and precious cloths, ambe:c, and ivory;
cloths edged with nita, for use as bed-ses,1ers; hangings,
and rich counterpanes from Vengala (Bengal), Cochin,
and other countries; many gilt articles aiicl · curiosities; jewels of diamonds, rubies, sapphires,. topazes,
balas-rubies, and other precious stones, both set and
loose; many trinkets and ornaments from India; wine,
raisins, and almonds; delicious preserves, and other
fruits brought .from Portugal and prepared in Goa; carpets and tapestries from Persia and 'rl:'..rquia, made of
fine s~lks and wools; beds, writing-cases; parlorchairs, and other finely-gilded furniture; made in
Iv'iacao; ne edl e-~·Jorl: in col ors and in 'l'Jhit e, of chainlace and royal poin,c lace, and othe::.'"' f&nc:1-work of
great beauty and perfection. Purch3s0s of all the
above are made in Manila, and paid i!1. rehls and gold.
The vessels return in January with the brisas, which
is their favorable monsoon.
They c.::i.rry to Maluco
provisions of rice and wine, crockery-ware, and other
wares needed there; while to Mal2.ca they take only
the gold or money, besides a few special t:cinkets and
curiosities from Espana, and emeralds. The royal duties are not collected from these vessels.
-207A few smaller vessels also sail from Borneo,
during· the vendavals.
They belong to tho natives of
that island, and return during the first part of the
brisas.
They enter the river of Manila and sell their
cargoes in th2ir ves;:;els, These consist. of fine and
well-made palm-riiats, a few slaves for the nati vos, s<1go
a certain food of theirs prepared from the pith of
palms -- and timber; large and small jars, glazed black
and very fine, which are of great service and use; and
excellent camphor, which is produced on that island.
Although beautiful diamonds are found on the opposite
co-1st, thf)Y are not taken to Manila by those vese,els,
for the Portw:w.ese of Ivialaca trade for tnoti1 on that
coast# These·'articles from Borneo are bought more
larc;ely by the natives t:1an by the Spaniards.
The articles taken back by the Borneans are provisions of
wine and rice, cotton cloth, and qther wares of the islands, 1.:,1hicl:. are wanting in Born.ea,
Very seldom a-few vessels sail to M9.nj_la from
Siam and Camboju,
'l'hey carry some benzoin, pepper.,
ivory, and cotton cloth; rubies &nd sapp~ires, badly
cut and set; a few slaves; rhinoceros horns, and the
hides, hoofs, and teeth of this animal; and other
goods. In return they take the "1t1ares fou11d in l~nila.
Their coming and return is bet':.Jeen the bri,sas and the
vendaval s, during the r::1onths of April, May, and June.
In these classes of merchandisg, and in the products of the islands -- naraely, gold, cotton,cloth,
mendrifiaque, and cak0s of white and /~llow wex -- do
the Spani,qrds effect tLeir :gurche.ses, j_r:vestm.ents, and
exports fo1 Nueva EspA.f.ia. 1.hey r:ia ke these as is most
suitable for each p8rson, and lade -s:ir% C>ll th9 vossels that nre to ma~ce the voya>.?;2~ T~1u:- VJ.lu.e 3.:nd register these goods, for they pay into the royal treasury of Manile., before the voya?;t~, the tlf''.) ::,ur cent royal duties on exports, besides the fr3jght charges of
the vessel, which amount to forty Ca.s:~~-llian ducados
per tonelada.
This latter is paid it the ,ort of
Acapulco in l\Tueva Es.9a.fia, into thE..; ro~rE. l ·;:-,reasu.ry of
the snid port, in ac1-d.i tion to thG ten per 8 ent duties
for entrance and first sa1 e in Nuev3. Espal".La.
1
Inasmuch as th;_:~ ships which are despatched with
the said merchand5.sG :_;re at bis Hajesty 1 s account,
and other ships c2r~not, be sent, then~ is generally too
small a place in the c2rgo for all the purchases. For
-208-
that reason the governor divides the cargo-room arr;ong
all the shippers, according to their wealth and merits,
after they.have been examined by intelligent man,
appointed for that purpose.
Consequently every man
knows from his slv,sre how much he can exp'ort, and only
that amount is received in the vessc~l; and careful and
exact account is taken of it. Trustworthy persons are
appointed who are present at the lading; and space is
left for the provisions and passengers that are to go
in the vessels. When the ships are laden and re~dy to
sail, they are delivered to the general and the officials who have them in charge.
Then they start on
their voyage at the end of the month of Jmrn, with first
vendavals.
This t rado and commerce is so/ great and profit•
able, and easy to control -- for it: only lasts three
months in the year, from the time of the arrival of
the ships with their merclwndise, until those vessels
that go to Nueva Espana take that merchand:i.se -- that
the Spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage
in, any other industry. Consequently, there is no
husbandry or field-labor worthy of consideration. Neither do the Spaniards work the gold mines or placers,
which are numerous. They do not engage in many other
industries that they could turn to with great profit,
if the Chinese trade should fail them. Thett trade has
been very hurtful and prejudicial in this respect, as
well as for the occupntion and farm industr:i,.es in which
the natives used ·to engage. Now the latter are abandoning and forgettin::::.: those labors.
Besides, there
is the greet haru and loss res'J.lting from the immense
amount of silver that passes annually by this way (of
the trade), into the possession of infidels, which
can never, by anyway, return into the possession of the
Spaniards.
His Majesty's agents for the government and jus~
tice, and the royal officials for th,3 rnanaP.~ement of
his Majesty's revenue, are as follows: Fi~.·st, the
governor and the captain-general of all the islands,
who is at the same time president of the roval Audiencia of Manila,
He has a salary of eight thoussand pesos de minas per year for all his offices. He
possesses his own body-guard of tw~lve halbcrdiers,
whose captain receives three hundred pesos per year,
-209-
The governor alone provides and regulates all that
pertains to war and government, with the advice of
the auditors of the Audiencia in difficu.l t mat-rjers.
He tries in the first instance the criminal cases of
the regular SJldiers, and any appeals from his decisions go t.o the iaudil:;ncia.
Tl1i:~ go·,ernor t.ppoints
ma;:1y alcal.des-nayo.t·, corregidors, deputies, and other
magistrates, t:n oug:101;.t the isl2nds .::md their provinces, for carrying on the government and justice,
and for mil.it;:1ry m..1tters.
These appointments are
made before a governL,ent chief scrivener appointed by
his Majes·ty, who helps the governor.
·
1
The gove:cnor l:i.kewise takes part with the royal
Audieticia, as its president, in whatever pertains to
its duties.
The Audiencia consists of four auditors
and one fiscal -- each of whom receives an annual salary of two thousand pesos de minas - one report-er,
one court scrivener, and alguacil-mayor, ·..-1ith !1is
assistants, one governor of the prison of the court,
one chancellor, one registrar, two bailiffs, one
chaplain and sacristan, one eXtJCu.tioner, attorneys,
and receivers. The Audiencia tries all cases, civil
and criminal, tal:en "co i-:; from all the pro·1j_nc es of
its district. These include the Filipina3 Islands
~nd the mainland of China, already discover8d or to
be disc-overed. '1 he Audiencia has the same authority as the chanchillerias of Valladolict and Granada
in Espafia.
f.t the same time, the Audiencia provides
whatever is advisable for the proper and systematic
management of the royal excheq11er.
1
His Majesty's ::."evenues in the Filipinas Islands are in charge of th£ee roval ofticials.
They
are apr;oint ed by his Ilaj esty, and consist o:: a i' actor, and account&nt, and a treasurer.
The7 each receive an annual salary of fi_ve hundred 2nd ten thousand maravedis. 'I'hey have their clerk of mines, and
registrars of the royal reven~es, and their executive
and other officials, all of wh6r1 reside in r:ianil~.
From that city they m3nage end attend to everything
pertaining to the royal revenues thro 11ghout the islands.
His Majest:r has a number of encomiendas. apportioned to his royal crown throughout the provinces
of the Filipinas Islands:· The tributes of these en-
-210-
comiendas are collected for his royal treasury by his
royal officials and the collectors engaged for·that
purpose by the royal offioials. From year to year
those amount to thirty thousand pesos, after deducting costs and ex9311::ies. .They colloct, froLl ono year to
another, eight tto 1sE·n.d pesos in t.ritut es from tte
33.ngleys -- both Chr::_stt&ns and inf:i.C:els,
1
They also colJ.ect the fifth of all geld dug in
the islands. By speci3.l conc-2s~.ion for·a limited period, the tenth is collected instead of the fiith.
There is a declaratio~ concerniEg it, to the effec~
that the nati7es shall pay no fifths or other duties
on the jewels and gold inherited by them from their
ancestors before his Majesty owned the conEtry.
Sufficient meas'..l.:ces have been taken f')r the clear understanding of this concession and its investigation, for
that on which the tent:h has once besn paicJ., and the
steps to be teken in the natter. From one year to another they colJect ten thousand pesos from these fifths,
for much is cone e,3.led..
The assignm2nt of twc reals from each tributario
inures to the royal treasury an~ is peid ~rta it, for
the pay of the soldiers and the stipend of the rrebendaries. These are collected from the enco~enderos, in
proportion t0, and on the a CC'.)unt of, y he:b· tr:_bv.tes,
and amount annually to thirty-four tl:ousand. pesos.
The finos and oicpenses of justice arc conmitted
to the car0 o: the trea3u1"er of the ;r-oya1 ::.'evenues, Gnd
are kept in ths treasury. They amount annually to
three thousand pesos.
The three per cont duties on the Chirese merchanduse of the 3angley vessels average fcrty thousand p 0 so s annually.
The two per cent duties paid by the Spaniards
for exporting merc~1anC.is0 ·;:,o n1kva }t::;;;,t'afia aLount annually to twenty thouse.nd peso:,. 0:1 the rnc1'cl1andise
and money sent from J"Jueva };2pa.7ia to th,-:1 ?:ilipinas,
result eight t~ousand pesos rrore.
Conseauently, -in
thase things and in other dues of less i1x6ort3.;_1ce that
belong to tLe royal trea2 u'y, his Ma,jesty- receivos
about one hund:ccd anc:1. fifty thnusand .pesos, or there1
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I
about, annually in the Filipinas.
Inasmuch as t:·ds amount do2s not suffice for
the expenses t,l1r,t are incurred, the royal trGasury
of Bucva Espaha sends a~nually to that of the Fili.
•
rl , . ' .
"
. • t
pinas,.
in
a_QJ.Y,ion
.~0 t.i-::.
2 c1,oovc re7ur:.ues, so!Ylo ass1s
an:::e in money -- a jreatcr .or 1C'ss sum, as necessity
requires. For his ~~jesty has thus provided for it
from the proceeds of the ten per cont duties of the
Chinese merchnndis8 that are collected at the port of
Acapulco tn Nueva ~::::spafia,
This assistance is [~iven
into the lreeping of the royal o.:fic:ials in Manila,
and they take charge of it, with the rest of the revenues that they manage and collect.
1
From all thi3 gross sum of his Majestyt s revenue, the salaries of the governor and royal Audiencia
are paid, as well as the stipends of prelates ru1d ecclesiastical prebendaries, the salaries of the ru2gi3trat8s, and of the royal officials and their assistants; the pay of a:1.1 the nilit.Jry officeru and regular soldiers; his Majesty's share of the stipends for
instruction, anC the building of churches ~nd ~heir
ornaments, the concessio:·1s .and gratifica·;,:,:.:.or:s th2.t he
has al lowed to certain monastu:r:.Les, 2.nd. i'.)l,i ".ratG persons; the building of large vessels for the navigation to Nueva Espaffa, and of ~alleys and other vessels
for the defense of the i.slands; expenses for gunpowder and ammunition; the casting of ar,c:i.ller:,r, and
its care; the oxpenso ar:Lsing for expeditior::.s and individual undert2 kings in the isla.nds, and :i.n their defense; that of navigutions to, and negotiations with,
the kingdo~s in tteir vicinity, which are quite common
and necessary.
Consequently, since his lfajes+:.y's revenues in these isl3n~s are so limited, and his expenses so great, the royal trensurf f8lls short, and
suf.f ers :::ioverty an j r:eed.
The proceeds fro'.'u the ten per cent duties and
the frei:~ht clrnrc;es of t1H: shi.D;:'? ".-vhi:ch are coJ.le cted
at Acapulco in Nueva Es:-sx::fi2, on the nerc:hc.mdise sent
there from the Filipj_nas, sl t;10ugh so Ls i':lerc::.blo, are
also r.ot always suf.i'icien+; for tLe expenses incurred
in Nueva Espana with the 3hips, soldiers, 2.mmunition,
and other supplies sent an:r,ually t:i tho FiJ.ipinas.
These expenses are c;enerJ.1J.y greatly in excess of those
1
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duties, and the amount is made up from the royal treasury of Mexico.
Consequently, the king our sovereign
derives as yet no profit from any rev(_::nue s of 1-::.he Filipinas, but rather an expenditure, by no means small,
from his revenues in l';ueva Espana.
Ee sust2·ins thG
Filipinas cnly for the chri.stianization and conversion
of the natives, and for the hopes of zreater fruits in
• ,
•
l
o th er k inraoms
an d provinces
or hSla, w11cn
are expected throug~ this gateway, at God's good pleasure.
n
'
0
O
'
Every year the P.udiencia av.dits the e.ccounts of
the royal officials of his Iv!ajestyt s revenues, .strikes
the balances~ and sends the account3 to the tribunal
of accounts in IIexico.
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CHAPTER 1'HREE
ECCLESIASTICAL PATRONAGE
IN THE INDIES
As patrons of the Church, the Spa.nish kings claimed
for themselves certain rights and prorogao:;i ves in eccJ.esia stical matters.
The nature and sc:r:Je of tLese rights and
prerogatives, historically known as rights of ecclesie.stical
patronage, were set forth in a royal decree proriu.lgated by
Philip
II on June l, 1574.
The decree was incorporated in
the set of instructions th2t GoDe z Perez Dasm::i.r:i.fias, Governor end Ctptain Genor&l of the Philippines
(1590-1593), re-
.
' "oe f ore .ne se,t ou-c' .£Or +'
·1 .
.
cer,ea.
u.ne p·nL.ippines.
.!':>
As may be
seGn from the provisions of the order, the King of Spain or
' his representatives ::Ln t11e Indies - the Viceroy:: a:1d Governors and Captains Genera:i., had a large measure of intervention and control in mattm s of occlesiastical administra1
' tion.
The dor::ument wl'd.ch follows is a text of the royal order
of June 1,
1574. 1
"The Kin;_;. To our viceroy of l\Jueva Espaja,
or the p,:;rson or persons who shall, for the timo being, be exorcising the povernment of that country:
_____ ___
,
1 - B.&:. R., vol.
:~xr,
pp.
19-31.
-214-
h.s you know, the ri'_jl1t of the ecclesiastical patronage beL:mgs to us throughout the realm of the Yndias
-- both because of having discovered and acquired
that new world, and erected there and endm·ied the
churches and ~onasterics at our own cost, or at the
cost of our 3ncestor;:,, the Catholic Sovereigns; e.nd
because it was conceded to us b:r b-c1lls of the moot
holy pontiffs, conced~d of their own accord.2
For
its conservation, anc. that of the right that we
have to it, we order and command that the said right
of patronage l1e 2Lvo.ys presE;rved for us and our- royal
crown, singly anc:1 in solidum, throughout all the realm
of the Yndias, vdthoµt any derogation therefrom, either in whole or in Dart; and that we shall not concede the right of paironage by any favor or reward
that we or the kings our .successors may confer.
"Further, no person or persons, or ecclesiastical or .seculo.r cor:miunities, or church or monasterv, shall be atle to e.;;:ercisi:j the :cj_ght, of -oatronage.by custom privi~oge, or any other fitle, ~nless
it be the person who shall ex,~rcise it in our name,
and with our authority and pmver; -:1nd no y:ierson, whether secular or ecclesia3tical, and no order, convent,
or religious community, of whatever state, condition,
rank, and preeminence be or th2y may be, shall for
any occasion 3.nd cause who.tever, judicia:::.ly or extrajudicially, dare to meddle in any matter touching my
royal patronage, to injure us in it - to appoint to
any church, benefice, or eccl~siastical o~fice, or
to be accepted if he shall have been appointed - in
all the realm of the India.s, without our presentation,
or that of the person to whom we co111I'1it it by law or
_by le:tters-pat0nt.
He who shall do the contr.J.ry, if
2 - The bulls ref8rred to here were that of Pope Alexander VI 1501, and that of Pope Julius, 1508.
Pope Alexander VI's bull granted the title and the first fr·11its of
the }ndias in return for the duty assumed by the Spanish Soverei~ns of prop3.'62tin 5 the faith and 11aint3.ining t.he churches.
Pope Julius grant0d the univPrsal patronage, i.e~,
that of nominatin~ proper persons ±~or churches, catlfodrals,
and other ecclcsi3.stical benefices and pious places.
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he be a secular person, shall incur the loss of the
concessions tl1at s11G.ll have been made to him by us in
all the realm of the Indias, shall be una'Jle to hold
and obtain others, and shall be exiled perpetually
from o.11 our kingdoins and seigniories; and if 11e
shall be an ecclesiastical person, he shall ~e considered as a foreigner, and exiled fror:i all our kingdoms,
and shall not be able to hold or obtain any benefice
or ecclesiastical office, and shall incur tlIB other
penalties established against such by laws Of these
my kingdoms.
And our viceroys, audiencias, and royal
justices shall proceed ~ith all severity acainst those
who tbus sh2.ll infr·:Lnze or violate our right of patronage; and t::cey shall proceed offici2.lly, ei~:;her at
the petition of our fiscals, or at that of any party
who demands it; and :i.n the execution of it, great diligence shall be exercised.
"We desire and order that no cathedral church,
parish church, nonast.ery, hospital, votive chu: ch, or
any other pious or r";ligious-esta.blishment be erected,
founded, or constructed, ,:,Jithout our express consent
for it, or that of the ·person who shall exercise our
authority; and fm.'ther, ~:.hat no archbishop:cic, bishopric, dignidad, canonry, r3cion, media-r2cion, rectorial or simple benefice, or any other ecclesiastical
or religious benefice or office, be instit1~ed, or appoint:ment to it be made, without our conser:t or presentation, or that of the person who shall exercise
our authority; and $UCh pres eY1to.tion or consent ::,hall.
be in writin 6 , in the ordinary manne1.....
1
"T':1.e archbishoprics and bisho:;:>r:::..cs shall :)e appointed by our presentation, m::ide to Ol'r very holy
father Ci.:_EL:., the Ro1nc1.n pontiff) who shal:1. be at that
time, as has been dono hitherto.
"The dignidaaes, canonriGs, racions and mcaiaracions of all the cnthed:'al churches of the Indias
shall be filled by p:..~esentntion L!B.cie by 01.u' royD..l W'.lrrant, given by our royal Council of the Indias, and
signed by our nan:;.e, by virtue of' which tho arci1bishop
or bishop of the chu:cch w!1ere the said dignidad, ca~onry, or raci@n shall be shall grant to him co!lation
and canonical installation, which shall also be in
writing, seiled ~ith his seal and signed with his hand.
-216-
Without the said presentation, title, collation, and
canonical i.r:stallation, in writing, he shall not be
given possession of such dignidad, canonry, racion,
or media-racion; neither shall he accept the benefits
and emoluments of it, under the penalties contained
in the laws against those who v:.olnte our royal patronage.
"If in any of the cathedral churches of the Yndias there should not be four beneLiciaries - at least
resident, and appointed by our presentation and warrant and the cano~ical installation of tho prelate -because of the other prebends being vacant, or if appointments to them lmve been madE:) becaus() the beneficiaries are absent (even though it ~e f6r a legitimate reason) for more than ei:{ht months, until we present them the prelate shall elect four seculars to fill
out the term of those who shall have been appointed as
residents, choosing them from the most capable and
competent that shall offer', or who can be f6und, so
that they may serv~ in the choir, the altar, the church,
and 2s curas, if that should be necessary in the. said
church, in plBce of the vacant or abc $1t probendaries,
as above stated. He shall assign them an ad.equate
salary, as we have ordered at the account of tirn vo.cant or .absent prebendaries; and the said provicion,
shall not be permanent, but reraoval at vvi1J. ( arl 11;utum),
and those appoi.nted shall not occupy the seat of the
beneficiary in the choir nor enter or have & vote in
the c2.bildo. If the cathedral church has four or more
beneficiaries, the p::--elatos shall not take it upon
themselves to appoint any prebendaries, or to :provide
a substi-c;ute in such post, wh,~ther for thnse that become vacant, o:..· for those whoae incumbents n-;ay be absent, unl~ss they shall give us no~icc, so that we may
make the presentations or to.ke such measures as may
be advisable.
1
-·
"No prelate, even though he have an authentic
relation and information that we have presented any
person to a dignidad, canonry, r2cion, or D.Ey otlier
benefice, shall grant him collation or canonical installation, or shall order that he be givGn poss0ssion
of it, unless our original warrant of the s2id presentation be first presented; and our viceroys or audiencias shall not meddle by making them receive such
-217-
persons without the said presentation.
"After the original warrant of our presentation has been presented, appoi~t~ent and canonical
installation shn~l ·oe made vJithout an7 delay; and order will be givan to assign to hire the emoluments, unless there is some legitimate objection against the
person presented, and one which can be proved.
If
there is no legitimate objection, or if.any such be
alleged that shall not be proved, ar1.d the prelate
should delsy the E.p:)oj_ntm,::mt, instal:_ation, and possession, he sha:1 be obliged to pay to such person the
emoluments and ir:co:~1e;::, costs, and interests, that
shall have been incurred by him.
It is our desire t':iat, in the presentations that
shall be made for dignidades, canonries and prebends
11
in the cathedral churches .of the Yndi_as, lettered men
be preferred to those who are not, and those w:10 shall
have served in cathedr2.l cr11.ffches of these s2-me kingdoms and who shall h2ve had most experience in the
choir and divine w0r;:,hip, to t:1ose who sI1all not have
served in catheG.ral churci1es.
?!At least in the dlistrict2: where it, can .Je conveniently done, a graduate jurist i~ gensrcl·s~uciy
shall be presented for a doctor,,.il cancni~a:;e, and another lettere1 theoloeical gr~Juate in ~e~eral study
for 2no"':.l1er mac;istral canor:icatc, w:10 2h:1l1 ha rn the
pulpit with the obligations that doctoral and wagistr::."l]_ canons have in these kingdoms.
0
"Another lettered theologue ap,roved by seneral
study shdll be presented tc read t~e lesson oZ the
holy scri1)ture.s, and t;nothcr lette:cec'. j:1111.st t:1eolo 6 ue
for the c&nonicat e of pe11it enc e, in acco !"L1.e'J1ce ':-Jith
the estdblished de~rc-es of the holy council of Trent.
The said four canonries she.11 be of the nur,:ber of those
of the erect ion of the Chur eh.
11~e will and order that all the benefices, whether ~inecures or curacies, secular and re;ular, and
the ecclesiastical office::: t:1.0.~ become v3.co.nt, or
that, as they al'e 11.ev.1, n111.st be fil 7_od., thToug:.1out the
realm of tlie Ynciias, j_n -whatever diocese :~t may be,
besides those that c,re p1'ovided in the 8-athedrul churcl".!-
-218-
es, as stated above, shall, in order that they may
be filled with less delay, and that our royal patronage may be preserved in them, be filled in the following manner:
"When a benefice (whether a sinecure crr a curacy),
or the administration of any hospital or a sacristy or
churchwacd(;;:Pship, or the stswa:cd2hip of a hospit,2.l,
or any other b-3nefic e or eccl es:.as t;i~ al office, shall
become vacant, or 1;'Jl-1en it has to be :'illed for the
first time: the prelate shall order a written proclamation to be posted in the cathedral church, or in the
church, hospital, or @onastery whera such benefice or
office is to be filJ_ed, with the suit.a.ble limit, so
that thoa·:-~ who desL:-e to conrpet;e for it rnny en,~rJr the
lists~ F:tom all those who thus com~Jote, cmd from all
the others whom the ,relate s~all beiieve to be suitable
persor..s fo::." s'.1ch of:fics or benJfice 1 after having cxamir.ed
them and after havi".1.g info.rn:ed himseJ...f concerni11g their
niorals and ebil::.ty, he shal: · choose \;110 p,arscns from them those whon, in the 3ight of God and his conscience,he
shall judge most s~it&ble for such office or benefice. T~
r..omin2.t ion of the t1vo thus r..amJd shall b G presented to
our vicer'oy or to the pr·23ic.en-:::, of our royal Jl.,,1,diencia;
or to the i:,er.so11 who, in our nar:1e, shall exercise the
superior government of t~e province where s~ch bcne~
ftce or o~fice shall become vacant or fuust be filled,
so that he niav select one fro,n the two 2:,T1Jointoes.
He sh2.ll send, that. SD1ection to the :orelat::::, so that
the lattar in accordbnca with it, and by virtue of
that pr2s011t.3.tior:, may g:-ant the appDintm::mt, collation, and canonical instal:ation -- by way of coLEission 2nd net by perpetual titls, but re~oveble at will
'by the p3rfon who shnll h1ve. p:'ef'entc~c: t':1em in our
r:am,
t0: P+hc.,.,
1·•jt'1
-'-l·,.,
D'.'elat-"
.'l•J1c.·
10"L:l re +'1ere be
._.u
•
u.1. .. ....., "'"_
~-;J-•
_..,_
no ~nore t17.ctn ono person ,,frw de.3ires "':-o c.:>:'!lpete for
such bE:na.:ice .· or of~':ice, or the pralate s:1a2.l not find
more ttan on~ person who~ he desires to raccivG the
nomination to it, he shall senj the name to our viceroy,
president, or governor, as 2bove stated, so that the
latter may present him. Then b~ virtue of such pres.
' . , 7 rr·:ucc:
..
·
· ' in
·
en t a t :J.cn, t'ne pre 1 a-c,e
sc.3..L..
t.h e arpo'.'.11tme;i:c
ths for~ above directed. Brr~ it ia our dasire and
...
-,
7
0
~
~
1
1
"'
u.!.
,_..:_u
,.J.1
will that 1,,1:L.en Lie prcst:11,'::-E,tio:1 :':'h.:1] . i be rnc.ci.e o:r us,
and we s:ia:1 . 1 e:.:qn·cs13J_y stnte in our pres:mtation that
the collation a:16 cq:.::.onica1 inst&lL.11::,ion sLell be by
-219-
title and not ½y comuission, those presented by us
be always preforred to t~ose presented by our 7iceroys, presidencs, or governors, in the form above mentionec.•
"And in the repc:trtimientos and villages of Indians, and in other places whero there shall be no benefice or any regulations for electing ona, or any
form of appointing a secular or reJ.igious to administer sacraments and teach the doctrine, providing it
in the foru above directed, the prelate - after posti~1,rz; a procla.ma~:-,ion, so t~at if there shall be any ecclesiastical o~ religious persons, or any othe~ of
good mora::.s ancl education who may go to teach ·::;he doctrine at, st1cl1 village - from ti10.s.e who shall compete,
or frcrn other Persons whom te shc:11 deem most suitao::1.e
~,ec~
~~o
~9 te~~ .c.d
~~fo·rmi1
h~~s~,~
and f1"t~1·11~b ' ;:,~·1·1sll
(;;.
t;:.L
'
ct..
lJ.~.l
of their competency and go.od .charac:'c~:r. He shall send
the nomination to our viceroy, president, or governor
who shall reside in the provinc:e, so that the latter
may pres'.:mt Ol1e of the two thus n0minated by the prelate. I~ there shal~ be no more than one, by virtue
of that presentation the prel3.t.e sha::1.1 ap:;;oint llj_m to
the mis3ion, g~ving him installation, as he hao to
teach the doctrine.
He st21:;_ order to be giv8n to
such person tho emoluments that are to b9 civen to ministers or missions, ani ch&ll orde~ the encomenderos
E.nd other r;eL3nLs, nnc1er ".:;he ponalt.ir~s a:1d. censures
th::it he s!1ccill deem suitab:;_e, not to £.nnoy or diEiturb
such pe:2son in tte e~:crcise of his duty and tho teaching of t!1u Chr:i.stian d.oc:t:r~ne; on the cont!"&ry, they
shall give hL11 a,ll p:t·otecticn and aid foi." ::i..t.
'l'h.3.t
appointm~nt s~all be ~ade removable at t~~ will of
the person who shal::1. tav2 appointed 11im in our 1w.me,
and that of tho rrelate.
--
J
V
VY'/
'
.'.'L..
7 :::
~
, ___LJ,1'.
Wi!J als8 1.'Jill .:md order that the rel::i..giou.s orders observe and maintain the right of patronat=;c in
the following form.
"First: No general, c o,mnis sary-gencral, visitor,
provincia~, or any other sure~ior o~ the rcli~ious orders, sh~ll go to tho rea~m of tte Yndias, without
.
. ou.r roy2.J.- CO11nci. J_ o:.--. t .~e
l,
.
-f irst
s h O1,vin.:f
:u1
.LflO.l,'.7.S th e
powers tho.t he bears 2nd ?;j.vi:1g us r:Jlation to them;
and without the Council givin6 · hini our decree and perT
, •
mission so that he may go, and a warran~ so that our
viceroya, audiencias, justices, and our other vassals
may adlliit and roceivB him to the exercise of his office, and give him all protection and aid in it~
"Any provincial, visitor, prior, guardian, or
other high off::..cial, t:ho may be el 3c+,ed and nor;1inated
. t l1e re,:Ln:,
l
,
vd•
i.·-~.
r.
•
•
, ·+
in
o:r,, tt1e
J.n .ias suaJ_..,_,
iJfJJ:ore
being
acm.ivted to exercise his office, inform our viceroy, prss.' t , Au d'ienci2,
.
.
, 1 nave
'
•
J.G.en
or gove:"nor wno
s ',1a.1...~
:;.n
c h arge
the supreme govcrnrnr:mt of SL,ch province, and shall
show him his patent of n0mina~ion and election, Eo
that the latter ~av give him the orotection and aid
necessary for the ~~;rcise and us~ of his office.
"The provincials of all the orders who arrr established in the Yndias, each one of tr..e:11, sha::.1..l always keep a list ready o: all the :nor::asteries C:tnd
chief rGsidsncos (m:::::'.r.tained '.:.hisre by his orde:cs ~ and
of the meniliers (resident iL each) th&t fal::.1.. in his
province, and of all the ~eli3~ous in th0 province noting euct oue of them by name, togethe~ with a report of his ago and qua~:..t'ications, and t~e ofiice or
ministry in wh:..ch each oue is occupicdq He shall give
that annually to 0 111· vi-::::2roy, 1-~ucienc:La, or go-:ernor,
or the person wl-i_o shall hc.ve c~12rge of t:1e sL:.:)rcrne
governinent in the provinc r2, a i;..Fng '::.o '.) r rcrnov:i.ng :rom
the list the :coli"'.):iou2 who sb-::i::.J. 03 sups:cflt '.)i.J.'3 2nd
those w~o sha~l b; needei.
Our viccr~y, A~diGncia,
or ·gove:i.'nor·, ..3h&11 keep t:1ose 6 m1er,9. 1. li3-S.s 1r;hich shaJ.l
thus be 3i vell, for h:..rns elf, ai1d in orcer t.tat ho may
inform U3 by repor~ of tho ral~g~ous tha~ there are,
and those of vJhom thore is ne3d of provi.:J::i_on, by each
fleet s 211t au·;:. ~
1
"The provinciaJ_s of the orc:1..ers, eac:1 one of them,
shall ma 1:e a list of all the reli:ziou2 who are occ·:J.pied in ·::.eaching tl1e Christian docti'iEe to tlw Indians,
and the administra~ion of sacramen~s, a::1.d t~e offices
of curas in t11e vil::..a.2:es of the chief monasteries.
They shaJ.l give suc:1 fist once a year to O\~r viceroy,
Audierci~, or governor, who sh2ll give it to the dice esan pre}c:,t e, so t.hat he may :~now anc: und.8rst.and what
persolis are occupied in tie adhlinisi::.ration of sacrame::-its and the oi'.:ic2 of curas ar.d the) e~c::1..esiastical
jurisdiction, ~nd w:w are in charge of the souls for
-221-
whom he
or must
whom he
to whom
fare of
is responsible; and in order that What is
be provided may be apparent to him, and from
has to require account of the said souls, and
he must commit what is to be done for the welthose souls.
nwhenever the provincials have to provide any religious for instruction or for the administration of
sacraments, or remove any who shall have been appointed,
they shall give not ice thereof to our viceroy, president,
Audiencia, or governor who shall exercise the supreme
government of the province, and .to the prelate; and
they shall not remove any one who shall have been appointed, until another shall have been appointed in
his place, observing the above order.
11 We desire, in the presentations and appointments of all the prelacies, dignidad;::.s, and ecclesiastical offices and benefices, that those most deserving,
and who shall ::--1a.ve been engaged longer and to better
profit in the conversion of the Indians, and in instructing them in t~rn C;hristian doctrine, and in the administration of sacrE:ments, shall be presented and
appointed.
Therefore we strictly charge the diocesan prelates, and those superiors of the religious orders, and we order our viceroys, presidents, audienc ias, and governors, thnt in the nominations, presentations, and appointments that they ~hall have to
make there, as is said, in conformity {with this decree), they shall always prefer, in the first place,
those who shall have been occupied, by life and example, in the conversion of the Indians, and in instruction and in administering the sacraments, and those
who shall know the language of the Ind.ians whom they
have to instruct; and, in the second place, those who
shall be the sons of Spaniards and who shal.l have
served us in those regions.
"In order that we may better make the presentation that shall become necessary of prelacies, dignidades, prebends, and the other ecclesiastic2l offices
and benefices, Ne ask and charge the said diocesan
prelates and the provincials of the religious orders,
and W8 order our viceroys, presidents, audiencias, and
governors, each one of them, separately and distinctly
by himself, without communicating one with another,
-222-
to make a list of all the dignidades, benefices, missions, and ecclesiastical offices in his province,
:noting those of the1:1 that are vacant, and those that
c:re filled.
Likmvise thev shall make a list of all
the ecclesiastical and religious persons, and of the
sons of ci ti zGns anr::l Spaniards 1,·.fr10 are stc1dyin.:; for the
purpose of tecomin:; ecclGsie sties, and o.f the good
character, lea:cnin:;, comp<Jtcncy 2nd qualicj_es of each
one, stating clearly his good parts and also his defects, and decluri~g, so that prelacies, d~gnidades,
benefices, and ecclesiastical offices shall be suit-·
ably filled, both those that shall be at present fo~nd
vacant, and those that shqll become vacant hereafter.
Those relatio:is shal~. be sent us closed anrl. seaJ.od,
. eac,h .t'.'l oe t , Ctna. in
. d.11:i..
"i:+- s111ps,
1- •
•
h a 11-·
in
eren,j
ana• wb~ac·'- s •.
be de8med advisable to add to or to suppress from the
preceding ones that shall have been ser..t 'Ju::~oro, sh3.lJ.
be added or suppressed; so that no fleE:it shall sail
without its re:ation. We charga the consciencos of
one and all stro.it.ly with ttis rna.tter.
.J_
"In order that we may not be doceived ~Y those
who come or send to netition us to 1Jresen'!:. th0m to
some dignidad, b ene~:i_ce, 01' ecclesi~.:;tic3.l office, we
desire, and it is our will, t/ia-t he viho si1all t!:1.us
come or send appear· before our vicero:~, or before the
president and Audiencia, or be:;:'ore- t;he one who shall
have charge of tLe supreme gov\-3rnmen 1::, of tlie province;
and, declarin~ his petition, the viceroy, A~di~ncia,
or gover~or shall ma~e the rel;tion o~fi8i2lly, with
information cone er:1L-1g his standing, J.earning, morals,
competency, anct othei' details. After it is made, he
~ 1
rl 1• ""v sep,3.rar,
' c 1 y 1~ rom ·c-~o
' h se perso:1s. T.u1.,:e• l'
s 'na..L
s ,::m,_,
wis e the appro7al of their prelate s~all be ob~ained,
and warning is riven that those who con~ to petition
for a dignidai, bene~ice, or ecclesiastical office
without such investi1;ation shall no:::. be received.
nw·e desire and it is our 11ill that no person can
h<?ld, obtain, or oc;::npy t,,,10 dir;nidadeP., o:,_"' eccl9s:i.ast1cal benefices in the provj.nc~s of the L1dias, either
in the s,J..rne o:::, in di!fE:rent churches.
Therefore we
order that if any one shal::i_ be p1·es ant ed. by us i' or a11y
dignidad, benefice, or office, he shall renounce what
shall have held pre-viousl v b efo:t·e his calla tion .s.nd
appointment.
·
-223-
11 If the one presented by us does not present
himself, within the time contained in the presentation, to the prelate who must make t.he ap:)o5.ntment and
canonical installation, after the expiratioL of the
.said time the presentation shall be void, and no appointment c-md canonical instalJ.ation can iJ e madB by
virtue of :1. t.
"Inasmuc:1 as it is our wil.l that the above-contained be obse~ved and obeyed, for wo telieve th&t
such nrocedure is ex~edient for the service of Gud and
for ot'.r own, I orC:.3r~ ycu -to examine the :3.bov0, and to
observe anc. o'.)e:~ it, end cause it to be obcerved and
obeyed in all ~~ose provinces and villages, and their
churches, ir_tJ~f., and exactly D.s is con'c,1.ined and decla!'ed, for ivhat tiue shaJ.l be ov.r will.
You shall accomplish and fu:'..fil i_t, :ln the WEJ.ys that shall appear
rr.ost advisabl8 t:;o you. You shal~. taka for ttis purpose
such measures and precautions as shal: be advisable,
in v::.rtue of t~is my ~ecree; and I g~ve you for that
complet2 autho:,ity in legal forr:i. - Accordingly we request an1 charge the very reverend father in Christ,
the archbisho? of that city, and memh2r of Ot'r Council,
and tte reverend fathers in Ch:c5.st, the arcr.tis:1op (?f
Nueva EspaLa, the venerable deans and cabiido ol th9
cathedral churches of that country, anc_ all the curas,
beneficiaries, sacristans, and other Acclesias~ical
persons, the venerable an-i devout father.s :)l,cvincial,
guardians, priors, and ot:1.er r 2l::.gi::m2 of the o:;,,ders
0 t
.,
n · ·
St • Augus·c.ine,
·
· ·
..,.
·
of .0t.
-~om::;.nic,
..,• .rtrc,Pcis,
an'1' ot· a 7___1_
the other orde~s, that in what pert3ins to, and is
in0u.mb&nt on thet:i, ·:::,hey observe r,1nd obey th::.s d8cree,
acting in 1'..armony ':Ji th you, fo 2.11 ·chat s'..w.J.l ~Je ad. b,..,_e.
GlV811
•
• ufl.n
~
l
T
•
t1
V1Sa
ln
Lorenzo C ....'"l1.8D_.,
uune
..f' :.Ll"S
one thousand five hundred 2nd S8VE'nt:r-.f,Jur.
0~
·c
]
By 01."der of his :r.:ajesty:
ANTONIO DE ERASO".
-224-
CHAPTER
FOUR
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH
CENTURIES
1. Creation of t.he Diocese of M~nila
In the history of the Catholic Church in the Philippines
important events took place in the last decades of the sixteen t h c e nt ury.
ruary
The first of these was the creation on Feb-
6, 1578, of the dioce~e of Manila.
This event marked
the beginning of the PhilippinrJ Hie rare hy a 5 an independent
entity.
Previously, the Philippines was, for purposes of ec-
clesia stical administration, s ubje et to the jurisdiction of
Mexico.
In
1579, Philip II proposed to the Pope Fray Domingo
de Salazar, as bishop of the newly crE::ated diocese. A Dominican,
Salazar was at that time
a missionary priest in Nueva Espana.
He was fermally i.nstnlled as first b._shop of Manila on December 21, 1581.
The diocese of Manila was elevated to the status of a
metropolitan see in August,
1595.
In that same year three
new 'bishoprics were crBated - Nueva Ser.;ovia, Nueva Caceres,
and Cebu - as suffragnn dioceses to the archbishopric of
Manila.
To fill the positions i-n these dioceses, the fol-
lowing were appointed by t,he Pope on recommendation of Philip II:
-225-
Fray Ignacio de Santibafiez, of the Franciscan Order, as Arch. h
1\"
• 1 a; F r. 1•ague~
·ir •
1 d e B enavJ·..
d ez, a Doru.rncan,
· ·
bis.op
o .f .iarn
as
Bishop of !·Jueva Segovia; F'r. Luis de Maldonado, Franciscan,
as Bishop of Nueva Caceres; and Fr. Pedro de Agurto, Augustinian, as Bishop of Cebu.
Following is p,Jrt of the text of tho bull of Pope Gregory
XIII creating the diocese nnd Cuthedral Church of Manila • 1
Gregory, Bishon, servant of the servants of God:
In perpetual remembrance of t:he affair:
•• ~ It is proper and nec82,sary, for the welfare of the soul8 of these natives and other like
persons, as well as for tne pea:e of conscience of
tb.e said King Philip, that in those islands there
should be some one in char~0 of spiritual aifairs.
Neither should there be wanting the prefer a~d necessarv suiritual and ccclr;siastical ,-.rnvPrnmcnt ir1
those regions, tC) the und. thc1t Alrlighby God ntay be
served more faithfully, and the gosp~l liw end t~e
said faith be spread and exalted tho more.
After
mature delibera~ion with our bratLren on ~½ese
points, with their advice, and at the h~mole solicitation of the aforesaid King p~jlip, by our apnstolic authority, by perpe t,ual tenor o.c' trH,se presents, to the p::--aise and glory of the surne .i-\.lrnigh":.y
God, as well as to tho honor of His ,nost glorious
Mother and \-;ver Virgiu Mary .snd of all the hcav'3n-ly court, end to the e::altati.on of the afore::aid
faith, we separate, ex0mp·t., and wholly relc;,ase t.he
church of the city known as Manila, in th,3 sc:iid j_[~land of Luzon, as well as the city itself, and, in
the islands belongin~ to it and their districts,
territories, and. villac;es, all the inhabitants of
either sex, all the clergy, people, secular and regular persons, monasteries, hospitals and pious
1 - B. & R., vol. 4, po. 119-124.
-226-
places, as w0ll as ecclesiastical and secular benefices, of '"1hD tsoe7er orders of rer::ulars, from our venerable brother the archbishop of Mexico, and from
any ot:1er ecc1esinsticaJ. and diocesan prelates, under whose jurisdiction they previoucly may have been
-- as well as from 211 jurisdiction, superiorsr~ip,
cognizance, visit, dominion, and power nf anyone
whomsoever.
Moreover, by tne afo:-'ee,aicl autl1ority
and tenur, we erect and establish .:;_. . orev,Jr the town of
Manila into a city, and its church 5.nto a cathedral,
under the t::.tle of 1rthe Conception of the same Blessed
Mary Virgin," to be held by one bishop ac its head,
who shall see the enlargement of its buildings and
their restoration in th~ style of a cathedral church.
Besides this, in it and the. city and diocE.:se he shall
have the word of God preached, the heathen natives of
those islands brought and converted to the ·l'lorsbip
of the orthodox faith, and converts instruct(~d and
confirmed in th9 same faj_th; moreover, he shall cause
to be imparted to them tLe grace of baptism, w:i_th the
administration of the otLer sacrar.10r.ts of the chuT'8h.
In the church, city, and diocese of Man:i.J.a, ne shall.
exercise episcopal jurisdiction, authority, and power
freely. Moreover, in both the aforesaid city and
diocese he shall now, as well as on occasion, erect
and establish dignities, canonries, prebends, and
other ecclesiastical benefices, both with and vdthout
parochial c barge, vdth whatever else bes:Lcies may be
expedient for the increase of divine worship and the
health of soul of those natives.
Re shGll be subject to the said archo:Lshop of Mexico, ,H1d t') :bis successors for the time b0ing, as m2t:-·o:i:ol:Lten. Moreover, hE;; sha 11 enjoy a 11 rif!,ht s as on oc c& sion shall
be declared, excepting as regards gold and silver metals, gems, and precious stones, which are the right
of th0 said Philip and of the Cat:1olic Sovereigns of
the Spains for the time being.
For this reason we
9rdain that tithes and offerings of first-fruits
,l.2..t!m=1:,t.~as), 2s required by law, need not be paid.
1vioreov2r he shall f:njoy all other episcopal.rj_ghts,
the same as are enjoyed, by law OJ:' custon, by other
bishops of the kingdoms of th0 Soa5,ns together with
the exaction of the same as see, 'table (mensa), and
other episcopal insignia and jurisdi.ction.
Besides,
for the future he may freely and lawfully use~ hold,
and enjoy the privileger3, irn::1unit~_e::;'., i:lnc: graces which
'bther cathedral churches and their prelates in the __
-227said kingdom use, hold, and enjoy, in any manner,
through law or cu3tom.
Again, to tte sarr.e cht:rch
of M.anila w0 assign the aforesaid people for city,
the said island of Luzon and all t.he other islands
for dioc c:se, c:rnd the natives flEd i:c.habitants thereof for. cl err;? ~ nd people.
I-1?re07?r W(; grant, t O the
same King Pn::.lJ.p power to as.s: ..~,;n, J.nc rea se, extend,
le .ssc:;n, and ott2rv1:i..s e change the bounds t r:erEdn. For
his episcopal tablo, (mensa), we apply and appropriate as dowry -snc y0EG'..L.yrr~venu3 of two tunrl.red ducuts, to be n£,id by King Philip from the~ yearly revenues corr~in~-r, to hir1 f ro'-11 the said if: land of Lu!0on, until the fruit. of the table itself .sh~ll reach the value o~ two hundred ducats. Moreover ~e reserve,
g!'ant, cmd assi?n for-ever to tte king the right of
pE: tron0ge over the churi:::h of Mani lei; and should any
vacancy occur therein to present, within one year, to
'
Romnn.Pon·i_J.
t · f+- ror
"
t ,ne
·
1-•
•oeir.g,
•
t ..i.or
.('
t,ne
_,ime
perso:1S f'.
.J.·
~h~t office as bishop dnd pastor of the same church
of Mani:a.
We a:so grant the same right of presentation for dignities, canonrics, pretends, and other
benefices, from their first erection, and thereafter
as vacancies shall occur, these being similarly given
to the bishop of Marila for -~he time beh:g, who shall
present tr0 s&me to Phi:::.ip, or the king for the time
bein1; - who, by reason of t:ie dowry and the new foundation, is-to be consulted in the establishment of
these dignitaries, canonries and pretends, the apostolic coLstit~tLms, and ordinanc3s_, and ot~1.er things,
to the contrary notwithstanding ••..
,~;
~ t Ro'ne
a+-V \...et • pc:-t-.·,-. t"'"-' ) on t !_
i..,e \..,c ixth
U _._ ven
.l
G
e~,
:.. .
clay of February in the year of tb.0~ incar:r..ation of our
Lord one thousand .:ive hurdred and sE:,vf2nty-eight
,...
. ~.
year o;. am~ ponti1:1.ca.::.~.
<,~
.L
,,_
'
'.J
J.
~
2. 0ri1in of the Privileges Enjoyed by the Friars
in t h{; Ind ics
The origin of the papal privileges anjoyed by friar
curates is explained by the Dominican writer, Vicente de Salazar, in his Historia de la Provincia Santisirno Rosario,
-228-
The following passages give the historical
Manila, 17 Ji_?,.
background of tlh:.Se privileges: 1
Tho relig:ions who left Spain for the Indias devoted all their energies to the reductinn of the gentiles of those regions, brin/::,~. ng the iciola trous to the
faith of Ch:r:i.st, and introdu~ir.£.; ~hem by m9an,s of the
1
'"'
t., o r- t-.Je1p.,ism
t ·
t. . o "·
1
,..,,
I n +h.
0.Jcram3n
n1.s h, o~-Y
,..,nurc:1.
'-' is -1-uas k
they worked with zeal, many of th8m de7oting their
lives to it.
In view of the large number of infidels
th2t were reduced. and of the lack at the time of seculars to ad:niniste:::' the new curacies, it was necessary
for th8 religious to accept the ar:lministration of
those for chbrity's s=1ke.
Thjs vwrk was indeed oneroas to ther-c~Tigious, who had come to the Indias, not
fur t hcit purpose, but rEither to preac 11 and to c onvort
1
. f.:. d e 1 s to our h
1 .
.
,
•
1 - re_._ip:ion,
t., h e in
. o~--Y
an'd t-'
.,ney c .Laimeo
that they were being emL&rrassed by a wark which was
so foreign to their profession.
Dut as it vrns not
possible to dispense with the services of the reli~ious, our Catholic Monarch, D. Felipe r:, in order to
TTluke m0rc tolerabll· and litz:ht the task wh5ch the religious were c~lled upon to iindertake, requested Fopo
Pius 1! to -exempt the r2ligiouf of the Inciias, who were
2mployncJ in the parishes, no-swithstandinf the requirern,-::nts to th contrary of the CounciJ. of Trent, frorµ
the ju:;:·isdicti.on and vir:,itation of the Ordinaries and
ti1e latter's exam:i.Eation and approbstion necessary for
the taking o~ this charge, and t~ ~er~it the reliGious
to re;n.:-d_n, ,?ven in th2ir capacity us :ninisters our
souls, urder the ahsolute ai1d f3ole ,::urisdiction of their
respective superiors.2
The nt'm-oer of seculc:.1:rs later
increas('d, Dnd t:1e Bishops of the Indias, seeing that
the re.J~::.on for this cone ession no long1:Jr existAd, wantr
1::;
1
Manild,
Qnoted in Sobre Una Re3r.!na Bisto:;:·ica de Filiu:inas,
1906.
2 - The Council of Trent wac. held at Trent in southwestern Tyrol. The Council was the 19th Ecumenical (General)
Councj_l o.f the Chm'ch.
It began its sessions on December
13, 1545, in the rontificate_of Pore Paul III, and closed December 4, 1563, durinp; Pope P:i us IV I s oont if :i.cat e. Its purpose WRS to state and define clearly and explicitly the posi•
-229-
ed the relio;ious who vvere found exerc1s:rng th0 cure
of souls to·- subrr..it to th(; latter' 3 t'.:mthor':r.ty or to
abandon their min:i.::.:trie$ so 't,hat these might be filled
with secular priests. 1:n this way, many pariohes
· were secularized, while in placea where the religious
did not wish to abandon the cure of souls, tllc lattm· subrrd.tt,::d to the visitation and corrc,ction of the
diocesans.
3, Incidents of the Diocesan Controversy
In the following paccages, the Recollect historian,
D~ego de 3ta. Theresa, ,,:iven
an 2.ccount of some controversies
..
which erose i.n the Philippines durin~ th0 16th unJ 17th centurias as a r0sul.t of tL(j 1_:inculin.r situation whj_ch pre~rniled
i.n many parisheD 'l:Jhe2e fr'.'i.etr C'J.rOt(E'S c).&im0d imn1urdty from
the jurisdiction of the dioc0san officials.
are tPLen fr~m his Hi~t0rlu gen0r~l d9 l.os r0li~i0cos rtescaJ.-
-----·------------
-----.~------------------------- -------· ·---...--....zos dol Orden d,2 las Errilicafios d:::l 7-r·:m Padre _vDoct,n· de lu
.
Yglesi2
3 'ln Ae: rn+:.in~d.e hi
con;i::,:-e,o·ac ion de EE;p.:.111..1.. v d.9 la,s
,..._..;.,=._;;;....;; _ _ _~ - " " = =
---·-------------------------·~ - - 1
---------tio~1 of ti10 Catholic
Church on V[:riou:::~ point,:·; o::'' c'.oct.r:Lne onrticuJarly those contained :i..r1 the hcrer;ics 0f tht0 Froce~,tant
Refon11atio11~
The Council also scug 11'G to 1J:'.'in·): ibout al:"! im.
l
'
. . ...
.
1 ;--1
, •
• 1 ..
provemcnt in t 1e syst;;m o.i t1.dmEnstr::1.tJ.oTI anc. c.lC:'.? c.ls8:Lp. 1ne
of the Church.
It W,:rn one of thL mo,st imnortant, and most
successful of alJ. tlvi Cou::ic'.Us i:wld ·o"/ the.Church. It wc1s
the spearn(,ad of the CDth()l.ic Counter:~Hefo.crnatbn mover1ent.
The Council of Trerr~ adoptuct, ns a ~encral ~oli~y, t:.he
x·ule th3t :~JE;culur pricists shoui d tak2 c lwrp;o of parochial~
work.
For this purpose, onch diocese should provide for a
seminary 'i~hure yoi..1 116 · ,:ion., -wltl1 voeatLons for the prie,str .ood
colfld be p::"orerly tr:1:Lned dnd prepared for service as pGrish
priests in tte Jiocese.
1
-230-
In_2iar,, Barcelona, 17l,J.
1
7h£ holy orders, E:ach one dojn 0 its ~3hare, declared pitil(~s.s war against paganism, and achieved signal victories in that vrar, destroyh1g tr::e idols of
DAlial and plantinr soliely the health-giving sign of
the cross; so that whatever is c0~quer0d in the islands is duo to their fervent Z(0aJ..
Ii'or they planted
the faith, and watered that J.and vJith blood so that it
might produce fruit _abundantly~ and God wa::,_ the ?ause
of so wond.::.rful aL increase.
The system tnat tnc;y
have always followed in the spiritual nc.minictration
of the missions and vLi..J.ag0s which they hav-r~ formed at
the cost of their sweat is the same as t:tnt observc,d
in America in the beginning by 7Rrious apostolic privileisos.
In th12 prov:Lr:.cia1 ch.a:::ri~,PrS hr :ld by each order, they c1vpoint as superiors of the hcus·js established in the villages o:f Inc:i:ms who are already converted,
those religious who are fit to gxercise the office of
cura by th1::):tr learning, th~ir mdr&ls, ond otriE.'r quantities. The same is also done in regard to the residences
of th8 active missions, where those thus appointed continue the preaching to and c or!.vers ion of the heathE;n,
with very perceptible progress.
Both the former and
the latter exercise th0 miriir-tries to Nhich th::y Jre d0s~
tined, without n8ed of oth8r approbation than that of
the definitors - who entrust tcj thesa ;-;pads of houses
the administration of the sacramants and the spiritual
cultivation of those souls, in the resocctive t0rritory -.,,,-h.:)rc t11e co:;_w0nt is loc.Jtt:d, a supr::t1io:t being olected for each conv0nt.
This is done independently of
the bii,hops.
Likewise th) definit ors of' each o:::·dcr in
their rneetinrs appoint various of' the inns t lt:arnc;d and
experienced men, to whom is 8ntrnsted c1nd dcl ef!atc,d
the faculty of giving dispensation in rEgard t~ the obstacles of marriage, and the exercise of' -othr:::c favors
and privileges contained in the nontif:i.cal briefs.
Those pow2rs are never exercised if the diocesans are
intra dnas cU et,:1~, 2 v1dth0ut t'.1eir permission and ap0
1 - B. & R. vol. 36, p. 150, ft.
2 - Within two days' journey.--~B. &
n.
-231probation; and always this is done (only) in cases
of evident necessity.
The provinc:.i.o.ls visit their provinces annually; and th~ said religious not on:y in ~hat concerns
their profsssion an~ regular observance, but also in
what relate,s to tl:teir activitie.s EIS curas.
The
diocesm1 prolDtes 2;ppoint their outsido vicars for
those territ,ories which. are in clv:re:e of the orders.
They almost alwaJs clY.:lil themselves -of those same re0
J.igiout::, for that, bE:Cc:tW:38 of tho greDt lack of secular priests.
The rel:Lgiou3 subm:i.t to the visitation
of the diocesan in mnt::,ters touching the erection of
chaplaincies, charitable works, th8 inspection of
wills, and confratern:.i.t:.es that arc not exeri.pt. 'rhey
resist only what includes the violation of thoir privileges gr-.1nt e:d by the supre;me pontiffs to the said
holy orders for the purpose of propagation of the
faith in re'3ions so distant. Such privileges, although not used in other parts of the Indias, ou3ht to
be maintained in Philippines, for reasons that will
be stated below. This is what has been observed from
the discovery of the soid islands until the present
tj_me; and the contrary has not been o£dored by tho
icing as patron, by tl1e roy,11 Counc iJ. of the Indias, or
by the apostolic see, although they ha7e had full
k~owleJre ol the caus0.
This method has been practiced, both bofare and sjnce the Council of Trent;
and there hao been no chango in it -- not even since
the yon,1· 165:.~, v.Jhon spt_ir.ial provision regarding i·c wDs
rnnd.e for 11fo_c)VC. EmJc.fia and ?e::"u; .::md it w2s ordered
tl··1·:::1t
t-1',,-, mi· "'S-io·11·,~•v
r"1-:g1'011C'
nP ·c'-1·1,,so rn·;~ovir 1CC'S
o
J·
'"'"~- -·- .::
.. ..._.,
sl1oul d rec oi ve coJ.lc.1t ion .1nd canonical 5.nst:l tutLm
from the ordinaric1s of those countries, in order to
continue tlv,dr exo:rc:i.G0s as curas ~ E\nd thc:rc consequent·~
ly the'' must 0uomit to the vis:i.tat.ion 8.nd correction of
the bi~hops in,_9:::f ::.c iJ off ic :I..fU}Q,Q.._~Jt g1:1_0_£.fL£JJ:.I.Pr.ILan~ ma rum.·~
But ho vJ<WE::r, 'cho1 oug:hl y that \I'/,:;; s J:>lci.C: ed
in exe:~c1Jtion in these kingdoms, i'c could noc be carr:i. ed unt in the Pllj_liuinas Island,s; for there even
the re::i.sons which infiur-mced the exemption of tbe rtigulars are in force.
.J
~
,L
ll...
J.
i..>"· ~
..J .J..
,....t.·.
'-' ,._
.....
.1.
...
,
1
------.
2 - "vVhen offic:iatine;
:i.t
j_n his duties, and as far as
relates to the cure of souls • 11 --B. &, H.
... 232-
It is true that the bishops have always made
the strongest efforts to subject the parish priests
who nre relj_gious to their jurisdiction; but they
have nover been able to s~cceed in it, for the religious are unwilling to acce,pt the cLarge with that
burden.
The first bishop of Manila and of all the
islands, Don Fray Domingo de Ealn~ar, tried to es~ablish that subjec-i:.ion.
Th(3 Ot2ervc1tine A.ug•.1.stinian
fathers and the Franciscans made use of the moans
which prudence dictat13d, in order to quiet their
scrupulous consciences.
Seeing that nothing (else)
was sufficient, they rosignod their missions before
the governor, as vice-petron, protesting that they
would care for the conversion of the heathen, bu~
ttat ttey could not keep the parochial administratlon
of those who were con7erted, wi·::.hout the enjoyment of
a.11 their privileges.
Thcrefor~, his Exc9lJ.ency was
forced to desist from his atte~pt, as he had no scculars to whom to entrust that administration.
In
1654, the attempt was made to est0.blish in Phili:?ir.as
tte pract:..ce recently adont.ed in the kingdoms of Peru
and Nueva Espafia by petition of the fiscal of th3
royal Audiencia. That body ordered t'.1at plan to be
CEtrried out, by a decree of Oct.ober 22; anl E' inc e
the chapters of the -;:-,wo p.covinces cf the order, the
calced and disca~ced, were to be held in Ap~il of 55,
that decree was communicatod to ttem. wjth the warning that if they were :rot obcdi2r.t t:10y wou~_d be dcpri vec:. o-: their mis s:L ons, and -+::.he rris ~dcna:~j_c s of the
emolur~wnts v-.r:tic h ta d bsen acsir.mcd th,cirn fo~~· their
suitable suppo,...t. All the order. 9 opp1)0ed. that change,
followin.i:; logical methods in th·::;i r d2l'ense, ar::.d averse
to scein~ tte necessity of abandoning their missions.
But ut L1 st, as the re was no ot11nr wc:1:r, th0 venc:,i:'flble
fathers-provi::1.c:'._al wer€: r''jut_,ce::i to hanajng over to
the ~overnor and bishops all tte ministri.es in ~h~ir
chai. . f~E::, ?o tha+., as th12 former ,,ms the vic,;-pet.con
an~ the latter were the ord::\nar:~e[', :,hey might appoint v-:homever thE'Y wished to the cm·c1cies.
0
That ~esi~nation was handecl to the fiscal, and
in view 1)f it, ::;_n order tha.t the most suitable provision mi?ht be made, with fnll knowledge, hti asked
that writs be made.out -- first, to show how many secular clerp-y_w:2re in the four bishop:cj_cs; sE:cond, so
that the off1c1 als of the royal treasury might attest
-233··
the amount of t.ho stipends :paid to the religious employed in the missions, and third, so that the provincials might send. the no.mes of th,::dr subordinates en1ployed in the missions.
That was ordered by a decree
of Mo.y 10 in the said, year 1655.
It re,sul ted that,
in all, 254 relicious wcro occupied in 252 missions;
that the royal treasury only paid stipends corresponding to 141 1trissionarios; nnd tha-f-:, there were only 59 suitable secular priests in all the isl~nds.
The fiscal,
seeing that accordinz to the report the procedure that
had been taken could nqt be maintained, in order to
o~viate th? inc~nve~io~ces that wa~l~ ons~e to the ~atives an<l 1nhab1.tarn:.s of the.;;e dorraranr.s J.f th,3 religious were withdrawn from the villagee, petitioned on
January t-1', 1656, that v:it.hout innovation the orders be
maintained in th€ missions, until it should be proved
that there was n sufj~icient sup_;;,ly of secul&r pr:l.es-ts
to tnke care of them; and that they be assisted with
the usual emoluments.
::-le asked and char:":ed the reverend f.J.thers-provind.al to look aftor tho :::piritual
adrn~nistrDt ion their accustcined: zeal.
Tho rayed, Au·di~ncia having so ordered in to~o by an act of February
17, the holy orders returned very willingly to apply
their shoulders to the wor.k.
Those acts were sent to
the royaJ. Council of the Inc:1.ias.
Tbe cau..s e having
been discussed there, in view of the reports of the governor (which w~;re. th:toughout favoraoJ..e to the ordE;rs J,
and of the manj_f est.as present9d by the orders in justificatj_on of their rights, the doct1ments were approved
on October 23, 1666, and the result wc::s to make no innovation in what had been decidid, and it cl,oes not appear that any other dGcreo was enacted a1ainst the observance and pr&ctic~ that the religi0us htve nlways
mai.ntained in those Islands.
~here:ore the archbishop,
having cJ.aitr.ed .that the api:1oi:1trnentr, for the missions
devolved on htm by the form of c anon::i.r.al coll.9.·i;:,ion in
cases where hj_s Maj e8ty d7.ci not rr:ake t'.se of the pri. vilege -w~1ich 1..:Jelon6 ed to :-dm t.iG pat:;:•on; unc: E.md.oavoring by that ID8A.ns to dep::-ive ·t11n 0rJcn·~ of the right
which they po~sess oY m~king these appointments without the intervention of :-d.s E:~cellcncy; tlw royal Council by a C:ecr,cu o.f [3ept8mber 26, 16tS'/, ordor·eri that
the matter be continued in the form in w11ich it had
been administered until then, anci. that no change be
permitted.
Shortly aft er the archbishop of JIFJ.anila, Don
Diego Camacho, makinp; use of ·the mo-st powerful means,
attempted to subject the religlou.s to his approbation,
L'f'"1 Cl:)
•
vis it a t•ion, arn..l.;) cor:coc t•ion 1n 0.1.
o f'"'"
·: I icJ..a n do. ..Ti' or
that purpose ho ha1 recourse to his iioliness, to whom
tn the year 1697, he reprosent0d that there wero rr.any
religious in the islands employod in more than seven
hundred pElrishi:is, ·v~ho hod ref-i.1sHd 3nd. werrJ refusing to
rer::eive the vioitation and. corrc:ction of the diocesans;
and he asked thot they bo corr~0iled to receive such visitA.tion.
U;iun seoing thclt, his l:-IoJ.iness Cle:11ent XI
• . d (, J Bnuary 30, 17"5
•
d ccJ.ac
·..1
;I
that t.h e rixnt 01 v:1.s1 t inG
the parochial regulars bc3:;_or.i{ed to th8 said archbishop
and othe:c bishops; but 1:rn mado no mention of tho other
poj_nts ".:Jhich h::,d been referre1 to him, and ·which were
aloo under dispute,
This appears f~om the brief despatched in this regard,
This brief havinf been presented in the Gou.ncil of the Inc.ias, it appears that j_t
0
0
0
0
O
1
"
•
•
was confirmed on April 22 of the s~me year,
The said
archbishop ordered :l.t to be executed (October 26, 1707)
wi~h the rros~ strenuocs efforts; but he encountered in
this such dissensions and dis~urbances that it iu con~
sidf;r-ed advis,1ble t0 omit ths :relation thereof,
I~
was nece3sary tc r8s:::.gn the ministries onco moro, the
suporiors (of tte orders) protesting tha~ they wou.ld
never agrPe to sud1 a subjection, a11d that the archbishop could make appointm8nts to tne curacies ~she
wished,
By that means ·his ExC8llency was so balked
that, the cause having been fully p~oved, tto evidence
received, and the proofs adduced to both oortieDj the
petition int.:1'.',)r!uced by the ord(:lr' iAJ-9.S allo'v8Ci on N!arch
+~n nnno~c~r 7J of'f·1·3 0 ,~10·~. anrl ~t ~~ 0 01~dnr~d +'n°t
C.l
'
--
:)
'
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'JV<.A.1.1
1,,.,.
,._,_,
,.J
ciaJ. st:J.terne.1t:..: te :,).ven them,
.J.l.L~_;
...,,...._,
,i:,:i...,.~.
The authority of the
governor was interposed extrq-judicially 1 2nd he ordered thc:,t th:J reJ.igiou;3 rho~ld ccc'.1py t:·1(':l abandoned
curacies, nnd tL2t therG r:;houl.d be no ch:mg;e,
The
archbishop hirnf,elf, v/Lo h&d put forwer-d ::;hat cla~.m,
was oblip;cd to confGSE:- thr.1.t hu cou:::.d not put it into
practice,
·
-235-
CHAPTER
FI'JE
THE EARLY PRO'!IrJCES
An unsigned documo1rt, written about 1618, tells of the
provinces then existing in the Philippines, together with
the number of resi.dants in those provinces and the manner in
,
which they were administered.An earlier source of information on the political and
administrative divisions of the Philippines is Bishop Domingo
do Salazar's Cartao de :ndia§_ (15fs5).
According to that
account, the terr:!.torial divisions of the country at that
time were as follows:
11 city
of Mani.1a, la Panp2.ngn, Pangasi-
nan, Ylocos, Cagayan, Carnarines, la La:~una, Bonbon y Balo.yan,"
and the following islands, ncebu, Oton, Marinduque, Lubnn,
Mindoro, Ymaras, i3E•. ntayo.n, i'Jogros, Pan1y, Leyte, Bohol, Mindanao, Ybabao, Cati.mduanes, Mas'bate, Ca_puJ_, Burias, Banton,
Comblon (sic}
2
S:Lrnara, Sibuyan, Isla de TabJ_as, Cuyo, Luban. 112
~
In 1663, according to Colin,.,.
of the Philippines were:
1 2 mo de las
3 -
the pol:.i.tical divisions
Hl\1anila and its neighborhood (su
B. & R., vol. 18, pp. 93-106.
Q11ot ed by Retana in his edition of Zuniga, E§tadi 9_.L~las Fili nine.~, vol. 2, appendix C.
QF2. • £11. •
-236comnrca), Bal ayan or Bombon, Tayabas, Carnarines, Al bay, Cagayan, Ilocos, Pangasinan, Pampanga, Bahy (Laguna), Bulacan,
and the island of Catandu.2nes, Masbate, Burias, Capul, Ticao, Marinduque, Mindoro, Luo.s,n, Babu.yanes, Parag 1.1a, Cala.mianes, Cuyo, Panay, I::'naras, Samar or Ibatao, Ley'.::,e, Bohol,
Cebu, Isla de Negros, oantayan, Carnotes, Isla de Luegos
(3iquij6r}, Mindanao, Basilan, Jolo."
The t e:::t of the 1618 document is , in pa rt as foll ow s:
T:1e governE1enta.l district of the islands commonly caJ.led t:be P 1~1ilip:9ines cornpris es seven pr~_ncipal provinces, r:..ot to n:ent icn r:iar_;_y other i.sla:1ds and
.
.
t
. .
t .
.
sma 11 er provL1ees
,n:L1,L1
i s JurlS·_,1_lC ion.
.c...,, -:i.ve
o_._f'
these prir.ci:;_Ja~- rrovinces are ir:. t 11e isla:1.d of Lv.zon,
which is four b1ndrod and six~y legu2s in periphery
and extenC:s abot1t f:con, -si:1e thirteei.'lth to tl:.e twentyfirst parblle~. •••
·
1,, •
•
,..J •
CANIARL{SS
The first of the five proiinccs in the island
of Luzon, bei~Dnin3 en the eastern coast, is Camarines,
which incJ.udec, all the te:..-ri·:::,o:;:':T n~c:.::.r ·c 1-t2 DLouth of
the, charrnel Dl Ca:Ju~-.
'l':1e CJ.pita::_ cf '.Jaccrinos is
:::'.'l.r~"'
S
c•i'x-'-R;r 7J-.9ol._,a.
-~ ,.,..,.s
-'1-n . . ,r:!.""tl..i....... ~, . . . .
It:v
th a._, ci"t·-r
J C-·-f r,,-.rVCl.4-!.b
c,
..... ~c,.1.,.
. ...J..cta
was set 01Bci oy Doc":-.or Francisco cl.e ,c1e.n d-c>; gov2rnor of
these islands, in fiftesn hundred a~d se70r~y-four.
He settlLld on the Vicar, a large and pe~ceful river,
whose waters are ve1-:y fresh and healthf'~11 1 beco..use
it runs throw;i;h n:any veins of gold, as do most or
all of the rivers of these is:ends.
There are in
Carnarines as many as twenty 2ncomiend2s, cotmting the
four into which the island of Catandvanes (which is
. , d 8 d ln
. +uilJ.S
' .
d lS~r1ct,
. ' .
' lS
. QlVl,
' . . d e~.
T..118 La1~8Sj
t
1nciu
of these enc:)rniendas does not contain moro than fifteen hundred tributes; there are a few of one thousand; while most of them rn1rnt have f::."om seven to eight
i..:.
.l-\J:.'
('I~
1
,..J
-237-
hundred; while some have four hundred or even less.
Among these people a great deal of gold was formerly obtained from the mines or placers of Paracale
and from the island of Catanduanes ••• ,
It is believed that as much gold is mined now as usually, yet
it seems a small quantity; for although the Indians
in p;eneral have f!;Ore L,oney than form(:}rly obtained
through [.variou§_/ sources of income, they keep back
the gold to work up into chains and j ewelry, with
which they adorn and parade themselves freely. • ••
The number o.f the inhabitants of this province may be but roughly estimated, as it is difficult to count them accurately.
It is probable, however, that there are more than one hundred and fifty( thousand), counting the intractable black people who
live in the interior of the cour.try.
Of this number some estimate that one-fourth are Christians -
Judicia2_ offices o:(._the_Q£ovince of Camarin_§.§.. With respect to royal jurisdiction, this pr~vince
has these three offices:
The alcaldia-mayor of Caseres, which is ordinarily called the alcaldia-mayor of Camarines, because Caseres is the capital of the province, and
has jurisdiction over the larger and better part of
it; the corregiri1i9nto of Ybalon, which is at the
mouth of the channel; and the corrigimiento of the
island of Cata~1duane2, whj+h is also near the same
channel mot:.th .'+
THE PROVINCE OF :MANILA
The second province (in the island of Luzon)
and the principal- one in importance and wealth, be-
-----·1+ - Morga in the account
previously cited wrote that
the islands ••• are governed from l½a:1ila. by means of alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and lieutenants, each of who~ rules
and administers justice in his own district and province."
It mav be inferred from this statement that tl1e "offices" referred to in this document were distinct ,and separate political and administrative units - alcaldias (provinces ruled by
alcaldes-mayor) and corre,£!imientosl·administered by correg:idors ·• )
· ~-11
· -238-
cause of its extensive commerce and of the fact that
it is in the cent er of the kingdom, is Manila. Within its jurisdiction are inclurl.ed o~her sm2.ller provinces.
These are the two lake provinces Bonbon and
Bay; and (the most important of al:;_ Panpanga, which,
at the outside, i3 not more -t:-han twelve leguas from
.Manila. • • • In Pcrn.:r,a!lga your r,Iaj ecty has as many as
six thousand tributes in the :':'oi.;r '.1'.overnrnfmtal dis1 ch are Beti"'
11-'j.- ,,1'n·_.___
s.mo ~.F")I'
tr icts a1-1d p.,,...:nr'J·pa, v-;-.,aC?o··
..i..,J_.J..cvC>~UCIJ
Lubao, Guagua, Mexico, and other sialler places. All
the neighboring country, and partiet'.larl:r the royal
magazines, se~ure their rice from the province (of
Panpanga).
':"here must be in the province of :Manila
forty thousand tritiutes belonging to pr:Lv2te individuals, and almost twenty thousand belonging to your
Majesty.
There r,mst be in all more than fiV8 hundred thousand peop:!.e, of v(ho!!1 one-fourt-h are Cririst::ans.
In ttis, however, est ima"'.:. es vary.
The a delantado, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, settled the :i.mportctnt city of Eani:1.a in tte yeer fifteen hundred and
sixty-one, after havinJ lived for six years in the
islands of Zubu a;:1d F,.=uay, of whicl:i. I s i1all speak
more in detail ·in another place.
_._
-"·
.1...J..1.-..,
.
..J_
The judicial offices in the nrovince of r~ni.la.The off:i.ce3 to which a~JpointmE:nt3 &re wade i:;:1 the
•
·1 a, no-;;• t o ~11ent10n
·
•
t'ne Jnc:..1siaJ.
• -• • ., 01.1.inr,.•
province
0.1r, 1'1.
.,;,.nL
cers of gre-'1ter or less irr::!Jo::-tc:nce who a::-e ua:!.ntained
by the city within its ·walls, a.re as follows:
The alcaldia-mayor of the Pa~ian ot al~alzeria
of the .Chinese; the alcald:i,a-mayor of tlie coast near
this city, its capital being the town of Tonda; the
aJ. cnldia-ma:ror of the Lake of ffanil2., ordinarily
called Lagui1a de Bc:.y; the aJ.cc1.ldia-r1:ayor of BuJ.acan
and Calumpi.t, one of the two 2lc3.lf'.ias of Panpan1s.'J.i
the alceldia-mayo~ of Panpa~ga, ~hich includes thG
rest of tte province; the alcaldia-mayoT of Belayan
and Bonbon, twenty le;uas from Manila; the corregimiento of Mindoro und Baco, twenty-five leguas from
Manila -- which, although i~ is L:;relf an isJand, is
a division of this provi~ce fer ju~ici~l and religious administration; -:: , he ale al dia-mayor of Calilaya 7 5
5 - Tayabas, now Quezon Province.
forty leguas from Manila; the corregimiento of Masbate, an island fifty leguas or a little more, from
Manila,. between this island f of Luzon), and the Pin-~
ta dos. 6
PANGASINAN
Next after Panpanga comes the district comprising aJl Sambales and Panis.'lsinan,
This, althoughthere considered as a separat9 province, is under the
jurisdiction of 1V:ani1a in jud::.cial and r9ligious matters. • ••
Ten tl}o1.1sE.nd tr.:fc•.1t e.e.• - There must be in Pangasinan between ten thousand and t¼e~ve thousand halfpacified trP)utes, two thousand be::..or.ging to his Majesty, and the rest to :!Jl~ivat3 indiv~dt..alo.
7he capital of this province is a p~ace called Binabatonga.7
It formerly containec. about tnree thot;_sa:1c: ho 1.1ses, or,
according to other esti~ates, a greater nu1fuer; but
it now l'1as 0:11:r a-')01.1.t tvw tho•.1s2nd.
The province has
some good ports.
On0 is that of Agoo, ·comn::.only
called "tb.e port of Japon, ,; bec&us e it was the first
port which the Jaoonsse occunied in ttess islands
(when our people tirst saw them tere).
ALot~er port
is Bolinao, w~ich is better t~an any other.
Judicial offices in Pan.2:risinan.- There is only
one judiciaf--oi'fics :.n t:nis
namely, the
province,
al cnldia-mayo:· of Pangasinan.
'rl-IE PROVINCE OF :ILOC03
Next after Pangasimrn, toward tte ;10rth, on the
same coast, comes the province of !locos, a ~sople on
_____
,
___
,...__
6 - In ref,3rrin~ to tn(-') "Prov:i.nc-3 of Mardla, vi the author
must hwve had in mind t :.-ie diocese of K:m:na, :::'or there was no
~uch p:rovin;::e
at that time having '::,~10 2re1. and juri,sdiction
indicated in the documGnt. 'l'l1e diocese of Manila., however,
embraced the alcaldias and corregir.d.entos enumera't,ed in the
document as being comprised i~1 the "Province of Manila • 11
7 - Binalatongan~
-240-
the whole more settled and tractable; and although
there have been some disturbances among them, they
are now very peaceable.
They are well supplied
with provisions, especially with rice -- a great quantity of which coi11es to lv,anila every year during February and a part of March, for at this time the winds
are favorable f'or ,<2:0:x:.2: .frort Ilocos to Manila and back
ag::iin.
Tbe car;j_tal of t h::_s ::_:)rov ince is the town
called Fernandina (~ow Vif&n), which was settled by
the master-of-camp Guido de La 1e7;ar~t,, who governed
these islands in fif'~een hur:.dr9d and seventh-three,
upon the death of the adela~~8do, Legazpi.
This
province must have bet1,veen fo1-1rteen thousand and
fifteen thousand tributes, which are collected without resistance.
Five thousand of them bGJ.ong to
his r,:ajesty, a:..,.d the rest to private individu-3.ls.
There useci to be i:1 it, aiso, D. great quantity of
gold tut the Ygolo·:::.es Ind:_ans cirr:in:;..shed the amount
for the :ceason given above.
1his is quit:.e noticeaole.
0
' • __
1 o..Lr:u~.f:.§.
+"' .
" t' . 9 n.:r,2.v1nce
'
· o:,-,., Tl
J u rl,ic1a
__g_L:£
~~_Q2..,C~.Q.-
There is in this pro~in~e only one judicial office,
the al caldia -ue yor of L.o cos.
, nro\r~nco~ 0- ~+~ _,..,~_
.._., ,..,,..ran 0"\.., -\T--.A"8 ~.,nr::·o'Ol•"' v ~~£,;..J.._c,, __ ;,._},';_;;;;;_ '.~-~-.!:~ -::J;.;..., _:_c:i
Af·'-AI
I ocos ori1 1- e~U 1u-he __J1·.-,o···,~1·'P o,.P ('.·.,c·a··v.·11·:
i-.i....e
ll_,
J'-·~·-,
v.:.1
no:cthernmost ;_)Ort ion of- the islanj of~Lu'.::;or:, WhE;re
there is a groat deal of incompl et, e: 2, pac:i_fied coun·
try. It contcdns vj_llages in:i-:tc,.tic-:;d by a ve'i.,Y
strong and -wa:clike people, who tava given us much
troutle.
The ~ - ~ - '
, _._--
1
7
-L
0~
$
1
V...J....-.•~-·
...1..
.jc,~ ..
Twelve thousanf (~ribu~es)Q- Between twelve
thousand end -:~hirteAn tr:i_LL,1tes are cc·ll<;cted in the
pacified portions o:~ t:1e province. Fit'·'~ecn hundred, or D. little mors, telo 1.1g to his Majesty, and
the res~ to private individuals.
The ca9it2l of this province, is, as has been
said, t~8 city ahd port of N~ava J3gobia, opJosite
and facingi China and Japon, 011e hu.·1d.J ec. and ~wenty
leguas ::'rum I,Ianila. It is so r>8ar' CLina tl:.at from
Cape Bojeador) one of the points or pr,:,rnontories of
Cagayan, it is not nore than a seve11ty 1cwuas 7 jo1uney to the near~st towns on the coast of Cinchoo, a
·-241-
maritime province of that great kingdom.
The greater part of the Sangleys who come to these islands are
natives of that place •••• Nueva Segobia contains
the cathedral church and is the capital of the archbishopric of the province of Cagay~n, just as the city
of Caseres is of Caraarines.
There are then, in the
island of Luzon, no~ counting the archbishopric of
Manila, which is the capit2,l of the kin:::;dom, the two
archbishorpics above n~ent j_oned.
It must be noted
that there are in th::i.s island nany races and kinds of
people, such as the Camarines~ Camintanes, Tagalos,
PanJ;angas~ 3_anb~les, Ilor:;os, Csgapmes, and many
others.
JurliQ..if1J. offices oj'....,:tb,e pr_g_y__in.9e of l'Jileva Segobia. - There is only one ju:i:i.c ial office in Cagayan, the alcaldia-rnaj·or of the entire province.
THE PROVINCE'OF PANAY IN THE PINTADO$
The sixth provinr:;e, one of those outside of Luzon,
island of Panay, s:i.tuated in the Pintados, one hundred leguas sot:th of t::1.e city of Manila. It is more
fertile and yields more rice an-<i o'cher p:rovi3ions,
than any other province of the kingdom e~-::cep0 Manila. ,
Neither is there any province rel:itively r,1ore densely
populated, for, although it is no0 eightJ l2guas in
.,,
periphe~y, it contains thirty thou3ard ol th3 most
profitable and peacoa·;:Jle trit:)1_.:(cEcs ::.n tha whole kingdom.
The canital of this is:2nd is the town of Arebalo, wnich was settled by the ad 3lantado Lega~pi in
fifteen hundred and sixty-seven, and enJ.&rged by Don
Gonzalo Ronquillo in fi:E'tE::en hurdr0u ai11 eighty-two.
It is near the village o: 0":.on and t te :port of Yloylo,
the most southerly port of ·the gov:arr_me.1'tc.l district.
For this reason, and becEmse o:: the feri:-i.:;_ity of
this province, it is better fitted than any other
for provisioning and s e11ding aid to the Ma.lucas Islands and to the presidios of Terrenate.
T~is prov•
•
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•
t owa.rc, .,.vnnc.an.J.o,
,tr •
,
]\f"
1.nce
1.s
on tne
co3.st orn ~aci:1,~
iialuco, and a 11 the ·1 :islands o:f enet1::._0,s, n ;:, s t:1e islan~s to tte sout~ are de2ignated. ln religious
instruction and eccJ.GsiasticaJ. ju:c"isdiction, this
province is inclu:-led in the bishopric of Zuou.
1
-242-
Judicial offices in the island of Panay.There are inPanay three jujicial offices.
These
are the corrigimiento of Panay and Aclan _principal settlements of the island; the corregimiento of the island of Negros, which is included in the dis~rict of
Panay; the alcaldia-rhayor of the town of Are[?alo
(commonly called the alcaldia-mayor of Otong) and
including the purveyor-ship -- the best and most important office of that province.
THE PROVEICE OF ZuBU AND IT3 JURISLICTICN
Forty leguas eastward from Oton, and one hundred and twenty leguas from thA bay of HaLila, is the
is1&nd of Zubu.
The capital of ti1is prov:i.nc"'J, as
well as of all the provinces of the Pintados, is the
city of Santisimo 1Jombre de Jesus -- celebrated throughout the kingdon, not so :r.1.uch on account of its good
harbor as because it 1-:as the first town to subr.1it
to his Majesty; and because it. is the first city which
the adelantado Eiguel Lopez de Legazpi sattled 2nd
pa~ified in those islands.
It is also noted hccause
• b i.l.t .na..L.1
• ,~ E, 1.e.:::;u2 1 :-or: t:.1e is .ana. en .ho c-.::.an,
1't is
where tne famous I1ta2:alla;.1es died fightirni:; and more
than all else o~ a~;ount of tho holi rel{c, (an image)
of the child Jesus, uhich our ~athers found there,
which is now at the capital city in the convent of
San Agustin, and has teen signalized by ao~o miracles that have occurr(;d there.
Zuou is n small islan,j, and it yields hut few provisions, b,3csuse it
is :cngged &nd mourtainous.
B-.1t it h2.s an abundance
. of game, and secures eufficient (of other) provisions and st,....-ppli8S .from the island anJ. provinces under its jurisdiction.
These are: L:)yts, Cc:-.rnar, Ybabao, Boholj and 1i12ny othe~ isla:10.s of lesse:;_, Lnportance, besides th&t part of th8 island of Mindanao
opposite Zubu wh:i.ch was formerly at peace -- that is,
all the cou1:.try alonr; the Butuan River, fo::.~ty l·,3guas from Zubu, &nf the coasts of Surieao, Dapitan,
and. Caragas, a little further f.;.~om Zubu. • ••
~
~
1,.,
•]
•
,,
T•
•
lludic:i.cs.l office8_9f, \j1e_£rovinc9 ,of '7,u~:iu_; thr~,Return::i.ng to the province o:Z' Zu;YLl., from v1hich I 11ave
been diverted by a discussion of the aff2irs of Minda-
-243-
nao, I may say that there are three judicial offices
here. They are the a.lcaldia-mayor of Zubu, which is
the principal office in the province; the corregimiento of the i:::;lc1nds of Leyte, Carnnr, and Babao:
and the corregimiento of :Sotuan, which is the portion
of the island of Mind2nao that used to bo peaceful.
Summary of the tributes --160,000.
bute consists of a man and wife.
Each tri-
I wrote this in Manila, in 161$, to give to Governor D. Pedro de Bivero.
-244CHAPTER SIX
SPANISH COMLERCIAL POLICY IN THE SIXTEENTH AND
SEVENTEEHTH CENTURIES
1. Laws Regarc.ing Navigation an·:i Corr:.merce
The following B.re s'..lmmaries of some of the laws enacted by the CounciJ. of the Indies neoncerning the navig;:ition
and cor,lIIlerce of the Philip-pines, China, Nueva Espana, and
Peru.n
They are taken from the Reco·0ila_cion de Ley_,3s de
los Reynos de las Ind:1.a§., lib. IX, tit. Y:X.XV.
From them
one may get a. gaod idea of the charac~er and tendencies of
Spanish commercial policy toward tr:.:e Philip9ines in the six-
,
teenth and seventeenth cen-suries •..1.
LAVJ
XXXJ!
It having bcien co1nr11itted to, and charged upon,
the Governor and captain-general of the Filipinas
that he should endeavor to intro due e, in the exchange and bartE::r :for the mercr.andise of Ctinn, trade
in other products of those isl&nds, in.order to avoid,
when possibla, the withdrawal of the grgat sums of
reals w:1ich are taken to .foreign kingdo:i1s, t}1e governor executed it in the form and manne:c that he
considered most fit,ting; end a method called pancada
was introduced, which has been observed and exe-cutect
l - B. & R~, vol. XVII, pp. 27-50. T1:ie laws here
enumerated were included in Title 45, not Title 35, as erroneously stated in Blair &:, 7~ober~son.
-245until now.
It is our will that that method be observed and kept, without any change, until we order
otherwise. (Felipe II - Afiover, August 9, 1589;
Toledo, January 25, 1596).
LAW
LXVI
We order that a duty be collected on the first
and subsequent sales of all the merchand::..s e shippE:id
from Filipinas to Acapulco, and the pesos per tonelada on freight accordir~g to custom; for this sum and
much mor·e is neE:ded to pcly the troops, and equip the
vessels that engage in "'.!ommerc8.
In this there sha11
be no innovation. (Felipe II -- Ahover, August 9,
1589).
LAW
V
We ordain and order that there shall be no permission to trade or traffic between Peri, TierraFirme, Guat e:;iaJ.a, o:"' any other parts of t Le India.s,
and China or tLe :Filipinas Islands, even thow~h it
be by license of the vi~eroys, audiencias, governors,
or magistrates, under penalty of confiscnt:;.on of the
merchandise t::1c1t shall o e shipped. The masters a'nd
pilots shall also incur the confiscation of all
their property and ten years in the galle-/S. (Felipe II -- San Lorenzo, Decen0sr 18, and February 6,
1591.)
LAW VI
It is Ol!r will that t h'3 trade and corr;me~ce of
the Filipinas Isla:ads with Nueva Espana 'be carried
on .for the p!'esent e.s ordbineri. Un..:ler :1.0 co'!.'1s7.deration shnll t!1.e amount of merc:1andise s1-:ipred arnm:111 v from thosJ islanC:s to Nueva Esoafia ex8cr:~d t'.JO
hundred and fifty thousanc. eight-real piS!ces' nor the
return of pri::-icipal and profits in ooney 1 the five
hundred thousand :9esos i-Jhich a,:e pe:..·mitted -- unde:;."
no pretext, cause, or argument tha~ can ·oo advm1ced,
which is not e::pressed. by o lG.W of this t:'..tulo; and
the traders shall necessarily be citizens of the Fi-
-246I
lipir.as, as is also ordained. (Felipe II -- Madrid,
January 11, 1593, Felipe III - December 31, 160~-;
Madrid, May 4, 1619; Lisboa, September 11+, 1619).
LAW
LXIV
It is advisa~le for our service to have constant records on what. pa.sses in the trade and commerce botween the Filipinas and Nueva Espafia, in order to ascertain and discover whether it continues to
increase, and what kinds of merchandise are traded,
their prices, and in what money or materj_al,
Accordingly we order the ''Jiceroys of Nueva gspafia to
send to our royal Council of the Indias in each trading fleet, a copy of the registers that the ships
brought from those :Lslanc:s, and also of those of the
ships sent thithe~; and all shall be made with great
distinctness and clearness. (Felipe II -- lYiadrid,
January 17, 1593; and Toledo, June 9, 1596,)
LAW
1xv:rr
We declare and order that the Chinese merchandis8 and artic1es which hc'..'tve been and s~aJ.l be shipped
from Filipinas to Nueva Espafia, 'can and shall be consumed thf:;re only, or shipped to these kingdoms after
paying the duties, They cannot be taken to Peru,
Tierra-Firme, or any other pnrt of the Indias, under
penalty of confiscation of all those found and apprehended in the possession of any person whatever, and
shall be applied to our exchequer, the judge, and the
denouncer. {F'elipe II -- Iv~drid, JEmua:ry 11, ·1593;
Felipe IV -- l\lfadrid, Fe:Jruar:, J_O, 1635),
LAW
I
In.::i.smuch as :Lt is acvisable to avoid trade between the West Indias and Chinei, and rer-;uJ.o.t e that
of Filipina3, ns i'i.:, has :i.ncrensed considerably, thus
causing the decrease of that of trwsc k:Lngdo:ns: therefore, we prohibit, forbid, and ord8r, that no person
of the nt1.ti ves or res ide:mt s oi' Nuevet Espt, .fia, or any
1
-247-
other part of the Indias trado or be allowed to trade
in the Filipinas Islands.
Should anyone do so, he
shall 1.ot)e the I]lerchanclisc with which he shall trade,
and it shall be applied, one-third each, to our royal
exchequer, the denouncer, 3.nd the jude;c 1-vho shall sentence him.
In order to show favor to the citizens
and inhabitants (of Filipinas) bnd that that trade
may be preserved to sufficient extent, we consider it
best that they alone muy tradu with Nm~vo Esp.:;.fio., in
the manner ord&.;i.ned by the other 1mv.s, 1;1 ith this provis ion, that they convGJ their ?Ood::::, or si.::nd them
wj_t,h oer.somi who si.-iall come from the SJ.id islands.
They cannot .send them by way of commission or in n.ny
other form to thooe who 2ctually reside in Nueva Espafia, ir.i. ordor to 2void the frauds of consj_gning them
to other persons -- unloss it be because of the denth
of those who should come with the good:J from the soid
islands; for in such case it can be done. And we ulso
order that the inhabitants of Filipinas cannot consign their merchandise to g(merals, com1:1arlders, captains, offici2ls, soldi0rs, or sailors of the vessoJ.s of that commercs, or of any other vcsselc, evcm
though these be inhal:Jit,rnts of the said isl.::mdr; as
well as the pcrson:3 a :Jove rn.ent ioned. ( Fel ipo II -Madrid, J'anuary\ 11, 1593. FeJ. ipe
IV -- Mndrid, Feb ...
'
ruary 1 0 , 1635;.
LAW
XXXIV
We orde:r and co1:D1and that no pe:rson trc1do or
traffic in the kincdoms or in any port of Chinn, and
that no good,s be shipped from that kingdom to the Fi~·
lininas Islan~s on the account of the merchants of
th~se islands,
The Chinese themselves shall convey
thej_r .12:oods c..1.t t hoj_r · ovm D ccount and rL1 k, and E,ell
them there by vJho::;.os::ile.
Thu gov..:irnor ,wd cA.ptaingeneral with the council of tho cit;: of I'Ianil.'1 shc1ll
annually appoint two or thres persons, wtID~ they shall
deem best fittod, to appraise tho value and worth of
tho merchc.1ndisc, 3.nd shall tal:e the g:ood:3 at wholesale from the Chinece, tu whor;i they shall pay the
price. ~f.'hen tllcy sholl distribute it 3.incrng all th0
citizens and nntives of those islands, in ~ccordance
witl·1 the·"r
c•Yp-it·,1 <'() ,!-·}1·1t ·t,hu·,v Lilr1·-·,.
.J....
C.J ~Ll'I,-~ c,hcH'O in thu
interest D.nd prof i ;:-, that E..1ris 1)s f roi11 this t;ro.l'fic and
.I
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-21+8-
tr1de. 'rh(} pGrso:rn thus appointed :3hal1 1:ecp n
book, in vrhich they :~hCt 11 cnt er the c.:i1110:.1nt of. money
inv~3st ed un eh t ::.me, the price at which c::u.~h clcJ.ss
of mercha9dise is valued, among what per3ons the
merchandise: is clividc!d, ::.111d the ,Jrnount t}10.t fo.11s
to the .shnre of each.
The govnrnor shall take p.1rticular oains to ascertain and ~iscover how the said
depnties· rnake use o:c i~hcir commission.
Ifo shall not
a,llow t11c3rn to be rechose:n the folloviir~.g ye,::r.
Ho
shall send annually rt report, Digned by them, of all
the Jforosaid to our council, and another to the
vir.eroy of Nuevu Espat';a.
(Felj_pe II -- Madrid, Januar:v 11, 1593).
LAW
XV
From Nuew.1 Esy.lafia to Filipin.1~3 only tv:o VGSsels can .:::ail aEnm:i.lJ.y, up to three hundrerl. tonela-
das' burden. In them shall :::ie c,~:rri.c,cl tho re3nforcen;ents of men c1ncl SU!:)I,lies, anr:l. they shall b2ctr a permit.
.F'or thi·J pur:,o~~'J there shall be three s}1ips,
one of which sh,:111 l'E:main 'in readineus 3t tLe port
of Acapulco, while the other two make tha voyaJe.
For t}w securit~r of the voyage, thoso who go on account of our royal t :c'e2,3ury s hull ondeavor to n oe
th~t the cost be drawn from the frei~hts. From N~ova
Espana not more t ban t1<1O hundrGd and ,,fifty t hou:Jend
z8:3(}[] de tj.pusquc: s.~L,J.1 be takc:;ll in the VGSSel~ durlDf; ,rny one y2ar.·. Jhccttsvcr above t~1nt amount ~L.s
takcm sh1.ll. bo confL:;c,::Jtcid ,:::,nd applied L1 thrJe equal
r~artr: to the ox:cl-,e q1J0r, the juclge, .:.:md +~ he dennuncer.
We order t:.he ,<:;o\rcr·ilOl:' of Fili;)ir.as to inspr:3ct the
shint: w:1en the/ 1·0:·:i(;ll port, ::Lld ex,~cute the penalty.
(F'eiire II -- i.l.l·}cir:L:...~, J,11111.L,ry 11, 1593. :i?clipe III -
V3lladolid, December 31, l604)r
LAvv
The npportionmcnt
YJ.,IV
o-::
the perm:itted amount of two
hundred and fifty thous3nd pesos, concedod to the inhabit&nts of the F'iJ.irinrrn Is1an(is, nust be mado among
th,,3rn, and the tJhole aViou:1t must be rr:;gis-L,crccl.
Endeavor shull be ~ade to lmve lees than one third part
-249return in gold; and the governor shall prevent ~nd
take precautions against any fraud or decej.-;;, ond shall
take what meusures he deems expedient. This olso we
charg~ upon t~e vicsrof of ~u~va.Esp~~n in whatev~r
pertains to hun,
(1; 01:Lpe II -- Mndrid, J£tnuary 11,
1
1 ::;93. )
LAW
LXXI
Wf'J ordnr and conun.:md, ~-:.hat under no con:::d.der:..1ti0n in any manner can a~y ship ~o from the province
of Peru, Tierra-Firme, Guntomala, Nuevu Espafia, or any
other p,cirt of our VJ'cstern Indias, to China to t:cade
or traffic, or for any other purpose; nor can any ship
go to the Filipinas Islands, except from Nueva Espafla,
in accordance with the laws of this titulo: under penalty of the confiscation of the ship; and its value,
money, merchandise, and oth 1Jr thin,?S of itf3.CD.rgo
3hall be sent to these kinvdoms in accord2nce with
letw 67 of this 'titnlo, nnd-thus it shall be oxecuted.
We prohibit and forbid c..ny merchand:Lse ocin:s takon from
Nueva Espafia to the provinces of Peru and Tierrc-Firme,
that shall have boen taken there from Filj.pinus, even
if the duties should bo paid nccardin7 to tne rules
and ordinances; for it is our pur~ose anct will thQt
no t,;~oods shi·pned
from China qnd the Fili~inaJ Islands
..
• th.e .sei· d provinces
'
b e con3ume d u1
oj: P cru nnei-~ ''''
1:i.erraFirme.
Whatever shc1.ll be fom:d in the posse:.Jr;ion of
any pernon, we orde~ to ~e c?~fiscated~~ap~lie~ 1 ~nd
regulatod, a:3 contained 1.n t.ri::.s la-iJ-. \l1 0J.1.pe l.I -M.1drid, January 11, 1593, and tluly 5, 159:;. Felipe
.l
\
J'.'
III -- Valladolid, Dccer.:1ocr' 31, 160h,.)
XXVIII
LA\'J
The vicoroys, presidents, and auditors, and
all other officors of justice shall make efforts to
find all tho.se 1.1bo sl1all have berm sent "co Filipinas to re;-:dd e durin;-:: the t :i.me of their obl ig:at, ion,
who have remained L1 Nu0vn Esprtfia and other parts o.f
the-ir ·1·u,..,i,,o'in·:·icn ;:iric"1 ,_.h·:,Jl fore'" the:~m 1:rith all rigor to g,) to rer.ddo 5..n those :L:,lands, procccdinr,
again~t thuir p0rsons and properties nnd executing
the pcn:::tlties t.h[:it they sh.sll hnve incurr0d.
Tlw
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-250-
fisc&ls of our Audioncia in Manila shall plead ~hat
is ndvisAble in re~~rd to the aforosaid. (Felipe II
-- Madrid, February 20, 1596.)
LAW
LIV
We order that the governors of Filipinas shall
not allow slaves to bo sent to Nueva Espafia as u
business transaction or for any other reason - except
th:3.t, when tho govm'nor e:o cs t,hcir2, rlis successor m3.y
give him permission to t~ke as many as six slaves
wi~h him; to each of the auditors who shall make .the
voyage, four; a~d to other respected persons, merchants with capital, and officials of our royal treasury who co and do not return,two.
We order the
viceroy, alc'llde-muyor and officials of Acap ilco, to
se,2 to the fulfilJ.rncnt and execution of this la:w, and
to confiscate the 1:,lEives in excess of this number.
1
(Felipe II -- Hadrtd, April 10, 1597).
LAW
XL
We orde1~ that tbere be uut one cornmEtndcr ond one
lieutenant ( who s11Gll b c c1 dmiral) for t frJ tv10 ships
from Filipinas to i'JU(;V.':l. Espai'ia; th(lt eacli ship shall
take no more than one milit3ry captain, besi,Jes thcJ
ship mast.er and as 1,1any as fifty effective and useful.
soldiers in each ship with p3y, and the suilor~ necessary to make the voy2ge properly each way - who shall
be efficient and examined - and one pilot and assistant to each ship; for both ships one- pursor (x.:1~1dr2_E_)
and accountant.
All appointments to t~e said posts
shall be made by the governor Bnd captain-feneral
alone, without the ir.tervention of the ur·chbi,shop, or
"ny o~·"'c"r
-rs"'" no+·,1i't'--,t,·nr-1·1'nrr
cl"'>l
O ,;..+' u.
l.11 LG
I.i.v u ....
(!.~ 'n· l1·c.:{
~-i
J,o::t--~L have
.,
1rJ l:~
· ' d to tne
'
,·,r
d
l
' ·
b een provJ.ae
contr2ry.
vv::; or _c::c t·1a.-c' cr::oice
be me.de from amon:i; the most respected ::1nd influential
inl1abitants of those islands, .:uHl of tho::,CJ riiost suitable for the scd.d offices a.nd the duties U,at, the appointees must exercise. If they shall not be such
the matt or shall b'3 made an articl~ Jn t;1n governo1~ 1 s
resicencio.
(Feli)'.:10 III -- Barcelonn, ,Ju,ne 15, 1599;
Va:.ladolid, December 31, 1604; San Lorenzo, April 22,
8 · M·lUU.l ]_ d ' !·,JHY
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-251-
LAW
XXXIX
Since there are skilled and examined pilots for
the Filipinos line, those who are not such shall not
be admitted in our ships nnd other craft. (Felipe
III -- Valencia, December 31, 1603,)
LAW
LXXVI
We char~o 2nd order the viceroys of Peru to
see that nll th0 ordlnonces in regard to the prohibition of Chino:..,c stuffs be ful.fillod and uxccuted exactly.
For their execution ::ir:.d fu1fil1m0nt, they uLalJ. appoint an auditor of our royal Audiencia of Los Rcye3,
in 'dliom they can place ent,ire c::onfidoncc. 'They
shall see that ho proc8eds thorot::.ghly and executes
the penal r,ies with tlw required ri~or, without any
dispensation,
The auditor shall privately try these
cases in the said city and its districts in so far
as he shall h.:rv8 caus0 to invoku the 1.av-i; nnd all
other justices in their territories shall do tho same.
(Felipe III -- Valladolid, Dec2nibcr 31, 1601:).
LAW
=~xrx
Inasmuch cm the majority of' t;1ose go._;_l:E: annualJ.y fr0m Nueva Espafia ~o Filipi.nas do not stop
there, but retu:cr. immodiatcly, nfter inv,2s l;::.ng ~heir
rnone;; theri::.·fore, we ore.er the vie er:Jy of dv.evo. Es-
pan.1. to pornd.t no oivi to go to :F'j_li.:oL,,,s.s, rnJ.e3.s he
give bonds that he will bocome a c it l7, en .J.ncl 1 :i VtJ
thei-·e for more th&n oicht yours, or unless he b,·j
sent E18 o s0ld:ie:r to the ,tovern·.)r, 011 th0;J0 who vjolote this, and their bond;3tnEm, sh,'.::\11 tic e:v.:ccuted the
p~nalti~s __ ~hat ·~l;ey_ :Lncur, v·J~thout pardon. (Felipe
III -~ VaL.'.adol:1.u, DecNnoe::c jl, J..60!d.
LAW
LXIX
In. the vousols that we shall permit to s~il
from Peru to Nuav2 Espofia and tho port of Acapulco
or f:rom Nueva Esn;c1fia to Peru and its 1>orts, no quantity of Chinese ~5tuff,s can bE: l1drm, cold, bought,
-252-
or exchanged, even though it may be reported to be
gratuitously as a gift or charity, or for the service
of divine worship, or in any other qunl:ity or forrr,
in order that the prohibition may not be evaded by
such pretexts and frnuds,
In case that any shall be
convicted of the above as chief factors, associates,
or particulars, or of aiding or giving advice, they
shall, besides the confiscation of thtJir goods and
boat, incur on their persons the civil and criminal
penalties imposed on those who handle contraband
goods, and of perpetual banishment, and dGprivation
of the post that they shall havo obtained from uo in
the Indias.
In regard to the above we charge the
conscience and cure of our servants. (Felj_pe III -Valladolid, December 31, 1604 (?); San Lorenzo, April
22, 160S (?); clauses 16 and 17.)
LAW
LXX
If any quantity whatever of Chinese stuffs be
found in any boat sailing from Nueva Espafia to Peru
or in the opposite direction, the inspector, royal officials, and the other persons who take part in the
register and inspection shall be considered as perpetrators and offenders in the crime; so that, taking
example from t hum, others ID[.t y abstain from similar
transgressions.
Tho c2ptains, ma,stors, bor.i.tswains,
and other officers whose duties extend to tl1e management of vessels, shall also be considered as otfenders
and accomplices. (Felipe I I I -· Valladolid, DeGember
31, 1604 (?); San Lorenzo, April 22, 160S (?); clause
18.)
LAW
LXXVIII
Permission was given for two ships to go to
Nueva Espana annually from Peru for commerc(;; and trade
to the value of two hundred thousand ducados; which
was afterward reduced to one ship, with certain conditions.
And inosmuch as the trade in Chinese stuffs
has increased to excescive proportions in Peru, notwithstc1ndirn~ so nany ;):cohibitions expedient to our
royal s erv:ic t~, -;_:, he ,v elf o.re und ut ::Ll i ty of the public
cause, and the co1 nderce o.f thesJ o.nd those kingdoms;
-253-
and a fin~l decision of the viceroy, Conde de Chinchon, having precoded, and a vote of the treasury to
suppress absolutely any opportunity for tl1i~ trade;
therefore we order and command th8 viceroys of Peru
and Nueva Espafia to prohibit and suppresa, without
fail, this comm2rce and trade b etwean both ~dne;d0ms,
by aJ.l the ways and_r!1eans possible, and that it be not
carried on by any other regions, for we by this pressent prohibit it,
This prohibition shall be kept
strictly and ,shall. contin 1e to orJ srJ kept. (Felipe
III -- Valladol:i.d, DocGinber 31, 160,+; Scm Loren:30,
Juna 20, 1609; I;C1dri.J, Ivi:ar8h 2J, 1620, cla:1se 1.
Felipe IV -·- Mn.drid, Novemher 25, 1634; Mt:1adrid, March
29, 1636, a cl~use of a letter to the Conde de Ctinchon, )
1
LAW
XLII
We order and comtir.:md that the g onerD.ls, capp-·::, tQ
·f'-;-'"
-',:,"q
.'::' S-.h·'ps
t aJ.n;:;, aG\jn
..,, ~-d
ll
O.,
__ ._J_Cl
.. .1.,_ O".f' tl-·
,ue ::i'-il1,'-·'•
p:in.00
l.
give bonds, to vJhc.t .sum the governor Bnd enptaingeneral sh&ll deem best, for the greater security
of what shall bo in their chargo. They shall give
their residenoia of e&ch vova~e before the auditors
of our royal A.udiencia of I,il9_nIJ.u and shall :cender satisfaction in .the aforesaid. {Felipe III -- Valladolid, DecombGr Jl, 1604.; Ms:drid., ~,fay 23, 1620.
Carlo.s II ( in this Re..9opj)JlcicS11) - 1681 ~ the• date of
first E' di t ion of B&Q..912.:.1:kQ..C iq,r;_d ·2 1 §..Y.Q§_ • J
r'
-,
c••
.1:~
LAW LXXIV
We order the viceroys of Nuev~ Esp~ria to maintain very special care of the observance nnd eKecution of the ordinances for the commerce of the Filipinas li.ne, est.::i.blished. by the laws of thi.s t itulo;
and to keep at the port of Acapulco, in addjtion to
the royal officiRls who shnll be thero, a p0rson of
great honesty 3nd trustworthiness, with tte title
of alealde-mayor, so that overy'ching he done with very
e;reat cautj_on, nnct justice be observed~ Ho shaJ.l not
per.mit mo:ro silver t0 be -taken to F'j.J.ipina.s than v:hat
concP.ded. by these 1.1vrn, ,l\}ith or without license.
lFelipo III - VaJ.1ado2.J.c, December JJ., 1604,)
-254LAW
LX
The registers of all shipments from Filipinas shall be opened in the port of Acapulco, by the
person to whom the viceroy of Nueva Espana entrusts
it, and the officials of our royal treasury of the
said port. They together shall examine and investigate the bales and boxes, and shall make as close and .
careful an examination as shall be nee Gssary to discover what may have come outside of the register and
permission. They shall send the registers to riojico,
as has been the custom, with all investigations made
at the port of Acapulco, by a sufficiently trustworthy
person, or by one of our said officials. In Mejico
everything shall be again investigated, and the duties appertaining to us shall be appraised and collected; and all other investigations requisite to ascertain and discover what has come unregistered shall
be made. All that shall have been sent without register and in violation of the prohibition shall be confiscated. No permission shall be given by this means,
pretext, and occasion, to cause any unreasonable injury to the owners of the goods. (Felipe III -- Valladolid, December 31, 1604; San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608;
clause 11.)
LAW
IX
We declare that in the five hundred thousand
pesos granted by permission (to be sent) from Nueva
Espana to Filipinas, must and shall be entered the
amounts of legacies, bequests, and charities (obr§.£
;£~€,), with tho wrought silver and all other things
carried thither; and nothing shall be reserved~ except the pay of the sailors 1 as is ordered by the fol·
lowing law. (Felipe III - 0an Lorenzo, Aucust 18,
1606. J
LAW
X
We grant permission to the sailors serving on
the trading shiµs between Nueva Espana and Filipj_nas
to carry in money the actual and exact sum of their
pay, in addition to the general permission,
Thus
-255shall the viceroys of Nueva Espafla provide, unless
they perceive some considerable objection. They
shall see to it that the said sailors or other persons shall not be allowed to exceed the amount permitted by this
law. (Feli-oe
\
. III -- San Lorenzo, Aw?.ust:.
~19, 1606.;
LAW
XVIII
The cargo of the ships of the line, on both
outward and return trips between Nueva ~spufia end Filipinas, shall be stovrnd in the f'orehold;, clnd only the
sea stores, the sailors' and mess chests, the rigging,
sails, and all the necessities, between decks. Likewise rigging shall be takon to the port of Acapulco,
in consj_Jeration of the fact that the city of YJanila
has it at cheaper rates than the port of Acapulco whither it is carried from San Juan de Ulua at very
great cost and expense. We order this to be so executed, nrovid::nc: there is no inconvenience; and if
there shuuld be-any, we shall be advised in o~der to
provide the advisable measures. (Felipe III -- San
Lorenzo, April 22, 1608.}
2. Memorial of Jw:m Grae y Monfalcon on
Philippine Trade
In 1635, Juan Grae JVionfalcon memorializeci the Kinr.; on
the conditions and neods of the Philippines.
His
11
f-fomorial"
is a valuable source of information on the tr.sc~o .'.1nd commerce of the PhiJ.ippines in the eurly pc:~rt
century.
1
.
1 owing:
the sevsnteenth
Pertinent portions of the document are the fol-
------·B, c.~ R• ,
1
of
-
v o1 • IXV , pp • 1+8 - 51 ; 52 ~· 59 •
-256Don Juan Grao y Monfalcon, procurator-general for the distinguished and loynl city of Manila,
the metropolis and capital of the Filipinas Islands,
declares that the preservation and protection of
these islands are of the utmost consideration and importance, and cl.ese:cve the most careful attentiori, on
account of the great adv~ntages and profits which they
afford - to say noth:Lng of the princ5.pal consideration, namely, the service of God, and the propagation of religion and the Catholic fa~th. In the aforesaid city and in the other islnnds that faith is estahlishecl, anJ will steudily become stronger, ir1crensinc; and sprendin7: not only among those but other and
neighboring islands. This is especially true in
GreDt Ch:i_na and Japor:., which from continual intETcourse and friendly relations with the said Filipinas Islands may - if the Christian faith is preserved
and permanently maintained in the latter, and as deeply rooted and as pure anf constant as at present look, in the :3aid matter of r1:d.igion, for_felicitous
and great results. The same fjnay be sai,g/ for v:hat
concerns the service of your l'vlajesty, and the profitable and advr1ntageous increase of the roy,;1.l estate,
since even the profits which :rour Majesty at present
enjoys and possesses in the said city and the other
islands are many, 2nd of great importance. For in one
village alone, which t hoy_call Par_ian, an arguebusshot from the said city Zof Manil_g/, n~orc than twenty
thousand Chinese Indians called Sangleys,- and :i.n the
other islands over ten thousand more, hnvo all come
from Great China and Japon for their own private affairs and interests. It is they who build up and maintain the 2reater ourt of the traffic and commerce of
the island.s. From that result the trade with J\Tueva
Espana, and the ships which sail thither annually, laden
with many .Q.ifferent kinds of merchiJ.ndise (carried
Lto lVanil.Q/ and bartered by said Sangleys) - · such as
much gold (wrou~ht, anc' in sheets); diamonds, rubios,
and othe,;} gerrrn, beside[3 <":t gro.1.t quantity of pearls;
many silk textiles of all colors - taffetas, d2masks,
satins, silk.grograrns, and velvets - and raw silk;
a quantity of whit;e and black cotton cloth; amber,
civet, musk, nnc1_ storo.x.
rrhence arises annually great
gain to the royo.1 treo.sury, on account o~ the many
considerable duties which are paid and collected both whon the ships leave the said city of lVf..anila,
-257-
and their islands and ports, and in that of Acapulco; and later, when they enter Nueva Espafia and the
City of Mexico.
There, when the ships leave for the
said Filipinas, the duties ore doubled, as well as in
the sc.J.id port of Acapulco, by those duties anew i.ncurrP-d and paid, the .[trade of the7 said Sar!gJ_eys being e great part in this receipt Tactguisiciog/. Of
no less considGro.tion is the tribute which t:he .Sane:1 eys pay to the I'Oyal tre!.:lSl.l.ry for thoir l ic CD$ 8, and
ri,;1,ht of entrance and residence in the said vilJ.age
of~the Parian, and in the other isl~nds where the~ reside.
Since the s1id Srn12:levs
'-' J number tJlirtv /thous7
anj , they pay in most y8ars an &nnual sum of t1,10
hundred and seventy thousand r(aals of ui3i1t · ( w;.·1:ich
means nine reals of eight for each license), which.are
placed in the royo.1 treasury. In the islands of Pintados and other islands which belong to thu said Filipinas, there are one hundred and fourteen thoucund
two hundrod and seventeen Indians, a:J..l payi_ng ·cribute
to the royal treasury.
Their consarvation is very
necassary, as they are no longer wild and 2re excel]_ ent wo r:rmon, c1 nd for that re,·rnon are people of uti1 it y and profit for any occasion that may arise - especially ,"J.s thtjrc: are o.13o many gold mines in '.:~he said
islands, whence ia obtained a quantity of gold. There
are also other fruits of the lnnd in great abundance,
es9ccially wax, cotton, large cattle, swine, fowls,
rice, and civet, besides other innumerable products
and means of gain. All of this tells and publishes
the great importance of the said city and its islands, and of their prese'rvE:tion; and the many :i.ncomparabl e wrongs t1hich wou1 d follow if the :3uid city,
the capitnl
the others' were to br:)come dcpo:?u.lated, ruinod, or destroyed.
It is vory noar to that,
because of the great c:,nd continual misf0 r~ur.es unci disasters which U\e inhabit,:1nts of it 1wve ::mffered and
are suffering, caused hy fires that hnve dcstror~d.almost the entire city and the property of th0 said inhabitants, Clnd tho shipwreck ~nd loss of muny different vessels, which have bean miserably vJrocl:ed during the usual voya~e from the said city to Nu.evu Espaaa; with the destruction of the goods and wealth
of the said inhabitants which 3.rc carried in tho ships.
The effects fro@ so many and so large loises last
and will l~st alw~ys; for those losses hav~ ruined
and impov Grishod t ho inhab 1.tants t0 a cler;rc?-c very dif.1
of
-
-25$-
ferent from what one can imagino 2nd e:r:plain. Consequently, if the generosity, magnificence, and powerfuJ. hand of your Majesty d.o not protect it, one
+ .
..
can ana mus t .f ear '"''
cn.e very cer.,aJ.n
ruu1
anu c,esvruction of tho said cj_ty and of the other islnnds, which
are under its e;overnrnr:'nt and pr0tcction ••••
1
1
,
...1....
Although the said city and its inho.bitants have
.,
' ·7
, ( ,:1.s is
.
b een an d. are a.L',,-Jays
V(Jry . care f uJ.~ -an d ·1igi_anc
very well l:nown), de.fer:ding, at the cost o:f their
liv8s and r.wods, the J.and f:com t;he incessant bornbc:rd~
ments, sur~rises, and attacks of the said Dutch, with
the forced obligation of very generally keepin~ their
arms j_n readiness all the tj_mc; enduring a [:ervile
lifG full of annoyance and dan~er, although they could
leave it, and it would be buttor and more worth livin~ if it were less crievous, and freo from·so many
dangers and difi'icult::.cs: nevertheless they endurEi them,
in considc~ration of the service of your f1b,j .:.:sty, and
in continuation of the many services ·which they have
rendered in the defense and praservation of that
co11ntry; arid hop:Ln,I ch:.\t the grec.ttness and J.i'oe:ca.lity
of your MajestJ i;,-Jill l)ro"::.ect and relieve +:,horn, so
that they may ;iccornplish their purpose bGtter. Particularly do they ar;;k that you ordor to be repealou th,:l
col~_ection of the tvJo por c cnt, the irnpo sit ion of
which was ordered by a decree of tha former year six
hundred and four· on the merchandise (3:X:portG<~ from tho
said islands to the said Nueva Espafia, in addition to
the three per cent paid on them by tho merchants of
the said city - which hea~d and received notice of
the said royal decreo in the year of six hundred &nd
seven, wjile Don Rodrigo de Vibero wns gov0rLor. At
that time thG decre2 was not made eftective or fulfi1 led a"-' the difficul t·y '.;rid ,rs~oa.,_ '}l cad' ' F1t,
that
accompany it were recognized. Cor1sr3quent~:,, i·e, remained. in that condition until the ye:::.r ;3 L: hqndr8d and
eleven, when the coll<::ction of tLe 3,:i~.0_duty was ae:,J.in
charted to Governor Don Juan de Sirvn [L. 8., Sil V§.7.
He, tryin~ to carry out its provisions, r2cogni~ed tho
same difficulties, for the many reasons adv&nced by
the city, which were so just and relevunt that they
obliged ~im to call a treasury council, Having there
discussed and conferred upon those reasons, and it
having beon se2n that they were so urgent and necessary that they stric:tly proventcd. and ou~ht to prevent
1
..L_
,
,
~
.
I, .• ~
-
··:.)
J.. V
l.J
'
-
lo...·
7l
,/
....... ~
:.:,;J'QC'
I\..)
'--·,._:
-259the execution of the said royal d~cree of 604, he suspended_it for the time 'oeing, giving your lvlajesty notice /thereof?.
The decree remained in this condition until the year six hundred and twenty-five, in
which the royal officials again discussed the matter
o:' the collection of the said two per cent, during
the government of Don Fernando de Silva. He, recognizing the same obstacles, and that those obstacles
were much groater then bocaus() of the vrnrse c:ondition
and the notabJ..e change and damege to v-11hich the af·f airs of the said city had come - the p :ropert:r, t:caffic, and means of gain of its inhabitants - wl--.:.ich a
g1°eat reduction and difference from that whicll they
had in the said year of six hundred and seven, concurred with what had been provided by his predecessor,
the satd Don Juan de Silva, !lrid ordered tLat no innovation be mado in it. The same w::1s done by the governor who succeeded him, Don Juan Niflo de Tabora.
Tl1us, t, he said governor.s, as each c0nfront ed the matter, always came to see very p~ainly the said difficulties, which at present are not only of the abovementioned character, but ore impossible to ovsrcomi-:l
bcc&us 2 of the oondit ion of uffairs, the pove1~ty of
the inhabit~nts, and the great decrease and diminu-sion al tr.e trede arid cornn1erce of former tim0s. Tlwt
. given
.
.
b y t1e
l
t 01,, cne visiis
more promi~enca
e.f :ors
tor, Licentinte Don Francisco de Rojas, v1Lo ;nnde
strenuous efforts to have the collection of the two
per cent carried out. ~evertheless, he oaw with his
own eyes the said disadvantages thnt re,suJ.ted from the
said collection. One of them was the rosolutitn of the
inL1abitants not to exDort their rrDods and merchandise;
nor could they do so,· b 8CDW3 e or'-'!:.he great lo,sses,
both past and present, which they h&ve encoun~ered.
This is the sreatest damage that can ha~pen to the
royal treasury; for if the export .::md c0111cerco ce3.ses,
not only will th('j S[.dd tvv0 pel' cent be lc1ckL1r:, but
also the old three per c0ri.t whicb I1as always boen
paid, as well as the other three ~)er cent v:hich was
lately imposed upo.i the mercl1cmdise which the Chinose
Indians brinz to the s3id city and the Filipinas Islands. 1-1.cco:-diw:::lv, i.f the cornrr:orc.:e of the islands
with Nueva Espafi~ tails, it i~ certain and infallible that that of :che saj.cl Chinese, v'?hich forms the
whole export to Nueva E-SpafiG, will also fail,
.t'
J
,
•
•
-260-
Therefore, the said visitor, notwithstanding the great desire which he showed of p ..1.ttinc; the
said collection into execution, did not dare to do
it; but considerc:d it botter to suspend it, and report to your Majesty. Althoug:1 he t.r:1.ed to have it
collected as a 7olun~ary sorvice for the future, the
citizens, soeing the:Lr grcrxt lack of wenlth, could
not conform to that moosurc, althou~h for that time
only they gave a subsidy of four tnousand pusos~ on
condition that it si1ould not sorve as a precedent f9r
the future, and that ther,o E\ho,1ld bG no fuj_~thor !~c:;1k
of the said collection Lol the said twc por cen:t/ until, after your I~jesty had examined it, n suitable
decision ohould be adopted ••••
1
-261-
PART
THREE
THE EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY
CHAPTER ONS
INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. SPAIN IN 'i'HE EIGHTSZNTH
CENTURY
In Spain a new dynastic era began at the opaning of the
eighteenth century.
The Hapsburg dyn:1.sty carae to an end
uith the death of Charles II in October, 1700.
A new dynas-
ty, the Bourbon, tool: over the reins of power.
The first
1·uler of the new dynasty uas Philip of Anjou, grandson of
Louis XIV of France.
He ascended the throne of Spain as
P,,.1)_·1·lp V •1
-------1
Philip was
~
related by blood to the Sp2nish Haps-
burgs.
His grandmother, Maria Terusa, .,v:Lfe of Loui[, XIV,
was the daug!1ter of Philip Ii! of 3pain, an6- an elder· sister
of Charles LI.
Shortly after the death of Chr1rles II, Louis ::rv, in
a gathering of notables in his palace at Versailles, formally presont ed his grandson as King of Spain.
Jose O. Rubio,
~n his ~-I:~tQL.:1,£....dG E§i:3./ia, Ch. 1, vol. 5, r·elates_tha~ on
"l,hat occasion, Louis XIV c1ddrossed the gathering in trrnso
words:
"Gentle1~1cn: Here vou have the kin::r. of Spain. ThG
accidents of birth have ;alled him to this thr;ne; Spain
wishes him to 1)e her JdjE: and hc:.s asked me for it with earnestness.
I acced0 to It with plensure, com9lying thereby
with the will of Divj_ne Providence. n
-262-
The eighteenth cm1tury was covered in its entirety by
the reigns of the first four Bourbon kings: Philip V, who
ruled from 1700 to 17/+6; Ferdinand VI, 1746-1759; Charles
III, 1759-1788, and Charles IV, 1788-1808.
lent period ror Spain,
It was a turbu-
Throughout the greater part of that
peri-0d wars raged in Europe in 'Which Spain became inV'.)lved
with disastrous ~nd ruinous r~sults to herself.
Shortly after the accession of Philip V, tho first of
these European conflicts began, the War of the Spanish Suecession (1701-1713),
As the name denotes, the irnraediatc
cause of the war was the question of succession to the Spanish throne,
This auestion rose to the pro~ortions of a
major international problem for involved :j.n it was the issue
of the balance of power in Europe.
Two of the claimants
Then turning to Philip, Louis, according to the same author,
continued;
t 1Be
a good Spaniard: this is from this moment your primary duty.
You should bear in mind, however, that you are
born a Frenchman. It is your mission to preserve the union
of Spain and France, as a rnenns of making them happy and o.f
assuring the peace of Europe."
Rubio goes on to say ·eihat the Spanish ambassador appro 3ched
Ph1lip, kissed his hand, and, overwhelmed with emotion, exclaimed:
"What a happy moment l
Now there are no more Pyrcneesl
They have been levelled to the ground and we now .form but one
nation, n
-263-
to the Spanish throne 1.vere Louis XIV of Frcmce nnd Emperor
Leopold I of Austria. 2
Whoever ~10uld win the rj_ght of sue -
cession would gre2.tly enhnnce his power, position and pres-
tige in Europe and thereby would upset the Euro~ean balance
of power.
Hrin5ing to bear al:l_ the force ond l1sight of his influence, Louis XIV succeeded in securing the selection of
his grandson, Louis Philip, as heir to the Spa_nich thror..e.
The bringing of Spain with her vast interests and possessions in Europe and thE.:: Indias under the control of France
was viewed by England as a serious threat; to the peace of
Europe and to her own securj_t y.
The French action, there-
fore, combined 111/tth other acts of Louis XIV, whicL E11glanJ.
considered hostile and unfriendly towards herself, brought
on the War of the §panish Succession.
The war wus ended by the Treat~, of Utrecht (1713).
Under the terms of the Treaty, Spain ceded Gibraltar and
the island of Minorc~ to England.
Besides, she was forced
2 - Louis XIV's claim was based on strong erounds of
close blood relationship.
His mother, Anna, wac an elder
dau;:i_;ht er of Philip III of Spain. Besides, his 11,i:Lf e, Ma.ri-':l
Teresa, -was a Spanish Hapsburg, an elder dnught '31' of Philip
IV.
Leopold I had caually valid rear..:ons in support of his
claim. Llke Louis XIV, he was a grandson of Philip III of
Spain.
His mother, Maria Anna, was a youncrJr daught or of
Philip III. Also, like :Souis XIV, ho was a son-in-law of
Philip IV. His first. wife, Margaret Theresa, was a younger
daughter of Philip IV.
-264to gro.nt certain commercial concessions to the British in
Spanish America.
Knovm as the £i§_ie£!:to, _the privileges ac-
quired by the British under the Treaty of Utrecht were:
(1) the exelusi ve right to supply Afr;i.can slaves to Spain's
colonies in the New World, and
( 2) the ri!~ht to send one
trading ship a year of 500 tons to Spanish America.
These results of the War affected adversely Spain's
vital interests,
The loss of Gibraltar was a serious blow
to her power and prestige in Europe for it deprived her of
a portion of her own territory, whose location at the entrance to the Mediterranean Sea had great strategic importance.
And, the granting of the ,a;S iento meant that her
long established monopoly of the trade of her American colonies was broken and that her commerciwl supremacy in Spanish America was threatened and endangered.
The situation arising in Spain as a result of the War
of Spanish Succession may explain the suddon ehango in the trend
of Spain's policy towards the- Manila Acapulco tr,::i.de in the
years immediately follcn'Jing the conclusion of the war,
This
development was brou 0 ht about by royal decrees promulgated
in 1718 and 1720.
Under these decrees, limitations were
placed upon the trade betweeri the Philippines and Nueva
Espafia which would,in fact, virtually put that trade out
-265of existence~
Considering the fact that, only a few years
before (1702), the Spanish Government in a spirit of libera-
lity, allowed an increase in the volume and value of the
trade of the. Phil ip9ines with Nueva Espana, thl'; reasofl for
the enactment of the legislation of 1718 dnd 1720 wns auite
dif.ficul t to understnnd.
It would seem, howev0.r, that tJ1e
:restrictions were intended to off se·~ the lo..ss es i..•1hich the
merchants in Spain expected they WDuld incur ao a result of
the concessions Spair. was forced to make under the 'l'rec1ty
of Utrecht.
In its anx:i0ty to protect and safeguard the
interests of these merchants, the Spanish Go-i10:cnment was
com,trained to c;:ct in the way it did, though in doing so,
it would sacrifice tli~ interest/.?. of those j_n the Philippines
who engaged in the H.'.Jnila ...Acapi..llco trnde.
For nea.r~.y thtrty years after the s:i.gninsi: of the tre-aty
of Utrecht, thare was peaco for Spain.
The J)()riod> however,
was m~rkod by a series of .:ontroversies and micrundG:r-sta,ndings with Engl:::md growing out of alleged abuses by British
traders of privileges granted to them by the Treaty of
Utrecht.
Spanish war vessels patrQllcd the hi:h seas in
an effort to enforce strictly the provisions of the treaty,
stoppj_ng and i:;earching British vessels suspectcct of engo.ging
in contr.:.iband tr~da,
Continued dispute.s over freedom o:f
-266navigation on the high seas as well as over British rights
in Spanish America
~nder the Treaty of Utrecht finally
brought on wa~ between Spain and England in 1739.
The
conflict soon involved other European nations and finally
developed into a full see.le European war.
The War of the Austrian Succession.(1744-48), as this
war came to be known, was terminated by the Treaty of Aixla-Chapelle.
The war was indecisive in its results.
The
'l'reaty of Aix-1.a-Chapelle proved to be merely a temporary
Matters were
respite for the leading European contenders.
arranged on the basis of the principle, statu$ guo aQ!.§_
bellum.
As for Spain, the war brought neither honor nor
glory.
On the contrary, the net results proved qnit e dis-
advantageous to her for she was forced to
1l~e
to a1t ex-
~tt.'·
tension of the asiento privileges for the years "chat were
interrupted by the war.
Ferdinand VI ascended the throne of Spain in the
midst of the War of the Austrian Succession.
He followed
the course laid out for Spain by his predeceBsor) but, as
soon as the war was over, he decided to adopt a new course
in matters of foreign policy.
Peaceful by temperament and
inclinations, Ferdinand wanted Spain to keep away from the
quarrels and rivalries of European nations.
He
believed
-267-
that the needs and interests of Spa.in at t:.1a.t 'cirne demanded
strict adherenco to such a policy.
When, therefore, the
Seven Years War broke oub in Europe in 1756, the S~anish
government in line with this policy, declared itself neutral.
This war was the decisive conflict in the long standing rivalry between England and Franco for colonj_al and mar::..t:.im9
supremacy.
Ferdinand, up to the time of his death :t.n 1'7'59,
adhered faithfully to his policy of neutrality.
Ferdinand 1 s successor, however, Charles III, hts halfbrothcr, did not choose to remain neutral in the confJ.ict.
In 1761, he concluded a tifc,mily compact"- i·dth the Bourbon
Kini:; of France ·which virtually riw.de Spain a b8l:1..izernnt in
the war then in progress.
At the time Charles III decided to enter the wRr, it
was no longer uncert~in hmiv that war 1;,:ould i'in,,lly c3nd.
Europe, France wa.s decidedly on the lo sin,': sidG.
:tn
In
America, trie fo.te of the French colonial ornpire had been
sealed by VJolfe' s v~ictory over lviontcalrn on t.ho pJ.ains of
Q.uobec (17 59).
~~11le
J\JJ .._._
,
Ir1di~
,~u, B-~,tJ"c\1
.L •• ., .u ...
.i"n
.'. ..L
..
rllCCG"SOS
u
~"
over
the:Ll' ·Fr0nch rivt:ils nt Plnssey (175?), at Easu1ipatan and
Wandiwash (1758), dn~ at Pondicherry (1761} had established
definitely En~land's supremacy there.
fore, entered the war ~t
2
lliJSt
Charles III, there-
inopportu~e moment, thereby
-268-
placing at serious risk Spain's vital interests.
His de-
cision was, to say the least, quite reckle3s and ill-advised,
He placed his bets on a losing horse,
As a result of Spain's joining the w:J.r, military opera-
tions were extended to the J'hil.ippine3.
A Bri~ish expedi-
tionary force from India took lV'.o.nilri in October 1762 and
occupied the city and its environs for the duration of the
At the Paris peace conference, England chose to re-
war.
store :Manila to Spain.
British.statesmen, for reasons of
their own, decided to return Manila, toget110r with Havana,
Cuba, to Spain and to get, in lieu of these, Spanish Florida,
In the period of the American H0volution
new diplomatic problems arose for Spain.
(1775-1783),
At this time,
however, the ministers o.f CharJ_es III acted with greater
caution and prudence in dealin3 with problems of foreign
policy.
The revolt of England's AmGrican colonies wns
viewed as offering a eplendid opportunity for Spain to recover the possessions she previously lost to En,;;J.and, particularly Gibraltar, Florida, and Jamaica.
On the other
hand, due consideration was given to the possible adverse
effects upon Spain's interests in Arnorica of a successful
outcome of the American Revolution.
In dealing, there-
fore, with the diplomatic questj_ons growing out of the
-269Americ:i.n Revolution, the sclvisers of Charles III, ta:Vinc; into account the.so con:.:ddoI"utions, were not inclir.ed to act
This was so particularly in connection with the
ha:itily.
question of Spanish rcc'J_r:~nition of American independence.
In
1777 Grimaldi, Spanish foreign ministur, turned down a
proposal for an alliance with the United States on tho b~sis
of Spanish recognition of American independence,
successor, Floridablanca
Grimaldi 1 s
(1777-1792), endeavor8d to get back
frorn Englund Gibraltar as well as Florida and Jar.:a:Lca through
diplomatic pressure,
He threatened to -1.nter7ere in the
I
conflict which had arisen between Fnmc e !J_nd BnvJa.nd ns a
result of France's. concluding
the United Stutes (1778).
6f
a treaty of alJ.iance with
In so doing, Floridablanca ex-
pected thot Enrdand would try to buy off ~Jpnnish intervention by cedin~3 Gibraltar or by giving some other valuable
concnssion.
By such a .n1ove, :Jpain might, attu.:i.n her ob-
jectives wtthout goJ.ng to war.
England, however, ignored
Spain's threats, ~hereupon the latter, b3cked by a new
French alliance, declared wa~ on England (1779),
In join-
ing France in the war a:;.::tinst England, however, Sp3.in m-':lde
no commitments ree;arcU.n 0 recognition of American indoren-
dence,
She was interested mainly in the recovery of Ja-
maica and Gibraltar,
She foiled, however, to g0t these
-270-
back from England, although she recovered under the peace
(1783), Florida,
treaty
The reign of Charles III was marked by the ascendancy
in Spain of new ideas and tendencies in ·Spanish commorcial
policy.
Shortly after the termination of the Seven Years
War, Spain iriaugurated a ~lan whereby direct trade could
be established between Spain and the Philippines by way of
the Cape of Good Hope.
Annual trips wero to be made by
vessels of the royal navy as a means of fostering trade be"
In 1785, the arrangement
tween Spain and the Philippi~es.
was discontinued only to gj_ve way to a more amb itiou~ plan,
That year, the Royal Company of the .Philippines (Real Compafiia de Filipinas) \vas organized.
The Company was pat-
terned after the Dutch East India Company and the British
East India Company, 1,ihich had contributed much to thl:J success
of Holland and :England respectively in t'heir commercial and
colonial ventures in the East.
The Royal Company was ex-
pected to accomplish for Spain what the East India Companies had done for 'their respective countries,
Charles III was succeeded by his son, Charles IV
{1788-180$).
Ckirles IV came to the Spanish throne on the
eve of the French Revolution.
'l'lte ltf:Vo 1 ut ion overth:cew
the ancient regime in Franco and set. up a new political and
-271-
social order based on the principles of liberty, equality,
and fraternity.
The French Revolution gave rise to a
succession of events of far reaching significance in European history.
The conmlications which these
events created
.
~
eventually involved Spain and, incidentally, Spain's dominions in America and the Far East.
-272-
CHAPTER TWO
THE MANILA-ACAPULCO ·raADE
Montero y Vidal
in his Historia Genernl de:) Filipi!la.§.
(l\1adrid, 1887), r.:ives a brief survey of the commercial history of the Philippines.
In the following passa$es, the au-
thor tells some of the important incidents in thG hi.story
of the Manila-Acapulco trade. 1
In the early years of Spanish rule tho Philippines tradod with Japan, Cambodia, Sinn, tiw Moluccas and the Mi:tlay Archipelago.
A few years after,
with the opening of commerce with America and Europe,
the volume of tr3de considerably increased and the
commercial relations of this country extended to India and the regions around the Persian Gulf.
Manila became the entrepot of Oriental goods
which thE."i [~alleons carried to Nueva Espafio destined
for the port Natividad, and, after 1602, for tho
port of Acapulco.
The merchants of l'Jueva Espafia and Peru, seeing the advantages of the trade with thc~hilippines
and the favor~ble reception in Spain of Asiatic manufactures, gave such ll8rked preference for Asiatic
commodities that t~1E) European tr&de bozan to decline,
thus giving rise to loud protests on the part of. the
merchants of Cadiz and Jevilla, who had 1een accusl -Vol. 1, chapter 58, Montero y Vidal used as his.
main source of informo.t.:i.on the Extro.cto historial by Antonio
Alvarez de Abreu (Madrid, 1736 ):··- '1 h.eautho-i~J-the ~fil-~i?.2
vJas a men,ber of the Council of the Indies.
The eclitorc of
the Ph:iJj.ppine Island§. hc:,ve repro due ed the ~::tracto in synopsis form in volumes 30, 44 and 45,
1
social order based on the principles of liberty, equality,
and fraternity.
The French Revolution gave rise to a
succession of events of far reaching significance in European history.
The complications which these events created
eventually involved Spain and, incidentally, Spain's dominions in America and the Far East.
CHAFTER 'I.WO
THE MANILA-ACAPULCO 'rRADE.
Montero y Vidal
in his Historia General de Filipinas
(Madrid, 1887), gives a brief survey of the commercial history of the Philippines.
In the following passages, the au-
thor tells some of the important incidents :Ln the history
of the Manila-Acapulco trade. 1
In the early years of Spanish rule the Philippines traded with Japan, Cambodia, Siam, t11e Moluccas and the f/Ialay Archipelago.
A few years after,
with the opening of commerce with America and Europe,
the vol~me of trade considerably increased and the
commercial relations of this country extended to India and the regions around the Persian Gulf.
Manila became the entrepot of Oriental goods
which the galleons carried to Nueva Espafio. destined
forth~ port Natividad, and, after 1602, for the
port of Acapulco.
The merchants of l'Jueva Espafia and Peru, seeing the advantages of thP. trade with the Philippines
and the favorable reception in Spain of Asiatic manufactures, gave such marked preference for Asiatic
commodities that tlic::i European trade began to decline,
thus giving rise to loud protests on the part of the
merchants of Cadiz and JevilL1, who had bBen accus1 - Vol. 1, chapter 5 8, Montero y Vidal used as his
main source of information the Extracto historial by Antonio
Alvarez de Abreu (Madrid, 1736 ):- Th.eauthor of-the Ell~
was a member of the Council of the Indies.
The editors of
the Philippine Islands hc:,ve reproduced the Extracto in synop·
sis f orrn in volumes 36, 4~- and 45.
-273-
torned to monopolize the commerce of America, going
so far us to propose the abandonment of the colony,
in order that the "silver from the realms of H. M.
may not fall into the hands of idolaters."
In order to stoi) these complaints, a royal order was promulgated forbidding the merchants of i\Jueva
Espafia and Peru to obtain, directly or tlro~~h
agents in, Manila, Chinese commodities, and aJ.lowing
only natives of the Philippinas to s6nd articles of
China to America, in two galJ.eons of 300 ton3 each.
The decree moreover limited the ve,lu.e of tne ea.ego,
which the galleons could carry to Nuevu Espuflo, ~o
250,000 pesos annually for the outfoing voyage and
500 ,000 pesos, for the return trip, rigorous penuJ.ty
being prescribed for the violation of these provi~
sions.
It is interestin1.:; to note the reason for
these restrictions as all~ged by the cedula of January 11, 1593: (Law I, tit, 45, book 9 of the Recopilaci6n.
Also Law VI of the same title and book.)
"Because it is necessary to hinder the trade
of the West Indies with China and to moderate thQt bf
the Philiv9ines whose trade with those realns haa increased so much, iT which shows so well the spirit of
that age.
This cedula, which was obnoxiou:J first:. of alJ
to the authorities who were. charged with its enforcement, was not rigorously obs~rved until 1605, and
this led the Manila merchants tp assign on the invoices values which were much lower than the renl
price.
Having been informed that the galleoiw wero
carrying more than what was allowed, cllld exasperated
by the appanmt competition which the commerce with
1
...vl1e Plu· 1 1pp1nes
.
.
· · t i1eir
'
•
.._
pi-·esmTc' e d .agaJ.nsr,
Uh,
eres ,..vs,
the mcrchints of-Oadiz and Sevilla secured in 1635,
the appointment of D. Pedro Quiroga as specj_al commissioner, to proceed to Nueva Espana and to investigate the alleged infractions.
This official f1tlfilled his mission with such
severity and excessive zeal that the traffic diminished ccnsiderably, with the result that for some
-274tin~ there was no cargo for the. galleons, 2
In
1637 only a single tender left, despatched on the
account of the conde-duque de Olivares, who enjoJed
the privilege of taking part in this trade up to the
value of 150,000 duros, and, according to information, the con~issioner acted less rigorously with
respect to the vessel,
The discontent of the people of Manila was
groat as it was just, inasmuch as they depended for
their living on thnt commerce.
In a respectful and
well-reasoned exposition to the court, they presented their complaints, rn1d obtained, September JO,
1639, an order for t:11::3 abandonmerit of the r'f.:)p;istGring, 'Weighing and measuring of the goods embarked on
the Acapulco galleon, except on a positive information that the merchandise exceeded in value tho limit fixe:.d by law; but the traffic had by that time
somewhat debilitated by reason of business paralization and of dama::;es which were occasioned by the
fiscal rig:or of :~he comnd.ssionor.
In the year 1702, as a result of repeated petitions on thl"3 part of merchnnts in Ivianila and ::i.n f:fie:;dco, the value of merchandise destined .for Nueva Espafia was raised to J00,000 pesos and 600,000 pesos
2 - An idea of the rigorous manner in which Commission·
er Quiroga fulfilled his mission may be obtained f rom'-a royal decree dated February 14, 1640, 1.vhich reads in part as
follows: (From the Extracto historial, Vol. JO B. &:, R., p.
87.)
-
----
••• not content ·with detaining whatever t~ie shipi..'l carried, he weighed and opened registered bales and chest contraty to the usage at all the ports, against the regulation provided by royal decree~; and the appraisement that~
made of the merchEmdise was so increased ai1d exorbitant that
what was at its just price in Mexico worth 800,000 pesos he
rated at four millions. For the commodities which in Manila
cost at the rate of nine pesos, the said Don Pedro appraised
at twenty-two; and nruch of the cloth was sold in Acapulco,
in his very sight at six pesos, while he had collected the
full amount of the royal dues, on the basis of twenty-two,
at which he had valued the good.
-275-
respectively, for the outward and return voyages,
in two galleons of 500 tons each, but the laws prohibiting Spanish merchants .from visiting Chinese
ports and those of Mexico from engaging in the trade
with Manila vrnre continued, as well as other restrictions which rendered illusory the increase o.f
50,000 pesos,
·
New complaints formulated at the beginning of
the 18th century by the shipowners of Sevilla and Cadiz, denouncing that the galleons were bringing to
Acapulco double an~triple the cargo permitted,rand
explaining tha'~ t~1e' abundance of cloths in America
had caused a notable decadence in the te::~tile industry of the Peninsula, resulting in the disappearance
of many active factories in Toledo, Valencia, Sevilla
and Granada, caused the promulgation of the c edula
of January l1, 1710.
Urider the de.cree the importation of all kinds of silk from China, whether manufactured or raw, was forbidden, the Acapulco trade
being limited to linens, spices and other.articles
which were not carried from Spain.
In spite of the fact that this ceaula found a
strong opponent in the marquis of Valero, who was at
the time viceroy of Mexico, and who, having suspended
its execution, made it clear to the kin,~ that, without the trade with Acapulco, the island colony would
perish, as its products were insignificc1nt and the
cargo of the galleons consisted almost wholly of
Chinese cloths which the Mexicans preferred to whose
of the Peninsula, because of their cheaper prices and
better quality, the government, in accordance with
the recommendation of the Council, renewed, on the
29th of October, 1720, the former order, prohibiting
absolutely the introduction of Chinese silks into any
of the Spanish ports in both hemispheres, with the
tyrannical proviso that within six months, all articles of silk found in Nueva Espafia must be consumed,
and that those remaining after that period to be consie:ned to the flames.,
Upon hearing, in 1722, of
this terrible decree, the authorities, the religious
corporations, and representatives of business and of
the com1nunity, in unison, transmitted to the king
through the delegates, Dn. Francisco Diaz Romero and
Dn. Antonio de Echeandia, well reasoned and energetic
-276expositions, praying not only for the repeal of the
measure, but also for the increase of the value of
the exports in proportion to the growth in population of the capital.3
After a long controversy, in which the merchants of Cadiz and Sevilla presented all the objections they could thir.:c of, and supported by the
"overseers of the manufacture of silks in the cities
of 1 oledo, Ecija, y Murcia," the government, after
he~rin~ the oninion of the Council of the Indi~a and
in ecc;rdance~with the latter's recommendation, repealed, on the 17th of June, 1724, the codula of 1720
with, however, certain restrictions.
Modifications
were made in this measure by &n order of October 21,
. 1726, which permitted for a period of one or two
yc~ars, and later five, the importatj_on of Chinese
silks as in f~rmer years, and empowering the Andaluzian commerci.:il inter·ests to name a representativ.e
who would supervise the loading and unloading of the
galleons at Acapulco, with a view to avo:lding tro,ns··
gressions~
This regulation went into effec~ on
the 29th of August, 1727.
1
In 1732, the Marquis of CasafuertE-), who became
Viceroy of Mexico, made known that he h:=i.d received
from Dn. Jose Pasifio, by order of His Majesty, a memorial under date of 1727 on the Spnnish commerce,
calling attention to the damages which wnre being
caused by the existing regulation.
In August 1731,
the Viceroy received a new royal order re:3ulating
in proper form the extension of the trade with America,
3 - In these expositions the point was brought out,
among other things, tlE\t the :Manila-Acapulco trad0 did not
cause any injury to the national industries of Sp~in, as
tho merchants of Cadiz and Sevilla repeatedly alleged, for
the manufacture o1 siPten fabrics was not ono of the truly
national industries of the Peninsula. As a matter of fact,
the greater portion of Jche silken fabrics brought from Spain
were not from the mills of Spain but were imported into the
Peninsula from England, France and Holland. The principal
products of Spain such as wines, brandies, oil, wore not at
all affect~d by the ]){Janila-Acapulco trade.
(R~"t£.Q£iQ....hl.§toria1,, lbid.)
-277-
The order provided t~at no innovations were to be
made until the five ytJar period of the existing regulation should o:::pirc~ but that thereafter the exnorts of merchandise were to be fixed in accordance
;ith the provisions of the cedula of 1720.
It is unnec~ssary to overrute the discontent
and alarm that this news produced in Manila.
The
expositions and controversies were repeated; it wns
shown in an unquest ion~:ible :r.ianner tha~ the hc.rm that
v1ould come to the commerce of the Philippines vJould
not be of advantage at all to Spuin, but would be to
foreigners, who at tho time were shipping in China
goods valued at 4,000,000 pesos, for introdu~tion to
America. The new delegates fr0m the Phili,µ5.nes, Dn.
Lorenzo de Rugama y Pcotlacio and Dr. l'iiigl:el F0rn~1.ndez
Munill2, at the SCI.me time set forth before the Court
their arguments. Finally, after hearing n lor.:'; Teport from the Council of the Ind:i.a s, the Govern;,1ont
in a cedula of April G, 1734, p:cornulgR.t ed at Buen
Retiro, definitely allowed the importation of Chinese
"l.l 1K "'O ) at the, S''r·11e-· t·1·r11e ,.,, e'ra-'--·ii··1r.r ·t,·ho- r;- 1rnum ·=·n101'n·t
of the value of goods for Acapulco to 500,000 pesos ·
and thc:t of the return to 1,000,000 pecos in silver.
\..I
V
(..l.
.
-
'
.._,._,_
\
V ·-•
C....
0
,..lt:J....
' \-. - -
.
L:.\
-
•.-!
With the promulgE~tion of this decree, the intranquil ity of t.J.--·tE' rc.sidents of T·-'fanilc, c e::ls ed, ,s.nd
the fc1rr1ous Aca.pulco galleon returned to it;3 norma.l
state. 4
4 - Upon the supprecsion of the Acapulco galleon (the
letst one left Mo.nila ir, 1811 and retnrned from Jka1J 1 llco in
1815), the trade was thrown open to private indivi~uals,
In 1820, merch2nts 1-Hire :d.l.ovJ_~d to (D'.:port fr,)rn the Philippines, up to 750,000 pesos worth of goads anm1ally, with
the privilege of using, besides Acapulco, the ports of San
Blas, Guayaquil and Callao.
·
-278-
Let us show in b1·i ef how the trade was conduct-ed.
The governor-general was authorized to distri-bute as many boletas as there were compartments or divisions in the vessel, the number of which, on the average, was 1,500.
A good portion of these belonged
to the governor-general who was entitled to 45 toneladas, to the religious corporations, the re:ridores,
and other privile 6 ed individuals. Many oi:' these, for
one reason or another, sold their boletas to tho merchants.
A gal'Ieon ranged from 1200 to 1600 tons. Its
armament consisted of small pieces of artillery which
usually were kept in the hold of the vessel to leave
more space for the cargo.
The bulk of the cargo consisted of Chinese arid
Indian silks, cotton clot6s, and ornaments of ~old.
These were sold in Acapulco at a profit of 100 10. The
actual value of the cargo usually exceeded the limit
fixed by law.
Almost all the merchants borrowed money from the
Obras Pias to invest in the Manila-Acapulco trade.
In the return voyage, the galleon carried no
less than two or three million pesos in silver. The
arrival of a galleon in Manila was an occasion for
much rejoicing and solemn festivities.
Besides the situado from Mexico, those vessels
carried official correspondence, arms and amri.,:unition,
bulls and stamped paper, rµilita:r.y personal., missionaries and public officials.
The salaries of the officers were fabulous. The
commander, who held the title of general, received a
royalty. The income of the captain was 40,000 pesos
for each voyage; that of the pilot, some 20,000 pesos~
The ma§ter on board received a remuneration equiv~lent
to g/o of the sal-es of t,he merchandise.
This, t-oeether with what he gained from the merchandise which
was brought in on his own account, gave him an income
of no less than 350,000 peso 9 •
._..,.,..
__ _
-279-
CHA? 'EER THPcEE
THE BRITISH OCCUPA'l'ICN OF MA111LA (17G2-l?Gh)
Montero y Vid-11, in the work aJ.ready citr)d, gives in
the followh~g pc1.ssac;es t11e story of this i:3pisode of Philip··
pine 1-:istory. 1
ts a result of the Facto de Familia signed at
Vers~illes, A~gust 25th, 1761, by Charles III of
,Spain and the .Jourbon Eini:i:s of i1'runc8, Nap:i.us; n,ncl
Parma, Spain vrnnt to ·\·J.:tr on ag.-1inst Greet Jr::i.tnin,
Janu,q1"y 1762.
Certain Arner:j_an r,10rGhGnta from Eaclras informed the Archbishop (1\;an-,1~1 Antonio llojo) that preparations vJere '.)e:::_n::: rnn60 there :for t:1e capi~urc of
1"~ n . ·t ·
,~ cervd
,_ ·· ... 1.ll
: - v-~ ...·1 Orlv
· • ,, •receJ.vea
,
••
' J' 1_,_(:_;· ·t ·'-1.i;__.r
..., giv.i.r.t:;
' ·· ·' · 1 a
r,a l .. L)..
,1.
the same inform,:ttion, vvhilc the iUJg:usl~inia,1, F. Cuadrado,· recelved anoth1Jr which told of the dc:clar:.:ition
of war between Encland and ~pain.
On 6eptcrnber l\tL, 176~~, an English pnilebnt
7L, 1.-ie
.... ; -,r·,r·-,..--.,-,-i·-:~7~r- p-1·
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i..
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appeared. at the bay o.f J\!I::1nila, .,.t
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1 - Chao'cer 12..
Th(; 0vent8 of tLj.s -::)( riod c1.re dn&lt v!ith :i.n r-:reater
clet::til by various Somdsh· c.·.1_,t;101'itiot3:
?c6r·"J ,rordan ce
1-·-·T1r·i·a
Urr·:o.,,
C·i·ti'()
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f~ ...}<~,_/:.. _~~-l)
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.. .1.u:::t.1.!C
1n i-l~scfia ~:,obr, la i}Lw1·r,:i_ tle 7_,rn I,w::.uses, c1;11on.. c ~hur~,.
A C~~Ic~Giono-Y"so u;_;:;c;-· dc1c1Lfii ~i:.""s-·rn:·-~~;i Jr:lT;J h O,'l :~:,Le C) Vent s
of this u2riod j_s f,-.>1md in B. & H.
Ii~ conta:L·1,s accounts
of eyewi bwss es sncr1 c1 s Jo::·rds'h, Dr<J.p('r, u~c Arcl1bishupGovornor lfo,jo and Sinon do Anda y 8:..1.J,,.;zar.
.,.:,.i
1.
-2S-O-
bay, obtained information of the number of wnr vessels present, and then left without paying the usual
courtesies to tho authorities.
Notwithstanding these warnings, the ArchbishopGovernor took no precautionary steps for the defence
of Manila.
On the 22nd of the same month, r.1.n English squadron of 13 war vessels, which the authorj_ties mistook
for a fleet of Chinese champans, arrived at the bay
of Mn nil a. 2
'11here were on board 1,500 European rnarj_nes armed with muskets, 800 Sepoys also· armed with
muskets, and 1,400 la borers, a total of 6,830 men.
'rhe force was under the joint command of Samuel Cornish, Admiral of the fleet, and General William Draper,
Commander of the land forces.
Manila counted with only 550 available men of
the garrison of the Rerr.::.miento del Re_y:3 and 80 native
art ill eryrnen.
Nevert.hE..:l ess the Government guve a negative reply to the rude demand for surrender. Without loss of time, it organized four companies of militia, of 60 men each,
The English landed September 23rd, at the litt~e
town of Malat e, 2-1/2 km. distant from Manila. They
occupied without opposition the convent and church
of the said town and the churches of En,1ita, San Juan
de Bagumbayan and SantiD.go.
On the 2/+th, tho main
body of the British forces landed.
The bastions of
San Diego and San Andres ,opened .fire on the invaders,
but their discharges had no effect against the strong
walls of the churches and convents which th8 enemy
-----=-2 - The British expeditionary force was despatthed f rom
r'fadras, India, where the British had, shortl:;- bofore, won
de·
cisive victories over their F:ench rivals.
3 - The Regimiento d.el Rey was organized by Governor .
Arandia in the year 1751+. It was composed of twenty companie
of on~ hundred men each, under the co~mand of captains, li~·
tenants and ensigns, The regiment, however, had never been
brought up to maximum. strength, At the time the British arrj_ved, the Regimionto dol Rey was greatly reduced by death,
by desertions and by the detail of some of the soldiers to
duty on the galleons and other posts.
--281-
occupied.
These solid edifices outside the walls
greatly interfered with the defence of the city ••.•
On the 3ctnle day ( 2L~th), a ga.11 ey entered the
bay by way of Mari vcl es, having been cl.espa.tched from
Palapag4 by the co~mander of the galleon FilipiPo,
bearer of the funds from Acapulco • . A frigate &nd
four ships of the enorn.y went out after her. In trying to escape, she stranded on the beach of Navotas.
Her captui~ and a few passengors wore taken prisoners by the British.
H~vi~g learned from the caotives of the situation of t&e Filipino, the Engllsh
despatched vessels to look for it.
The British
Lliled to find the FilJpiDQ, but they captured inste1d, the Trinidad, taking from it a rich booty.
Draper wrote the Archbishop demanding hi:3 rendition. To d:tscuss this demand, a council of war was
held, under tlw prmddency of the Archbishop-Governor, at which were r,res/:rnt n:embers of the Real Audiencia, officers Of the armed forces, and oflicials
::>.f the city government.
The council unanimou.sly
resolved to defend the city to the last.
On the 26th, 3,000 Indic1n lancers from the
provinces of Pan~an~a, Bulacan and Lqguna arrived
to aid in the dG.f enco of I'l'.fanila. On the 30th, six
hundred more men from Bulac·an arrived, le,~l by J::,he
capitanes and principales of their respective to~ns.
The authorities of :Manila, forcseeinc the irr:minent capture of the city by the English, agreed,
on the 1 st of October, to o.ppoint the rr:3.,::;istrate,
Dr • .Simon de Anda y Salazar, as Lieut crwnt Governor
and Captain General of the Islands, ••• so that he
might pr,3s.erv0 the country's loyB.lty to, the King of
Spain. , , •
__ ____
_..,.__
4 ~ Palapag is a ?Ort in northern Samar, The comrr:ander of the .f~lip~LJ19. :iacl been advis·ect by the viceroy of
Nueva Esp~Ba of the outbreak of war between Spain and England and that he should. toke c:1.ll duo precautions,
-282-
Early in the morning of the 3rd, two thousand
Pampangos sallied forth in three columns.
The first
under the command of Dn. Francisco Rodrir:ue z <1nd
their brave corporal, ~funala3tas, occupi;d the church
of Santiago, but upon being assaulted by the British,
they made precipitatci retreat. The second, under the
orders of D, Santiago Orendain, marched towards
Ermita and.from there launched a surprise attack.
The British repulsed the attack killing two hundred
Indians,
Orendain saved himself by fleeing from
the t3cene of the combat, a conduct which aroused
against him suspicions of treachery. The third column led by the volunteers, Eslava and Justo, and
supported by two l)1c!rnts of musketeers, ·was to have
attacked by way of the seashore, but it. was unable to
fight. M.any- Incaanc from the provinces, discourc1.ged
by the ill-success of this attempt, and, above al-1,
because the En:;:lishmen, in reprisal of the loss of
some of their officials, hanged rr.oro than seventy
Pampangos, returned to t, heir respective towns.
At dawn of the fourth, Admiral Cornish ordered
three vessels to approach and shell the city. Their
guns together with those of the Camp 3t Sun.tiago and
Bagumbayan openod a breach on, the walls.
Drap0r
then sent a third message to the Archbishop-Governor
demanding anew the surrender of the city,
The council of war insisted on its resolve to
defend the city to the last. At thG same time it
~ommanded the treasurer, Dn. Nicolas de Echauz, to depart for the town of Paet~1, Lagurw, with the sum of
222,000 escudos which he was to keep in safety,
The open.breach on the wall was defended by
officer Fallet, a French officer in the service of
Spain,
He turned traitor and facilitated the assau]. t of the eneray through that point. A column
under the command of ,Tlfayor Felt 1 ed the assault
through the breoch without difficulty or opposition
early in the morning of October 5th, 'I'his colurm
opened the gates of the city to two other columns
which penetrated the walled precinct, sowing on its
path destruction and death.
--2$3-
A company of Spanish militiamen on guard at
the Royal gate was s1.u':)rj_sed ar.d inhuma:,ily put to
the sword. 'l'he pe:cturhed residents of Mo.Pila in tumult rushed to all streets and avf3nues towards the
P:,u.d.g hopin.3 to save th0rnsel ves by swimming or to
cross in lizht canoes t0 the oppo3ite shore. An
enemy column opened fire on these unfortunates. While
tho frightful olaur:;hter was 6 oir.g or1, Drc:p0r advanced
at the heed 0f E, third column by way of Cello Heal
towards tte palace. H3ving taken possession of the
pal El c e, he desr-,atched Col. lvluEs0n -~o d 0mo.Ld from tho
Archbishop his surrender. Rojo, presented to Col.
Munson a no'ce proposing terms of surrender.
'J.1:b..e proposals were as follows:
1) Security of peruon and property for all in-
habitants bf the country.
2) F'ree exercise of the CathoJ.ic reli/~;ion throughout the Archipelugo,
3) Fre8dom oi.' indu::.:try and commeri::o for all the
inhabitants of tno country.
4) Preservation of the Real Audie~cia to administer justic0 in the name of his Catholic
Maj osty.
5) Recognition of the ranks and preservation
of the Spanish garrison of tho city.
The c:onditions. undE~r which Manila finally t::,'.lpitulated,
October
5, 1762, were as
follows~ 5
Art. 1 - The Spanish officers of every ro.nk
shall be esteemed au prisoners of war, u;;-io11 t,:icir
parole of honour, ~ut shull have the liba1~y of
wearing their swords. Th0 rest of the t~oops, of
every degree and quality, must be disarmed, disposed
of as we think proper. They shall be tre£,tod vdth
humo.nity,
Art. 2 - ALL the mil:l.tary sto1•fls, c.tnd mo.e;azipe~ of every kind, must be surrendered, faithfully,
_______
,
5 - B.
&:,
R., Vol. 4,9.
-284-
to our Commisaries, and nothing secreted or damaged,
Art. 3 - His Excellency the Governor·must
send immediate orders to the fort of Cavite, and
the othor forts under his command, and dependent
upon Manila, to surrender to His B:d.tanni.c Ma.jesty,
Art. 4 - Tho propositions contained in the
paper delivered on the part of his Excellency the
Governor, and hi,s council, T1JJ.ll bs listened to, and
confirmed to them, upon their payment of four mill ::i_or:s of dollars, the half to be paid irnrnedj.atel y,
the other half to be paid in a time to be agreed
upon, and hostages and security given for that purpose,
The English commander gave the city to threehour pillage which was prolonged for more than twenty four hours.
While it lasted the drunken soldiery committ,ed great outragGs, violating women,
robbing houses and destroying obj~cts of art in
churches and public edifices, assisted in this nefariou~ act by the Chinese and prisoners, whom the
English imprudently set free.
2~
1
Anda and the British.~
D. Simon de Anda y Salazar, who had accepted with
enthusiasm the honorable mission to maint2.in the Islands for Spain, had left. J\J'.tanila at 10 o'clock in the
evening of October 4,
He arrived at Bulacan at dawn
of the 5th. Immediately he nssembled in session the
Alcalde MB.yor, D. Jose ?2sar:Ln, the provincial of the
Agustinians~ Fr. Remigio Hernandez, the ex-provincial,
Fr. Aguirire, other religiou~::;, a.s wuJ.l al.i the Spanish
residents of the province and the native autho1·itics~
Exhibiting his titles of Lieutenant Governor 2nd Captain General, and Judge Visitor general he called
upon all to hilp resist the invaders and to.defend at
all cost the native territory.
In the afternoon, news arrived that the English
had taken Manila.
Uhereupon, in considoration of
the realities of the situation, the Auditors bein3
held prisoners, -and in fulfillment of the laws of the
1 .,. Montero y Viclnl,
Q.12.,
£_:Lt., Val, 2, chap tor 2,
-285-
Indias which prescribe that the Real Audiencia be
conserved in only one Auditor, and also of thG provisions of the law ~hich prescribes that in the
~b.s enc e of the Governor nnd Captain-General of the
Indias, those positions are to devolve on the Audiencia, Anda procluimed himself Governor and Capt:1in Qc,nerc:,.L, OJ'' 1-<·1·7 ·,,·,1'r1-"'S 2
-A
I,,,.,
.,.
C),
•
J."
_,_ ··'-,:_~
--~~ .....
2 - Tht.i lmvs refcJrTed to hore are as follows:
.(a) La-;,v 57 of the Recopilaci J[!, chapter 15, book 2,
ena.cted lVIay 25, 1596, recnacted April J, 1629: (vol. 49
B. & R., p, 135 footnote),
"We order tho.t in the absence of the president or viceroy, so that he cannot govern, our royal Audioncias succeed
to the government, and t:b..at the ~overnment resid-e in them,
as it could in the viceroy &r president when they performed
those duties,
'nie senior anditor t~hall be prosidm1t, and
he alone shall make and enact all the measur0s belonging to
1
and annexed to the president.
And if the president should
be captnin-gr:meral, tt18 senior a 1.1ditor Gball aJ.~o exercise
that office until his succesaor is appointed 07 w.:3, or until
one is sent who shall have powers to act as such by our
our orders, unless the opposite or contrnry is ordered in
some Audiencia by the laws of this book."
(b) Law 58 of the .f/.eQ.Q.J2._ilacio,n, book 2, chaptc~r 15,
eno,.cted April 2, 1664: (vol. ~.'i, 3, & R., p, 31.3.)
"Inasmuch as reprosent:.~tio:::i has b0en made to us of
the inconvenience resulting from the vic0roys of Nucva Espaila anticiputing appointrnBnts among persons who reside in
the Phi1ippin8 Is1.::;nds so th,1t, in case of the) nbsonce of
th0 prt3~:dd E:nt or ':;;ovcrnor and captnin g enera1 of the Islands, those persons rrl::ry enter upon and u::er~ise those charges until the arrival of the person who is to govern - ad
interim or by royal appointment a~cordinP;ly as we may decide; there.fore -we order r.nd cornm:md th:;.t in co.se of the
absence of the govornor and C8ptain general of these Islands, by de3th or any other accident, our royal Audiencia
shall govern them in political af~airs und tho senior Auditor in military. Wo order th8 vic<:iroy of Nueva Espana
to use no longer tlrn nuthority that he h2s had hitherto by
virtue of our Decree of Sept. 13, 160S, und the other decrei:~d given to him, to ne-w po:rsons appointed oy means of
the ways hith0rto practised."
-286He ~t once set out for Bacolor, capital of
Pampanga, and performed the same act. With marvel ....
ous diligence he made preparations for tho heroic
struggle which wa3 to imr.1ortaJ.ize his name. He organized companies of volunteers placing them under
experienced soldiers who trained them in the 1-1.r.rn of
arms, and he improvised gunpowder factories and
foundries.
Immediately ho took the offensive against thf'J
British. He forbade the ned..ghboring towns to fJend
provisions to I,ianila; he made himself master of advantageous positions in Bulacan and Pasig; he built
trenches; and he heJ.d in check the boastful tnvaders,
forcing them to remain within the walled city,
In order to cotmteract the power and a:uthor·ity
of Anda, the British entered into an agreement with
the Archbishop whereby thG latter wu's to rc:ta:Ln control of the poiitical 3overnment, with themselves
managing militnry affeirc.
The Archbi,'3hop um·Jittingly fell into the trap, even going so fnr as to
attempt to havD th8 Spaniards and Filipinos submit to
the sovereignty of Great Britain. He even ordered
Anda to comply with the treaties which he had concluded with the English. In answer to this cownrdly
conduct, Anda forbade compliance with any order of the
Archbishop tenciing to subject the Islands to the
domination of England.
With such elegant proofs of character and civic
valor, day by day incre::1:·rncl the popularity of this
heroic magistrate, ar:.; did the size and strengtll of
his fbrces. A brave Asturian, D. Pedro Jose de Busto,
who at, the time of tlu.:i capture of JYbnila and of the
issuance of the call of Anda, was engaged in.the exploitation of thE Angat {Bulacan} iron mines, offered himself, at tho head of his wol'kmen, at the
service of that illustrious patrici3n,
of
( c) Law 180 t~t: 7' ~, book ~,
th_: 3,e;~zjlag_iQ.D., enacted August 14, 16/.~0. \vol. 49 B. &, R. 1) . l_:,.,.1 .Loo ,Jnote.}
"In some of our Aucl.iencias of the India.r.;, it hns happened, mid it might happen, that the auditor.s of it,' ri1ay be
absent, and only -:JnE: aud:l.tor remain. : \ifo declare in such case
that the Audiencia is to be conserved aud contained with
only one auditor."
-287 -
Having occupied the environs of Pasig, Busto
hindered the shipment of provisions to }~nila from
Lu La3una, Draper, aware of the grave cons0quonces
of this resistance, planned to assault the rebels.
Hi::: purpose was to rGnder free the navigation of the
Pasig river.
Witb this end in view, ThomafJ :aackhousc loft
Manila on the 8th of 1fovembor. At Maibonga ho had a
skirmish with Busto. The latter WB.S forced to retire to Mario,uinn. v1ith his rnr.m. The .i:!:nglish crossed
the river and despatched an envoy to the natives of
Pasig to demand thoir submission. The gobernado:rcillo of this town replied, with more arrogunce than
prudence, that Pa[d.g 1v:::1.s not like ManiJo., and that if
the Spaniards treacherously delivered the latter, he
would defend his town.
The British att&cked, and
the Indians fled in ~reat disorder. Somo savod
them§elves by swimming across the Bamban ri·Jer; but
those who remained were iniquitously put to tlie
award.
Sultan Ali-~1din happened to be in Pasi~ nt
the time, was taken prisoner. The British fortified
themselves in Pasig, which they occupi~d for the
duration of the war.
Draper believed that it was an easy task to
bring the ?hilippine Islands under the rule of his
country with the submission of the Archbishop nnd
high officials of the Government,
But he realized
that ht=J was in error a.s Anda remained povrnrful in
Bulacan and Parr.i:ianga, ::1raper decided to invade the
•
..
,.,
•
h .,.oc:1
1
d er J... n 1.1is
. own
provinces
an.a.l attaci<., t:w
.::i:9ar11.s
camp. On January 15, 1763, an expedit:Lor:.ary force
under Slay, Captain of grenadiers, se~ cut for 3u11 Ten vessels c£~rrisd to the t()Wl~ of Nalolacan.
1os four hundrE·d :Snglishmen, three hu :idrc~d M'llabar
1\fogros, and ·i.:,wo thousand Chinese rebels vlith arms
and munitions, They occupied the ccnvcmt and church
of th~ Agustinian fathers, and there t~ey ramained
three days gathe:d.l\'!: dato. rogording our forco:J; data
which were furnished, with manifest tre,1chery and
villainy by the Chinese and mestizos. From thomJ
the British learned how small our force was, which
consisted only of 'ninetecm Spaniard[3, three hundred
armed Indianr,, six falconets and one canon of regular
calibre, which was mounted on the belfry of the
0
-288church of Bulacan, and three and one-half-arrobas
of powder. nJ
Slay was to have gone directly to Bulacan,
but because of contrary winds, he proceeded by way
of Pumarana and the inlets which connect with l1alolos. To reach Bulacan, fearing an ambuscade, 11 they
went across the rioe fields, f':i.ring riflo shots at
the bamboo groves lest there be people hiding there•
Ii
p • zuniga.
,. . .
in.
Busto learned of the size of the :2::nglish
force, and, know'ing that he did not 'havo sufficient
force to engage th0m, he decided to abandon Bulacan.
But the ale al de 1/fayor, the curate 1 a Recollect. friar
who happened to be there, and the artillery officer, Ibarra, did not accept his plan.
'1 hey wanted
to defend the convent and the church.
1
As the vanguard of the ene~y, made up of traitorous Chinese, reached the bridge, of Maysantor, Ibarra
fired from the belfry with such perfect uim that he
disabled more than one thousand Chinese. But a cannon ball from the enemy carried off the head of the
valiant Ibarra, and the Indians grew faint-hearted
in their defense. The Alcalde Mayor also was hit on
the breast and died within a few hours.
The enemy captured the convent, putttng to the
sword all who were found therein. The curate of Bulacan, Fr~y Jose Andres was speared to death as weil
as a multitude of defenseless Indians. The ReGollect
father tried tq es·cape, but found only doath in the
attempt. The British after setting fire to th0
church and convent returned to J.1,1anila with more shame
than glory. • ••
In the meantimet
house or Becus, as the
Laguna and Batangas in
to have been landed by
the commander a·t Pasig, BackSpaniards called hi@, went to
search of the money believed
the galleon FiliPt.rt~, At the
3 - Notes from the manuscript of P. Stu. J.l!Iaria exist·
ing in the archives of the Sc1n Agustin Convent, fJianila.
-2S9mouth of Tae:uig tlL Ind.ions sunk n few champans to
obstruct the entrnnce of tho Britioh to the L~guna
Lake, which obstruction Becmi earJ:i.ly ror:iovod, Becus traversed v~rious towns of tha two above-men-
tioned
Lipa,
object
ssa to
panga,
pr~vinces, .seizing three thousand pesos in
Having laarnod that the money, which was the
of his expedition, had been transported by
Santor) a town on th~ contr&-c~sta of Pamhe returned to PasiG,
I
The r.Gcc.dpt of the 3,000,000 posos which constituted the main cargo of the Fil~pino, enabled Anda~
tu form a rcspectabl e mil i.tary for·c e, consistiD:'"T, of
five hundred Spaniards; three hundred Franch deserters from the EngJ.ish camp, and .four thousand armed Indians, With such o force, Anda ordered Busto toestablish his headquarters at llfal:inta, 7 kilo,·,1eters
distant from .rv:anila. Busto strengthened this place
with redoubts and palisades and mount eel on it. fi vo
small pieces of cannon. The French sar[eant Bret~fia,
who was one of the deserters from the enemy camp, directed the construction works,
From MalintD., Busto rnado incc:1sfJ.1.nt incursions
into the environs of Mctnila to tht~ annoyanc c of thtJ
enemy. An English forcEi under Drake s;illier.l forth
again~t him in June, 1763,
On reaching the environs
of Malinta, they open8d firo against tho SJaniartls,
The latter formed th(~msel v·os in line o:Z bDttJ.e and
fired 6ff the small pieces of artillery which defended their camp. Tho crook of l:i[c::tysilc sr~po.ratf.Hl
the cdv,ibatant s, .::n:i.d thir- neither tL.e ono no:".' the
other dared to cross. 11 Both vJere prud :mt enough to
remain on their :i. 1:!spective r3ides of tho rivor, thus
saving the lives of thoir soldier.::;. 11 ( P. lYiartinoz
de Zuniga).
· Two or four of Bustos mon d:i.ed and
1
seven wounded, of whom five. J.ater died, The English suffered the loss of t~irteen wounded, of whom
.five or .s ix, 1 at or di G cL
• ••
On July 3, 1763, an English frigate anchored
o.t the Bay bringing copiE:s of the armistice Teachod by
France, Spain and En.g:1.and. On the 23rd came news of
the sir.;ning of tho pr,)tocol,
'11he Enr;lish vwuld not recognize any aut,hority
except that of tho Archbishop, their ·:rnr pri:::;on0r.
-290-
Hence, they delivered the papers to him, Rojo informed the British that "in matters of such grave
concern, they should deal directly with Anda,"
On the arrival on August 26, of new copies of
the protocol, the Enclish leader transmitted them
sealed to Anda as 11 Commander-in-Chief of' the forces
of His Catholic Majesty." Anda re.fused to receive
them as the title of Captain General was omitted,
Whereupon, the British, in a proclamation issuGd on
the 19th of S0ptomber, 1763, made it known that they
were ready to suspend hostilities o.nd that it v1as up
to Anda to prevent the further shedding of blood.
To this proclanation Anda replied (E:ieptumber
2a, 1763) from Bacolor that he was not advised in a
formal manner of the protocol; that it lJa.s tho1:e who,
following a course which did not accord with the
orders of the sovereign, prevented indirectly their
execution, should be held responsible for the eonsoquences.
Anda, who then had under his command a large
force equipped with considerable supply ol' ammunition,
transferred his headquarters to Polo, 9 kilometers
distant from tfunila- From there he kept the English
practically isolated within the walls of ffunila,
causing them to suffer fr_om. extreme want.
On the 30th of January; 1764, Archbishqp Rojo,
died. The English gc::ve him a solemn funeral, their
troops paying him military honors ••••
A few days later~ Anda received, via China,
despatches froLi the King of Spain, informing him of
the conclusion of a treaty of peace wi;th the King of
.England.liImmediately, Anda transmitted this des-
-------4 - The preliminary peace treaty was signed in Novem-
ber, 1762.
The definitive treaty of peace was signed at
Paris, February 10 1763. 1bis was the famous Treaty of
Paris of February
1763, which made important territorial adjustments in different parts of the ·world. At the
peace conference, it was arranged, aniong other thint;s, that
Spain was to cede Florida to England and, in return, to retain her sovereignty over the Philippine Islands.
io,
-291-
patch to the English'iovernor, proposing to him the
appointment of a mixed commission to arrange for the
formal surrender of the city. The commission arranged
the formalities in the town of Tombobong.
Later, another English vessel arrived with orders for th$ evacuation of thf; city. /.bout tl::e same
time the frigate Sta. Rosa arrived at ll'larinduque bring•
ing with her a new governor-generc.il, D. Francisco de
la 'rorre. To him Anda spontaneously surrencle:ced surrendered his authority, J.V1..arch 16, 1764, •• ,
La Torre, desirous of allowing Anda to enjoy
the honor he very well deserved of recetvin,z the keys
of the city, pretr.mded he was ill, and tbe brave lead ..
er had the satisfr.1ction of making his triumphal entry
to Manila at the head of' his troops and with military
pomp, and to hoist the Spaninh flag at li'prt Santiago,
amidst booms of cannon.
·--- ... ---
'"'92 -
-.G
CHAPTER
FOUR
FILIPINO REVOLTS DURING THE
18TH CENTURY
1. The 1745-1746 Uprisings.
In the eighteenth century, as in the precoclh1g ones,
uprisings of a more or less serious natur8 occurred in dif~
ferent parts of the Philippines.
As in the p&st, the old
sources of popular discontent, the exnction of the tribute
and the imposition of personal services, hacl. much to do in
bringing about these revolts.
In the eighteenth century,
however, other fuctors arose which, together with the grievances over the tribute and the polos y servicios, provoked
the people to acts of violence and defiance against constituted authorities.
The uprisings of 171+5-1746, which occurrecl during the
governorship of Gaspar de la Torre, were an outgrowth of
controversies over land boundaries in many provinces of
Central Luzon - Batangas, Cavit e, l'fJ.anila and Bulc1can.
The
story of the Batangas uprising is told by Concepcion in his
Histori 53 General de Filj12,,i]1Q.§..
deals with th~t incident: 1
The follovdng passage
-293-
"With the pretext thnt the fathers of the Society (of Jesus) had usurped from them cultivated
lands, and the untilled lands on the hills, on which
they kept enormous rwrds of horned cattle -- for
which reason, and because the Jesuits said that these
were their own property, they would not allow the natives to supply themselves with wood, rattans, and
bamboos, unless they pnid fixed prices -- the Indians
committed shocking acts of hostility on the ranches
of Lian and No.sugbu, killing &nd plun'.lerin':s the tt=:mants
of those lands, with many other rnvages. Nor did
they respect the houses of the (Jesuit) fathers, but
attacked and plundered them, and partly burned them,
ns well as many other buildings independent of these."
All was plunderinz, rapine, destruction, and debauchery; the natives also rebelled against the exactions
from them of tribute nnd personal services. llThe contagion spread to the village of Taal, and more than
sparks were discovered in other pl3ces, although efforts were made to conceal the fire. 11
The alcaldemayor and the Jesuits tried at first to pacify the
Indians, urging them to wait for the official visit
of Auditor Calderon.; but they could do noth:i.ng, the
nativeEJ being rendered only more'uaring by this o.ttJempt. Troops wore t::-wn sent from KJnila agD inst them;
in the battle mentioned in our text several were wounded, among them the comii1anding: officer, Sar;z;ento-rnayor
Juan Gonzo.lez de el Pulgar; but he succeeded j_n routing the enemy, The cl-iief of the insur6 ents, one Ma.tienza, took refuge in a church, but was captured and
disarmed. thurein. Reenforcoments were sent from I-!Ianila, and the rebellion was soon quelled. The leaders of the rebellion w0re punished in v&rious ways,
according to their prominence or influence; ~rnme were
shot, others sent into exile or to the galleys; and
arnnesty was granted to the j_nsure;ents who wonld lA.y
down their arms and renew their acknmvlcdgment of
vassalage~"
_______
,
ral de FilJ;:)JblS, (ManiJ.a-Sampaloc, 1'/88-1?92), l~- vols.
'Concepcion' s Histo,r:y from vvhich the fore<T,oing 3.8count is
taken, is a detailed history of the Philippines. Although
it abounds in trifling matters, it is a veritable mine of
information anct, as ~mch, is a work of great hiutoricciJ. j_mporto.nc e.
-291+-
On the disturbances which occurred about the same time
in other provinces, nn irnportan-t;, sourc~ of information is
the Royal Decree of Hovember 7, 1751.
decree follows:
The full text of this
1
To the president and t:rnditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipin0 s Islands, resident in the
city of Manila: Don Pedro Enriguez, an auditor of
that same Audiencia, metde a report, with sworn statements of his proceedings, of what he had done under
the commission which was conferred on him by the government there for the pacification of the villages of
Taguig, Hagonoy, Parafiaque, Bacoor, Cavite el Viejo,
and other places attached to them which lie near that
capital, all which had revolted. (He reports that)
they were pncified by merely the proclamation of a
general pardon {except to the chief instigators of
the revolt) which he published, and by the promise
that their complaints should be heard and justice done
to them; but the village of San Mateo Glso revolted,
and he procoeded to its puni3hmcnt and left it in
ruins, becaune·the people had not surrendered their
arms; it was, however, already (re) peopled with inhabitants who were more numerous and of more peaceable disposition. A similar insurrection or revolt
occurred in most of the villages of tho provirce of
Bulacan, and these like the former, by nn agreement
which they had .forE1ed :Jy a public writing with the
village of Silang protosted, as they aftorwa1"d made
evident in their petitions, against the injuries
which the Indians received from th0 managers of the
estates which are owned by the religious of St. Dominic and those of St. Augustine, both calced and diqcalced -- usurping the lands of the Indians, without leaving them the freedom of the riiers for their
fishing, or allowin,(\ them to cut wood for their necessary use, or even to collect the wild fruits; nor
did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills near
their
villages t.he carabaos which they used for
1 - B • &, R. , vol •
48 , pp • 27 - 34.
-295-
agriculture. Accordingly,(the said auditor) determined to free then from these oppressions, and decided that they should not pay various unjust taxes
which the m,'.1.nagers e:xDcted from them.
Having proved
to be capable in the other task assigned him, he received a commission as subdelege1te judge of the adjustment of land-titles, in consequence. of ~hich he
demanded from the aforesaid relieious orders the titles of ownership for the l~nds which they poss0ssed;
and, notwithstanding the resistance that they made to
him, repeatedly refusine (to obey), he distributed to
the villages the land_s which the orders hnd usurped,
and all which they held without lecitimate cause he
declared to be crown lands ( re0.l <~ngas) - as occurred
with the convent of San Pablo, belonging to the colced
religious of St. Augustine, assigning to it (i.e.,
the crown) a farm for horned cattle Jnd two caballerias of land which were supposed to belong to it,
according to the testimony of the village of' San Ifateo.
He also took other measures which seemed to
him proper for thG invostip;c~tion of tlle fr,]uC::.ulent
l n ~h~
~ t1r~n·1~nt
n°-thP
~~P
.
J.,,:.,
E.) ..ill
,8c,0
.. \.:;.8i.
~J.
,.~ l~nrin J I
Proc Re·di'·nryS
estate of Bifian, which is owned by the relizious of
St. Dominic -- fraud which w&s cnnwitted in the year
1743 by the, court cl·Jrk o.f that Audienc::i.3. (of l\/f,3.rd.la)
with notubJ.e fraud and trickery, in which p,?rticipc1ted
the two s1.H'VGyon=: ( appointed through ic;nor.::.m.c e or evil
intent), to ths grave injury of the vi~lase of Silang.
This had caused the disturbances, revolts, and losses
which had been experienced in th8 above-mentioned
villages. The afore3a~d proceedings (by t~D auditor)
were considered and exsmined with the closest attention in my Council of the Indias, with th9 decrees
that were also sent by the Audicncia there in the
co1:1rse of the :p!'oceedings in a s,~cond rppe,1l int,\;rposed by tllf~ vi:lc:it;1;e of Siltmg -··- decrc1cis obte.ined
in that suit by the natives of tllet vi] la~c o.gninot
the college of Snnto Tomas do Aquino, in regard to
lc1.nds usuroed (f:tom theni) and annexed to tho estate
·of Binan, {1Jhich the religious own. On the :.:ubject
of the disturbance among the aforesa:Lri IndJ.uns, Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre, his successor the bishop of Nueva Se~ovia, and the provinci.~J.s of the
aforesaid rcligiout orders set forth the allegations
made in tho name of the orders by Father Fray Micuel
Viva:s as their :procurutor-gfmeral at this court, and
~
0
0
l, __
.•
0
.,;.,Cl,ll .. ,::,
..
_ ,1
vL~
,1
-?96J
h•
by Father Pedro Altamirano, who acts in that capa-
city for the Society of Jesus for its provinces of
the Indias (on the point that the province of San
lgnacio in these islands had no share in the commo.
' th
·11 ages, as was snown
'
'oy various
.
t
tions
in
. ose v1_
·Jestimonies), and the explanations made by my fiscal,
who was cognizan'c of the wholu matter. It has th(;refore appeared expedient to me to advise you of the
receipt of your letters of July 30, 17h5, and July
17, 1746, and of the acts which accompany them; and
to notify you that by a despatch of this date I approve, and regard as just and proper, all that was
performed by the aforesaid Don Pedro Calderon Enriquez in virtue of the commission and appointment
which was conferred upon him by Governor Don Gaspar
de la Torre by the advice of the Audiencia thore, in
order that ho might proceed to the pacification of
the insurgent villages in the jurisdictions of SiLmg, Imus and Snn Nicolas, Cavit e el V:Lcj o, o.nd the
other districts wlr~ch united on account of the con··
troversy over the ownership of the lands which the
rel igious-Dom;inic ans, and both calc ed and discalced
Angustinians -~· are endeavoring to keep. I also
give him thanks for the judicious conduct and measures which he employed for the .aforesaid pacification; and I :Likewis1:) approve what he accompli;Jhed ns
subdeleeate jud;;e of t}1e settlement of land-t:Ltles,
in regard to the survey nnd boundaries of the estates which, in accordance with their ler.r,itill1-3.te
titles, belong to each of those orders, in view of
the more accurate cJ.nd reliable information (obtained)
from the interpretations of the four surv~yoro whom
he appointed -- the latter be:i.ring in mind, to this
end, thu measures put into execution by the cmditor
Ozaeta in the year 1699, in nccordance with the chart
P:r:'inted by the pilot Bueno, in his book entitled.
Nave.e:acion e,specula_t_iva v prcictica (i.e., "Na-vigation, theoretical anc't practical "J( which ch:H't serves
in those islands a:3 the ;::;tandarcl for th(:i curvovs) -_,_.h·
··t·_, 1,•hi·c·1"·1 ·'oeas sjgnin0· to tl·1e ·:ifore" "''-1.·Ld re11·.a'i·o-u"'
4,~
l.J
t...i
lanes to th$m by their (legal) fitlcs, which is the
smne that was ordained in the executory Cucree despatched by the Audiencia there. I also approve what
he did in adjudgin,g to my royaJ. crown the lands which
the aforesaid religious orders hart usurps~, and in
alloting lands to the Indians for the sum of two
- ·
··
[_,-
-
CL....
C}(.
-
.
i,.,)
.l
IY. --
,.•
-297-
thousand pesos, at times and terms stipulated with
them,
From the aforesaid investigations char~es resulted against Don Junn Ifunroy, ;ourt clerk ~f that
Audiencia, who was enfaged in the survey and adjustnwnt of boundnrics mc:icle in tr:ose s.J.m8 l2nds of :i3:.iiDn
in the year 1743 -- in which, by the declarati~n of
the two surveyors who took part in it, is evident
their ignorance of such wor~, and of the r~~cs and
measures (to be used}.
Although (~Q·, after?) the
lands had been measured and a chart of th9 osta~es
had b Gen drawn, the cornput:;tions wero n:aclc:: by the
said Monroy, and the, surveyon, sicned it, supr:,o:3:i.11g
that it was correct; but it was acknm,1ledfi:ec1 th8.t in
that same Jnar, lbter, another survey and ad.justrncmt
of boundaries was made bv the aforosaicl. court clerk
and one of the s:::id S~.lrVeyors on some letnds OVCr Which
were lawsuits -- some, in particular, uith the religious of 3t. Augustine -- in 1-vhich survey there was
assigned to each cattlo-f3rrn 3,024,574 souare bra3as
of land, thi$ being different f~om the pre7ious survey,
which was con~uted at 8,695,652 braz3s. In this was
proved the .fra.ucl 1i:Lth 1r,1rdc}1 the si::id I~Ionroy Etcted, in
r;iving to the said relj_gious more than hc:.lf of the
1__ an
··, d ,.;·JJ!lC h b rl·
· ·· ,, L,Q c,..: J.an,~,.
· .,.
A' r-...,coru._llc
'
+·i - r:rl .i/,
· -··-it l1,l..)
·: "'
.. ) .onto•=appearod to ri1e proper to com6cmn him to two :rears'
suspension from his of:ice, and to lay upon him a
fine of two thousund Jecos, opplied to the fund of
fines poid ::..nto the royc.l tror,sury; and for this o::action there is issued, on this s~me dute, tho proper
despatch to the Hurque::., de '1egalia, a wtnister of the
1,.,
•
.l..,
IJ.L
said my countil and tribunal of the Ind~es, nnd exclusive jud3e of rcnt3, settleroent cf ~ard-~itlos,
and co:lection of fines and conde12n3tions. By another despatch of the s&me dat.e, t;hu r;;u,rcrrnnr~iit of
those islands is commanded 1·,o ex<2rr·is·:: r·E:reaf'ter the
utniost vigil.cmce in order that t~w Indl.,::;,ns o:C' the
srdd villagcis may not b(~ molented by ,)-1e roJ. igio112,
and that tho le.tter shal.l be kept in cl-wc 1{ ·,_n the
unjust c1cts wrdci1 they cay in future ,1t,·[:.c1T1~)::, afairn::;t
not only those Indi2ns but other nntivas of ~l~se islands.
In this, the government nrust alwcys bear in
mid
::,·'·'· ·····-,.;i
,. ,. d---~., t::,lV<...,n
·· ,·,
· -1-'-,
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a\Jcci co,;w-ii.:J.n
J.n
t,J.1L 1.<..-<W,.,
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l
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'h
f'
~
d
'
'
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empire , D.no. ·c .. i.e ... roc.uent roy::u r e<:rees "Litiac h nve
been issued, to the end th2t the InCiRus shall be well
J
'
-298-
treated and shall not suffer oppression or extortion; and shall direct that my fiscal there shall appear as their representative ond in their defense on
every occasion which shall present itself in this regard. Considering how important it is that the Indians shall ~now of the recourse which they can have
when they are oppressed or ill-treoted, and in their
~ontroVf::lrsies, it vrnuld be very expedient that the
government give them information of this, so that they
may not be ignorant thereof, and that they may use
these (peaceable) means without going to the extreme,
as they did on this occasion, by employing- armed force,
For this time, my royal charity and cleniency overlooks their proceedings, considering their heedless
disposition; but when they shall have been advised of
what they ought to do in such cases, and in others of
a different nature, if they fail to use those means
they shu.11 be chastised with the utmost SEWerity.
I hove resolved to notify you of this, in order that
you may be acquainted w:ith this my royal decision, and
in order that, so far as you are concernod, you may
make known my decreG; o.nd I command the most prompt
and effGctive measures, to the end that it may be
fully and duly carried into effect; for such is my
will.
Dated at San Lorenzo, on November 7, 1751.
I THE KING.
2. Filipino Revolts During the British Occupation.
The fall of Manil2. into the) hands of the British creat·
ed for Spanish sovereignty in the Philippines a grave situation.
The prestige of Spain as a sovere:Lsn nation was
lowered in the estimation of many people.
Consequently,
those who were discontented, for one reason or another, with
the Spanish colonlal rule weru encourar:;ed to attempt to
-299overthrow that rule.
In many provinces of the Philippines
sue h attempts W(;rc mu clc.
Of these, the ones that guve the
greatest cor..ccrn to Andu' s government were the Pc:nga:.3inan
and the !locos revolts.
The story of tho Pangasino..n rGvolt ic told by Montero
y Vidal in the following passages from his Historica General
. •. ~1.rws. 1
de F ·"]
1 _ip
Whil.r~ Anda wc1s fighting against tr:.e Ji::L?:1:L,li,
various provinces rose in revolt.
Tho people wanted,
for one thing, to emancipate themselves from Spain.
'.L'hey took advantage o.f the si tu:1ti.on to ov,-;,~:::-:c .Jr;r·sonal wron~~ and to free themselves from the tyranny of
opprestdv0: officials, of hat(;d priests, and of tlH?ir
local chieftc:dns (mu.nicip9s) and ca.be:,~uD do baranc;oy,
2s -well a,s from the :~ribute and personal ccirvic2s.
In ?c:me:asinar: ·;: hG town of Bj_nalat:.ofr3an too~: up
arrns 1 Novombcr 3, 1762, the rebel;:_; dem.nding the remov3~ of the tri~ute u~d the Alcalde mayor, ~nd the
:::ubstitution of the justices or municipos ol' the
towns.
Moreover, tlwy wanted the Spaniardn to n.'bm1dcn _t nc pro vine e disrc\'tc:rdinr: the counsel, requests
~,rf··u·1~- ....sup·o'
·c,·!- ..·, ()l' ~ ·)f tl-1° f'a·t11er· D,orn·1 r·i CP'•l''
~- 1 ; C u
0'
who took chargo of the cur8 of souls in tho prov~.nce.
;:,_r,d
...:-1 ...
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V 0\"::.CA
~ ..1_
U ....
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-
V
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...
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,....
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Andn commissioned D. Ju&n Antonio Pai·ielo ·Lio go
to Pangasinan to investig:xt; e ( re.:::Ldonciar) the chief
of tlw pro-wince, D. Joaquin Gambon, who was nccur.:;f3d
of arousin~ the passions of tbe Indians by his ilJ.eral exactions,
1 - Chapter 3, vol, ?,.
A contemporary nccDunt of the Pangasinan revolt which
Montoro y Vidal used is Hictoria del 2lzam:i,cnto de Pnnr:o..sinan
(manuscript) by- Juan Baut{sto de
TI:suot:fnT:in)-.-,rho
author W3s curate in various oueblos of !locos, and, at one
tima, servod as actinr bishop.of Nuovn Se3ovia.
Areuoceso
-300-
Gamboa, as well as Commissioner Panela, and
the Vicar, Fr. Andres 1,:Ielendez, had to meet come of
the demandE; of the Indians. One of the concessions
grantod was the appointment as.master of camp, or
supreme chief of the municipalities, of the Indian,
Andres Lopez.
D. Sebastian Navarro and the Alcalde pedaneo,
D. Jose Quirm1te placed themselves at t.he h(rn.d of a
loyal group to put down the uprising; Anda doDpatched
for the same purpose an expedition, consisting of
forty Spaniards, u ~,guudron of horsemen from Pampunga,
.
.
. d mi· 1 J.. t,ia,
.
.
a regiment
01"' improvise
an d a f'l y1.ng
par t y
from the province of Bataan, under the comrnnnd of D.
Fernando de Arayat,
rrhe rebels, 10,000 strong, were asc.embl(:!d at
Boyambang to prevent the pasE;age of troops across the
Agno, Arayat took their positions, put them to flight,
punished the nearest tovms, nnd then roturned to headquarters at Bacolor. In the fight four Spaniurds and
several Indians from Cagayan were killed.
Following tho departure of Arayat, the insurrection v-ia s rcne':Jed under the 1 eadership of Juan do
la Cruz Palaris, native of Binalatofigan.
Ho put in
commotion the whole province specinlly the toivns of
Cal as i.10, Mangaldan, .Dugupan, San Jacinto, IVianc:~oag,
Santa Barbara, Malc:,sigui, Bayambang, Pard qui, and the
town of his birth. Asintan refused to join the uprising. Alcalde Gamboa and the majority of the religious fled from the province, including~. N8lendez, who was supposed to enjoy great pr0f,tige and
influence among the. Pangosinanes who, on this occasion, spurned the advice and supplications of their
priests.
P. Melendez and other religious of the province availed themselves of their friends and protegees to persuade the rebels to pacify themselves
and to seek pardon f'rom Anda, assuring them that certain concessions ~ould be granted, such as the removal of Gamboa as J\.lcalde :Mayor. In effect, a
number of principc:lles went to Bacolor Soptem:)er,
1763, and, through the rnE:diation of r. Melendez anrl.
his fell ow rnemb ers of the order, obtr 1ined from Andn
the pardon thut they requested ••••
0
-301Anda relieved Gamboa of the a lcaldeship of
Pangasinan appointing in his place Dn. Jose R~fael
de Acebedo, who arrived at Pangasinan, November 5,
1763.
The new chief of the province issued an order
to the gobernadorcillo of Binalatofigan to demand the
delivery of the pie ce.s of artillery that had been
taken in the first uprising.
Palaris, together with
the leaders of that town and those of Bayambang,
Calasiao and J.Vlaf.i.galdan, refused to comply with the
order,
. It was necessnry to use force to compel them
to ohey the order. They, on their part, put themselves under arms. They seized in Binalatofigan the
chief justice of the province, D. Francisco de Vargas
Machuca, and, in the presence of F. Melendez, "whose
pleadings they neither respected nor heeded, they
treacherously put him to death."
Upon hearing of the seiz·ure of Vargas, the Alcalde Mayor rushed with four hundred men for the rebel town, in company with D. Ignacio Barzaola.
In
Calasj_ao he fou 6 ht a formidable battle with morG than
4,000 rebels. Finding it impossible to overcome the~,
he took refuge in the convent of the town.
there
he wa·s besieged for several days.
'rhe rebellious
crowd set fire to the church and convent, and the
alcalde and his companion had to take refuge in the
steeple of the church, where they remained five days
with hardly anything to eat. They were saved only
with the arrival of a force commanded by Pedro Bernardel, which forced its way through hostile towns.
With the rather delayed arrival of r8enforcements
under the Alcalde Mayor of Cagayan, D. Manuel Aria,
the critical situation of the loyal troops changed for
the better!
ThiP- Pangasinan rebelliQn was finally
put down (March 1764}.
. .. The principal
leaders of' the revolt were executed. Palaris was sent
to the scaffold in January, 176j.
... 302(b) The Ilocos Revolt
The story of this revolt as told by the same Spanish
.
1
author is given in the fol 1 owing passages:
On the 1st of February, 1762, D. Antonio Zabala y Uria, native of Mexico, took charge of the Alcaldia of Ilocos.
The province of Ilocos at the time included
what are now La Union and Abra and the two Ilocos
provinces.
Like many other provinces, it suffered
from abuses on the part of Alcaldes mayores, who,
with the privilege given them to trade~ monopolized
the trade in their respective provinces • . ::
Besides
this grievance, the people o.f Ilocos hated the tri-.
bute, especially the comun, consisting of one real
fuerte which every tribute payer was required to pay
every year.
News of the English invasion and of
the outbreak of a revolt in Pangasinan made the
province ripe for the great commotion which occurred
in this vast region.
1 - Ibid. A contemporary account of the revolt is
Relacion deios alzamientos de la ciudad de Vigan, written
by Fr. Pedro del Vivar, an Augustinian fripr.
Padre Vivar
was, at the time of the Ilocos uprising, curate of the town
of Batac. Montero y Vidal's account is based chiefly on
the Relaci6n of P. Vivar.
--nieepisode is also treated by Isabelo de los Heyes
in his Historia de Ilocos, (Manila, 1890).
2 - 'rhe privilege to engage in commerce was known as
"indulto de comercio."
Alcaldes-mayores enjoyed this privilege except those of Tondo, Zamboanga, Cavite, Nueva
Ecija, Islas Batanes and {\nt:ique, who, however, received larger
emoluments of office.
The amount paid for this privilege
varied according to the importance of the province as a
commercial field, from about 1/6 of the annual salary, as
in Zambales to 1/2 of the salary, as in the provtnce of
Caraga.
The post of Alcalde Mayor was eagerly sought after
because of the many opportunities for profit that it offered.
-303The petty lawyers (abogadillos) and petty
chiefs ( apoderadillos), who a bound in every town,
advised their clic,nts at fixed places to take advantage of the inexperience of the new Alcalde to
securf2 the substitution of the copitarrns or local
chiefs.
They obtained what they wanted.
Their
success encouraged several other towns to make similar demands.
'I'he people of Laoag went, to the extent of taking the law in their own hands.
Zabala
was :forced to proceed against the-: promoter, Tomas
Corcuera, thereby causing di~aff8ction among the
latter's followers in that important town.
At this moment, there arrived at the capita].
of·Ilocos, returning from Mnnila, a mischievous
Indian, named Diego Silan, a native and resident
of Vigan.
He propagated among the natives those
ideas which he lwd learned from the traitor Oren-dain? {in whose house in Manila he stayed for some
time J, and from his relatives, particularly Lopez,
master of camp, who was one of the promoters of tbe
uprising in Pangasinan.3 ·
3 -· "Diego Silan, promoter of the uprising, was born
December 16, 1730. He was the son of Miguel Silan, native
of Pangasinan and of Nicolasa de los Santos, of Vigan, both
of whom being of the princ ipalia class.
He was ba:pti.sed
in the town of Vigan January 7, 1731.
His baptismal name
was Di0go Baltaz,ar, and his god-fath8r was a principc1l
named Tomas de; Endnya.
As a lad he served the cura of
Vigan, Dr. Cortes y Orriosolo, who sent him down to Manila
in a Chinese champan.
The cha~pan was wreckiad on the
coast of Bolinco, and the infidels of those mountains killed
all who were fli-1ved from the sh,ipwr2ck excL:pt Silan whom they
kept as a slave.
An Augustinian Hocollcct in BolincJo heard
of the shipwreck and being anxiom3 to deliver the lad from
perdition, ~e made great efforts to ransom him.
Silan,
now fre0, proceeded to Pangasinan, where he made himself
known to his parentn, with whom he remained but, later, he
left for Vigan where he learned to read and write.
For a tine lrn stayed unemployed at home with his parents.
Later, he married a widow, t1n.ria ,Josefa Gabriela,
servant of D. Tomas .Millan.
He mnintainod himself and his
family with the little that his cloric gave him, whom he
served as his master, and wit 11 what tw · gn ined carrying
-304--
Silang, among other things, preached that the
Spaniards no longer ruled in the Philippines, be-cause the E:i:v:lish had taken nossession of IV.ianila;
that the tribute should not he paid; thnt, inasmuch
as the Spaniards could not protect the IJ.ocano:.3 from
the En~lish, it was necessary to oreani½o a council
in the province to defend themsel7es fron the enemy;
that it was necessary to remove the ,contributions
and services which weis;hed on the nativos, and to
free themselves from the exactions and oppreosive
acts of the Alcaldes; and that, once the principales
and the common people were united, they must resist
the British, safeguard their own interests and the
welfare of the Catholic religion; that in all these
undertakings they could count with th9 2ssistance
of the Pangasin~nes.
In Vigan tho bad seed sown by Silan rapidly
germinnted.
The Alcalde had Silan arrested, but
the Provisor, D. Tomas I.iillan intervened on Silan's
behalf and tho latter was r3leased.
With impunity,
Silan enga 6 ed openly in arousing the people. The
principales, animated by their hatred towards the
Alcalde, followed him.
Various meetings in the
rancher::i.as were held.
In one of these meetings,
the following resolution was approved:
letters and messages to all kinds of person.
In this service, he came to acquire a largo circle o:f acc:uaintances,
and being found a bsolutel:r trust1A1orti.1y, h,:J was nppointed
to carry the letters and ·messa:.;es for this province ,;,·1hich
came annually on the boat from Spain, beinc sent every
year for this purpose to Manila at the timcc tlvJ boat ,.:1as
expected.
It was in this capacity that ;_1u came to liifc'1nila
in 1762, and as the Filipino {the galleon from Nueva Espafia) was delayed, it was necess2ry for hin to tarry
there, stayi"fl:?;,,, some time in tl1e hoaso of Orendain whom
he used to call mastor, · sometime in the co1LVent of tl1e
Agustinian fathers, until the arrival of tho British. After the occupation o.f Lanila, ho came to Pc1.ngasinan and
planned with his parents to 'Start an uprising.
Having
entered into an understanding with the mn.ster of camp, Lopez,
a relative of his? rcg&rding the proposed insur :cection, he
came to Ilocos. \P. Pedro del Vivar, QE.• _s:!i.t.)
-305-
11 That the Alcalde Niayor, D. Antonio Zabala,
bo removed nnd Provisor D. Tomas Millan should t'.lke
his place;that as chi0f justice one of the four
principales of Vi,cun be appointed; that personsl
. services bo removsd; that the Bishop be asked to
expel the Spaniards and mestizos from the province;
that Silan should celect the best men in thG province and set forth to regain from tte British the
flags that Spain had lost; and thai whoever opposed these plans so necessary for the tranquility
and peace of tho province, the interests of the
Crown of Spain on~ the welfare of our sacred Catholic faith, should be r::onsid-ered as a traitor to God
and to the King; and thr,t, finally, the neccss.::iry
expenses should be taken from the comun, WDich is
jr
. l +-ne k:r.:>eD"'n2:
~ j_ '-' of• tbo /\leaJ. dC
• · ' 11 1+
V
,
-·~
•C'J
•
'
0
0
The principal followers of Silan were: in.
Abra, Pedro Beebee; in Laoag and Bacarra, Corcuera;
in Paoay, the capitan of the same, Jose Crictobal;
in Bar,ac, San Nic:ola.,s, Sarrt:it, anc.i Dingras, a m:111
by the nam0 of Botar~as •
. On tho l!+th of December, a crowd of t::.mogu.J.s
and principol es unc'.er the leadership o.f Sil an, all
armed, appeared before the Alcalde an1 demanded
his resi2nation.
The Provisor interveced a~d tried
to pacif; them, but to no avail. The Bishop, believing that the resignation of the Alcalde would
pacify them, urged tho lat~er to give up hie post
:i.n favor of the Provis or. Zabala comnJ.i cd dnl i ver5.ng ·to the Provicor ti:ic' canr:3 ( bast on) and ·'~ho f1m<ls
of tho Roy3l Treasury.
Tho Bishop infor~ad Anda
of what h8J taken place, giving h1.ru to und0rstand
that it w::ts necer:rrn.rv
that a ne',v Llc'.J.lcle 'oe sent
,-,
.,
as soon as possiole.
.
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f
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Bishop tho~ght and expected, de~nnde1 from him the
remova.l of the tribu·0c1 c1nd personal survices.
Bishop UstC1.riz acceded to it pi-·oviderl. they
put off their hostile attitude and return to pe3ce-
--------
-306-
ful life.
In answerf they asked to certify that
they were free from any responsibility in the affair regarding the Alcalde; that he deJ.ive:c to
them the firearms, which they claimed they needed
to fight the British, and,lastly, that he send
away D• .Miguel Pinzon and all the Spanish me,stizos,
except D. Francisco !'!iorales, D. Manuel Prieto,
D. Esteban de los Reyes, and D. Nicolas Pio.
The Bishop answered them, reiterating the
concessions made and promising to intercede for
them with Anda so that they would not be held
liable for the removal of the Alcalde. But as regards the banisl1ment of the Spaniards and the deljvery of firearms, the Bishop advised them that
the persons in auestion had not committed any
fault whatsoevei, and that it was not possible to
deprive the new Alcalde of firearms, inasmuch as
he was called upon to defend the province.
Silang insisted in his demands, whereupon
the Bishop, issued an interdict. But t;his move
had no effect upon Silang and his followers.
The Provis or fortified himself in his housfl;
gathered there the firearms, and surrounded himself with his partisans, prepared to defend himself.
The rebels set fire to the city. The Bishop
and some of the religious left for the towns of
the North intending to go to Cagayan •••• The r0bels assaulted the house of the Provisor, and
killed three Spaniards, two Indians, nnc. the 111estizo l'-Iiguel Pinson.
From the house they reE:ovGd
the powder, c~nnon, lantacas, and other weapons to
the house of bilan ••••
The Bishop issued. a circular urging the natives of Ilocos i:Torte to take up arms against Si1.an.
ThosE: of Bc,tac c;J.adly an,swered the call of
the prelate, as did those of San Nicolas, while
in Laoag itself, principal center of 0il§..Q.;LsrgQ
in the North, che Eishop 1 s appeal was favorably
received.
Corcuera, whose fidelity was undQr suspicion, was at the head of the loyal group. He
-307brought about the arrest in Paoay of Botargas and
his son, who wore hanfed in Laoag.
The Ilocanos of the North mar·ched towards
V:5.gc1n. Those of Bacarra, under t h<.:3 comr,1c1.nd of D.
Francisco Dominto, went Ahead as far as Cabuyuo
not aware that 2,000 followers of Silan were ready
to meet them. A c~irmish fo~:owed and thirty of
the loyctJ. f orco w:Jro killed.
Upon hearir.g of the
result of the en..c;a::;0jilcnt, th.e loyalists from the
other towns fled panic-stricken,
With the capture of the house of the ?rovis~r. and. th_e ~ir0;a:cms, ?:~lan fuund hirr:.se~..f in a P?sJ.tion -co or~ng under lE~, control &ll tnn tm·ms in
the southern part of t~e province. He promulgut0d
orders reli9v:Ln3 the people from t.he tribute and
the personal services, aB well as from all forms
of service to the principales and cabezas de b2rangay.
.
' a·f'.ine of 100 D8SOS on
S 1·1 annex t ir~osea
each of the reliJious of Ilocos Nor.t e 1 i1otwi thstanding his avowed. re:Jpect for relj~gion and its
mir...isters.
To defend hi~self against an expedition from
Anda and ap:aj.nst nossible machinations on t]w part
of the rel igJ.ous, ~ he i.1ad. all lines of conm·un5.cation by land and by sea closely guarded.
Sil.an, now in possf:ssion of rnoney, je~veJ.ry,
cottle and commodities of all l:inrfo. and beint
warned by Anda that he vrnuld be considGTCC cl, ~:ro.itor s1.1ould 110. not yield to the 1.:1:; 1~er 1 s a1. tl1,:n·i.ty
within nine days, decided to offer his services
to the Brit,ish.
1
T-·
The Br:Ltiah sen~ to Po~gol {p~rt next.to
V1can) n tender c.::1.:crying letLcrs anu ::::i:c0.scncs to
Sil an. 'I'hey adrni;Li.st ered to him an o:rt:1 cf allegiance to the 1:ciri.g 0f Gre.J.t Bri tuin .:-uH1 arranged
for ths delivery of the province of Il0cos. They
conf er:ted U'.Jor: htm t h3 title of S:;trFen:.~o mayor
and Alcc::;ldeL !'.lEtyor. · Tl11?y also le-f:'t Wit11 him 138
printed blan\: titlec for governo:"E::l Emd su.bordinato
officials •••
-308-
In his capacity as "Sargento Mayor, Alcalde
Mayor, and Captain in the War.for His British Majesty," he issued a circular making it known that
he was going to deliver the province to the Britiah, in view of the fact that Simon de Anda was
about to send an expedition to overrun thorn with
sword and fire, and that he found it necessary to
seek the aid of c.ho Enc,:lish who woi).ld orctect thorn
in the enjoyment of their freedom from' the tribute
and personal services.5
He included in his circular the text of the proclamation in English of
Cornish 2nd Draper in which the latter offered
English protection to the Indians, proviC:.ed these
did not join the enemy, the Spaniards, or give
thorn any help whatsoever.
The British also promised to ex8mpt the Ilocanot3 from the tribut c nnd
to respect the Catholic religion •••
On the 14th of May {1763) Silan wrote to P.
Juan Olalla, provincial VicQr and curate of IJJagsingal, informing him that he had an order f:i..,om the
governor of :Manila to d<?.live:t:;' the curates of Bacarra, Paoay, B~doc, San Nicolas, Batac and Candon,
and that he (Silan) required the curates of the
aforementioned towns to present themselves at the
Casa Real (that is the name given in the Philippines to the house of provincial chiefs.)
The Bishop in a circular of May 18, addressed to all tho religious, protested against
the interference of Silan in ecclesiasticc:'tl mat-
5 - Isabelo de J.os Reyes, in Q..12• 9it ~, says in this
connection~ "I can not understand how Silan, who was very
shrewd, ever made this error ( showing himself to the Ilocanos as a representative of the British, in whoso name he
charged them tribute), or how he managed. to heve the Ilocanos accept the domination of tho British 1:vhose rule, as
he himself told them on a former occasion, vas very oppressive and whose religion was false. Had he acted in
this manner, he would have lost the confid·3nce of the Ilocanos. That is why I am inclined to believe that he was
deceiving the English in order to be sure of their aid
against the Spaniards, but that he concealed his relations
with them from the Ilocanos. Perhaps his real purpose was
to drive away the English and the Spaniards from the Philippines when circumstances favored him. 11 ·
-309-
tors and agr1inst unwarranted procoedinss against
their persons, and urged them to osseniliJ.e in the
converit of Lantay.
In comDliance vd"",11 this order, the curates of tho tow~s of the north assembJ. ed &t Ma1rsinR:c1l.
F:com tiwre the fJllowers of
Silan tran;fer;ed then to Bantay where they rernainoo. in compan:r w it:1 Bishop Ust,u·iz.
This peaceful prelate, together with the
other reli~icus, Vffote on M.:1y 25 to 3:ilc:m indicat··
ing his lack of jurisctiction OV8r them, and mak.
\- •
• •
l :..i.an:age v1 1ucn, wren th eir
•
in~
,nm
sec tl,.,
· 10(; SyJ.r.1tua__
ci.eparture, their pa:··L;.]hiCJners would ,:rnstain. He ·-asked him to leave them free to discharge their reJigious duties, E\r:d "°:;hc\t they in turn, nwouJ.d. 110t
_..:i
•
•
•
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interfer,a v-Ji th l1is !_?;,)Vornrner~t and wo11:.d. estRblish
' .
'. 1 r·e.1 d t ,ion;;.1
.
.,
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•
'i'n. t'D .rum
~oruia
1or
goo d an d se-
curity of tbj provinc:c, i;
Silan ordor0d the inf5.dels to go to V:L,e:an at
oncG and rurnor hac~ it thaJ0 :..t wa~; his pvrposo to
kill thra rel igi.ons w:10 wsre shut up in Lant,o.y. A
C
a D..1.S1:
.; . ffi-~SL,.1..ZO
C ., _,_ ..:
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.S ilan due to g:i. ieva:v~ cs :c e c ei vi::;d from -~:r-1.0 tyrant,
planned to kill 8:Uar..
Knowing t:b.at, Pe:-:1:co Bec:Je;C,
an ol.d f::."icnd of Sil~n and one of his Jic11~0Lants,
1,-,
1
also had iust comDlaints ap·c:,ins"':", him, Vicos made
.L
L,
~;..-',
. ,an accomp 1·ice in
. t l11s
'
. t
l11m
proJec·.
Beebee .qnri. Vicos ar~r~::r,d ·to c::1r.c,r out their
''Tha reli?;'.:.ot:s +~orethe1" witl1 the B:i.sho-o. sr.en-t, alm":.lst all. tLeL· time
pray:i.ng f1:;:cvently for the fucces.s of tr'.e e:01~.erprise," sQys F. Vivar, who was nne o~ thos0 confined in Dantay, and "Vicaa confesseJ and ~ook
holy communion c!etermined to kilJ. or r.:i8. ;i
plan on +,11r:0; 28th of May.··
~
Tho Indians, under. the commend of Beebee,
slowly app1·0-=1.chec'. the ho11sc o.f SiJan, Th:3-_.r were
told that they had "'.Jeen sunmoned to :cccei1n fr.Jrn
the Provisor t:1e coJ111.n o.~' tl'e 1n·ovin.-~0.
In t110
~
i:r.
---~-~1
-,-3.-·. t . . .
h::,
mea.-1liJ.ll,e., \ :I.CO:::; pass .c,l.c ..,flJ. ,n.gn J c.I. .J./ Wr:.._,rO .e
rec0ived the ~lcssincs of the J:i.shop.
He then
procpedeJ to Vigan, proviJed himself wjth a
blunc,erbuss ( t:tabuco), which he cone Jaled undei'·
his coat, and th.cn marc-hud towc1.rds the house ot
Silcw.
r:,
·'·
i
""1
•
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1
,,
·-
11t::l-
1. •
-310~
Beebee arrived at the house of Silan with
his account book, sayin;; that he had como to settle once and for all ·:.:.he question of the comun.
Silan asked him, "ihi hav~ so many people coma?"
Beebee replied that he hc.:td sur:1moned only a few, but,
on finding out that he was coffii~g for the coruun,
the people came in great numbE;rs j c.mxLrns to receive it and to see the:.r- Alcalde Mr.yor·.
Said Silan, 1 In that case beat the drum and firo the cannon, and let the peoplo gather here, ,:.md we ,1ill
put an end to this Bishop, Provisor and fria~s,
if the~ do not give us tl·1e .£Ol;l1n.'
SjJ_ang entered his room and Beebee prevented
the guards from giving the expected signal.
Just
11
then, Vicos reached the house, mounted ;_:._ lancsi2e
or bamboo bench f'ror:i which he could ov8rlook the
sala, just at the momen~ that Silan was comir~ out
from his room. Vices greeted him and Silan returned
the greetings.
The latter then turned a:i;ound to
re-enter the room, Vi ;os at once took out "t,he
blunderbuss, discl1ar3;ed 211 i~s contents and Silan
feel dead.
1
Vi cos wets :i.~eccivec~ with joy in Bantay. The
religious sc:-rne:: a Te De1im aft,_n~ which they returned
to their respective curacies. The Bishop in a
procla~1tion g-ra.nteu pardon to all c=ind renewed his
pledge to g:"ant to the people exemption from the
tribute ~nd person~l services.
But th3 rebels attempted to renew the uprising, choosin.e: µS Sila.L' s successor, an unclo of
his, Nicolas Carino, while the wife of 3:Uan did
not cease to crouso the peonlG to aven~e the
death of her husbanc~.' hoJ.dirrg meetings ·with the
assistants and partisans of S5.1.:m.
The result
was that the uprising broke out ane;w. Pimentel,
Beebee and Reyes wore attacked in 3anta and
forced to flea. Carifio s0nt agents and l8tters
to all partisans of Silun, and several towns
placed themselves under his orders.
The religious of !locos Norte were able to
arouse their parishioners to proceed aga~nst the
rebels of Vigan and their followers in Pnngasinan,
and 6,000 of them ii.ssembled for this purpose. In
Cnbugao they defeated the rebels and on the 11th
of July entered Vig an in triumph. Carifro and the
c~1ief l eader.s ,of the UP,rising fled. A portio1:; of
the Ilocanos from the No~th proceeded tu the bouth
and made themselves ma.sters of the situation there.
But tl18 Provisor foolishly aJ.loWGd the more
prominent fieures of the uprising to escape to
Abra instead pf ordering th3 occ~pation of this
part of the province.
On the 20th of :3 ertE)mber D. Manuel Ignacio
de Arza y Urrutia &rrivod at Vigan with 100 men.
He at once proc 00ded to P.bra, · tho meeting pJ.oce of
the principal leaders qf the reb6llion.
Those
were 3u:cprised by Jl.rz.1 1 s uneY.pectr-;d asf31..ni1t, ond
wore driven to th8 terrjtory of the infidels where
they wore pursued ~nd captured.
Arza brou3ht them to Vig an and had S Llnn' s
wife, Sila:i 1 ::o cou:Jin, 3etas-;,~5.etn Zn~aya, e.nd Hj_guel
li'lores, of 'I'ayuin (A bra j, hanged.
0ver 90 in0ro
rebels were executed and several others were punished.
(c) Uprising in Other Provinces.
In Cagayan R revolt broke out as soon as it
,,-,as learned that the 13:ritish tad ccpt·J.rod Jvic:.miln.
The timauas of Ilagan dPcla:;:·ed theL·.:::e~_vos indE-;pondent and free from the tribute, Februa~y 2, 1763.
They comrritted acts 0f violence s:i.E1iLr.' to t}.10rrn
committed by the rebels of PEmg.:rn::_nc=;_n ;_,nc: I:::..ocos.
'l'he revolt extended to Cabagan.
ers were Dabo and LTuan Narayac. ..
The lead-
It was at this monen-s that the vt11iant D.
Manuel Arza, who had ;JPE:D appoL1tod by Ar"d~ Jieutenant general and vi:3:i.tor of th1i~ prov:h1ce and of
+-1-,
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T'Jd ,
"ue plOVlnCLiJ
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nis own f' orcG, str0Lgt~0Lea
aa'd 1~1on
of loy2l troops, he succeedec' in f'.Ll.bd ,-,__::_ng tI1e re-be 1 s, ma k"
.
.. ' t'
. l .~.V(i)S
~J:.n~; t h.e ring
_.·1__ Ea d eri...:; p,17 vn·..:;n
-:.tteH'
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-312-
for their disloyalty.
Later, h~ left for Vigan,
where he imposed, as we have seen, similar l'.Junishrnent on the rebels of that region.
In La LagunQ and BatangRs, there were also
registered criminal nets, thefts and serious attempts on thG persons of Spaniards, friars and the
Indians themselves.
A few bc:n.ds of bo.ndits infested the roads.
'l'he tr1ct18GS o.lceldP, of La
Laguna tried to enforce the orciers of the Archbishop which cornL::mdcd that the British sliould be left
unmolested in their journey through that province.
Ho punished the gobernadorcillo of Pagsanjan for
disobeying such absurd mandate, and the latter in
veangeance killed him.
In the provinces of Tonda and Cavi~e, althou_gh more .submissi vc to authority, robberies,
assassinations and other acts of violence were
committed. ,
There were also slight disturbancos in Ge.marines, Samar, Zo.rnboa11f:a and Panay. In the latter province the reli:i;ious ho.d to assembJ.e nnd to
depose the alcalde mayor, Quintanilla, who was e.
partisan of the Jritish.
P. Barte, took his place.
course.
The curate of Aclan,
Anda approved this
Cebu also suffered from disturbance of public order caused by the mourrt:=l.ineerEi. Alcc1ldo Labayan with the help of the Agustinian fathers,
succeedud in suppressing the movement and hanged
the leaders of the revolt.
-313-
CHAPTER
ECCLESIASTICAL
1.
FIVE
AFFAIRS, 1767-1776
The Question of the Curacies Duricg th8 Timos of
Archbishop Sta. Justa and Governor Anda.
In the following passages, Montero y Vidal tolls of
the incidents which arose during this period out of the ques-
.
J.
. ' curacies.
.
l
t ion
o·. f t·ne Ph.
. 1.1pp1ne
On July 22, 1767, the new archbishop, B,.;t:dl:io
s,. t· a J,Uva
'-''t
,r
RUIJ.LD,
_,. , .. ·,,
t·l)O k po,,,.. ..,,,8,::,,_,J_on
-"'"'. · · O.!.
1
San.eh 0 o.e
1dJ:l.
.I
the see of Manila, and immediately ·undertook to
::mbj ect the rcgult.1.r curas to his d:.i.occ?.Si.HI vis:i.tation, thus revivinc the Cama8ho controversy of 1697J, 700 with tl:rn relirious orders; but Santn Ja.sta had
the support of th9 civil aut:1ority, which. had orders
to enforce the royal rights of patronagn:2
I
.J:>
-
-----J. - B.
&; .a.., voJ.. 50, pp. 29-h3, beinc: a stmrr: ary of
the account by Montero Y" V:~dal. Anda bec::uncJ governor and
captain general of the Philippines for the second time during the years 1770-1776.
·
1
2 - Right of patronage ( ius J22,tr·.or..sJt11p) ·-- a. determinate sum o.f ri~hts a:1d obligations en,.:;a:i.led upon u definite
person, especially in connection with the as.sj_;cz.:rn'1ent 3.nd
administration of a b orwfic e; not in vi:rtue of his hiernrcld.ca1 position, but by the legally regulated. grant of the
Church, out of gr2titudE towards the bencf3ctor.
R.ights involved:
(1) right of presrmtation. -- the rno.:::t important
privilege -- In case of a vacancy in the bonefico, the patron may propose to the ecclesiastical superiors E1mpowered with the rj_ght of a
collation, the name of a suitabl E) person
(persona idonea).
-314"The covernor of the islands, on his side,
communicated to the provincials of the relic;ious orders rigorous commands that they must cmbmit to the
royal right ,s of patronnge: that vd.thin a short timeJ_imit they should present their list1.:; of three no.mes
each (sus ternas) for appointments to all the curacies; c:1.d that in future the:r might not remove any
religious from his post without informing the viceregal patron of the causes, whether public or privnte, :for such act:i.on, 11 3
'I1lie Dominican provin.ce,
in a provincial council of August 5, 1767, yielded to
the archbishop 1 s claims, and during the following
year ho visited oll the parishes administered by
them; but some individuals refused to obey the council~
The other orders obstinately resisted the
----·--' (2} honorary
rights: precedence in procession, sitting in churcn, prayers nnd intorcessions, etc.
Obligations:
(1) C'J.r'G berir.Jfj_cici - pr.eserve unimpnired status
of bei.-isi'ic o-:-{Satholic E:-1c::J.~}00·-::d:i.al,
3 - As Viceregal Patron the Governor au.1 ~aptain-General of the Philippines possessed these rights:
(1) Decide questions relating to patronage,
{ 2) To be' informed of all resignatiuns or vDcc:mcies
in prebonds, curacies and benefices,
(3) Pre~ent ~uitable individuals for appointment to
oonefJ.ces.
(4) Admird.ster oaths from Bishops-olect to recognize
the ri;d1t s and r 2 --:c.,1 ias of roval patronage.
(Book I, TitJ_e VT).
.
(5) Intervene + in . all affairs of. ths spirituel
govt,
, .
.
ernmfalu, i.1 repreaentat J_on ol ·-,r.e
:::Lng,
J.n
accordance with the laws.
(6) To aak, jo:i.ntly v:ith the Audim1ci2., the prelates to visit tneir dioces~s end to be in
the cou~icils. ~~aw 14'?, title XV, Bo?k. II).
(7) Intervene ~n any c1s~uss1on between ruligious,
using, in t 11u first instance, his good offices, a~d if this is not sufficient, toe~-·
pJ.0y al]_ the foeans permitted by law, until
order i::, reestc:~blisb.ed. · {Law 50, title III,
Book III).
Escosura, i\fon1orin So-ore [_:i}j.pin,1.s, PJ:)_• 55-56,
r"'I
-315-
episcopal visitation, declaring that they would abandon their c~racies if it were enforced.
Ttereupon,
the archbishop appointed secular priests to the vacant
cur3cies, including those of the Farians, Binondo,
and Bataan, which were in charge of -r,he Dominicans.
As the number of Spanish priests was so small, the
archbishop made up the deficiency by ordaining natives
from the semin~ries; but this rneasurs caused great resentment among trie regulars and their supporters, and
8ta. Justa hi:r1self was disappointed in its effei::ts,
as the nat~ve clergy were generally so unfit for the
office of priest in both education ::rnd mo,'."'oL.:,.
Complaints to the king were m&de by both the religious
orders and tnB archbishop, filled. with mutual accusations and recriminations; and R8on withdrew his sup~
port frorn the latter, ceasi~g ~o press the clai0s of
the royal patronage -- in:'luenced thereto, according
to Montero y Videl, by the j_n-t-:..~igues of the Jesuits,
who were enemies to Sta. Justa~ ..•
"The religious c or porati ons, not:,wi thstandir;g the
support which they generally 18nt to AndJ during the
v,;ar with the English, regarded with d :'..s pl8EJ.sure his
appointment as governor of Filipinas.
Thc1t st:i:·j c t
magic:trate, obeying tte dictates o.f his conscierice
( which some persons att:r;:ibut e, tut w:l tbo 11t sufficient
grounds, to feelings of personal rev0r.ge), had addressed -to the king on April 12, 176d, a::1 expos5.tion
which treated of '~he disorders which exist in Filipina s, and which ought to be corrected.. 1
In -:.his
.
h e points
.
.
. cJ b use:3 among t'ne
aocur.1ent
..•
out most s,3r::..ou3
friars; in the University, which was in tlrnir charge;
among the Jesuits; among the ChiDes9, r,r ot8c ted by
the friars, who preferred them before th3 Spaninrds,
drivir:g away cind expelling the latter from the:i.r
villages; and he censures certa:i.n frr:mds and practices
in the publfo cS16ministration in spec::.fied branches
of the civil service.
The severi·:::.v with which Anda
laid bare those abuses drew upon hi; the hatred of
the friars. In this dot,;:ume nt he de1:1a r:.deJ o r,3medy
for the dis orders which he d::mounc eel$ pointing out
the method by ·which this might be effected, and declared tl-at 'for the radical correct:::.on of these
evils it is indisoensable to drEd,11J UD and ::.ntroduce
here a form of procedure whi8h is cJ.eer, and capable
of securing the jm,t system wh::.ch correspor. .ds there-to, conferring upon the governor all the powers ne-
-316-
ccssary for carrying it into exec~tion, by these
msasures which prudence and the actual condition
of affairs shall dictate to him.'
He addsd: 'The
choice of a zealous governor will materially contrioir~e to laying the foundc:,tions of th&t great
vrnrk; but it is nsc,3ssbry t,o re·ward him and give him
authority, so th2t he can work 00 ad7ar:.tage, and
without the hindrances v./hich ba1Te of·:,~m> by rneanE, of
secret c ornrn.unica tions, c umd ng and disloyal mant=.;uVers,
and other ~alicious proceed~ngs, frustrated the best
7 ~r~
77
~nd .,U
m-st c~re·In'l
f'o-rn··pd D
'
'11},-is
e-rne;,~i·•·1·on
C.t.
- , ......... L y~_-LC'.-~0•
J..1.l..!.r...,;:_.1'-'v
by Anda was ce:>:'tainly taken in00 account, for in
th2 trcyal private: inetructions wl:ich v;ers giv9n to
him when he was appointed governor o: F il:;iina 3 vJE)
see that he was ord~red ta put an end to spGcified
ebuseE and disorders, the klng using the s~me tGr~s
which Anda had employed in c.escribing those Eovils."
~
-l.,.,J._~,
"The Arcl1bishop Santa J;.ista, a mo.n of unpa:"alleled
firmness and energetic character, from th2 first mo. , d 'h
+-'
men~+ ~ ssaL.8
·. ·c .e. new gov':::1:T?r o~f' =·~·.
J:I LL:.p1na 0 on ._,ne
question o: the d.1.O8'2San vi::::;.tGt::.on, to wn:'.Ch t;-1e
friars cont inu9d their oppos it ::.on, and dJmc:,nci.ed 11.is
1·ncke
~+ 9P?0ct1,cl
d~nr.. J Tuj~Q
SUDp nrt l.!1 Order +o
u
c.
.,.t.r.;.c. _ •
.iJ._.1v.c
,
re 6 arcied obedLmce to the :aw3 Em a ru.l·a of co::1dL.ct,
and who brought ord2rs fror.1 thr:; com··::; to 3•_1bject the
to ·th:~
royal pa"-V....... or:~,,.r.,
adrl·<"'r,5c,.:::,d·
,,,., 8"p1i·r "-'gu'..,rs
,...,,.,,
-LO.
..
-OE.)_.,,,
L...·,...,,
ct.L.:.
ci1j communication to the t,ureriors of all ":;hE: r8J.igious institutes, requirL.11: their ob<"~C:ienci.:; to tlie
mandate of t~!iJ sovereign, end assign::.ng a dcfi?1ite
term, w:1.ich could not be prolonged, .for the pr3s0ntation of their l5-sts of apDoin-;:; '3ef', in ordu:r that, the
curacies migh-t:. be fi::1.:::.ed in th::s ma'1ncr.
i-i.11 -i::.he
O'"'enl,r
rE0 fu·::,er'
_,..1v..., T--iel,;J
r..t-:,,i·:er·CP.
C rdt,r~ 0~ .re·.g·,7qrc.
c.
\,..,
1.-'
u
J·
_._11
'--'
·...;\. _,_ _.
_,
;1-~
a-+',
D
·--;
.·.~·,rQ
.,,1,,
··
O
Of +hi·s s o r t ' exc~p.,
... n~ ..,ne OuL_r1J.,u ,,_, - - \1.1.0~. l1lOY'8
circumspect, and endeavo~ing to avoi~ the d2ng1re
whic t they f or,::;saw in resistanc s, ag::·<°:ed to s1.1".Jmi t
to this command -- altho:.12."h manv of trs DE:ri.:s'1
priests of the crd3r soon-'were ;i so::iecient to this
decision of their 3upe rior s. TT
.L
-
_
...1.. .__ ,
__,,
..:~-'-
__
.:..1
.11,;,::!
_,
"-"
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_
_.,\..l
·.
.1i...
.J...
-·
~
V
The archbiehop convlff:ed a prov~.nc ial council
at Mc:nila, which held sL:: sessions dL,rinr; the period
May 19-Novembr-;r 24, J.771; variol;.s matters of eccler-a7, . C,
°drn-i.c.n.,_s
; ·~=a+-i
·
.- "'h·,r,·,~.-.
'-::,f
sl· astJ'
..
.-.,
ucn
Coffi~
we. OJ..,:,; ;.,...+..,, tl, .. e cn.i.E·
of -which wc1s 'chE: dioces:.m visit.
In th;:; fifth sesion, the subjection of ~he p,91·ish p:riescs to the
u ,..
-317-
diocesan vit:dtntion and the roya 1 patrona,::;e was ordained; and at the final one it was ordered that
the decreG of the council should im:nediatoJ.y be prorr:ulgated, declaring that those of the council o.f
Jv:exico ( vJ'hic h Urban \'III had ordered to :Je obse1°vcd
in Filipinas) . . ,ure not n~Yvv .binding:. In trK, first
session the bishop oi Nu~v& C8ccres, Fr3y Antonio de
Luna ( a Franc i accn) , became inv o~~-" ed 5 n disputes
ove"!:' the c.1 ppoint1r,ent of . s e;,cre·c.c.11'j_e s, 2 nd was expelled
fron the asseJ1b:_y; he ther, ret:l.rcd to his c~iocese,
and during tha 0ntire: p2riod of the council oppos8d
its proceedin.gs, with pro·cE:sts, leg:Jl form,.:.liti,2s,
and official edicts. Bishop Ezpele~a of Cebu died
soon af::.r'3r th8 opening o:'.: the c ounc 5.:::., and the goverrnnent of th s dioc: ese devolved L-:.pon. Lun"l, but, it
eeer-:i.s, not its ref:'esentati on in th 3 c ou.:1c:.l.
A
secretary of t h&t body, Fatter ,J' ea qc1.in L"agg.ia, wc:s
se·nt to Mao.rid ae its agent and· bearnr of its despatches; but the king refuc-ed to acc3pt his crJdcntials, and ordarEd him to go to his convent at Zcragoza, forbidding him to rsturn to Fil5.pinas.
(ToW3rd the er;.d of this council, ':-he arcl:bisnop, in concert with his suffragans, drew up a tariff for the
parochial fe2s tc 0,3 collected by the cu:c1s.)
The
relj_gious orde:. s ,finally sec1.1.:."ecl, through j_nfluer:.ce
at the court, th0 r2voc,'3t ion of the orc.e!" p;i ven to
Anda in regard to the regular curas, 1:rhish had resulted in many of them being r'.Jmove:i fro:n the. I:1.dian
vill.ages and replaced ty native pri2sts; hut no
ch-::inge was m3.de in r0g2rd to t11e dioc:esan v:Lsitation.
1
'I'hP b 1· q 110Y)
of' lTu(' v·a 1..c..t,:-;v-.,
s··c err ··.ri..... c.,
r:
"'<'r·· v· "Vii" c..-:,-·1,...,
~0 1·: c. 1 G·-,'rc.;
J
£'
c..,
-1..,
claimed tbis rie:tt, aLd c0r.ven0d a dicces,.ir1 cc;_p1cj.l
in 1773; tr.e on2.y res1:tl.t "\'l~c,. -'::.o ar?u~E; 1 1:ot. c ?r.1troversy bctw3ec Garcia and th~ Dorrc1n1cans,tc w~ich
order h,:; belonr-0ci. ':'bat order a::.sCl hc:.d a c_j sp·1'..:.f:;
wit:.h th~-3 erchoishop ovsr his ,:itterrcDc -cc vj_:,:;j,t +:.he
beaterj_6 of Santa C.::italL1a; but in· i7?9 t~rn ki:1g decide<i that this institution sl1ould c;c:irtinue to erijoy
its exemption from visita~ion.
1
i,.J
t..,;
.J.
... ~
_
.1.
CA.,
...
"By royal decree of November 9, 177h, it was
ordered that t 11e curacies hs 1d by tne regul~rs
should be se8u::..arizGd as fc.st as th:=;:;r bec.:ime vacm1t.
Anda sus:pended the 2xecuti_un of this c-o:r2 nc1nd, and
wrote to the cocrt, spE;:::i:+'ying the 3V:ls which uould
ensue from th2 secul2riza~j_cn of the curacies which
the ·archbishop clesirt::d; r:ind i".1 cons ec,uencr~ of t hj_s
1
-318-
and of the urgent appeals of the Franciscans, Augustini.:ms, ~rnd R,2coll2cts, the king ordered by a dc~cree of D·2ce:mb,2r 11, 1776, that what hc1d been decided on this point:. i.n the decre;:c.! of Nov'"mber 9, 1774,
should not be put into exocution and that aff~i::--s
should b8 rest~rod to their former status ond conditon, and th8ir curacies to th0 religious; that the
regulations fo:' his royal potrri::.Eige anc the 2cr::l.-::?s i:3Stic a 1 visitation shoulc. b 2 obser~1sc., '.)ut t:hat the
latter might be made by the: bishops in pc:; rsor, or
by rel~gi6us of th~ same ord~r as tho~e wh? sho~l~
serve 1.n the curacies, and without co.dccting visitation feGs.
rl'he ki1;.g 1lso directed in t·i'lc, S:li.d
decree the: t efforts s}:ould be m,:1de, ~JY a 11 :r,os 3i ble
means and methods, to form a large body of competent
clerics, in order that, c0nformably to the royal dscree of June 23, 1757, these might be installed in
the vacant curacies, thus gradually 8stablishing the
secularization that had bet:n decreed. ' 1
The Do~inic3n historians, Ferrando and Fonsec3 in the
following passages give, fro~ their Histor::.a d,o los PF. Dominicos, the Dominican viewpoint
on the events of 1767-1776: 1
Whon Raon insi~tcd on" en:o~cing t~le royal r~gh~s
of potr~n2ge, t~~ orders al~ r~~istei him, re~~a~ing
the &rgumcnts 'drnch tLey h&Ci J...L.1..eged to A:2r1rdi::1 ::.n
the :i..ike crse.
Th-2 Lomi:nicans dsclnrcd that they
could no.+:, obey the gcvsrn0r I s commands urn::,5.l th~y
could recf~ive orders from theL.~ c:upo!':.ors in Eu:~ope;
Raon refused to wai~, and the proviTiciel d0clared
th3t his cur3s would rather surrende~ their ministries, '.Jut would. continu2 to serve therei:'1 until the
rov,:;r·ror, as vice-patron, should cornrn2nd that 'chese
be surrendered to other cures.
"This was sufficient
to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the s8cular cL~rgy, first the ministries of thG Parian and
Binoncio, and a ±'terw'.:lrds those of t :ie province of Ba-
1 - B. & R., vol. 50, p. 30 :f.
-319-
taan, notwithstanding that he could have no ea use
for complaint a,ri;:::ins t o'-.lr relir_;ious, who without
resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan
visit, as he himself confessed in latters to tha
king and tne supreme pontiff.
He f0u.r..d a pretext
for proceeding to the so~ulariz,?tion of t½c3 curacies in Bnta'1n, in the b:mishme:r.t of the Jf~suit.s,
whose expulsion from the isJB~ds occurred at the
samJ time 2.s thu ev0nts w:iich 1m ars rel,:::-t.5_rw. it "As
the ministries in the isL:md o.: Negros w2ro le.ft vacant in consequence of th~ expulsi6n of thb Jesuits,
thp. go v~r!1or. a 1dresSE:!d hims el:: to our provir~c in 1,
as~-cing ror rtin:..st::Ts to :.)Ccupy those vaca~t posts.
The latter excused himself from this, on ~ccount of
the lack of rei_igious; and the archbi2hop t1ads this
a pretext for inf crming and counseling th,J gov,3rncr
that, since the Dominicans ha1 offered their resignation
of the doctrin&s in tte :province of Butaan, on account of the 1; ont ro-;ersy over the ri 6 ht of p1:::tror..age, the religious who were ministering in that d.i.strict could be sent to the island of NeEros. He
mffered to pre>vide secular priests :_n th::::dr place,
and availed himself of thie oppor~unity to des~oil
our religious of the curacies or minj_strics of Batac:m.
In effect, this was done; and our religious were coLlpelled to abandon to the seculars this province of
the archbisho:pric, in order to go to J.sarn a ne1r: dialect a~d minister to straLge peoples in the island of
Negros." "The bisl-iop of C ebu had no secular pries~s
capable of rep1acing the Jesuits (as deserving as
persecuted.) , who -,vere administering the island of
N~gros and the province cf Iloilo, ••. coLeequently,
0•1r reli[io·is bega!i to mit~is-':,er in the v:. :;_J_a~ss of
r .102.•1 o, r,.J_marc:s, hanc.ur2:-i&o, aLd 110-og,
'ft ~
•
•
::...n
t h a island of Fanay; and those of Ilog, Cabansalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgon2n, in that of Negros. Witt great
repugnance t:1e provine, 2 took charg2 e,f o.n admirdstration of whic n the tleeuit fat!'lers had been des>Joi.led
in so um:-orthJ a manrcer; and not onJ_y :Jn this- acco·.1nt
but on ttat of the grec.1-t. di.ffj_cult iGs '.ivh::.c h a2ose from
tl1is sep&r~tion of rrovirices <:1Ld v~.11ag'JS, i'1 the regular
vi 2 iting of them anc. i:.1 j_nt8rcoc.rso and the supply of
provisions, our fath~rs &bandoned those ministries at
the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop
of Cebu undertook to transfer their adn1inistrntion to
the secular priests. Thus it ,Mas that by the year 1776
our religious had departed from all those villages."
tT •
·11[
'
•
-
-320-
2. The Expulsion of the Jesuits
ThG reign of Charles J\II was marked by the ascendancy
in the government of Spain of men strongly imbued with the
spirit and tendencies of the Age of Reason.
In common with
the French philosophers, they wer2 :infrienclly c1nd hostile to
the Catholic Church.
I+:, vras tr.eir purpose a.nd cesire to des-
troy the power ar.d influence of the Chucr~h in the political
and cultural life of Spain.
At thE~ir adv:i.ce, Charles III
adopted and put into effect a strong repressive policy
against the Order o: the SociGty of Jesus ..
For the Jesuits
had distinguished themselves for their militant and uncomprorni sing attitude in matters affecting the funde.mentel
rights .:mcl pr8rogatives of the Catholic Crwrch.
C:narles III
\
and his odvisers felt that it was necessc::ry and imperative
to banish the Jesuits from Spain and Spain's colonies to enable th8n to put into effect their pla~s of reform.
cordingly, on Febr'...l.ary
27,
Ac~
1767, Charles III, :.i.n t~1e Heal
Decret2__9_~~;jecU<~ ion, ordered the expulsion of the members
of tLe SociBty of
LT
E:sus from Spa in and from a J_l of Spain I s
dominions in the Indies.
Charles III I s roy1l ciecrr~e read
in pert as follows:
P.av~_ng accepted th2 opi::-i.ion of t r..e raen~bers of
my Royal Council in Extraordinary, whj_ch met on the
29th of lc1st ,Junuary for consu~.tatiori concEirning past
occurrences
and concerning matters which persons
-321-
of the highest character have reported to me; moved
by very grave causes rel3tive to the obligation under which I find myself placed of maintaining my
people in subordination, tranquility, and justice,
and other urgent, just, and necossary reasons, which
I reserve in my royal mind; making use of the supreme
economical authority, which thu Almighty has placed
in my hands for the 1>rotection of my va.ss:1::..s, and
the respect of my crown; I have ordered that the Jesuits be expeLLcc', f:corn alJ. my dun,inions of Spa:Ln, the
Indies, , tlf0. Phi~. ippine Islands, end other a o.j ac ent
regions, priests as v-J\il'll as. coadjutor;::: or lay-,Jrot hers,
who may have made the first profession, a:,1c.~ the novices, who may ·v-Ji,1h to f ollov-1 them; and that 211 ::;he
proportieo of the Society in my dominions be to~en;
and for th1;1 uniform execution of thL.1 decrnc: throughout these dominions I give you full Gnd o~clusive ~uthority; and that you may form the necessary instructions and orders, according to your best judEment,
and v1hat you may think the most effective, expsditious, and peaceful method for carrying out these
instruments and orders. And I 1,.vish that not on1:' thf~
magistrates and superior tribunals of thes0 kinsdoms
may execute your n~ndates punctu2lly, but th2t the
same understanding may b (3 ent eri~d.ned cons crrdng those
which you may direct to the viceroys, pre:Jiclents, ai.1diencias, gover,·nors, corregidoras, alc&ldos rnayoi'es,
and o.ny other matistrc1tes of those kingdoms 2nd provinces; and that iL response to their respective requests, all troops, militia or civilian, shall renrler
the necessary assistance, without any delay or evasion, under pain of the delinquent's falling under my
royni indignation; and I charge the provin~ials, presidents, rectors, and othcir superior.s of ·;:,~1e Society
of Jesus to ac(~ept these i)rovisi0ns punct 11aJly and in
carrying them out the Jesuits shall ~c tr8:J.t(~d with
rt"'"t
r:i:J'" 'd
r,tt erh,J_on,
,_ •
I- . . .,"··w
,,·,>~,,,.,.!Stth 8 i::;rea
,~,:, Tvf:,c,r
, ~.t
110D8.,t.,.,
c,.,.lC
cto,:i.,.
ance, so thut in eveJ7 respect ths action t.::.ken r,1ay
be in conformity witl1 my sovereizn int E::rt i01lf,.
You
,.,v•J l.· 11 1,8
l,·i
n • " d f·'
• .l 1 1·!.C n+" '
E;p ,.I., h-l.l.::;~ ..,_n
,:lllil
.
0 .•""' .;.L t Cl e •. 8 CL, -'-I'.]
U. .. f' l.~.L
as I yery confidently oxpect from yo11r ~e.J::., a cti-·
vity, end love of my royal service; ::uF1 to tbis 011d
c:,
7
.._
1
you will give the necessary orders and instructions,
ac compnnying them with co pies of my .coyal decree,
which being signed b-y you shall bEJ given the same
faith and crf;dit. cJ. s tho o:."ig inal.
-322-
On Mnrch 31, 1767,. Charles III informed the Pope, at
thnt time Pope Clement XIII, of tho nction he had taken
again.st the Jesuits.
1
follows:
The king's letter to the Pope read as
Most Holy Father,
Your holiness is well av·Jare th.Jt the fir::;t duty
of a soverei8n is to watch over the peace and presor~
vation of his stato, and to provide for the good government and intern,::i.l trc.nguil ity of his fJubj ects. In
compliance -.,1 ith th1s principle, I huve b eon U:tJ.der the
imp(,rious necessit:,r of resol v5-ng u.1)on tho irn:;wdiate
expulsion of all the Jesuits 1Nho w2r8 estc'..J.blL3hed in
my kingdoms and dominions, and to send them to tho
state of the c hurc:-i, undl':ir the immediate, wise, :n1d
holy direction of your 1:1ost holy bocmtitude, most
worthy father and 111.-Jster of aJ.l the faithful.
I should falJ. under the obliquy of throwin,~; n.
heavy char1?:e upon the apostolic privy COUTiCil, by ob1:i_ging it to exhaust its trec.t::;uros j_n t hu sU:'.)lJOrt.inr..;
of thoo(:) poor J c.su:Lts who happer. to tave been born my·
vassals, had I no~ made previous provision, as I hRve,
for the payment to each iRdividual of a sum sufficio~
to maintain him for life.
J
On such understanding, I pray yodr holiness to
view this my determination simply D.s a1i indispcns::ible
step of political economy, tr:drnn on1y after ifl,Tture
exctrninnt ion, and the mor3t profound reflection.
Doing WG the justice to believe {a;J I prey you
will), your holinGsr,; wiJ.J as;·mred:i.y g:r.a.nt. you:c holy
apostolic benediction on this me3sure, os well us on
all my actions, which have for their object, J.n the
same wc1y, tho promotion of the honor and glory of· God,
(Signed)
YO IGL REY
1 - J. P. and '\'J. P. Robert.son, 1.Q:t:t~r,:"3-f_rg__m Par:P-.PT.µ
(1838), II, 81-32. Quoted by G:Lc:ven, R~adin.i:~Q..JJ.l.Jiif[QD.JllQ.
Arnericnn Historv.
-323-
Pope Clement
XIII was deeply gri8ved by the action
taken against the Jesuits by Charles III.
In a brief but
rneaninc;ful letter which he wrote to Cha.rles III, the Pope
made known how hG felt towards ~he Society of Jesus.
The
text of the Pope's letter ic as follows: 2
"Is it the Catholic Ch2rJ.es III, whom we so
much love, thDt is to f :iJ.l to the brim the cup of
our.bitter afflici~ions; to ovr;rWhG1m our untw.ppy
old a1:,e witr1 grief o.nd tears j and fin,r:tlly to precipitato us into tlrn to;nb?
Vfo say i.t in the pr8sonce of God and man, that the body, the institution, the spirit of the Society of Jesus, is absolutely innocent; and not only innocent, but that it
. pious,
.
. is
. use f u1-,
,
'
' 1 y; o.n d c:, ]--~
1 ·,,'-lns
.
is
it
J.. t., 1.s
rlo
whether considered with reference to its laws, to
its maxims, or to its objec-i:;s.
Those v1ho ho.ve
a.ttempted to detract from it,s merit.s., h[(VC only
called down upon their J.ie:3 c.nd contra,ticti0r1s the
cont3rnpt and detestation of' ell _good and imixtrtial
men. 11
Following the expulsion of the Jesuits, the Bourbon
rulers of' Europe too}:: steps to have the Soci.oty sup})resr.ed
altogether,
Charles III sent
c1
special delerate to t,ho
Vatican to work for the Society's suppress5.on.
Acting under
strong pressure from the Bourbon Kinss of Spain, Fr3nc0,
Portugal, Sicily and Parma, PoprJ Clement XIV i:::;sued o. cl e-
cree of suppression in 1773.
At thG tim8 of the suppression, Rev. Father Lorenzo
r;
N
-
Tb; .,
.:=;_...::Q•
.. 324Ricci was the General of the Society of Jesus.
On Novem-
ber 19, 1775, in Saint Angelo, Rome, vJhere hG v.1as at that
tirne staying, a virtual prisoner, Fn'\;,hGr HiccJ made a brief
s·co.tement touching on the supprc-s::d.on of the Society.
The
statement read as followc: 3
In the presence of Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament WLo wi::'d. soon pass jud::i;rnent on in
I ckclare
that I he1vo not don8 anything +..:.o justify the sup1, ) ,
pression of t~e Society. I know this to be a fact
being fully informed of the aff~irs of the Society
as ~uperior of the SE\me. But, as God alone knows,
I caL not be responsible for everything. For this
reason, with my last ruoment fast approaching, I declare that I am not in the least diJ~urbed about
w11at has happened. I l0c1vc everything in the hands
of God. I p3rdon all, from the bottom of my haart,
and I aak God for all manner of blessings for every
one. Lastly, I declare that all thnt I have stated
has been made out of regard for the SociGty and for the
Faith.
3 - Archive General de Simancas.
Rubio, op. c it., vol. 5, p. - ~ - - -
Quot cld in ~T • 0 •
-325-
CHAPTER SIX
GOVERNOR BASCO'S AffMINISTRATION,
1778-1787
1. Basco's Plans and Policies
Following th~ death of Anda in 1776, Pedro Sarrio'became governor of the Ph:LJ..ippines (J.776-1778).,
succeeded in 1778 by Jose de Basco y Vargas.
Sarria was
In the fol-
lowing passages, Montero y Vid.&l tells of Basco' s plans
. .
1
an d po 1 icies,
In July, 1778, the new proprietary governor
an"j_ved at Manilo.; this VJRS Jose de Basco y Vargas,
an officer in the ,Sp2nLsh royaJ. navy.
'rhe off:i.cials of the 11.ucl.iencia forth.-vith sent a remonstrance
to the court, against their being subordinated to a
man wb.ose rank 11 gavo him only the :r.i::_:ht to be addr0ssed as 'you' while ench one of the rnar;istr::.tes
(of the Audiencia) enjoyed the title' of i 1Lordsh5.p,'"
and they asked for the revocation of Basco' s appoint•
ment; but of course this was rei'used, and they vrnre
rebuked for their officiousness. As u rcsu1 t, the
auditors opposed all that Basco attempted, and even
conspired to seize his p0rson and put Sarria in
hi\'3 place,
That officer, however, rE-:fusecl to join
them, and informed the governor of the scheme; in
consequence, Basco arrested the recalcitra11t auditors and other persons connected with their plans
(including Cencelly), and sent them all to Spain.
Now free from hindrances, he devoted hims8lf to the
administration of ·the:.: government, the welfare of
the country, and the development of its resources.
1 ... Q.£.
fi!:.,,
in B.~ R., vol. 50, P•
47,
-32611 In a docur,ient entitled 'A ,Q'.eneral econom:i.c
plan,' ho extolled the advuntages --which are inherent in the promotion and development of agriculture, commerce, and industries. Ho offered therein to bestow rewards and distinctions on the persons who [_;hould exceJ. in agricultur01, in making
plantations of cotton, of mulberry troes; and of
the choicest spices, as cloves, cinnamon, pepper.
and nutmef; to tho;3c who should .establish mahufa::tures of silk, porceJ.rlin, and fnb:cics of hemp,
flax, r.u1d cot ton l.:U~e t, hose that werE.i rec cdved
frorn the Coromandel Coast, M,1lc1bar, and China; to
those who would underta~e to work the mines of
gold, iron, copper, and tin; ~o thnse who shouJ.d
make discoveric-:i:i useful to tnn Str.1+:,e; and to those
who should excel in sciences, the liberal arts,
anu rr;echa.nics. He D.lso circ 1J_lo.tcd j_nstr,_wtioni:3 in
regard to tha method of cultiv2ting and preparing
for use cotton, silk, sugar, etc. He also, in
Camarines, ccr:ipel.lecl_ th,3 planting of moru ti::1n four
mi]ljons of '"'11,lbe;,.,·;--"r trer-,s whjch for u~nvc:rr•l
·rGars
_,
.
·\
.J
yielded an ~xcell2nt product; but these ii~ort~nt
plantations were abandondd after his term of of~
fie e (expired). H8 improved the scLool s, c,nd uj_dcd
the diffusion of knowledp.·o by J;,romotin:~ th o 1mnv1ledge of the Co.stilJ.an 1.Emguarc. In order to ]:'epross the boJ. dness of ,::;he rLur-:.lerous hirrhV'Jc:'.YlTIGn
who infested the roads in th8 rrovinces nearest to
Manila, he appointed judg:es ,:-r/_th ;)oVJr::;r oS-: condemnation (j_l:!.ff..§.2. d~J acorc:ad:..t J; thciso accompanied
by a counse11or und an exc,cut:i_oner, by summary
process tried the w.::.l efacto rs whom they nrre3tod
in their respective clistrict,'3, and appl:Lc:d t:111
penalty - a measure so efficacious that in a short
time there was con~lete security avery~hore. the
Audiencia appealed 2gainst this monsure, end the
king isoued 8 decree hotifying the governor tn abstain from medC.::.lin 5n the jurisdiction of thn.t
court. In acknow:iedging the receipt of this soverE:ign command., }fosco remarked that 1 1infortu.nately it had arr::.ved too late.' f,s war h:1d been a.gain
declared between Espaiia and Inglatorra, Bcsco ·
caused the fortifications o,f Manila and c'~:rvit, e, nnci
the forts in the provinces, to be ropc1il'od, chansing a ~reat part of the artillery ther~in, for
now pieces. He also reorganized the armJ,
In
~
-
•
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.;
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~
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-327-
1778 the order for the expulsion of the Chinese
w.J.s revo~ed, dnd. a cons:ideraole number of them returned to }fanila.
A royal dee rem of Hovemb er 15, 1777, recommonded the estatlis:1mer~·:::. of an institution in
which vagrants and (l:Lsr3ol ut e purson::., mip;lrt. be shut
up.
Accordinfly, IJc.nueJ. del C8st:i.11o y Negrete,
minister of ju::tice for the Phili9pines, drew up
and printed ( Sc:,nr:JaJ.oc, 1?79) a monunl of ordinances
for the man".v;erii.ent of a general refuge for poor persons, beggars, 1domen of lewd life, nbandoned cldldren, and. orpLans. For this project he had ob\
tained tLe opi~ions of learned persons, all or wham
extolled it; and he sent this document.to the l~ng.
Besides promotint: all interestr. of m.orality, ,:we the
development of agriculture, industry, and commerce,
Basco founded the noted "Economic Society of Friends
of the C0untr.y. a A royal d E:cree dated Aurust ;t/,
l'/80, had ordered him to convmie a2.1 tho learned or
competent persons in the colony, 11 in or,ler to form
an association of selected persons, capuble of producing usef~l ideas;" but when this decre0 arrived,
Basco had already founded the above society.
On
February 7, :.781, the active members of the ~eneral
td.bunal (juntg_) of cornmE:·rc e Lad assembled,· and
agreed upon tl:.e consti":.-;ution of the soc:Lot.y, a numher o.f them signing t~1eir name e. as its rnor1ib ers ,;1r.1ong them the IJhrque s de VilJ.amedian1, tr· e prior
oi' t:i1e consuJ.c::,te of conmrnrcci. 1"fhc body oi: rncrch'.lnts
oncowed tb..e socie·sy -:vith a permanent fund o.f 9t,O
pesos a year, the value of two tonelad~s which were
assigaod to it in the 12ciin{". of tho Ac.-~p1,'.lco ralleon.11
ThG society v-1as formally inau:_;1u·c1ted on
M:i;:cy 6, 1781, under the presidf',nC y of .Ba,:1co, who rnJde
an eloquent .si.ddrerrn. Itr, .first prs~ddcmt ·,va3 the
quartermaster-general of the islands, Ciriaso Gon~ales C&rvajal; according: to its f'j_rst re:iUJ.utions,
it contained the following sectioils; natural history,
agriculture, and rural econ0ri1y, factories and manufactures, internal and foreign c01J1merce, industries,
and popular educaticn. · "Stiruulated by Ea,sco, the
society undertook with g~eat ardor to promotG the
cultivation of indigo, cotto~, cinnamon, and pepper,
and the silk industry, according to the ordurs published by the superior authority. Tim rarioh pri(;at
-328-
of Tambobong, Fray Mati:rn Octavio, taught his pa-rishioners to prc:paro the indigo, present:Lng to the
society the first specimens, which were adjudged
to be of L·mper:Lor quality. In 1781+, the first shipment of this ,u~ticlo to Europa was rno de :Ln the royal frag,1tn 11 Asu.ncion 11 •
'l'hG society also recommended that e~fort ~0 mact8·to attain perfection in
weaving and dyGing.
( The society d,Jclin8d gre3.tJ.y
after the departure of its founder; and Aeuilar
roughly opposod it. In 1809, it w:rn extinguished;
two years later, orders were received for its reestablishment, 'but this wns not accornplishod ·1.Lrtil
1319. In the following yos r, its const it ut ion vrns
remodeled; and in 1S21 it founded 3.t its own cost
a professorship of .:.1gricultur3 ,:;nd an ac.J.domy of desit;n,. and establishecl spGcial :Lnst:cuction in d7/eing.
In 1824, it resolved to bestow rewards on the most
sucqessful farmers; nnd it introduced from China
martins, to r::.rht the locusts ;:,hat were desolating
the fields. In 1826, its constitution ex~erienced
another revision, ln1t du.Ting :-nore them ha~_f a cenP''-'
a ·1uru·il__ -y clI1y
- ,c,; ;-· 0.,.f' l·t··
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t U.1.· · v~· 1·t ,.:;c~Vv
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1ryg·:n
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a
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a c·: .
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v .L··- ·.,, 1·s
hardly any indication that r-'ian:J_a remembe:."s a society
o.r:' this sort; Emd, 3.,s it is not in thE~ S1:lc"'.:..ci._-9._fLLorfil1("C',,-:r,,::::.
-f'o,-- s_,__r·c·nP'orcfl) J .J..
.;t.··n·,.r be uc._.
.-,··1-ia··
t P'~oc,
vu
l"u..J_,...1......,
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... ·'-h'·'t
ithas ceused to exist.-/
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11 Ji'ilipinas !"1cH1. been, untiJ. the clrrival o:f the
Ba· "CO '\T,Y r·.,,
C'
1· n the ,... ('.J 11........
r,t 1'."-{ a 1''10 '1VY'
V C~. rP'.')
·:-::,._..i\_-.,
burdEn on the capit~l, since every yc2r the si~uado
wa.s sent in cash from J\:e,d.co to rnee+:. tte obli~ations of the island:3. In orde::, to :'.:re. e :sspan.'J. from
t 1.l1i 0• sor+ of 7 o·,d ;.,r1c1' ·1-0· r•,:,1'
s.~ tn' e ec·-L1.,..,·-,,-;_- -f'1..,or11
u
its depressed condition, he conccived·th2 vast proje::::t of stimulatin12; th.e cultivation of tobacco, by
estatliah::..ng a governmen~ ri1onopc;]_y o:~ it.
He commun~_cated his plan to t~1e Sp3.n:i_:::;h government; and by
a royal order of February 9, 1760, the monopoly of
tobacco, similar to that which was in forc0 in the
other dominions of the nation, w&s docreed.
Hci immedii.:teJ.y publ:i.shed tv,10 i_Jrocl3.mc":ition::;, on December
13 and 25 respectiv(;J.y, in 1'781, proldbit:ing tl-1e
sJ.l e, traffic, 1:~nd 1i10..nuf acture of t 01)2 c co; c1nd on
February 16, l782, he issued (signed and scaled by
1 uc,t ·rions
l· 1 _,_
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-329himself), 'Instructions which are gj_ven to all the.
commanders or heads of the patrols, the provincial administrators, the market inspectors, and
other persons vJho anJ under obligo.tion to prevent
loss to the revenue from tobacco,7
These were directed to the pre·1e11tion of smuggling, showing the
way in which ::i..nve;.3t:.:. vat·Lons shr",1 d be conducted including the housr3s of parish priects, the convents, collegas, and beaterios, the quarters of the
soldiers, etc.
He crr:~at ed a board of direction
for this revenue, a general office of administration or agency, and subor~inate offices to this in
the provinces.
Br.tsc0' s idea vms strongJy opposed by var:Lous interects; but t~1e governor 1 s energy was able to conquer this unjust oppo:3ition, and
the monopoly was orgoni~rnd on Marc.::h 1, J_'ifi2; it constituted the basis of the prosperity of the e:::chequer in that country, and its most importc:rnt source
of revenue.
11 The z0alous gove:t·nor v:i.sited the provinces
in persor,, in ord,3r to ir.fon11 himsolf o:r:' their needs
and to remedy the::rn, compelling ·~ heir governors and
other functionaries to fulfill their tru~ts as they
should. He also oiganized various militcry e:~editions to occupy the Igorrot country. it
2. The Tobacco Monopoly,
1
By far the richest of tbe str\t8 rnonopolies
in revenue-producing capacity was ~::,he ·i~obacco nonopoly, which, moreove:t', proved not le.ss :;_rn})OJ:'tant
as a factor in the general e~onomio ~erelopment of
the is:_ands ttan it 1-vas for thE, t:.."o&su:'.'y.
'i'he establis::irr,ent of tliis monopoly net -~v:i.th :.:r'~tcbbor11 resista:1cc 0:::1 the part o·:' the nc::.ti'Jt);~.
'.~hoy 7_ooked
upon tolac~o as a urimo nece,ssitf. bsin,: c:,ccustorned to its use a1rnost, from inLc1cy, a11cl n:1turally
otjecced to the 1:Lrr.itation of its cultiv.:·,tion and
....
J.
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.... ..,,
s2.l. e •
1 - C. :: • Pl.ehn, HTaxation in the Philippines, 11 ,Egli..:
tical Science Q·.1arte:cJ.:1:, v~J.. 16, pp. 680-711; vol. l?, pp.
125-Ua.
-330-
The maintenance of this monopolv involved:
(1) the prohibition of the cultivatio; of tobacco
outside of tertuin districts; (2) the strict regulation oJ' the m:iount to b u raised within those districts, which in turn, on account of the inertness
of the nativeri, involved compulsory labor on the
part of those or;c e Cff1.ga:r,<2d in its production; ( 3)
the prev1antion of coiltr::ibcmd sales, whether of tobacco taken frorH th(; crop permitted to be raise.d or
of other tobacco; (4) the purchase of the entire
crop by the 0 o·rernmcnt at 1:.1 price deter:nined by the
authorities;
( S) tl.1e insp0ction of the growinc;
crops; (6) the inspection and classification of the
product as to quality; (7) the preparation of the
tobacco under r.i:ove:r.nuent supervision; (3) the manufacture of cigars, cigarettes, etc., in sovernmont
factories;
(9) the prohibition of t~e exportation
or {ruportution o; tobacco except by the ~overnment;
(10; the collection and purchase of as much as possible of the tobacco raised in districts nDt fully
under government control,
At first the cu.ltiv2tion 0f' tobacco was confined to t-·he district of Gapan, in the province of
l'Jueva Ecij a, to certain districts in the C,::1gayan
valley and to the 1ittl G island of i.ili:i.rj_nduque. It
was not until after 1C28 that it was found that the
tobacco from the Cagayan valley was both 1)ett.er in
quality and chenper to raise than that of Gapan.
Belore the closu of the monopoly the o.uthorized
tobucco-p1anting dis·cricts ¼ere in t tie provinces
of Cagayan, ~a Isabelo, La Union, Abra, Ilocos
Sur, Iloco s 1~0::. t c .:J:1.d Nueva Esij a, a].l in northern
or north-central Luzon.
Collections of tobacco
raised withou~ r;overnuent · supervision were made in
the Visaya.s afte;r 1[3~.0 and among the Igo:rot()S o~
the north after 1e42.
0
The incom8 GnJ the expenditures of tho tobacco monopoly were the lar~est item3 in the budget. In 1880-dl the gross ~e-ceipts arnount,:;d to
8,571,200 pesos, against which were chorged; for
tobacco purchased, 1,548,110 pesos; 0ther mater ...
ials, 28,614 po.sos i expr.:nses of collection, 80, l!i-75
pesos; cost of· marn.un.cturo, 1, JOLi-, 061 pc1sos; cost
of ~3Upervi:3ion, 152,,58;2 pr'~SOSj other 8Xf(}l1i:3US, i11-
-331-
eluding estimated p:coportj.on of expense of the genernl admini:3tnition of all monopoliN'i, 50 ,000 pesos;
leaving a net revenue of nearly 3,500,000 pesos.
3, Thu R0al Cor.rrpofiia de Filipinns. 1
That r·1p:u for s-oeculc1.tion in 0rien'tt.l Sens
which seized -~11 tha ~ations of Europe also aroused
,,
. .f rom h er J.n
. d :u.1
. '·. " e:renc e t-..,owar,d s comrncrcia~.
. l enopc.nn
tcrpri3 eEJ ,2
The rnerc:.v-J.nts of Cadiz, encourae:ed by
the profits which thoy ohtainr~u from their exclusive
trGde -wi.th America, proposed to establish ani)ther
monopoly over the tr·ode of the isli.J.nc'Ls of th2 EDst,
and obtained from t.ho rn0rw.rch due autho:city to establisl1 a company of the Philippine::-:: (Cor:1pafiin de
Filipinas), 1 mder Jche cc::duJ.a of March ?9, 1733. Under this cedulo., -:.ho Cornpafiia dn Filipinas enjoyed
many privilei:ses. But thE:1 merchant.G of I-frJ.nila
wer·e opposed to tlw granting of'i, th,.:::se privileges,
As a result the proposed con~any did not come i~to
being.
However, the need of extending the trado of
~he Islands was stror!.R:lv felt in Mc:tr1ila. The oxiOf'-' f_T-!'01•JJ'r,,' !-::l1"ld. ".Ln._,.,,,1- do'r(·,]_0Dl
nf-''
b'!Prc1·e,..
_,,
i
.... :~ peo·1·J]8
· and the ::Jpect::tcle of ot;--1er nat:Lons activoly engaged
in trade in Oriental seas gave rise to the idea that
JVbnil a should obtain comma d.ii:, iGE, right at the places
where they were produced, Accordingly, the Gover0
J.
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-·------1 - :i<~::c erpts
from chapters 9, 10 and 11 of LiL.1.i.9.££tad do. Com0.:ccio ,~n Jas I2la~: Filtvinas, by IJhLuel Azcan.•2.ga
Y Palmero, d 1~adric., 1671).
The author, a FjJ_ipino-Spaniarrl,
had b oen Al.c falde M2.yor of Caf & yan and of Buldcan, and, at
one time, Civil Governor of l'Jianila.
2 - In the early years of the 17th century England,
Holland and Franc c chartered comm0rci::ll compcmies to engage in trnde in the East. Elrnd.::n1d hud her. East India Company, Holland t11f~ Dutch East Indiu Company and France, the
French East India Company.
Through their re.spective
India Companies, EngL:rnd, Holland and Franc c carried on
their commercial and colonial activities in the Far East.
.332 ...
nor, in 1717, dispatched the frigate "Deseada" to
the coast of Malabo.r to establish conm1ercial l"'elations with the :t:nbob of Carnot.
'rhe attempt, l10wevcr, proved unprofitable nnd hence vvas abandoned.
After the signing of the treaty of peace with
England, the number of Europ2an vessel.;:, ?l:,ting Asiatic flae:s incroGsed, But the true nationalit7 of
those v~ssels was so well known that the fiscal of
His Majesty wac obliged to appe~l to the Real Audiencia asking for prompt .:1 nd severE: pun:i.sh1,>.?11t for
those foreigners who were violating, in such open
manner, 1::.he existing la,vs,
'rhe su1Jerior tribunal,
with mucJ1 prudence, and t~ddn:~ into consideration
the great harm that -would come to the cor,u·,mnity by
imposing penalty for violations which for some time
were being tolerat0d, li.itd.ted itself to notifying
the aforementioned l"renchr;-:en that, if they ever r·eturned to the port of Manila to sell merchandise,
they would be penal:L~ed to the full extent of the
law. This decision was based on the fact that, if
the said vessels and the buyers of their cargo were
to be proceeded ag2inst, action must be taken against
all the residents of·the city.
The go,)d ldnl!. Carlos III for sure did not. look
with indifference U,l)On the ab::mdonment and isolation of the ?hilippines, and the em:i_nent uen who
surrounded him cou:_d not but see thci cause of this
state of affairs ancl the rr;eans of combattj_r.,g :i.t. · It
was therefore £1.gr2ed to o.sta"olish o. r:irect communicat~on between Jviani2.a and Cadiz via th € l~npe of Good
Hope and to adept measures that would devcl6p the
resources and the commerce of these Islands, ~ith
a view to freeir..g them frcm their cl8pcndonce unon
Mex~co.
For this purpose, a war v0ssel was to be
di~;1;2tc}1c::d annually from Cadiz to Mani:L:-1 with the
privilege of loading there, on the accoant of the
merchants of Manil-=t, native products and fall kinds
of Oriental goods, j_ncl 1ding those of Chino. a~1d
India. In line with this purpose, the rostric~ions
on trade with the Far East were revoked.
1
The frigate ?uenconsejg_ was the first to make
the exp edit ior't und()I' this nrrang ement, arriving in
Manila in 1765..
Partly because of unum1al attach-
-333-
ment to rout.inn ond to thot,e petty ctrntoms 1:hich
create Gxclusivism and monopoly, and partly because
of the restrictions connected with the new venture,
the idea was not well received in Manila.
The merchants refused to tate pa:ct in the lo a dine; of the
veGsel anci it w~s necessary to load it on the account o:f the k:Lnp;, 1;1hile, according to rnuor, the
goods were concealed so that the vessel could not
tako on any cargo.
Nevertheless, t, he vessels of the governrwmt continued to make those expeditions until l'li:trch 1785,
when the frigate Asuncirn1 madG the Jl+th Emel 1.1~~t vo-·
y,qge.
But this met,hod
C a:crying on tracl.e }ic;td not
been adopted except as an experirrent and as a means
of opening the way to private interests, which were
expected to take advantage of this traffic 2nd of tho
newly opened route.
-of
The terr.1 of the C:Jm::,afiia Guipuscoana de Caracas having 0xpirec:, end ::Lts rneGbers not desiring to
continu0 the ~;v.s iness without, the former r,riviJ. eges,
the stocktolders deci~Gd to transfer opor~tiono to
Oriental regions as well as the capital still remainin8,
The proposed bases of a new association
hav:J.ng been presented, ~he king promulga"jed a royal
order authoriz:Lng -~he c:ci:J&tion of the Real Cornpafiia
de Filipir..as, I:£3.rch 10, 1785.
Article 2 of this decree fixed the capita]. of
the Company at C",OOG,000 pesos divided i::.to 32,000
shares of !"'250 a share.
'l'he rnonarc.;h sho1rrnd 3nch
in-1~ erest :J.n the success of this Compeny tJ·at, not
on~.y did he invite the B,;;,_:pco Nacio~1.82. dG f'.on Cnrlos
and the ccmpanies in Sevilla and Hav&~a, LS well as
thu munic i.pa.:i. ities to taice part in ::.t, l:'.i 1 lt al no he
hirnsel: bouz;ht shares to the vc.;lue of 1,c,r;c,000
pesos, in addition to the shares which be~on~ed to
him as a member of the Cornpaiiia de Cc:racac.
The princ.;ipaJ. pur::)()ses of the Compcmy wcn·c t')
put into comrnunicat:i.on all our colonies .'.lmong tLemsel ves and with th-o Liotn.E:1' country, to e11cou:race
commerce with the countr~es of Asln; to give greater
scopi.=:, to the commarc e of th,3 Philipp~.ne;:;, and to
take advantage of tie direct route b8twoen Cadiz and
-334Manilc.1 which the gov8rnment vessels ht::id used. Its
operntj_ons were to cons:i.13::, in :,upplying Manila o.nd
th.8 Isl anrl.s w :i.th all kinds of ,,,::oods from Europe and
Americ~, domestic and foreign,-nnd to carry in return spice8 and othar native products, as well as
manuf.::-:ctures o.f the .?h:i_li:;Jpine,s 2nd o:: other Asiatic
countrj.es, in the tr~de with which it enjoyed, under
li.rtir:le 23 of thE'1 aforementioned cedula, e::clusive
priv:11 ege:J,
Consoque~+,ly, t.11e Company could ~'~end, negotiate,
and dispatch, like .siny other subject, vessr)lS registereii for the Ancricdn dominions, but it could do
this only from the ports of the Peninsula o.ncl. not
from Ivio.nila.
l,Ioreovc:r, it could send expeditions
to ChiDa and India to obtain the effects and products
necesf:'.ary to itEi commerce, .:1 nd to establish factories
in the ports of those nations.
The Company also had d.nother purpose nnd that
was to stimulatrJ the developr1ent of the wealth which
lay hidden in those Islands snd to encoura~a an active exporting businGss, hence, under article 50 of
the cedula, the Company was obliged to apply 4-% of
tte net profit of' its opert:ttions to t.1-ir-1 deyelo:pmerit
of agriculture a~d manufac~ures in these Is!unds,
the board oi director.::; re.sidin~ in Manila i)oin;z :r·e-·
quired to propose to "eh(~ c:ourt -·vvhatevr:n~ it thoug:1t
proper for the fulfillment of this imnortc.TG duty.
Under the next article, thi:~ Company wo.s aJ,so
otliged to carry, freo of <2hc::r?;e :Ln itJ ves::rnls, the
professors of n3tural and exact sciencos and those
artisans who, of tl1E,ir own ::"rce ,1,1i~l or by order of
the ~overnmPnt, would Jo to the Islands, whether
Spaniards or forotfners.
Dnrler nrticlc 52, one
third uf the crew of itc vesccls ~hould b0 natives
of the Philippinos,
In retu~n fo~-~~ose oblig?tion~, the_U~n~any
was granted, in ada1t1on to the ~pec1dl priv~lcge
of b3ing the only one which could carry on direct
trade between tha por~s of the Peninsula and those
of China and Indin, others o±' nmch importonce.
Of
these, the one which was undoubtodly of most valuo
. ·..1 ege 01,, ucnng
.
was t ,ne pr1v1
t .h 8 r-lag of the roya 1
-335··
navy in all its vesseJ.s.
Besides, the Cornpany
could, during thE::, first two years, acquire foreign
vessels and register them free of cost; introduce,
also free of duty, all the effects destjned for its
vessels; and obtain from the roy~l ar~enals all the
naval stores wh~L.ch it needed, paying .for t,llern t11e
same price whic11 the governL1ent. had paid.
In tho selection o.f personnel for its vessels,
the Company was also grant.ad adv,~rntr1g~~ous pd.vilcges,
for not onJ.y could it employ under contract forcifn
seamen, only •,dth proviso that tlie first .1.ncl. sec011d
mates and at least on€ half of the crew must be nationo.ls, but also it was authorized to summon to the
service officiu.ls of tbe royal navy.
MorE-3over, for the b;:mcf'it of the Company ull
the laws, practices, orders and royal decrGes 1•Jhich,-pr0hibit2d the· import2ti.on into the Peninsula of
muslins and cotton and silk textiles were revoked,
it3 vessel::-, bG:~ng autLorized to buy all ki.nds of
cloths manufactures from India, China and Japan, being onl·y rt:guir0d to p&y 57t of the current values of
these goods.
As a speciul concesf3ion., - the products
of the Philippinos 1.1:ore in those of' the Poni.ns'J.la.
U·1der
l
1~~J~
U V s)
1
~
7
'71
16 l ~
·t,i't.I~
C
+.;
' ·boo~
· ··' q.·
of the Recopilacio:c1 de la.J leycs de Indi::rn, all subjects of His :vrnj esty, whether of.' the f enin::;t'la or
from America, were forbidden to trade with Asiatic
countries including th~ Philippines.
Tho latter,
as a special 9rivilop;e.t was alJ._owed to sm1d onl7 one
vessel to Acapulco.
These prohibitions ware revoked
in the interest of the Gompc-:ny.
'
Likewise, law 9, title 18, book l and lCt',JS 3~and 35, title h5, book 9 of tbi 2b0Vc:;-n,en-L~:i.0ned Hecopilacion, which forbade tb.e merclr::nts of I,IaniJ.a to
entor into ne~otiat:ions vdth the ports of Chin,1, and
India, and which regulated in c1 mo.s t vexinr; mu 111er
the traffic wh!ch t.he Chinese c2rried on ~ith that
city, werr: revoked. Consequently, the merchants of
the city were now at l~b2rty to disputch vessels to
the·, por·1· " ' of C1'·1in"' ct"' 1a' I···1·· 1 1·.,, J ···1·1d 1·0 ~ca1,·i·"e
-f'rorn
.L
then the manufacturerJ which '1'18I'G in much rl.emaad, without waiting for the Chinese crwmpans or Armenia11 veo'
,··
'
':l"d.
)
(; , ;
)
1
V 1.)
-
Cl.
1.L
•. J.
....,
C_
L.-!.
.J
Cl
J ....t.-1,.•
.I_
•
-336sels which used to monopolize this trade,
At the
some time, the Chinese werr-; gi"!nn ~rec:,ter opportunity to sell in l'-Tanila their goods and to i)uy tr,ose
of the:: country, ilitl1out being bc'ither'.:;d by the intervent ion of deputies -1.r.1cl other obr-,taclns which Wel'o
established undor the name of pancada, •• 3
At tho s1me time that they began to despatch
cargo, the directors of t nc Company devoted the111SE-l ves to the production of thl':1 country, 1n·,1::ing heavy advani:!eG to .furmers and 1ayirw down conditiorn:J of
purchase which were very 3dvantageous,
They specially wero interested in the production of silk, indigo, suga:, and cot~on, as these
were the article:';, which had better prospeG'ts and
which had been under cultivation for some time in
the country. • , •
The Cornpan/, lil-:ev:ise, desired to cJodicate
part of its capital to canufacturGs in the Islands.
It wanted to make of the co~_ony n.s rich in iWturuJ.
resources a manufacturj_ng count rJ, wnr::::rc t ho raw materials of industry ure so abundant and whore wages
are so cheap, It expected to make the ozi:stin~ J.uoms
3 - 'l'he' term iipanca.do_l! i::3 used to de::.:d.2:n'lte tho system
under which. foreign COl\')ff;ocLLtie3 WE.re sold upon their arrival
at the port o.f Manila, . As regulated. by the d ccree of August
9, 15e9, the system '/Ja:::~ .as follovrn: 11 • • • no C11incse or for··
eign .ships could sell at retail the good.s vJhich tLey c2-rried
to the islands, •. ; nor could th0; inh~i.bitcmt ::-; buy tho [Y,oods,
openly or in secret, under severe penal.ti,3s, Tho p1J.rche.se of
the said goods wus to be discus3ed by the nouncil, and as
many and so qualifiert rernons a~ thg business dn10nd8d were
to be appointed.
These persons a lonl) s ho,1ld buy in Ll lot
all the merchandise brou,~ht by tLe ships, und then distribute it fairly amon~ the citizens, s,anish, the CtinoJe, and
the Indians, at the same price nt which it should te appraised. (E.~ R., vol. 7, p. 13g.)
The order of Aurust 9, 1589 W3~3 repeutcd by the decrees of January 11, 1594, June 11, 1~95, January 25, 1596,
and August 9, 1689.
-337-
manufacturing cotton shirtings, rayadillos, guinaras, tapestry, terlingas, 1 inens, carnb rics, and other
textiles into D. grr:~at man:1facturing industry, and
proposed to put their products in competition with
those from BengaJ. and Coromandel.
In this venture
the Company swJi:.:::ined enorrr..ouE; J.osses.
By 1790, according to a statement, the Company
had invested ll,E\JG,000 reales vellon of its capital
and 3,241,000 in edifices. The sta·~r;r:ient also shows
that after five years of operqtion, it had notestablished commercia~ relations with India, China,
and .Japan.
It limite;d itself to acquiring, froLi the
beginning, the com'.:ioclities fror:1 those countries from
the merchants of ManilE:.
Such & transac:t::Lon was
very disadvantageous to the Company, for it usually
paid 90% more than the prices p2id at the places of
production.
Moreo7er, "'.:;he S'.)ciety was not fulfilling one of its princifal purposes, which was toestablish direct trade with Indii and China •
•
In vieillJ of the small quantity of Oriental goods
that it could obtain at lVIanila, the Compa:1y as!ced
the Court for nn extension of articles 29 and 30 of
its charter.
The Government granted the r8ouost
August 2, 1789, as a result of--wtich the port of
Manila was· deJl&red free and open to the vessels of
European nations for a period of three years. Under
this permit, Europeans could introduce and· ,sell in
Manila all kinds of Asiatic_ goods, except :Guropean
commodities.
.
For the first time, flags of European nations
appe2,red at the bay of ]\'..nnila as symbols of peD.ce
and corr.m~rce.
All of this had no purpose othf.')r
than to favor the interests· of the Company.
The Company also obtained in 1803 a royaJ permit to send annuallv one vessel from tte nort of
Manila to Amer:Lca, {Jith (i';Oods to th8 Vo.lU:e of 300,000 pesos.
The expeditions, however, were to be
confined to Peru, in order that the Acapulco galleon
mi?-:ht not be interfered with in the loast. In this
wai commercial relations were establishe4 anew with
the vice~royalty of Peru.
-33$-
In 1305, King Carlos IV issued a royal ord~r
. 1 or1.1=~in.?.
•
,,
n • Dt
t'ne cuarc,r~r
1-~
_c, ,
'
,-,
ffi
pro
1:u.
01. r:.ue ,..,o ..
• ~- .1.or
,
.een • y2ars
..
, f
p&ny, w1tn ~he Scime pr1v1lezes as oe oro.
~11e capital was fixed at 12,500,000 pesos, cHvid2d into
shares of 250 poses each, tho King acqu~rine 3,943,000 pesos worth of stock.
~
m1,
Notable chunr.:es were mDde i.n tho new chartor.
In the first place: foreiznorc, were a'1thorizcd to
own shares and·to dispose freely of the same. In
the second place, vessuls going to China and India
for merch1nc:ise ~oeld sail dire·::t to the Peninsula
without cal::.ing '1t tnc r-:or~ of Mariila.
And lastly,
the ?rivilege granted for a period of thres ~ears
to foreign vess,:~ls to import foreign mercr,3.ndise to
Ifanil.J. 2nd to export nnthre products was mado perpetual.
In 1830, the privileges of the Cor,pany were revoked and the port of }fanila was definitely opened
to foreign nations.
The Real Compafiia de Filipinas for vario11s reasons
failed to come up to the expectations of it.s fouriders end
promoters.
In the first place, the Company, in the words
o/ Dr. T. H. ?ardo de Ta7era, wc:s
11
badl y r·1a.~ased, making
absurd commercial
operations, and followed no true mercan-
tile principle."
Another contributory factor to its fail-
ure 1r1as the hostile attitude towards tLe Sor:::pany on the
part of the merchants of Manila.
The CompE.ny, howevor, con-
tributed to a certain extent to the economic prorress of
the Philippines.
In the words of Dr. Ta·,era
'-,
"Th(~ encouragement given by th3 head Compa-fiia to develop indust1°ial and agricultural pro due~
-339-
tion, backec. by the money it had clis'::,ributed in the
provinces with that purposo, hqd at length to produce their results and if the Go:r1pany did. £'ail, on
the other :1and, thanl:s to it, Philippine prod.uction
made considerable procres."li-
I
-··-----·--4 - ' Resul ts
1
of the Economic Development of t
~10
Phil-
ippines", a pqper r8ad before the PhilipJine Golu~Ji2n Associatio11, 1912.
-340CHAPTER SEVEN
THE PHILIPPIKES AT THE CLOSE OF THE 18TH CENTURY.
(1)
The Government of the Philippines
Of conditions in the Philippines at the close of the
eighteenth century, an excellent surve7 is that contained
in J0aquin Martinez de Zufliga's Estadismo de las Islas FiMartinez de Zufiiga, an Agustinian friar, made a
:::..ipinas.
tour of the Philippines in 1800, in the company of Ignacio
)
Maria de Alava, commander of a Sr1anish fleet which had
come to thG Philippines at that time.
In the Estadismo,
written shortly after he returned from his travels, Father
Zufiiga set down detailed observat~ons nf conditions ill the
provinces that
h~~
visited as wel:::.. as of various phases of
the Spanish colonial administration in the Philippines.
The following passages, dealing 1·1ith t be colonial administration are taken from tr.e edition of the Estadisrr,o.,
published in 1893 by Wenceslao Retana:
The first tribunal of Manila is~ that of th0
Governor.
In order to understand his power and
authority, it is necessary to reproduce here what
the Frarciscan history has ~o say on this point:
(Part I, Book I, Chapter 61)-L
1 - This is the famous wor:c of the Franciscan friar;
Fr. Juan Francisco de San Antonio 1 in three volumes entitled,
"The authority, grandeur, and supe ricri ty of
the Governors of these Islands have no equal, even
in the greatest of the many viceroyalties of Europe
that are subject to the Cro~n ~f Spain, for none of
these has such extended dominions.
Neitter is there
any Governor or Viceroy, who enjoys the preeminence
that belongs to the Governor of the Philippines in
relation to the receiving and sendir:g of ambassadors to all the kingdoms of this realm, the declaration of war, ~he conclusion of peace, the takfng Jf
measures of vengeance on behalf of the Catholic Majesty, prerogatives which·the,Governor cculd exercise wi ttout waitir:g for orders from Spain.
As a
result many crowned kings rencered by vassalage to
the G'.'Jvernor of the Philippines, and, recognizing
him as their superior, held him in respect, feared
him in arms, sought in earnest his friendship, and
received punishment from him whenever they failed
to comply with their promises ••.•
The Governor bears the title of Governor, Captain General, and President_ of the Real Audiencia
and as such has sole· authority to decide all rr.atters
relating to the royal treasury, government and war,
acting with the advice of the Auditors only in matters of great importance.
He also h3d prnver to
hear in the first instonce criminal cases involvi:1g
the paid soldiers; to provide for Alcaldes, Correj imientos, Teniantazgos, and 0ther justices in all
the Islands; to exercise with the assistance of th8
Chief Clerk (appointed by the king) of the department of administration and war, t,he powers of government, just ice, war; to have his Gu-3 rd of twel vo
halberdiers who always accompany his person; and
several other powers. Ee receives as salary eight
t~ousand pesos de minas, and 450 n:iaravedis, making
all in all, 13,235 pesos and 3 gramos de oro ccmun."
To the original salary 0f the govErnor has
been added what he gets from the cont rabands which
raise it to about 20,0C0 pesos.
The Governor has
C~rS;Jnic as de la Apos·t, olic a Provine ia de San Grep-orio de Re~~g~-o~os Descilzos de N, S. P, E,an 1'=£QQ.9.}.:.l:3co__Q.~.d:§.£. IJ?l.§..?_].lipinas.
It was printed in the Phil:_ppi nG s in the year
1738.
-342an Auditor of w2r, who serves as assessor in all
disputes.
The judicial proceedings are referred
to one of the two fiscals of the King for legal
opinion; then they go to the assessor with whose decision the governor ordinarily agrees.
This office
of the assessor is very lucrative for, aside from
the two t hcusand pesos salary which the Ying grants
to him, he enjoys. certain feos, and, bGsides,. receives five hundred pesos for each of the roy~l revenues.
Abov-e all, he possesses much power, be being the man on whom rely for the satisfactory settlement of their eases those wno in Jfanil-3, come under
milit,ary juricdiction, or who are exempted from ordinary jurisdiction by reason of their being employed
in connection with the royal revenues.
Few indeed
are those who would want to antagonize him, :f. or, when
they least expect it, they get involved in a dispute,
and of course thev would want that he renders an
opinion favorable· to their cc:use. For this reason,
his position is one of great distinction, for he is
looked upon as a sort of a minister of the Governor,
who can exercise if he wants to greater authority
than that of the king himself in the Court of Jv:adrid.
With regard to the Real Audiencia, I shall refer to Chapter 63 of the Franciscan history already
mentioned:
"The Real Audiencia and Chancillery of the city
of Manile, capital of the Philipnine s, has wider jurisdicticn and a:.ithoritv thrrn an7 other under the
Spanish momirchy, because r8siding only in Menila,
it comprehends the whole is land of Luzar: and the vrhole
Archipelago, in accordance with the provisions of the
new roya 1 :.:,rders of May 5, 1583, end 1/loy 26, 1596.
It wrn founded, for the first time in the city of
Manila: in the year 1584, on the suggestion of the
first Bishop of Manila, Fray Dpmingo de Salazar 1 in
the same manner and with the sam3 foroEJ.lities followed elsewhere in the Indios.
In tlF, year 1591,
the Audiencia w~s 2uppressed, its existence beinG
deemed unnecessary and the creation of an army of
four hundred soldiers bE:ing then considered more urgsnt. .. But in the yeer 1598 the l~ing determined tc
re-establish it, as in effect it was done, the Royal
seal which contained the order bE:dng received with
the traditional solemnity on the 8th of May, 1598.
-343-
As constituted, it was compos cd of a Pr~sident, who
was Governor Fra~cisco Telloi and the Auditors D.
Antonio de I-:Iorga, Cristobal Tellez Almosa, Alvaro
Rodriguez Zambrano, and Geronimo Salazar.
Ever
since that time thG Audi(rncia has borm constituted
by a Presidont, v,Jho is always the Govurnor
the
Philippines, four Aaci.itor.s, and one Fiscal with his
counsellor at law, clerk of court, and attorneys, chaplain, agent o.f the treasury, porter, sacristan, majordomo, and four Indian porters, a lawy9r for poor
prisoners, an attorney for the poor, a warden of the
court prison with hj_s li(Jut Emant and servant, and
constables.
The snlary of the Pr·a,sident is included in the eight thousand pesos already no-t;ed.
The
auditofs)and the fiscal receive 3,308 pesos, 6 tomines, x
and 6 gra1;10s de oro a year.
The other
officials have their respective ~alaries."
of
To the Real Audienc:ia hss been added a Regent
and a Fiscal of the Royal ExchBguer, so that the fiscals of the king arc two, one for the RoyaJ. Exchequer, and one for the Civil Departm3nt. ;In the absence of one, the other takes charge of·th0 two offices, which give him much to do; and, inasmuch as
in this country t:ental labor is very prejudicial,
many f'iscals have succumbed under the weight o.f so
many judicial proceedings, whi~h take place in the
Philippines and which they are called upon to handle. The Regent is ·the one that directly governs
the Audiencia, because the Governor, although he is
President, tak,:;s li·~tle part in its businoss, and
gen0rally signs decisions without exanining them,
and even without seeing the trial.
The Real Audiencia was establisheJ to check the despotism·of
th~ governors, a thing which was never fulfilled,
for the gowned gentle2en are always the weaker, and
the Governor can place th9m under arrest and have
them sent to Spain, banished to the provinces under the pretext that they must take a census of the
Indians, or locked up at .Fort Santiago, as has frequently been done.
Granting that these two tribunals enjoy equal res~ectability, in cases of notorious injustice there should be an appeal from the
coin).
(x) Third part of a drachm.
(Drachm, a copper nickel
-344-
one to the other,
In addition the Auditors should
enjoy the right of inviolability of ti1.cir per.sons
for the violation of which on the part of the governors rigorous punishm0nt shouid be meted out. In
this way the Real ~udiencia would pro7e very useful
to th,Jse Islands. 0;..;hcrv,:is.:;, t.ne: fu.d.ler:cicJ. would
not ha of mucb -,1::3e; V1u c2ses that arise mic;ht as
wall be decided by tho Govsrnor himself, and in this
way there would be fe\Jer of them and tl1E-J expenses
entailed would.not oe so burdensome,
Tte 8abildo, or the City, which is the body
that repres~nts the whole city of Manila, is composed of two alcnldes-in-ordinary t~lcaJ.des ordinario),
eigh~ regidorea, a clerk, and a chief car.stable (alguacil ffay,Jr).
The governor of· the .fort an6 the
royal officic.ls hD.ve seats in the Cabildo but they-·
can not take part in the deliberations. The juri~diction of the city ext ends throughout t Le di strict
of Manila and fi ,-e leap;t:es all around, and includes
the supervision into ~he supply of provisions, and
the i:nposi'::.ion oi fines on "'.":,hose wto 80Lrrni·s frauds
-;n
c~n,...,,
...... . ti..,.::.
r1c Sal__ -" of' ·o· _,.,..,,,.,a'
co. , ·1·.,n~··-v,
a -.1.- E'c
.,u, -~ru·J·-1-"
t-:J, etc •
7he two alcaldes-in-ordinary de~ide disputes that
are ~aken to them in the first instance cS.nd exercise royal jurisdiction. As a sy1bol of thGir au+-t-· y, tlney
· a"'_we.ys
7
• ,
·JHorit
cGr-ry a can,::. rci,
L1e re:;10.ores,
0
~
..L _
li\_..ct
• _;
clerks and cons~ables are per~ancnt o~ficials, for
their positions have b~en purchased.
Ttesg they
can sell, if the~ so desire, or mev ~eauea~h them to
their children. MThe alcaldes-in-o;din(ry are electe0. annuall ~r from ari,on~ the resid ~r1ts C>f l\~2niJ.a.
Their s2la;ies come f;om c~~tain income of tte Acapulco trade which on tte average an:ou,rts to 1 1000
pesos 2 yec::r.
0
~he Tribunal del Consulado (Co:1SuJ.at0) 2 was
esta-olished 2bo·1t forty ysars ago.. I'.1 ±'or:ner years
cases no~ cocing undsr its jurisdiction were decided
by the Govarnor or the Real Audiencia; at present
the ~ity of l~1anila co:J.nts ".-v:Lth a tri'Ju::1.21 of t~ivo
consuls a:::1d one Prior, who decide all c2,ses relatj.rig
to the trade and commdrce of these islands.
Anpeal :'rorn this tribu~1al may be t~ken to the Tri~)unal
2 - Established by the real cedula of De~. 19, 1,./69,
-345-
de Alzada, which is constituted by an Auditor and
two merchants nominatc:d ":)y him.
Decisions of this
b-ody are final unle3s re\rol::ed by the Consejo de Indias.
The election of Prior of the Gonsulado is
done every ye3.r; that of consuJ.s, every two years.
In order to have always a scni~r meJhar in the Tribunal and not t~o new_ones, evary year orie of the
consuls is renewed. The duly qualified electors of
the Consulate choose twelve Elec~ors, and, on New
Year's day; th~se assembl,a and choo,s e tte Pd.or and
one consul. The samo proc edur 3 is fallowed by the
city in the election of alcaldas-in-ordinary, which
is hel.d at the same time.
These eloctions us 1.1ally
cause r:Guch excitement in the city durin.z ·'.:;hc: election
days. Even in tl·1e absence of an· Ati--ditor, very frequently the elections ~re feature-id '!Jy dissentions 1
which are terminated only by the governor, to whom
the results of th~ election are delivered, and who,
by his approval, enables the successful dandidatos
to enter upon their duties and to receive their sa- 3
laries, which are paid from the fund of the averia.
3 - Gne of the most interest in!! of the oJ. der miscellaneous charges on conm1erce -was the average ( averia), established fo~ all Spanis~ trade in 1528 and finally abolished in the Philippines in 1871.
In its final form this was
an ad valorem t2x, the proc e2ds of which sup~-:iort cd a commercial court, while the surplus was p2,id into the li_=shthouse
fund. Its name is significant of its history. It originated in those days \'Jhen the encnii 3S of S:jain nade the ocean
so uncom..fortable fo::.~ her merchant sh::.ps that t:1ey were accustomed to sail in fleets, accompanied :or protsction by
one or more war vessels. The cost of this protection was
divided as an average between thij ship and her cargo, in
much the same manner as narti9.l loss is d:.st:ci:rnted in marine insurance today. L;tcr the passe~;ers were also included in this distribution of costs. Ti1_;_s a 10ra.ge early
became a tax at fixed rates. 2:t was int:.~oc'ucod into the archipelago by virtu0 .cf th0 royal Codula of De:::eir:ber 19, 1769,
Which established a court of first instance for hearing commercial c2ses. Its admi::iistr,:l'tion w.:.s 3.t first in charge
of this court but in 1832 was transferred to the customhouse.
The averia at this time amounted to one ::>er cont .on Spanish
goods imported under the Spanish flag and two porcent on
foreign goods importod under a foreign flag. 'l'he yield wns
0
-346-
The Real Contaduria ( Royal accountancy) is
composed of thr00 royal officials: factor, accountrmt, and tre2sur0r, each recrdving tnree thousand
pesos.
Bosides these, t:1e:-u arr:.: othJr officials and
dependents with their corr0spon~ing s~lariGs.
The
royal officials '.Jere D.ppoL1'~cd ·':,c:i audit the accounts
of the Alca:des 1~yor~s, rJcciv2 what these have collected from the trib 1x~e of tLe ::;:nclia.n.s, co11Pct all
that pertains t'.) the rcyal t1·r::asury, ·inc. pay in sil..,J t h 2 expenses o:t tn3
. .1un::!:
, . .ir. +-'
·
.
ver a-'-_
,.,,1e F'·~·.
ni_1_:::.pp1nos.
There is, more0vr;r, in Ma.nil2 a chief ,?..ccountant who ·
is generally kno1·m as pc~:.-rc1.clcr .:iELI".f:.§.~li,.§s, bE:Ca'!...1se
he review3 ~lone ell accounts 8~d apor0ves or rejects
them as he Csems r,ro::,or. 11..:) c'Jn::-::ti-i:.Ll.+:. l:S hiu1self El
trihunal whose decisions aro with0~t ~ppeal,
The
Cons'?jo d3 Indi~s a.lone c::m ct2ngc thorn, so that this
office in the hands of a man of uPscrunulous character ~o~ld indeed b8 a dangsrous one ~a~able of caus~
irig
nl1lCh
hnrm.
Of th0 ec:lcsiastical tribunals, the p~incipal
one is tha-~ of t ]:-!u A:c~11bish0p.
Its jur:Lsdiction extc:nds to tho whole .:troa included in -:.n,:; 2rchbishopric.
It has in 11Etnil3. a vicar scnGral {pr0viscr)J wit:1
his chief notary who, with the Archbishop, constitute
the tribunal-for cases relating to ec~iosiastical affe.irs, suc:1 as rnarriac;os and otri,)r rvr'.:.r. E:,rs of puroly ecclesiastical cha~acter 2ff3cting lEym~n, as well
as for civil and ecclesiastical mattsrc affecting
the c~ergy &nd a:l who are subjact ta ~~s jurisdi~tion.
':1:'he c::'.erics cf ·:.he A:~chbishop .:trs nurr:.·:n~cus.
T:.10::-:e
occu:_::)Jing -~he first rank are the pre0.2rn~.2ries who
11
about ten per ~ent o.:!: the regu::'.ar duties.
Aft9r 165[; it
appeared for twelve years in the ge~e~al budget, having
turnAd o Jsr 't.J tr:e tre&su:r~r, a~Yl the rece-i.jJt,s 8dCh year
ra:-ig 1::d frori1 100 7 000 pesos to neerl y hD.lf q r-:.ill ion.
It
disappeared af~er the tariff of J670 WPnt i~to effect; but
all thro~gh its history it main~2in9d its originaJ character as a spec~al fee fo~ Epe~isl Jrote~t~o~-or services
rendered tc comnerce by t:1e govr~rnrran.t, eL:;hcr by tha navy,
by "che court o~ by the 11;:,,:ht:house serv:.i.ce.
Pl ehn, f1 Ti1.x2.ti on in
in thes,e Rea.di'ws.
tl18
PniJJ.n-oines,
!
,.
11
cited elsewhere
-347-
compose the Cabildo in the Cathedral. In this Cabildo there is a dean, an archde3con, choir-masters (chantres), director of s cl:ool, a magistral, and a doctoral.
These recei.ve f1·om the K:i_nc from four hundred to six
hundred pesos, whici1, v1ith the masses, obventions and
chaplaincies, c:rn. 'oe j_ncrensed to about one thousand
pesos a year. Aside fro~ these, there are two whole
racioneros 2nd two half racicni3ros, some chaplains and
other .clerics of the serrinary who serve in the Cathedral. All of these are of a s 1.1fficient number to
form a continuous chair and sing in the divine offices with the majesty which one ~sually finds in the
cathedrals of Sp2.i.c1. Eu~ the rir.:lat and other discomforts of this country serve to uake the celebratiori
and the singing here lE::ss solemn than in other countri-es.
The numb sr o:i:' cu!'a.t es of the Archbishopric
is about one hundred of whoL some are seculars nnd
others, regulars. T;1e seculars are entirel:r subject
to the Archbis~op. The regulars are subjGct only in
so far as it relates to the e.dminj.stration of souls
e.nd that only in their capacity e.s curates, for in
respect to their lives and habits they come undor the
authority of their provincials. Besides these c1erics, there are several others, chaplains and clerics
at large or who serve as coadjutors in the towns.
All of these are subject to the Archbisho~ as well
ns tho royal chaplains, for ths .Archbisr~op holds the
rank of lieut en::1nt of the vicar &; ene:c::d of ti1e royal
army.
The Commissary of t,he Holy Inquisition was es tablished in Manila since the days of the conquest.
The Tribunal of the.Holy Crusade (Tribunal de
,..,
.
' .is
1 a wta
~ r,
vruza ct'·
a J is cornpos2c1' of a comrn:::_trnar:',
:.'I.no
an ecclesiastic, the dean of the Royal Audiencia,
and the Fiscpl of the Exchequer.
There is a treasurer who. keeps the bulls of-the Holy Crusade, and
who forwards them to tte alcaldes rrayores.
The latter in turn dist,ribute them to the curates, v-Jho finally dispose of them. Ti1e pro-: eeds a::-e reGitted to
the aJ.calJP,s ma,rorc,s -who in turn for,vn.rd t.hG same to
the '1 re2surer. ·- 'i he buJ.l of the Crusado 1s a summary
of indulgences end other privileges granted by the
Pope to him who offers an alm, which in the Philippines amounts to tt:o reeles per bull, the latter be1
1
-348-
inE; 1300 d for two years.
The proceeds from the
bulls are small, because the Indians, who do not
understand their effects, take no interest in them.
The amount raisec: from this source is t>ent to Spain
and added to the general treasury to be spent in
the war against infidels.
In order to get an idea o~ how far the incorrt'e of ManiJ.a has incn:iase,1, it is necessary to
note what the Franciscan history says on this matter:
"The fixed sources of revenues of the Royal
Treasury of Manila are as folJ.ows: rnedias-anatas,4
messada.s, purchasable and rented posit ions, ( officios rendidos y arrendDdos), ba12n.c es of accounts,
rents, incidental sou~ces, vacant bishoprics and
prebendariss (if there are any) ~icenses and tributes of Sangl eys, triQut es of vagabonds, stamped
paper,- almojarifazgos,)
anchora..ge dues, indultos.
The income from these sou.rc9s, according to the
last report, is 176,293 pesos annu2ll7. To this
sum should be added. the real situado arnov.nting to
62,385 pesos a year, and the ecslesiastical stipends which annually amoun"'.:- to 19,457.
AlJ. of
these items amount to 25S,134 pesos.
,The wine
monopoly has been created lately (173l.J as a source
of revenue.
The income from this source raises
the revenue of the Royal Treasury to 27b, 137 pesos
available for ordinary expenses.n
In this statement does not appear what is
collected in the provinces where, at prese:1t, the
income of the t:ribuna1s alon8 is over JCO, 000 pesos and where the wine industry under ~oyal atmi4 - The fees paid u,on entering up0n any secular employment or eccle.siastical benefice amoun~:~np· to the 11E'.lf
of what it produces ::n the first year. Qi'~cionar5:.9._E~12.afiol~
Ingles, Lopez-Bersley, Paris, 1891.
5 - An ad valorem duty on both irupo:cts and exports,
established for all Spanish color:ies by ti1e 1 aws of tho Indies •. This duty was applied to the Philip)ines soon after
t~e establishment here of Spanish rule.
(See ?lehn, 9.J?.•
cit.)
-349-
nistration produces JOO,OOO pesos as con~ared to
20 ,OOO pesos w:-dch represented the income fror;1 this
source in the fo1~n1 of lease rent. ThA inco:;ie from
tobacco will at least be 250,000 pesos; that of betel nut, JOtOOO peso:-;; and that of co~\pits, 20,000
pesos.
These 1i5.J.J.rcs do n(Jt r8present the amount
collected during the 11·.'ar which T1as much bi:;r;er, but
rather the estimate o? the ir:co:ne from th8so s::mrc es in the futu:r0 •. If the reverrnes are Dro·oerl v administered, the trear3ttry C,'.::i.n -cou:r.t Oi.1 one miJ.li011
pesos a year. The tob-c:,cco mono9oly is undor a director, an accountant, a f8ctor-&d~inistrator, and
~ treasurer, who are the princi,al officials.
There
are otter subo:cd::.nates who atte:1d to the ::;at:,hering
and mnnufacture of the tobacco, which is done in
the old parrochial house of Bi~onao.
There is an
infinity o~ women who dai~y go to the estanco to manu.factt:'re cigars. T~iey rec(~ive et cer·0ain ariiount for
everJ c,ne hu.ndr1ad c ig.:u·c ~ :1at th8y ma:<o, ::i.nd she who
turns out the ~n0E;t getr;; mo.ce money. This is tl1e
cause of the poor quality of the work. T~0 Indians
buy cantraba~d totac~o, notwithstanjing th3 fact
h
+• o f :)oor q·...1a_;_1ty br.a 0:;.. l'11:i;t1er
• ,
t 11av
1"t 1s
:'.).c::i.ce, Jus t
"to enjoy "::.:C1e s1t:_sfac+,ion anc. C'.11·:.os:::..t.7 of rolling
the cigars t.hems elves. Tnis is not J;he onJ_J extor-·
tion they suffer from.
The t0b2cco tl2t f~nally
reaches them is generally p'J.trid, and, 2,t th2t,
they can not obtain it exc9pt at an e:~rbit2nt
price..
To 11.nderstand the frauds co:nLlitted in connection with thi3 industry, let us note t~w the monopolr is undertaken,
7
•
'
n
0
•
The raising of toba~co is perrui~ted only in
the town of G.9:9ang, in c ertc::d.n tovms o:':' B1-lJ.[' can rmd
in Cagayan. The Indicns are unjer contrast to d8liver the crop at such a low price that r.o :ndian
would plant tob,g_cco L: it were not fo:".' the fAct that
he expects to retain SEYT3ptitio11sly part of the
1 ..;nr·
1
cro .r1:i •
O+-T,J~thc:,t,,nr
t1.c,.::,
i-l7,'0I
--·Ja~1.i·,c,rc:,
J. :.J_...._
__ ...
.i.l·_, f'r•·:>1.1•
-~. u'
u .. l~.,,. }}-- ,.,
0
gain so li~tle th~t it ia 2dvis1bJe ~o for~id them
to r.3.i2e any plant o't,~1er t 11,,r. t•Jt2cco, as otherw:::_se,
the crcp would bo Sf11c3.ll-, ':::'nis is dua 0ithr;:i.~ to the
fact ttat the Indians who m0ke the contrac~ to deliver the crop are n0t the plante1s therrselves, or
that the Spania::.~ctc: ,,.J~io are commissioned to 1:1.&ke the
contract intirddate the Indians and -::ompel them to
sign what they vv,,mt. After the harvest the commisN'
1
V V\l ..L
.i!U
J{_.
C...:
1.__,
-350-
sioner assignej to receive the crop cl2ssified as
second clnss t:1ose o.f the .-::'irst clas3, an.J the3e
.6re sold to the :~ing as first class to,J2.cco.
As
therr; are six different grac~f;c, this o:::'fici.al m.J.kes
a good profit frofil this fr8ud, ~heating the Indians
of enormous amount. Hovevs~, hg tries to silence
'O'T
"1'"'
·,~erf'e~·'-l
·y:· •:,r.cep'f-,_,l-,lp t 1
,o"'e
t l,.·em
li.
J r-"'coi"H-i·,1··• Ci.0
.)
...._
Which by reason
po\r QUJ~' ~-t y shou}_d be C:ODSigne d
to the flames. But +, ite un?ortune.te Inclian is, in
the end, _the one viho vi}. . 11 pay fo:;_" i·1:;, for :;_t; is he
who will finally receive the poo: qua:ity tobacco,
as everybodv, exGeDt the ooor Indian, nay cJ--,oose
tr:e ,::if ar t hst he b·J_ys. 'ln the fe ct)ry the best
kinds ~re s0lectsd as a gift t0 the 3overnor, the
auditors, the assessor, and other ind~vidJnls who
Esual:y receive :.,orne q1..:..an~ity 3.S Ctristrtas gj_ft;:,.
The o-v-erseers ( ca:r,ataces) al.so make +:.heir choice
and +:.ney make son1.e ve:~·y .fi:--i("" ci:,;ars ,i:n:Lch are
bought by tLose t.'ho cdn af_:ord -~o pa/ the ::i:cice,
v1rdch ordinaril r ::i_s five Desos rnore thun the 0:.O7ernment pr:J.ce • ., In the factory ::_t.self sel3ct-·cigars are also sold, altbou~h tisse are no~ as ~ood
as those 4::- hB.t sorie froLi ,:::,nr:: ove::-seer3. T1e cig;ars
thus selected are reserved fer Su2ni3r{s 1 R~d the
rest are sent to the pro-.fj_nces, - Bu-c l1er1 the
fraud does not end. 1here is in ea~~ province an
administrator, and this S9lcct3 t.'r:e !>Jst c~_itc:,rs,
(, ei·.;.....,_"her 1..C>o.,.,
V'.i" s J.l.
-P~i· ~--1
:tQ
•
-P ,_:,811
-~ no,
J.
H
-~"-G'-;',
o ,...,__ in
.,ne ~~d-)~J8 0-'-... ..Ls--b
them at a higher price) and for·Jarcis the ::.~r:::.:,t of the
fi3:L.s.~c§_, wt.er-a the Sc'.,rne f:caudulent 1Jr0ce:::~11re is
folJ.owsd, only on a larger scalG, for it is gener2.lly understood t:1at he~ who v·nmts to ha·:e ths 1:;rLrJ_J_ege o.: n::ak:.ng his ow~1. choice mJ.v do so a.nri rets sixteen C; '2'ar"' :PoY' C>r'e .L
I,.., ·c· i",-:
c
,., .. -,_, r-,-,_7
-;r. -:-- 1-,r->
._..l.1-Ul...,.•-.,,
poorest kin~s are ~ef~, 1nd these ara soli at ~he
•
_.__
(
+•-,
'"h
tciga::'.'
s1.,orAs
esvan.::pLL.1..os
jI &-c
e, _ e ra,,s
o.,:., :,:;eventeen cigars fo:c one re2l. Very often the su;iply
is :i..iriit-:d and in this case th-3 sstJnqt1_ill2ros}
V
V
V
...1-...,
of
J•-'-'·
·J~
\.~~
-J(..\.r-.,
..._.
V
..__
0
0
-I-~
-'·~
( StOY'P
-
.J
. U
..._
-
1.
k'Clc,-~Je
.t ., , " ' )
-
-.....,
.__,
.L
"-'
.1.
'
~-S
'-•
7
"(::<C"
,,,C,l,,_f_
-'-?
__,_ -··
I
V
C"
1
IV . ..\.,
.1,.:.
ti-,-"' s+,---,·:·0 0
. .1. "-'
·-
·..,,1
.i..
_.
,,1c,·.-.c,
V\ - J.
.J
'...J
t'1,c,-:-,c,
r_ .i..
_;
_
!, ·._..
1 · '
-
...,
-r-·c,ise
U. __
.'.
t:be :::,rice i:.lDd 11"J.a),e irnr::erse pr:,f~.t2. 'i'he 3:.>re '.Jr2ctices 2.re followed in conn,:;cti():-1 "'it;ith the m0no1Jol v
of 1:vine and of betel L,ut. The p:rivi::.~ge of rui\nii'.ie:
a cockpit is leased and nets 20:COJ pesos a year. His t:ajest:" ordered that these imposts be rer1,oved 2nd the -'::,r:i_bu-:::,e of the Inc;.i&ns dou_i)lecl; but
"- o s e ,.,"1"ose
1-.
• _,_
· ,,:ere a f'f ec\,;eG.
' ' 3;ave tne
·
·
t 11
in,,eres·c
in-
-351-
formation that the Indians preferred to have those
pJ1bels to ·paying double the tribute. But I know
V·Jhat they would '\'Jillingly pay even triple the tribute just to be :L. . . ee frorr the ext:.ort ions they are
made to suffer. By this I do not mean to say that
the tax be rBpealed, but that it be placed where
it could not givs rise to so many frauds. In the
first pla::: e it is r:ec2s.:::.:ar y to pay to the ple.nt er
more than wliat is offered ritrn, and to sell the articles at cheap,~r pric os so tr:.9.t smug,7,lers vwuld
fir:.d '-..mprofitable tte smug·~ling traffic~ If, in.
ad~_ition to this, the :i:r.eu,:h, peTpetu::i.t,ed on the public be stoppe~, the income would increase rather
than decrease, as it -;rnuld be possj_bl~ to reduce
the personneJ. a"l.d s.s.ve the Boney tLat is p3icl. as
salaries to cen who are i;ood for nothing: except to
cause so m;_ich damufe .- Unde:;:' this sys'::,efa there
would be no 12.ck, e.s at presci1t, of wlne, tobacco
and "'.Jetel nut, and th3 con~rc,ba:1d business would
diminish..
J;Jforeover ·0he 'Jub=_ic ,,,ou.ld r., e better
•,
·
•
,
-( ·
,
b· e rEnse
· ct •
_serve d V·I .1--.ii~e
the
:_ncorne
c.·r·· .,__·Jue
1.::_ng
w,JU-!..CL
. Of t h8 Obras P:Las :Ln I,Ic1rdl& the c Lisf one
is that of La Miserico:::·c:i:1> the 111sn}oers of ~Jhich
are sofue of the uost distirrz~isi0~ cit~zE~s. It
has a purveyor {µroveedor) ?:r,c1 tT:J2lve depu~i0.s, who
are appoin~e& every year to a~mi~iste~ the Obra
Pia and the College of Sant.:1 Isn.oel, \-vhic,-s 11.1as
founded by it.
This confraternity ~as founded
1s
or the 16+;., of' Anri·,
J c:c4 ,,..;·1- 11 +-1--,p
f,1na
0 7 7 ect1- ._, -~.-..
e d bJ & virtuous cleric: froP'l the citizens ol EaniJ.a;
theieafter the income has been continually aegmented with pious legacies left by some fri&rs fer different wor:rn of charity. ·
...
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.J...
i_ '
.:,.
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/
)
i.,~
.J_ ·J .L
0
V
V
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The capital was invested speculativel;/ in the
Acapu2-co g'.1l1eon, in t:1'.:e vessels that s2i~_ad to
China or J3v::-. a.:1d to tLe ~oc:~st, c.nc:'. t:18ce 78Ltures
were so profitajle that, bssi~es incra~si~J the cat-h~ ""'u·n·,
o·,c- ,. .,.· ·~ '"',·,,r"·.
.
~ E,\ l ':)_ ~;
,r ec,,J.
-::,--.
p .;,ta1
~~
_J
·v--11.,cJ
E.~ ei'cr charitable purros2s. ?,=1tt e2ncd 3.i~- er ,~:1j_s P~Lous
\Jork were several others est.c1.tli.c_;:wr:::. -i_n the convents,
in the con~raternities·and in tns Tar~iary orders
(Ordenes Terceras ~, '-:,he adm:;.nisti'ritirrn of which was
in the hands of ~he tartiary brethren, or of the re- •
•
A- 1
1
•
]
•
• •
~igious.
hl
or" tnem
are p~ous
_egacies
wnicn
are
-·
_,._
'
_ ,:;
-
-'-
(
._I
)
I._
V
'-,
L.
J
C.~
•'
' " ~ ~-··
~-! \
'~-~- ._,'
,)'
1
-352-
destined for hospitals, for marriages of orphans,
for the redemption of children in China, and for
the suffrage of the souls of the founders.
The
seculars believe that the religious have obtained
immense we3.lth with those li!fontes de Piedad, but it
ban be shown to the whole world by the books that
the purposes as desired by the founders have been
fulfilled, and "chat the regu~ars are disinterested
enough to refuse to accept 5;; for the 1,wrk of administration •. Of the Obras Pias de San Agustin I
can speak with authority' for, having been provincial Secretary, I saw &nd audited the books of the
Obras Pias and I know that the c:onve:rit only receives what is destined for the st~f.frages.
This
is perfectly reasona'.Jle, for if the rsligious take
pains to sing in the choir in order ti1at their
prayers may serve to relieve the sufferings of
souls in purgatory, it is onl~ just that they eat
of the alms in the refectory.
The pious works are of much uti2_ity to Spaniards who come to the Philippines, for, as long as
they have somebody to stand as bond for them, even
if they have no capital, t11ey a.re sure of getting
funds from the Montes de Piec.ad, paying so much
percentage, according to the profits th.at the times
provide •. In the commercial ventures the rates
usually are exorbitant; in the Acapulco galleon
oftentimes·an interest of 50% is paid; in the Chinese "':.rade it goes _up to 20~~, and in t.he conmerce
with tr~e Coast 2570 o But t :1e merchants gain much e..nd
the pious works increase .rapidly thei~ income. At
tim.es, however, the interest goes down to 22%, in
the Acapulco trade, and proportionateiy in the
others.
Then, in view of the, risks, 2nd vessels
get lost, no galleon sails for Nueva &spaJa and
the Obra Pia will not invest all its capL~:'d, hardly 5% of it being investe1 from year to year. ~
examined the ac~ounta of the Oo.r&s ?iss of the
province of San Agustin from 17/i.4 to :1.',i94, c1nd I
found that in fifty years only 5~.; df the principal was each year invested.
-353-
{ 2)
The Provinces and their Population at the
Close of the 13th Century.l
The Archbishopric of I-Ianila, the most dense-
ly populated region in the Ptilip~in0s, includes
nine provi:1.ces.
Four of t.he.ss a.re south of Manila,
and they are Cavite, JatangRs. M~ndoro and Laguna
de Bay.
Tbe p:;:·ovinces o::-I:t..:.iacun, Pc..rnpanga, ~Bo.ta.an and Zar:1ba.leR are r:..orth of Ms.nila. The ninth
province is Tonda, ~hsre Manila itself is ioca~ed.
'.l'he nun:ber of tr:.bu-'c.es in -'chese provinces is 86,243,
where?s in the year 1735 ~here ~ere only 37i403.
~~e
nun·1hP~
of t-ibu~~s·
corrr"·on~?~-7
....v _P·yea~
•ll
'.,./--.,..
.,__
....,._,,
_
.,b_-~.:.J. ...... .l..1..1..::) ~o
_,
•
,
'
t'
. .
.... ,. ...
.
.
173 k) inc.1
uues .,;ie rr.em:.izo ~rJ.o J.,Jc:.:ries; :.c1 t"ne n..imber I furn~sh only t~e Indians are included.
It
to the la-'.:-,ter 10,512 riestizo tr:.bute p2yers fo'J.nd
in tl1is Archbishopric be added, tte ::1.urnbe:c v:ould be
9S,754, which is dou:)le the r~umoer of tri;J'..ltes
which the king recei7ec. seventy years ago. To each
whole tribute s:·10uld be assigned five persons, so
that, with the fore.5 o:.Lg number of t:"'.'ibu::.es v·ie get
about half a m.iJ_lion c:~s th(0 sizr, of "':,he no·,:..J.lation.
It is to oe nc·~ed that the Spaniards rio not; figure
in this reckoning, as do -1:,he Ind~.e.ns of IVIa::i.j_la nnd
Cavite, w.ho a.re subject to the tribute, but who,
nevertheless, do not pay. :in t'.1e OiX':.~:_eyin,,:;; districts of these two ~ities thsro ara so many people who can no·;:; be registered. If a:.J the,3e w-ere
includE:d} the popula-'sion of th3 Arch-Jishopric of
Manila would exc:eE..d half a million~
...J
n-
.J.
The foll·owi_nir t2ble shows the number of Indians and l'-Icst:Lzo tritute pay-ers in ·;::,ho p:covinces
of the Archbis:nopric of ;JI.qnila, toge-~her with the
value of the tr::..br:.te that they pay to the King.
1 - J:f...artinez de Zuniga, 2.P..• cit.
-354-
-Tribute Pay-
Provinces
Tribute Payers - Indians
Tondo
Cavite
Laguna
Batangas
Mindoro
Bulacan
Pampanga
14,537 1/2
••
••
••
.••
•
••
Bataan
Zambales
••
Value of
ers - Mestizos •' the Tributes
••
••..
5, 721.J- 1/2
14,392 1/2
15,014 1/2
••
:
27 ,897-7-3
859
"
•
'
'
9, 132-4
II
19, 448-6
II
336
"
1+51
;r
t
21, 579-7~3
2,007
"
16,604 1/2
2,841
ii
••
619
n
,
73
il
3,082
II
1,136
Ii
:
..
-.•10,517 1/2
-j
TO TA L
•
16,566 1/2
•
.
••••
"
3 1/2
3,105 1/2
I
:c:=
3,528
90,243
f1
•
•'
••
••
4,000-8
II
25, 760-5
II
27,358-1
11
5,433
II
II
4,389
ii
II
••
•• 144, 990-6-6
••
--
The provinces of Ilocos, Pangasinan and Cagayan comprise the Bishopric of Nuova Segovia.
There
are in these provin~es 75,297 tributes, Indians and
Mestizos, rcprescntih 6 a population of 379,500 souls,
From this can be seen what I have pointed out elsewhere that the whole tribute, wilich is represented
as consisting of two persons, should be considered
as representing a little less than five individuals.
So in determining the population of a certain province, I always multiply the number of tributes by
five and from the result I deduct a certain number to
make allowance for the fact that the whole tribute is
not exactly equivalent to five individuals.
The spiritual administration of the people in
this Bishopric is in the hands of Agustiniansi Dami-
-355-
nicans, and Indian clerics as follows: The Agustinian fathers administer·l91,264 souls; the Dominicans, 139,263 couls; and the Indian clerics,
48,973 souls.
Of thri number of heathens ( infiolcs)
no aceurate information is obtained; Dorr,e exaggerate the number, while other::; greatly roduce it.
The followin~ table shows tLe tributes, (Indians and Mestizos 1, of the Bishopric of Ilocos, to-
gether with the amount thciy pay to the King.
Tribute Pay- •..
errJ
Indians ••
Provinces
- --
-
Trib,.1t e Pay- :Value of the
'l 1·lbutc
er:J - Mostizos
1
Ilocos
41-1-, 852 1/2
631
Pangasinan
19,dJ6 1/2
719 1/2
Cagayan
..
9,888
1
71+,577
•
••• ••••
===================·.. =---:='-..
TO '1 AL ••• :
,
-----
1, .350 1/2
=-=-====================:..==--=--=·=·
-
68,857 7
25,366
11,2h4 6, 6
~..=:----.. -:::
10 5 , 467 6 , 6 •
---==-~--===
The province~ that constitute tho B:i.s.h.opric of
Camarines are Camarir.es, Al bay and T:iyab::i.n, In the
year 1735, the:; whole region had 15,177 tr::i.butes, but
now, it has 39,734.
The following table shows the population and
the value of tribute in the provinc os of this B:.shop:d.c:
-356-
-----·-----·-----·-----·---------Value of the
Provincos
Tribu'.~ e Pay-- :
Tribu:~ e Pay: ers - Indians :ors . . rn ;StlZO[~!
Tribute
----------------------------1
19, 6[:56 1/2
Camarines
Taya.bas
7,396
12
~, 3 ,, (.)
146
]. 2
Albay
15\ 1i2
.).,
••
. 29, 991+,
3
9,283,
7
16,093,
3' 9
.
------::;:::=======~===~-::.:::=----====;===:::-=-=:::-=~-=---=
'
,
39,421 1/2
, 55,375, 13, 9.
.
====================-=::::·::.···= -----==--·-·-·-=---=--==
TO'i'AL , ••••
312 1 /2
The Bisho1:Jric of Cehu is the most extensive of
all in the Phillppinos for it includes all the provinces of the Pinta~os or Visayas,
It is one of the
three suffragan bishoprics which Pope Clement VIII by
hi.s brief of kwust l/1., 1596 creutect,2
'fhe provinces and districts include1 within the juric~iction of
this birhopric .:~re the provinces of Cr?bu, Leyt e, Samar,
Iloilo, Capiz, lntigue, Calamiunos anJ Carufa, the
Corrigimianto of Misumis or Ilir~n, ~he Jobierno de
Zamo6anga, the Corrir!:imi:mto or' th:J ::::sland of Negros,
and the Gobierno of the MarianaG IsJ.uriC::s.
Trwru nre
in this region 95, ~2f: tributes, inc:i_uding Indians and.
l\ifor-:t,izos, representing a popuL1tion of a·:)Out llalf a
n:iJ.li.on souls.
ThGse people sciitterod in n1any is•
lands and provinces are adrr:.inistc~red~ E pi ..'o.tuaJ_ly by
Indian clerics and Agustinians, Fran~i1::cans and I~Pcollects.
1
The following tabl<3 shows the population of the
different provinces of this Bishopric together with
the amount of tribute that the people pay to the Kinp;:
2 - Th8 two other bishoprics created at the same timr
arc Nueva Segovia and Nucva Cuccres.
-357-
Tribute Pay~,
ers ·- Ind:L:, ns
Provinces
--
T:cibuto Pay- • Valuo of the
TrjbutG
iVIestizos;
ers
20,812 1/2
Cebu
••
Samar
3,042
Leyte
7,678
Caraga
3,497
Misamis
1,278
Isla de Negros
5,741
Iloilo
.•
Capiz
Antique
Calamianes
••
I
-
28,863
625
••
••
103
39 1/2
•••
•••
••
••
•••
••
,
•
••
••
••
,
•
4,060
10,011
J.,.,977
1,674
7,176
29,723
166
11, li-59
89
14,867
9,288
•••
11,610
•••
3,161
2,289
.
·•
37,760
===*lilr.====-==========:-=-=-====~==-=·
= ~-=======-=
•
•
TO'I'AL , .
,
124,159
1,020 1/2
94,807 l/2
.... .
G
.
(3) Social Life - Iv.Tanners and Customs. 1 ·
The inhabitants of this province (Batc1.ngas)
are Indians.
'l'here are also found here :rnr;io Chinese
mestizos, Japanese and Spaniards, all of whom arc
quite lighter in complexion than the Indians and of
better features except with respect to the eyes which
-·-----1 - This is
from the seventh chapter, volume one of
Zuniga 1 s Estadismo.
It deals with the province of Batangas and its people.
-358-
among the Chinese mestizos, are uc;ly and very small,
as if E:owed on the sides like button-holes.
The
Indians have big eyes, which are black and beautiful, but in other respects they arc ugly, their co.
th.u t o.f an o~ive
~ .
·: , quince-vree
.
t
] _or b eing
or o_f' a. b a~ea
fruit, the nose being flat and their hair black. The
stature is regular, ·out t h2rG a r.e many of them that
are well-formed. The ·vJOmen in particular have such
beautiful forms thElt some might serve as models to
the best carvers.
These Indians belong to the 'raga1 o g r a c e , whi c h, it is b el i e:w e d, c ume from .fv'fal a c c a ,
and which undo1.1·otedly passed from here on to Borney,
and from Borney to the Philippine Islands, to the
river of Manila, (for which reason they caJ.l themsel ':es Tagalogs \ wor_d which in their langu:1go mGans
a rivor dweller},
From the latter place they spread
around the Laguna de Bay a,s far as this province of
Batangas.
The houses are made of bamboo, although some
are of wood, and they are sufficiently commodious.
To build them, th8y general:;_y drive into the ground
six posts, and place over them a roof of' bar1boo.
They then cover the roof with cogon which grows in
abundance in the fields. ':'he structure is of sufficient durability and prov:5_des a good pro·~ fiction
from the rnins, even in the season of tte rnost furious typhoons.
Iv:idvJny- between t.he :·~·oof and the
ground they build a f~oor of bamboo O}:' board according to the means of the owno~.
The sides are
covered with .bourds or a trollis of bo.rnboo, over
which cogon is placed,
Soaces on tho sidGs are always left for windows of the hciuse. In this way a
square is forrnad vJhicb the:r divide .into a t3r,1all sala
and a small bedroom. The latter· is trnud to keep
their b elongingn o.nct all that rnir;ht o.~·rcnd the sight
of those that enter the house, :'.::n :1nothe:i:> build ...
ing, attached to the hous,~, is the k.L·:::,cben.
Attached also to the ki.t ch:m is anothe ::· flo:Jr of bamboo which they call bataJ.an.
Here t, hey dry their
plates, W,.lSh their clothes .snd take their l)aths.
The dress of tlw men consists of a Ci'.:l,J'!}is§:.,
which reaches a little below tho waist, and vJhich
they wear loose over wide trousers after the fashion
of the water vendors of Valencia. The trousers are
-359-
ah·rnys blue or red; the camisa may bG of any color
except green, which is never usod,
Around the
waist they have a cord which sGrves as a b0lt and
from which they suspend a machete :1 call. ed by them
guloc.
Around the nock they woa.r a rosnry of gold,
a ch.s.in, or a ccapulary of Gur Lady c:l.Gl Cni'n:en. On
the head they wrap a piece of cloth in the for~ of a
turban, or wear a hJ.t of palm or of IU:t.Q..
Tho
principales usually wear, in addition, a jacket,
and many of them, on feo.st:. days, drGss therns el vcs in
Span5.sh fashion.
The wouer;_ USE) a cPmisa which reaches to the waist, and which is provided with white
sleeves.
For a skirt t>iey have a I:;:l.Q.YB, whici1 is
similar to th'3 Spanish sayu. Over 1;l.w saJcl thc3y wear
a tg!_i§., a loni::; cloth which they wrap ari:rnnd tho
lowur part of the body.
For he&ddress they wear a
piec8 o.f cloth in turban fashion, bat for church attend2nce, they wear a headcover of black in the
manner of the Spanish mantilla. Both ruen and women
go unshed and only outside of the house do tb8y
use chinelas.
These chinelas usuall:.r are urr1broidered with silver and gold.
Moreo7e:c, they -woar
rosaries, chains, scapula~~es, bracelets, rings 2nd
pendants of gold, with rrr.1ch extravagD.ncee
In eating, tlJ.G:r sit neit~er on chairs, as
the Spaniards do, nor on the floor, as dJ the Turks.
mh
" l .. tJao_
· 7. . es a r ew ii1crles /Ufh,
1 •
•
1 ey h ave smaL
,,,na, sea t 1
(·d ·1· r' c:;a ,sq t.-la
·"'t·l---i1-ig
-nos·turc, c,.nro·:.1n·--·c..... tl.-.pc•:,
e"'·t
v ...._ . ~- JJ
. 11 ..,, e:, -1·· 1-yo·
l.j"'
'..
men <;(nd womEn tog etlwr.
Some :::::..mcs :.:tJ..l e.J.'~ from
a C')rnmon pJ.ate, bu.t on othe1., o--:cesion? e'.lG.'1 tas a
separate platter, tho n:oL~'.?.i-}l_e-~Ji c1lono? w i:~ch is
-b· eJ.n::.:,
-· n- •.
•. . · ,_.
b o ...,....
,,
·,;,.,.
r,• ::_:h;.
'.>J'.'7 r.. a corr.xLon
b r P~a. d ·t o t-Jnem,
,,:.-.,rJ.
son gets vJhat he need::..: from this bow:'.., layE:: it on
his own !)::.atter containing his viand..3 -which they
,1.
.,• :,c• c1l,J. i,\)_-it-'
}-i
f'·"inre.,.,
-Y'·' ~
r.r,.(1 1·.IUr;,,
:;rri·n u...
Cal
. -:-1 b.....@,
_niixe,.,
__ __,n
1--~. .•
eating, ur:3::;__ng no other utc;nsils tE&n h:.i s onrc n:.u.td.
The ordinary food of thj_s ~H::opl0 is tLo ,no:;_•:l.squoto.
.+
1 . t-J..c q'.lt,GlGJ_•:,y o f'. .s."1.1-.:,
seasoned.. ',Jl. t h a ~.it
l.ne 9r::1.n-, ,6 U0Uc...
,.,
~11,y 1-18.VG .J.n
:
-J-l 't·"
~
,·!·
.p ' , 8r,,'"c1. pa..,_e.._,
.3.C,uJ.
lOD c.,
C-,_,
...... ,,.,.,_.
O~
sv
taoles boiJ.ed in water with salt, bu.·:.:, \l'dt;_1out lal'd.
Sometimes they ;1a_ve beef, buffalo, dd.ed VGrd.son or
bagoong.
The latter is made from fish he2vily
seasoned ~ith salt and prepared in a m~nner verf
disagreeable to one not accustomed to eating it.
On big occasions they kill cows, pi~s, and fowls,
n
/
.•
J.
1
.J
•
v
J 1
J
.,
1.J
..
i.
,J -~
,
1
r•
C,
J
• J
r1]
•
7
-360-
and eat extra-ordinarily.
Their food is on the
wrwle a l:ittle nourishment because to the morisqueta no ingred:Ler..t of any kind is added. It is so
tasteless that the Indians themselves find it unpalatubl e unless it is rrdJCed, as j_t i.[~ ord:.:.nari~y
clone, with sal-s, some fl'"J.it, or boiled corn.
But
with this frugal food they enjoy good health and
they live for several years.
Marr:La!?:cs are celebrated accord:~na: to the
Catholic rit~s, but-ln the preparatory ~rrungemonts
there are many pcrtic~lars that are worthy of note.
To got marr:i_ed, they do not generally think of pro--'viding a horr.e for ti1eir family.
As lornI as th·JY
have suffi~ient me.1ns for tr.e expens er, of -':.he wedding, which do not amount much if no guests .s.re invited, they get married wlth no thou~ht of what
the next day may bring for+.;h.
The parents thornselves donit ssriously take this ffiat~er into consideration but mere:;_y say 1tbahal2 na 11 (God ·will
take care).
But tao gir~' s parents never ctispense wi~h the cervices of their son-in-law before
ths end of three, four or I11Qr0 yea.rs.
lJ:.1r:.ng this
period of time they make him serve them and to help
them in various ways. Among the wel:;_-to-do families it is customary for the bridegroom to furnish
a dowry, which is of two kinds: one is called bieny~2, whi·ch is given to t:,he mothur for nur;d.ng· Llw
cia"'..lght er.
Tn:!.s is now rarely done, The o-Lh er
kind which is the r~al dowry is called }2_ii:;r~I.£QVfl:.,
which is dest ineci for the mr,in-s e1;a.nc:e of the young
people after marriacr,c, alfjhoug:.1 Dt tii:1es almost
all c.f it is sper:i.t in t h1:1 wedding o
Horeover, the
dowry is asked out of vanity juct to enable ths
parents to boast that thsir child has bcc~1 bought
with a gooc~ pric c.
'I'he nge a~ -which gj_ r1s cornmonJ.y ma:;:-"r:· in this province is from twelvo to fifteen and the boys from fourteen to sevente0n.
Burials arc m~dc in the church or i:i:1 the cemetery, in accord.an~e with the rites of t}H,1 church,
at 0xr enses corresponding to t hei.r stt.>ndin;:. Those
who p.sy the fees fixed by a schedule v;hich has been
approved by the Archbishop c::1.nd the RoJ.sl Audiend.a
are entitled to the funerals thJt th0y desire, but
those that do not pay the fees 1w.ve J.ess pompous
-361-
funerals, without the singing of the prayers that
usually are sung at burialH.
This is so because
if all were trentE?d alike nobody would pay, and the
mini~ters would find ttemselves without sustenance,
All the relatives of the deceased assemble, at the
lattbr 1 s house, and, between sobs, recite the various incidents in life of the debd.
After the
buric,l, on the fourth day, they assemble again in
·the same house and say the rosary.
They pass there
the whole night of .thEit day.
They le2ve a vacant
seat on the table in the belief th,-:;t on that day
the soul of tho dead would occupy it.
To convince
themselves of this, they would scatter ashes around
the house, exr-,ecting the next morning to find footprints of the dend.
This superstition has be.er1
abandoned by the Indians, just as several others,
they had in the past.
But several have still remained, some of which are very prejudicial, judging from what the Pr2ctian d8l Ministeri0, Chapter I,
paragraph 5, says in this connection.
But I wish
to state that in this province and in the nd.ghborhood of Manila many of those have be!;n aoandonGd.
"Many are the abuses, or, as thGy s.~tY, ~3.le.§.,
which the natives have·contrary to our Holy faith
and good customs, and among tn:Jm are the following.
There is first of aJ1 the idoliitry of the f_Q_llQ.§.•
In regard to this, it should be noted that the word
nono do2.s not only .r,ignify grandfather, but th:1t
it also 1-wed as a term of respect co the old and.
the genii.
The Indians refer to these noLos, just
as the Chinase do by the word n.12irit,.n, and the Homans by the nc1me gods.
With theS'.3 nonos or gonii
thl:; Indians frequently practice many idolatries,
as for example, askinst them for favors, ,1.ssistanco,
help and that they do them no hnrm, nor be enoiniE.:S
to them, etc.
On mc,ny occasions they m.1kr£; such
requ r~sts, and among others aro the fallowing, Hhen
they wish to pluck any flower or fruit, they ask
permission of the genius or none to pluck it. When
they traverse any field, river, creek, big trees,
groves and other places, they ask for the good favors of the riono.
\'.Jhen they are obliged to cut a11y
tree, they ask p~rdon of the nonos, and e~cuse themselves to those things by saying, among other things,
that Padre ordered them to do it, and th1t it was
-3 62-not their o~n purpose to fnil in their respect to
the 11enii, etc,
When th0y frJll ill witi1 whnt they
call panave, which they attribute to the genii or
nonos, thev ask them for health and offer them food.
All of these they d~ on this as on other occa3ions,
in the fields, groves, ri··1e1·s, nt the foot of some
big tree, suc;.1 as the caJ.:trma.n, and in various other
plclCGS.
This kind ofidolbtr:r is fixed and rooted among the Indians. For this reason it is necessary for the .father minis-Sers ·!·;,o be VC!ry carefu~. and
makG great efforts to extirpot :::: it.
~
I
"In the second place, the Indians generally
believe that the sou] tJ of the dead visit their hou- ·
sea on the thi:cd d<:ty after thej_r death, :i.11 order to
visit the people, or attend the banquet, and to take
part in th.8 ceremony of the t i.b[;o.
The lat t r:n~
thJy alwuys hide and conceal --::-~vsaying that thoy assemble j_n the house of t:1e de.c0.used for purposes of
.s.3.ying the rosary cm his behalf. If they ere told
t.o do their prayini in tht; church, they i~efu.se to
comply for that is not re,,;.lly vJhat they -,l'Jish to do.
Fo-r this rsason the ndnister should prevent thorn
from gathering in the house of the deceased af~er
the burial under whatever pretext, lc~r:tst. of all on
the third day.
On the fourt:i1 d.oy, in c0nnectior1
with the~ CE::remony of the tibaQ, they li§(1t, crmr:lles
and await the soul of the dead.
ThBy sprced a mat
and Ecatter ashes over it, so that the tr3cl~ or
f'oototeps of the soul may be irrmres.sc:d tl1(:Jrcon, and
by that means ascertcdn -whether: th,J ::,cul cr.,.n_;_e U}'
not. Th9y also set a dish of water at thR'door, so
that when the soul comes it ln8f was:1 its .f cet t,lwre.
It is not saying too much to ::;tnt e t, hcit t )tG s e tliings
of the genii and nonos and soul2 of the dund, the
Indians obtained from the Chinese und thAt they require effective remedy. ,
'''rhe Tir~hal anr;,, which sornr-; call a. ghost and
others n goblin, ap)ears to b0 the ~cnius rir devil
that appears them in the form of a black aan, or of
an old man, or, as they thcm.seJ.ves say, in thG form
of a very small old man, or in the form of a horse
·
r;i,
'
'
1 '
or o £-, a. mons-cer,
.Lney:f, oar ._,,1ns
o~iJ.r!g
130 mucn t l1a t
trwy ar0 obl L~cci to befriend hirn, dol i vering to them
their ros&riGs, and receiving from nim superstitious
1
-363-
things such as hairs,,herbs, stones, and other
tl-:ings, in order that they may obtain marvelous
things, and tha~ they may be aided by him in certain of their affairs.
"The Patiano.c, which some also call ghost,
must be the genius or devil whi~h usually plays with
them, as also ·with several others who 1 losing: their
faith, become subject to him.. To- thin being is attributed the ill success of births, and they say
that in order to harm them and cause their destruction, he hides in a tree or in any object near the
house of the woman -,vho i3 ubout to ?c:ive birth, and
there sings aft er the mo:m er o:: the rowers.
'ro
pre~rent ti:1.c harr.i that n:ight be ccmssd by t:1e Pa·~
tianac, tho men go nuked, Etrm ·themseJ.ves with cuiress, ~ytcina, lance and other weapons, post themselves on the roof or under the house and they slash
and cut right and le.ft w:ith t:1e cantana, in the
manner of one enge.ged in duP.d.ly combat. Another way
of avoidine the harm is to remove the woman in labor to another house.
11 They
also attr:Lbute to thE! Patiana,.::, among
other things, the deat,h of c hil drei1, whicI1 they nlso
attribute to the AsuD.ng.
They refer to this ~-n
this manner.
The Asuang is led by a birrt callGd
Tictic to the houses of women who a:ce c1bo11t to deliver." From the roof of a r..eighboring hmrne, it
stretches out its threadlike tongu,.:0;, inserts it
through the anus of the child, sucks out its entrails and kills i~.
Sometimes they say that the
Patianac appears in the form of a dog, or of a
cat, or sometimes, of a cockroach, wh~ch introduces
its elf under the mat, and causes the a.'l:•() v G rhentioned
harm. They also at~rioute to the Patianac the going astray of travelers. To find the way, they go
naked in the belief that the Patianac fears them
in that form and hence can not lead them astray.
"The Bonsol, which they sometimes say is various duro,;onos caus0d by the witch ~~~~!Z:9X, and which
appears on all parts of the body of tlie ·oevdtche':1.
The person afflicted with this evil usually remains
some moments as if dead or fainted, and at other
times as though n~ad or ravin'.?; from tlie si6 ht of t·he
-364-
Gauay which appears to him in various shapes.
To
cure this evil or bew:.tchmcmt, they call another
witch, who, after making various enchantments, usually leaves the person as he formerly was.
Sometimes they attribute the bonsol to a natural disease
or pain in the stomach caused by obstructions or
protuberances which grow in stomach or in- cl nearby
region, or by colds which move from one part to another, with which the women of this country genernlly arc afflicted. But when they can not c11re the
sic!moss within the Gxpected time, th0y say that
the affliction is bonsol, that is bewitchment, and
that nobody could cure it except one who is a witch
himsolf.
They therefore call a witch and if this
does not succeed in bringinr r9lj.ef to the patlont,
he makes the excuse that th·) witch who caused the
disease is far away and has not been able to hear
him, and so the patient is abandoned to his pains,
ttThe ceremony or supt:)rstitton of the bi1_g_g_
is made to discover a thief, It consists in p1r':iting in a bilao, sievo or crib, some scissors fixed
in the shape of St. Andrew's cross, and on it they
suspend a rosary. Then they repeat the name of
each of t_hose who ar~::: present and who are nssembled
for this, If, for e:;~amplc, wh0n the narrG of Pedro
is called and the bilao wriggles, they conclude that
Pedro is the thief. They also sometimes 1ight candles to San Antonio de P3dua, witt a view to discovering the thi8f, For this purpose th~y pray.
If the light of the cc1ndl2 inc~_ines towe.c(l;:3 any one
of those prE~S ent, for exar:1pl e, to·wards tT .10.11, then
they conclude that Juan L; the thie:2. It is common among the Indians to carry on mv: 1s [Y.n,con various things to obtain marvelous rosultsJ s~ch as
cedulas, writings, prayers, herbs, roots, husks,
hairs, skins, eggs, pt,bblos, 'et,c., to protect them
from defeat, from death, or from the toils of the
Law, or to enable them to obt~in riches, women and
other things.
They are also m1;.ch inclin:Jd to bolievc in omens and in cla1s of ill luck.
1
"The word £.b.'1.-"1.&, which they u:3e to moan Christening, seems to havo been introduced jnto the Philippines by the Boros from Born(,:;o, Mincl2.nao, or Jolo,
as was alco the word cimba, which sc:;GIJ1S to signify
-365-
amon~ them adoration. From this meaning they h3.ve
adopted it to si/nify thcdr temples and mosques,
and .the Tar~alogs too:~ it to mean not adoration but
church? anrl. ~a~er used ~t to mean mass, -which was
never its on_ginal 11:0an1ng. 11
"Lastly, th~ .superstitions, predictions, and
errors among the lndinns are so many, that it is
difficult, if not impossible, to mention thfJm all.
'l'he above have been rnerrt,j_ )nP.d so that the father ministers may exaLline others by them,
It is to be
noted that there are amon~ the Indians sectaries and
preachers of various false faiths' especialJ.y in the
distant provinces, either because they had false
sects formerly and have continued them, or because
they took them (and this is more likely) from the
Joloans, Mindanao, 3angleyes, and othar heathen peoples with whom they usually had intercourse. 11
1
These Indians, just as I have describe'd, · are
happy.
Their dress is very comfortable and adapted to the climate of this land.
Their houses are
easy to build and are of sufficient strength to protect them from the wea.th(:)r. Their food is not ltD..'Urious, but, accustomed to it, they do not crave for
other kinds., This manner of living they maintain
with little effort. It is not n0cessary to dress
heavily or to put on little clothing the whole day,
or to gath(H~ fuel for the kitchon, or to labor daily
for the sup~ort of a family. The Indian that works
for a fourth part of the year can afford to remain
idle for the rest of the yenr, with the assurances
that the soil will yield him enough to maint~in
him with decency.
Separated from others, they
live in barrios T7hich they call nayon, whero the
vices and gamblirw find no place, because the occasions for them are lackin~.
Here they neither
gamble nor drin~:, bee a use the taverns and the garnblin~ places are so 1,3.r awny. In each nayon there
are Six, eight or more houses. One of the residents, who inspires general respect because of his
age or his descent, or because o.f his well known
beneficence, is obeye;d by all, and he rnaintains the
harmony of the whole vicinity.
During the greater part of the yoar, when they have nothing to do,
they pass the time in conversation under the shade
-366-
of the trees; in other words, they live in a patriarchal life.
It is true they have an alcalde
mayor, but this official after receiving the tribute, which is onJ.y five reales and a half, has no
more dealings with them. The injustices that are
related of alcaldes mayores are done to the more
well-to-do and pi.. ordncmt persons with whom the alca.lde enters into cont,racts.
'rh8re is also in each
tovm a gobernadorcillo.
He sees to it t.hat the men
perform the personal scrvicos that are assi?ned to
them.
In doing his work for the wsek, E1ach person
is not interfered with by the rest. Disputes, a~ong
them are decided by the gobernadorcillo, in accordance with their customs, and v1ith the assistance 9f
two old men who act as assessors. They ?enerally
obeyed the sentence and rare are the cases that are
appealed in this provinc~ to the court of the alcalde mayor.
-367-
PART FOUR
POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL PROGRESS, 1800-1872
CHAPTER ON.E
PHILIPPINE
HEPRESEN'fi\/l'ION IN THg SPANISH CORTES
1. Euroocan Bnckground of Philippine Representation
The first decade and a half of the nineteenth century
saw a succession of events in Europe which affected profoundly the lives and fortunes of the Spanish people. It was the
era of Napoleon (1800-1815), during which war storms lnshed
Europe leaving in their wake death, destruction and desolation.
The European conflicts were a sequel of ~he French
Revolution (17$9-1799), th6t mighty upheaval which swept
away the Old Regime in France and established a new social
and political order on the basis of t~e principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. . Out of the confusion and
disorders of t.he Revolution, Napo1 eon rosr:i to supreme power and leadership in France.
Having consolidated his
position, Napoleon sought to bring the whole of Europt'.; under his control~· Posing as the champion of the principles
and ideals of the French Revolution, he proceeded to lead
the French people in a mighty crusade allegedly for the
purpose of liberating manidnd from tyranny and oppression
in other lands.
An undertaking of that nature involved
interference in the internal affcdrs of other :..1Rtions and
was bound to lead to international conflict.
In effect,
a series of wars broke out in Europe curing the Napoleonic
era.
Known historically as the Napoleonic Wars, the
European conflicts involved all the leading nations of
Europe and were the outstanding events of European history
between 1803 and Napoleon's final defeat at Waterloo in
June 1815.
I
After the English naval victory at Trafalgar (1ao5)
over the combined French and Spanish naval forces, t ho
European conflicts settled down to a bitter struggle be-
,,
tween the British and Napoleon.
Napoleon's strategy aimed
at the destruction of British trade with continental Europe,
For this purpose he proposed to close Europe to British
cormnerce.
In two decrees, the Berl in Decree (November 21,
1806) and the J\,:..ilan Decree (December 17, 1807), Napoleon
ordered the closing of the ports of continental Europe to
British vessels c1nd forebade neutrals to trade with England,
These two decre13s formed the framework of Napoleon's Continental System, a device with which Napoleon hoped to
overthrow England, for trade with continental Europe was
the basis and foundation of England's economy and material
power.
The success of the Continental System depended greatly upon the cooperation and loyalty of the countries of
Europe.
Portugal, which was bound by ties of alliance
and .friendship with England, conttnued, in disrep;ard of
the Continental System, to maintain commercial relations
with England.
Under the circumstances, Napoleon was constrained to venture into the Iberian Peninsula.
Such a
step inevitably involved the occupation of Spanish territory.
Napoleon found no difficulty in securing that objective.
In a treaty concluded in 1807 with the government of Charles IV, through Manuel G0doy, Spain's Prime
l•dnister, Napoleon secured the necessary arrangements for
French troops to pass through Spain and to occupy portions
of Spanish territory.
The presence of the French troops
in Spain, however, aroused among the Spaniards feelings of
resentment.
Spanish resentment was turned into open hostility when it became known that NaP'Qleon in the meantime
had lured CharlefJ IV and his heir
Ferdinand,toBayonne,
France, and, through force or diplomitic pressure, had induced both to renounce to him the Crown of Spain.
As it became known that the Royal f.g_mi1y were being
kept virtual prisoners at Bayonne, the citiz~ns of Madrid,
on May 2, 180$, seizing such weapons as thny could find,
fiercely attacked the French garrison stationed in the city,
The French commander l',forat, in self d:.:dens e and then in
retaliation, launched a bloody campaign a 6 cdnst the civil
population of Madrid.
This incident sparked a general
uprising in Spain - it was the opening event of War of
Spanish Independence (1$08-1813).
In the hope of conciliating the Spanish people, Napoleon on June 15, 180$, summoned to Bayonne a number of
Spanish notables, outwardly to seek counsel and advice
from them as to reforms he proposed to institute in Spain,
-.369~:he few that went to Bayonne submissively received a new
sover8ign, Joseph Bonaparte, Napoleon's brother, and a new
organic law for Spain patterned ~fter the French constitution,
Joseph, on his own part, endeavored to win the
friendship and good will of the Spanish people. Ho appointed Spaniards to high po~-1ts in the government,
In his
official and unofficial actuations he wanted to appear
that at heart he had tchc welfaru and the best intorests
of tho Spanish people •.
A vast majority of thE~ Spanish pc}ople, how8vcr,
chose not to accupt the new sovereign or the new constitution.
Even before the promulgntion of the new constitution, revolutionary councils called 11 Juntas 11 had b,.3un
set up in Asturias, Galicia, Valencia, Murcia, Badajos,
and Granada '\ivhich assumed the functions of p.:overnn1ent in
tl:.e nam8 and on behalf of Ferdinand VII.
6n September 25,
1801:5, a central revolutionary· body called "Junta C8ntral'1
met at Aranjuez.
It became the national governing body
of Spain,
On January 22, 1809, the Junta J2ntral in a
moment of exuberance promulf.':ated n decrH) of momentous
significanc(3 to Spain-, s colonial dependcncic~.s.
The decree road in part as follows:
Considering that the vast and precious domains that Spain possessus in the Indias c.1re not
really colonies or factories, like those of other
nations, but ns sential and int egra1 parts of the
Spanish 11.fonarchy; and dE:-1siring to strengthen the
sacred bonds which unite us to them, and at the
same timo to reward the loyalty, heroism, and patriotism of which they have just given ar1ple proof,
it has seemed proper to his l~1ajesty to dt.:clare that
the Kingdomt s Provinces and Islands which constitute the Spanish Monarchy referred to s:1ol:ld have
national and direct representation to his royal
person, and to form part of -t:;hc adrrdnist,rativc
Junta Central of the King:dom through tl1eir respective representatives.I
1 - Montero y .Vidal, 2P..• cit., vol. 2. B. h, R., vol.
51, pp. 279-287, deal with the events of the period of
Philippine representation in the Spanish Cortes based largely on notes made by Jnmcs A. LeRoy and on the account by
l<iont ero y Vidal.
-370-
The 6nactment of the above mentioned decree was a
notable event in Spanish colonial history.
It raised the
colonies of Spain, the Philippines included, to the status
and dignity of Spanish provinces entitled to enjoy the
right of representation by their duly chosen delegates in
Spain's highest governing·body, as well as all other
rights, privileges and im:1mnities of Spaniards in the Peninsula.
A few months latc;r,_M~q 1809, the Junta Central
decreed the establishment of tho Spanish Cortes.
Because of the unfavorable military situation throughout that year, arrangements for the organization of the
Cortes were postponed until a more auspicious occasion,
It was not until February 1810 that a decree was promulgated prescribin~ the manner in which elections were to be
held for delegat •JS to the Cortes. . In Manila, the Ayuntamiento, in accordance with the provisions of that decree,
conducted an election for a deler.i:ate to the Cortes. Ventura
de los Reyes, a wealthy merchant'--of Manila was chosen. Due
to unavoidable delay, however, Vontura de los Rr3yes was
not present at the opening session of the Cortes; September 24, 1810,
Pendinf his arrival, substitute representatives represented the Philippines. They were Pedro Perez
de Tagle, officer of the Royal Guard, and Josf l~nuel Couto.
On December 1810, Ventura de los Heyes formally took the
oath of office as proprietary delegate of the Philippines.2
2 - "Cortes" is the term used to designate the lawmaking body of Spain. As constituted at thE; close of the
19th century, it was composed o:: an upper house (Senado) and
a lower house (el Congreso).
The Cortas which came into bei~~ tri 1g10 was supp6sed
to be a revival of the traditional institution which once
exi.sted in Spain, but which finally fell into disuse with
the growth of absolutism.
In the old kinrdoms of Castilla
and Aragon, th,:; Cortes was an important institution, sharing with the sov8reigns the legislative pow8rs of government.
But, after the uni.fic2tion of Spain und,3r Ferdinand
and Isabella, and with the establishment 0£ a strong central government, the Cort8s in those states lost their former prerogatives. In Aragon, the local institution Was suppressed altogether during the reign of Philip V.
The
Cortes of Castilla continued to exist, but it had become a
mere shadow of its former self. It was summcned only on
special occasions, such as at the beginning of a new reign,
-371-
2. The Philippines and the Cortes of l810-lbl3
As representative of the Philippines, Ventura do los
Reyes had a distinguished record. He too~c active part in
the deliberations of tte Cortes and worked for the approval
of measures which he belioved would redound to the progress and welfare of the Philippines.
.
An irnP,ortant piece of legislation adopted by the
Gortes of 1810-1813 was the new constitution of Spain approved by the Cortes in March 1812.
Ventura do los Reyes
figured among the signers of this historic document. Eistorically known as the Constitution of 1312, this document
set forth ideas and principles of government whj_ch reflected the liberal spirit and tendencies of the age in Spain.
Among other thir.gs, it affirn:;_ed the principle, adopted by
the Junta Central in January, 1809, that the colonies were
integral parts of the Spanish Monarchy and that their inhabitants enjoyed the rights, privileges A.nd immunities of
Spaniards in the Peninsula.
It also proclaimed the principle of popular sovereignty.
In the words of the Constitution, "sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation and
for this rsason to the Nation belongs· exclusively the
r~ght to establish its fundamental J.aws .r,3
The Constitution also laid dowrt safeguards and guarantees to the civil liberties and property riEhts of individuals and recognized the freedom of expression.
In a lat~r session- of the Cortes, Ventura de los
Reyes submitted a proposal of particular interest to the
Philippines.
The proposal as draftod by him read as follows:
to swear allegiance to the king and his heir, or to confifrn
regulations made as to succession.
The Cortes which came into being in lSl0, was, in
many ways, very different frc)1n th,2 troditional Spa".1.ish Cortes such as existed in the old kingdoms of Castilla and Aragon.
For one thing, it included ~epres entativ0s from
Spain's colonies in both hemispheres.
Vioreover, unlike
t~e ancient Spanish Corteses, lt possessed all the essential attributes of sovereignty.
3 - Constitution of 1812, Title I, Chapter 1, Infra.
-372-
Each town consisting of its justicia, principales, and cabezas de barangay choose an elector,
who, with the othcirs assemblE:;d at the capital of t:,he
province, shall name two el8ctors.
These shall fO
to the capital of the diocese and, wi~h those of th6
other provinces of the diocese, they shall choose
three electors. ThesG shall go to the capital (Manila), and with ·the electors from the rest of the
Archipelago, they shall namE::~ the delegates to the
Cortes. The nw:nber shall not be apportioned according to population, as the country is too paor to
meet the expenses of a largo delegstion and because
there are not many individuals qualified for the
post.
The electors, therefore, arc to choose any
number, but the number shall not be less than two .4
The proposed measure was intended to make the representation of the Philippines more truly represen~ative and
at the same time less burdensome financially to the government of the Philippines.
The proposal, however~ failed
to ~et the approval of the Cortes because of strong opposition raised against it particularly by representatives
from the provinces in America. The latter were not willing to gra'nt the concession· reques-sed by Ventura de los
Reyes for fear that colonial officials in America mi~ht use
it as an excuse for unduly reducing the size of thei~ delegations to the Cortes.
As an alternative to the proposed measure, the Cortes
on May 23, 1812, enacted a general election law applicable
to all tl10. provinces of Spain in the 1JJ. trarnar including the
Philippines. Under that law the election of delevates to
the Cortes was placed in the hands of· en eiectorai board
of eight members to be Set Up in the Capital City of each
province.
One delegate wjs to be chosen for 60,000 inhabitants in accordance with the ratio fixed by the Constitution of 1812.
In 1813, the Cortes passed a measure of great interest to the Philippines.
On September 1-4 of that year the
~ortes aboJ.ished the exclusive privileges which existed ·
in the Manila-Acapulco trade. From time immemorial, the
trade between the Philippines and Nueva Espafia was ~arried
on in government owned galleons. The trade was subJect to
4 - Montero y .Vidal, 12.£. f:..i ~.
-373many restrictions.
The number of voyages was limited; The
tonnage of the vessels also was limited.
The value of the
cargo was limited both on the outgoing and ingoing voyage.
Only holders of the 11 boletas 11 were privil8ged to take part
in the trade.
The law of Septcmb er 14, 1813, did away
with the boleta system as well as with th,3 government owned
galleons.
Thenceforth, any inhn.bitant of the Philippines
was free to engage in the trade with Nueva Espafia in privately owned vessr:;ls, subject only· to the conditions previously granted governing the values of the merchandise to
be carried in the trade, namely 500,000 pesos in the outward voyage, and l, 000, 000 pesos on the return.
In 1814, as a result of the overthrow of Napoleon,
Ferdinand returned to Spain from six years of virtual captivity in France.
The conditions that he found in Spain
were not much to his liking. He did not look with favor
upon the political and constitutional changes which had
been effected di1ring his absence.
He disliked pe.rticularly the Cortes and the Constitution which it had framed. ·
Having acquired full control of the nation's a.ffc1.irs, Ferdinand, on May 4, 1g14, a~olishsd the Cortes and declared
all its acts null and void.
By that action he restored
absolutism in S::::iain and put-back Spain's colonies to their
former colonial status.
Ferdinand, however, showed himself favorably disposed toward the colonies. On June 15, 181h, he made known
his readiness to consider measures affectin,I! the colonies
which the colonial re1Jresentatives mir:ht see fit to bring
to his attention. Ve~tura de.los Rey~s took advantage of
this gesture of royal generosity. He presGnted a memorial
setting forth the favors which he wanted the King to bestow upon the Philippines. He requested, in the first
place, restoration of the reforms which t h,; Cort as in
September 1813 had enacted and which tl1e King h1J revoked.
These reforms suppressed the boleto system and granted
freedom for any individual to engage in the Manila-Acapulco
trade.
In addition, Ventura de J.os Reyesr niemorial called
for:
1) increase in the value of the trade from 500,000
pesos to 1,000,000 for the outgai1~ voyage an~ from 1,000,000 to 2,000,000 for the return; 2) the reduced tariff
granted in a previous royal order for a limited period to
be made permanent; 3) the Philippines to be allowed to
trade with Peru and California; and 4) the· inhabitants
of the Philippines to be permitted to export Philippine
products in their own vessels to any port of the Monarchy
-374free of export and import duties.
All the things requested by Ventura de los Reyes
were readily granted by the King except that relating to
the value of the merchandise to be carried in the trade.
He granted only an increase of 250,P00 pesos instead of
500,000 for the out?oing voyage, and 500,000 pe3os instead of 1,000, OJO for the return.
Even with tnis modification, however, the concessions were quite substantial
and represented a considerable gain for Philippine commerce. For one thing, new opportunities for profitable
commercial ventures ~ere created for Phili~pine merchants
as a result of trie increase in the value ah~ volume of
Philippine trade and of the opening of Peru and California
to Philippine commerce.
For another, the exemption
granted to Philippine products in all ports of the J\Jnnarchy was a boon to Philippine agriculture ~nd industry,
, 3. The Constitution of Cadiz
~nether notable work of the Cortes of much interest
to the Philippines was the approval of the Constitutiqn of
Cadiz, otherwise ~nown as the Constitution of 1812. the
Constitution of 1812 occupies a prominent place in the political history of Spain. It was the rallying center and
inspiration of many a revolutionary rnovenient v-;hich occurred
in Spain in the nineteenth century.
It reflected the
liberal and democratic spirit and tendencies at the time
of the Spanish people.
In the -i·Jords of Rubio, "the Constitution of 1512, basis of Spanish liberties, is, notwithstanding its irnperfectiors, a memorable wor~, reflecting
the sincere and even candid liberal spirit o.f the patriotism and culture of our f at:1ers. 11
Th
1 OW1Dc,
. ,.
, e f O ]_....
•
J.S
a t
+
...,Xv
O
Of
t'ne .,ons
-,
t 1• t
..
U t 10:rl
as sum-
marized by Hubio: 1
The Constitution is divided into ten titles
divided into chapters and articles.
Title I, Cha pt er I.
Of the Spanish Nation.
_
''The Spanish Nation is the union of all
bpaniards of both hemispheres.
1 -
QQ~ cit., vol. 5, pp. 272-274.
-375-
"The Spanish Nation is free and independent
and can not be the patrimony of any family or person,.
"Sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation, and for this reason to th0 Nation belongs
exclusively the right to establi3h its fundarnental
laws.
flThe Nation is under obligation to preserve
and protect by ",-Jise and just laws the civil liberties, the property and, other lawful rights of al.l
the individuals wi1o compose it. 11
Chapter II,
Of the Snaniards.
"Love of country is one of the prime duties
To be just and beneficent_ is
likewise the ~uty of a Spanish citizen."
of all Spani&rds.
Title II, Chapter II.
"The religion of ;:,he s,anish Nation is and
for eve~ shall te the Catholic, Apostolic 1 Homan,
t:1e only true faith. The Na 0:;ion shal.l nrotect it
by wise-and just laws, prohibiting the ~xercise
of any other."
Chc:ipt er III. "The government of the Spanish Nat.ion shall be a moderate, here6itary lvionarchy .11
Title III, The Cort~.
This part of the Constit,~ion contRins 11
chapters. The Cortes was a. single Ctamr:.)or of Deputies. The annual meeti.ng was to lc1st for three
months. It could be extended fnr one month upon
agreement of ti.;,o thirds of the Deputies or on petition of the.King.
The De;::mties could not accept for themselves nor soli8it for another any
employment under the Crown, nor any pe11Sion or
decoration while holdin~ their office.
There
was a Pcrn:anent Delegation of the Cortes, consisting of sr:wen members, whose duty W3S to supervise
the operation of the Constitution and of the laws
-376-
while the Cortes was not in session, as well as
to convoke the Cortes to an extraordinary session
in specified cases.
Title IV, The Autnority of the King.
This part deals with everything pertaining to
the executive power,
The King was declared sacred
and inviolable in his person and not subject to any
responsibility. The order of succession was that
of pcirnogeniturei the males to be preferred to the
females, and always th'3 elder to the younger.
A
Regency of five persons was to be created in case
of minority or of incapaci~y of the King.
The
number of executive secretaries was fixed at seven,
namely: State, Interior, Colonies (Ultramar), Jus tice, Finance, War, and Navy.
It was provided that judicial procedure should
be terminated in the Audiencia of the territory in
which the case arose, and that t:i1e tenure of judges
was permanent~ Torture was proscribed and the penalty of confiscation of property was abolished.
Title VI, The Interior Government of the
Towns and Provinces.
·
The towns were to be governed by Ayuntamientos. The provinces were administered by the Chief
Executive, the Intendant and the Provincial Delegation.
Title VII, The Contr,ibut igps, Title VIII,
The Armv and ..tlrn..J'lf.·.YY., ':. itle lX, ?119J.J&. Inst1:2uc tion.
Article 371 of 7itle IX laid down t~e
principle oi' freedom of the press in the following form:
1
"All Spaniards have the fre<3dom to write,
print aqd publish their political ideas without
necessity of any licensei revision or approba- ..
tion before hand, subject to the rostrictions ahd
responsibility provided for by the laws."
-377X, Of th_g__Qbservance of the Consti-tution Title
and Method of_______
Amending.........___
it.
"Not until eight years have passed after
the promulgation of the Constitution shall any
alteration, addition, or change in its provisions
be proposed.
"Any change proposed in any article of the
Constitution shall be made in writing and supported by at least twenty delegates."
4. The !locos Recolt, 1814-1815
The political developments in Spain which followed
the restoration of Ferdinand VII to his throne produced significant results in the Philippines.
They were the cause
of a serious uprising in Ilocos in 1815.
The people of Ilocos had been following with interest the course of events in Spain. They received with rejoicing the news of the adoption by the Spanish Cortes of
the Gonstitution of 1812, with its liberal provisions extending to the inhabitants of the Philippines the rights,
privileges and immunities of Spanish citizens.
They expected that under the Constitution of 1812, they would soon
be freed from the burdens which had long been imposed upon
them, the tribute and the polos y servicios. They reasoned
out that, since Spaniards and the principales' were exempted from these obligations, it would be inconsistent with,
if not contrary to, the principle of equality which was
proclaimed by the Constitution of 1812 for them to continue
shouldering those burdens.
Acting on this belief, the
mass of the people of Ilocos demanded the abolition of
the tribute and the personal services. Disturbances accompanied the popular agitation for the refo~m demanded.
The situation became grave and serious so much so that
Governor Gardoqui felt obliged to take adeq~ate measures.
On February 8, ·181I+, the Governor issued a proclamation
explaining to the people the real nature and scope of the
benefits granted by the Constitution of 1812,
Among
other things, the Governor said:
The Indian of the Philippines is a Spaniard for the beneficial purposes provided for
-378-
the Constitution; but he does not cease to be
an Indian in enjoying the privileges and immunities granted to him by the laws, as was pointed
out in the debates in the Cortes.
He should,
for this reason, continue to enjoy them without
diminution. In like mar:ner, he should continue
shouldering the obligations which, as an Indian,
are required of him for the maintenance and conservation of these realms.,
by
Governor Gardoqui 1 s explanation proved unconvincing and failed to calm the masses.
Just
then news arrived of the abolition of the Cortes
and of the revocation of the Constitution of 1812.
-The people would not believe that the events as
reported really happened. They had the suspicion
that government officials in Manila fabricated
the report to make them desist from pressing their
demands and thereby pe:!:"petu.ate the ur..just and oppressive burder..s which:, they sincerely believe~I,
the Constitution of 1812 had removed.
.Announcement o: the 11€WS was followed by uprisings of a
more violen~ natilre.
Several we3lthy indivi~
duals were ~illed, considerable property was lost,
and the books and official records in the archi~es
of many municipalities were destroyed.6
The reiolt of 1815 was the ihird of a series
of uprisings that occurred, in rapid succession,
in the province of Ilocos in the early years of
the nineteenth century. The firs~ of these took
place in 1807.
Starting in the tow~ of Piddig,
it qui~~ly spread to other towns o~ Ilocos. The
people were resentful over the government monopolies, especially that of wine whi8h involved the
prohibition of ba.§..i_; the popular drink.
The revolt was an arnect·protest against these restrictions.
In 1811, the natives of Ilocos again took
5 - Montero y Vidal, op. cit.
6 - A uore aetailed acc-ount··-of the uprising of H515
is to be found in Sinibaldo de l\fas' Inforrr,e Sob re el EstaQ.Q.
de las Islas Filip~_n§_§_.
A contempora°ry accoi1nto.-f..t'hisepisode is ~La 1v1emoria sabre la I:1surrecci6n Acaecida en el
ano 1815," by Fr. Jose Nieto, curate of Sarrat. An extract
of this memorial is to be found in Retana' s Archive 9s.l
Bibliofilo Filipipo, vol. four.
----- -
-379-
up arms,
This ~ime, it was for the defense of a newlyfounded .religion. The principales and cabezas de barangay
had established a new religion, having, as its chief god,
Lung_ao.
The revel t spread to the mountain districts of
Cagayan, where the leaders of the new sect had gone to
arouse the inhabitants there to take up arms in defense
~f their cause, This uprising, as was that of 1go7, was
speedily suppressed.
The Ilocos revolt of 1815 did not differ much from
those that occurred in previous centuries as far as the
basic causes of the uprisings are concerned. Like many
of its predecessors, it arose from the same old sources of
popular discontent - the tribute and the personal services.
Apart from these, there was another impelling motive in
the !locos affair~concern for political and constitutional rights.
The .1locos rebels were- aware of the change
that had taken place in the political status of the Philippines as a result of the prom .1lgation of the Constitution of 1812.
They lmew what that change meant to civil
and political rights and interests of the inhabitants of
the Philippines.- It is clear that the Ilocos affair was,
in its nature and. in the s.cope of its outlook and interests, truly national. As such it is worthy of a place in
the history of nationalism in the Philippines.
1
5. The Cortes of 1820-1823
The next perioi of constitutional government in Spain
began in 1820.
In :Harch of that year the Spanish people,
under the leadership of Riego and Quiroga, rose in revolt.
They demanded the restoration of the Constitution of 1812.
F~erdin&nd VII was forced to yield to the popular demand.
rte swore allegiance to the Constitution and promised to
lead the nation along the constitutional way.
The Spanish Revolution of 1820 was the Spanish phase
of the liberal and nationalistic movement which arose in
Europe in the post Napoleonic erR,
That movement reflected the feeling of disappointment and discontent among peoples in various European countries over the political nrrangements made by the Congress of Vienna.
With the restoration of the Constitution of 1312, the
Cortes once more came into being and the Philippines again
-380-
rose to the status of a Spanish province with the privilege of sendin_<s its own representative to the Spanish Cortes.
As in the previous period, substitute representatives
represented the Philippines in the first sessions of the
Cortes of 1820~1823,
The substitute representatives were
Jose l·~aria A:rnedo a~1d Manuel Felix Camus y Herrera. The
elected delegates from the Philippines were Francisco Bringas,
ex-alcalde mayor of Ilocos, Vicente :Posada, forr,1er member
of the Real Audiencia, and l\:ianuel Saenz de Vizmanos, senior
accountant of the Tribunal of Accounts.
The Cortes which met in this ueriod of constitutional g,wernrnent enacted a number of l;gislative measures of
considerable interest and significance to the Philippines.
One of these, approved on October 19, 1820, abolished the
privileges granted to the Real Compafiia de Filipinas. The
action was taken allegedly on the ground that the existence of the privileges was contr&ry to the letter and spirit of the Constitw~ion and that it was prejudicial to the
nation's interests.
The Royal Company had been 6reated
to pro.mote Spain's commerce with the Far Sast but it appeared that not only had it failed to accomplish its mission, but also it had made improper and unwise use of the
privileges granted to it.
The action of the Cortes reflected, for one thing, the disappointment which ffi3.ny people in Spain felt over the activities of the Real Compania
de Filipinas.
For another, it was an indication of the
rise in Spain of a more liberal spirit and tendency in
commercial matters.
On 1fovember S, 1820, Cortes approved another law as
a corollary to that which abolished the privileges of the
Real Comps.nia de F'ilipi:'.13.S.
T:ie law gave permission to
bpanish citizens to engage in trade with the Far East subject to the rules ~nd regulations prescribed by the Cortes.
The measure contained provisions of particular interest
to the Philippines. One of these required that "products
and goods produced or n,.anu:~&ctured in the PhiJ_j_ppines shall
be considered national. 11
Another stipulo.ted that the
value of Asiatic merchandise to be brough·::. to Spanish ports
in America or iurope was not to exceed 50JOOO duros in
each vessel, and that the rest of the cargo should be made
up of goods or effects of the PhilippinesG
A third provided that adequc1te steps be taken 11 to encourage the
agriculture, industry, navigation, and commerce of the
-381-
Philippine Islands."
In.one of the sessions of the Cortes in June 29, 1821,
another law affecting the Philippines was approved.
On
the recommendation of one of the substit .1te representatives
for the Philippines, the Cortes pas3ed a law establishing
direct and periodic mail service with the Philippines. The
significance of this law lay in tte fact that it brought
the Philippines into closer com:r;;.unication and contact with
Spain.
1
The Constitutional period which began in 1820 ended
in 1823,
It came as a result of foreign intervention in
Spain. A French army invaded J~ain (18~J) and restored
Ferdinand tb his former status as absolute ruler of Spain.
As on the former occasion, Ferdinand, upon his restoration, abolished the Cortes, revoked the Constitution of
1812, an.j declared null and void all the rneasurc:s enacted
by the Cortes. Many of the reforms, l1owever, which were
p;rornulgatcd during "this period and which, directly or indirectly concerned the Philippines, were preserved.
The period extending from Ferdinand's first restoration in 1814 to his second,res,c.oration in 1823 :1as a special significance in Spanish colonial history. It was in
this period that the vast colonial empire of 3pain in the
New Vforld was disrupted.
The American coloni3s took advantage of the internal tro~bles and difficulties of
Spain during the Napoleonic Wars to win fo::." thems el vos
freedom ano. independence :!:rom the Mother country.
1i'Jhen,
upon the restoration of Ferdinand in 1814, ~pain attempted
to bring them back to their allegiance to hor, they took
up arms and crushed the attempt. By J.823, nothing had remained of the one e ext cns i ve 3panis h empire in America but
a few islands in the West I.ndL:s.
Ml:xico) through which
Spanish-Philipnine relations were cari·ied on from the
first years or·· Spanish colonization in ·th,~ Philippines,
was one of tho3e which datuched themselves from Spain.
As a result, the close co:rnf'c.:. i_on which thq Philippines
had had with that country w2.s terminated.
8panishPhilippine relations thenceforth were plocod on a more
tlirect basis •
-382-
6. The Cortes of 1834-1837
The ten-year period extending from Ferdinand 1 s restoration in 1823 to the year of his death in 1833 is often
referred to as the Age of CRlomarde.
It was a period of
reaction mnr1'::ed i.):' a deter,nined ::md sustained campaign of
suppression &galnst ~nanish liberals.
Fr3ncisco 7adeo
Calomarde -.vcl s F erci.inand. VII' s mLdst er of just ice.
He
assumed the duty and responsibility of stamping out liberal activities and tendencies in Spain.
Calom~rde performed his mission efficiently and well.
He regarded all
who wore kno~n to have liberal ideas and tendencies as
subversive and disloyal to the Crown. All such persons
were unrelentingly piJ.rsued and persecutsd.
To escape
persecntion, many Spanish liber9.ls fled from S.pair1 and
sought refuge in other lands.
Ferdinand died on Sep+,err:b er 29, 1833. Three years
before his death, he prowul?ated, in the form of a pragmatic sanction, a testar,en+.:, n&mine; his infant daughter,
Isabel, his heir and successcr to the throne. Ferdinand's
act set aside the rig:1.ts 0£' Carlos, hie younger brother,
i-•
•
~ • · o ...t"'' succession.
•
1
vl,10,
un d.er -c· "h•• e S a __7 ic
.i.E:W,
was nex:..,.,_ in
..Llne
Carlos naturally resented the action of Ferdinand although he refrained from ta~ir:.g any steps to enforce his
claim while his.brother was still alive.
Bpon Isabel's accession to the throne as queen in
accordance with F8rdinand's testament, Carlos proclaimed
hi~self the rightful ruler of Spain. The conflicting
1 - The Salic law excluded females from :?uccession
to the throne.
:::t had teen introduc~d in Spain by Philip
V, the first of the Bou:·bon Kinga of ::>9ain, '1.}ie ancient
Castillar. ruls embodied ir:: t:1E:i co.:le of iilfo•.1,so X, El Sabio,
King of Cast,illa .(1252-1284), gave the r~ght of succession
to the first, born, IP.ale or _+- er.1c1.l e, accorci.ing to the principle of priQogeniture.
Tjis rule was rescored by the
Constitution of 1312.
J...s ·;:,ne Co:1.sti'cution :.1ad been abolished by Ferdinand, the Salic law was deeemed to be the
rule applicable in a question of succession at the time
of Ferdinand I s reign.
That law, how ever, Ferdinand revoked w'len he promulgated his testament in the form of a
pragmatic sanction.
-383claims brought on a war of succession.
The war which ensued lasting from 1833 to 1839, was the first of a series
of wars known in 0panish history as Carlist wars.
These
wars flared up time and again during the 19th century. Together with other internal troubles, they made conditions
in Spain very much disturbed and unsettled, at times verging on chaos and anarchy, during a considerable part of
the 19th century.
To strengthen the side of the Government in the conflict with Carlos, Queen Regent Cristj_na took steps to win
the support, loyalty and good will of the Spanish liberals.
On April 10, 1834, she promulgated a decree introducing
important changes in the governmental system of Spain. Historically known as Royal Statute (Estatuto Real), the decree reestablished the Spanish Cortes.·
The Cortes under the Royal Statute differed in many
ways from the Cortes established by the Constitution of
1812. In the first P.lace, it was a bicameral body, consisting of an Upper House {Estamento de Proceres) and a
Lower rlouse (Estamento de frocuradores), In the second
place, the Cortes had very limited powers. It could not
deliberate on matters not expressly submitted to it by the
Crown.
It could meet only on special occasions, such as
at the beginning of a new reign, to swear allegiance to
the new sovereign, or in times of some grave emergency when
the interests of the Nation, in the judgment of the Crown,
required the convening of the Cortes. Moreover, under
the Royal Statute, the Crown retained all the essential
attributes of sovereignty. It had the power to summon
the Cortes, to designate the place of its meeting, and to
suspend it, and even to dissolve it. The Cortes was,
thus, little more than a consultative body, much like the
emasculated Cortes which existed in the times of the first
Spanish Haps burgs.
l,1oreover, the Royal Statute, unlike
the Constitution of 1812,had no provision permitting representation of the colonies in the Cortes by substitute
representatives.
The Royal Statute had been granted by the Queen Regent as a political concession to win the good will and
s.upport of the Spanish liberals.
The latter, however,
were not satisfied with it. In fact they felt that, as
a basis of government, it was highly reactionary.
Their
attitude toivards the regime of Queen Cristina was, for
this reason, one of distrust and dissatisfaction. And
-384-
this sentiment was shared by a considerable portion of the
Spanish people.
Popular sentiment was for the restoration of the
Constitution of 1812.
In August 1836, the royal guard,
voicing the popular des.ire, mutinied,
The 1 e'.lders of the
uprising called upon Cristina to restore the Constitution
of 1812.
The Queen Regent was con3trained to :,rield. On
August 13, 1836, she ordered that the Gonstit J.tion of 1812
be restored as the fundamental law of the land pending
the adoption of a new constitution for Spain.
In ar,other
decree, Cristina summoned a constituent Cortes to draft
~ new constitution.
·
1
The constituent Cortes assembled in October 1836. In
a secret session held early in 1837, the Cortes approved a
resolution providing that the colonies of Spain no longer
should have any representation in the Spanish Cortes.
The
provision was incorporated in the nev1 constitution which
was approved June lS, 1837. By virtue of th~t provision,
SpainTs colonies, ~he Philippines included, were put back
to their former colonial status.
The history of Philippine representation :Ln the Cortes
of 1834-1~37 is given by lviontero y Vidal in the follovdng .
passagest.1..
On the 2nd of February, 183 5, the §3.11ta Ana
of the Cornpania de Filipinas arrived a.t Manila,
bringing despatches relative to the rcstor~tion
of constitutional government in Spain, th8 promulgation of the Royal Statute (Estatuto Real) and
the calling of a new Cortes.
EnriJ_e asked the Ayuntamiento to name the
residents who were to form the electoral board,
in accord~nce with article 48 of the royal decree
of lvby 20th, 1834. 2
1 - foontero y Vidal, QI:.. c it_.
2 - According to this decree the electoral board was
to be composed of the members of the Ayuntamiento and of an
equal number of well-to-do residents appointed by the Ayuntamiento itself, with the Captain-General or his delegate
as presiding officer.
The Philippines was allowed to nam~ two delegates.
-385-
The Cortes assembled on the 24th of July
1834 and closed on the 29th of May, 1835.
Thruout the session of the Cortes the Philipnines was
unrepresentect.3
·•
By law promulgated by the Cortes and sanctioned by the Queen Regent on the 20th of May, 1835,
a gradual stamp impost was established on documents
used for tr3nsfer of property, bills of exchange,
promissory notes and letters of credit of a fixed
amount.
In the first meeting of the second session
of the Cortes held November 12, 1835, D. Juan
Francisco Lecaros and D. Andres Garcia Canilia, representatives elect from the Philippines presented
themselves with their respective credentials. On
the 16th they were sworn into office as representatives from the Philippines. Camba formed part
of a -committee on etiquette; he presented a proposition which was not accepted, regarding the ceremonial which members must observe, and he took
part in the discussion,of the bill regarding the
national guard.
Lecaros spoke in the debate on
the answer to be made to the message from the
Throne.
~
In January, 1836, the Cortes were dissolved.
On the same day, an order was pro~1lgated for the
meeting of a new Cortes on the 22nd of March. This
legislature lasted from 22nd of lV1arch to r;lay 23,
1836, being dissolved on the latter date.
The
Philippines was not represented in this Congress.
A new legislature was summoned to assemble
on the 20th of August. An election held in the
Philippines for delegates to the new Cortes resulted in the reelection of Camba and Lecaros.
3 - The elections for delegates to the Cortes were held
on the 1st of l'viarch, 1835, D. Andres Garcia Camba, brigadier
in the army, and Juan Fran_cisco Lecaros, Filipino lawyer who,
at the time, was in Madrid as commissioner of the Manila
~yuntamiento, being elected. Camba embarked for Spain on
March 21, 1835, but did not arrive until August when the
session of the Cortes had already closed.
-386-
Before the new legislature could meet, the famous
mutiny of La Granja had taken place, which forced
the Queen Re.2:ent to .issue the fo2-lo·,vini:i: decree:
11 As Queen Regen-~ of Spain,
I her9by order and command that the Constitution of 1812 be promalgated
and obser 1ec. penr:ling the oror:uL~atj_o:i. bv tne nation in Co.ctes a::.,.'3e:21b~.'._ed o:: a naw constit'J.tior.on
A constit~ent~Cortes was convened to meet on the
24th of October, 1536.
1
-
.
_.
J.
-
.,J
In the secret session held January·l6, 1837,
D. Vicente Sancho, representative from Valencia,
presented a proposition to the effec~ that the provtnces of ~he Ultrarna~ be governed by special laws.
The cornmit-!-~ee to whish this me3.surt w.3s re£'erred
reported on the 10th of ·Fe·oruary arid pro-posed that
the Sp2nish provinces in AmeriGa and Asia shoul:i
in the future be governed ':iy special laws, and that
their rep:..~2sen:::.atives stou]_d no longer sit in thG
Cortes. The concJudint pa~~ of the report reads
as fo:lows~ "In view of the fact that the Constltution to be adaoted in the Peninsula canno~ be applied to the p~c~inces of ~he J~tram3r, thase shall
hencafcrth be governed ty special laws, fraoed to
suit tL.ei:r respective circumstances and to promote
their happiness.
Consequently, their repres entati ves shall r:o longer sit in the Cort3s ."
In l½arch, 1837, an election vJas i1eld in Manila·
for delega~es to this Cortes, re3ulting in the choice
of Camba and D, Luis Prude:ricio Alvarez y Tejera, formerly of the Manil~ Auaienci2. The latter had no
opportunity to show w~~t he could do as Philippine
delegate for he arrivad in Spain afte~ tha passing
of t~e resolution ex~ludi~g the representa~ives of
the Ultramar from the Cortes.
With the promulr-;c::ttion of the Constitution of
H~37, tte period of 2?h.iJ ipp::..ne represantation in the
bpanish C~rtes came to a close.
Al~~nugh such representation was not. in the strict 3ense of the
~ord, really and truiy ~epresentative bf the Philippines and of the Fi.:i.ipino peop'_e 1 .it was a memorable experience for the ·Philippines. . It brought the
-3S7-
Philippines, for one thing, into closer contact
with Spain and Spain's colonies in the Mew World.
For another, it contributed in some way to the development of the spirit of nationalism among the Filipinos.
Years later, the leaders and spokesmmn
of the Filipino people voiced a demand for the restoration to the Philippines of tbe privilege she
formerly enjoyed of bsi~g represented in the Spanish ~ortes.
The resto~ation of Philippine representation in the Spanish Cortes 1r~as or:.e of the major
reforms the Filioino nationalists sought to obtain
from Spain in th~ decade preceding th; outbreak of
the Philippine Revolution.
-JSS-
CHAPTER TWO
COlVIJ\JIERCIAL PROGRESS,
1800-1865
The political and constitutional developments which
took place in Spain in the first years of the nineteenth
century were accompanied by important changes in Spain's
commercial policy in the Philippine3.
In 1813) the Spanish Cortes liberalized the J.V:ar:-.::.l.a-Acapu1co trade by c:..bolish ..
ing the J.capulco galleon and discontinuing the use of boletas in the trade with Nueva Espana.
In 1314, Ferdinand
VII, besides confirming many of the changes effected by the
Cortes, gave further commercial concessions to the Philippines,
In 1820, the Spanish Cortes swept away the monopolistic features of Snan!~t trade with the Philippines and
Asia by suppressing the exc.L1sive privileges grar.ted by law
to the Real Compania de Filipinas. This reform was followed a few years later, {1830) by the opening of the
port of Manila, on a permanent basis, to foreigners for
trade and residence~l
Subsequently (1858), three other
ports were opened.
Sual in Pangasinan, Iloilo in the
Western Visayas, and Zamboa.nga, in Mindanao.
In 1865,
Cebu, in the Central Visayas, was likewise made an open
port.
These developments reflected the rise in Spain and
elsewhere in Europe of liberal id.eas and tendencies in
commercial matters.
They v~e-,,,e conter:rporaneous with the
opening of Siam} China, anc~ Jap2n to foreign nntions, the
abandonment by the Dutch of t:rn::r trade mor:cpo1y in the
East Indiee, and the abolition by the Britjsh ?Arliament
of the trac.e monopoly long enjoyed '.Jy the Er itish East
India Company.
The document which follow deal wit~ these developments and their effects upon various aspects o:: life in
the Philippines.
1 - Manila had been opened to European traders as ear'I'he o;::ienir:g of Manila at that time~ however,
was a concession rr.a.de solely in the interest and for the benefit of the Real Compania de Filipinas o
ly as 1789,
-389-
1. Regidor - Mason's Account, on Philippine
Commercial Progressl
After the forrr,ation of the second Company of
the Philippines, the Spaniards realized that it was
futile to isolate Manila commercially, any longer
from the surrounding trade centers, and in 1780,
European vessels were given formal permission to convey the goods of all the Indies to the Philippines.2
Succeeding this 1 foreign merchants were allowed to
visit Manila for a few months at a time during the
busy part of the trading season} and finally, they
were granted the right of permanent residence. When
the first European commercial house was established
at Manila is not known.
La Perouse mentions a
French merchant, named Sebir, who resided in Manila,
in 1787, but according to other records, it was not
until 1809 that a foreign house) an English company,
was allowed admittance, while others began to follow
in 1a14.
At first they were permitted only to deal
in local Oriental trade, but in 1820 they were allowed to export goods to Spain, and later to all
Europe,3
Pioneers of Foreikn Tr2de.- When the merchants
of the worJ_d were invited into.-the Philippines, American trade in the Far East was on the crest of a
prosperity wave, and it was but natural thst it
should roll across the China sea from Canton to Ma-
1 - E~nts from "Commerr:ial Progre,ss in the P!'lilipQine ~.§_l:_anci4," by Antonio M. Regidor yJurado and j7Jarrent
T. Mason. t__Landon, 1905).
2 - It was in 1789 that the port of Manila ·was opened
for the first time to the vessels of foreign nations.
See
Azcarraga' s account, given els ev.ihere in thee e R§.:1:..Y.i!J:g.§..
3 - The comin,q of foreign9rs to the Philippines, under.
the new commercial policy, was ·liewed vJith jealousy and mis giving by members of the Spanish community, especially those
whose interests were likely to be adversely affected by the
commercial activiti1:;s of the new comers.
These were the ones
believed to be
responsible for the di,sorders of 1820 in Binondo in which several foreigners were killed.
That incident was a manifestation of the anti-foreign sentiment existing at the time.
nila with great force.4
No sooner were the foreign traders s ettl e,d in Manila, than they entered
into the thick of a commercial conflict.
America,
represented by the two houses of Russell, Sturgis
nnd Co., and Peele, Hubbell and Co., at once took a
chief part in the contest.
England v1as the nearest rival, and the other nations brought·up far in
the ree.r, for the m3rkets of GT'3at. Bri-cain and the
United States offered the best prices for the chief
goods that the Phili~)pines no·:r.J cegan to export; hemp,
sugar, tobacco and indigo.
~he firm of Russell,
Sturgiss towered abc7e all the other mercantile establishments. Unde~ the name of J. and T. H. Perkins
ttey had been among the foTerr..ost merchants of Co.nton,
and their renutation was further increased by the
fact that though Americans, they -were the representatives in the Orient of the great Enelish banking
rouse of Baring Brothers, of w:nch Mr. Sturgis later
became senirn' part::.er" Mr. Rt::ssell adve:::.~tised his
firm by lavish entertainments. He gave big djnners
and receptions~ a1rr:.os·~ ni 0 htl y, and x:ept practically open house at Manila, ~hi}e the same of his social
activity spread over tte Archipelago, giving a reputation for wealth and pro~i~ence to his concern
that dwarfed all competitors.
Earlv Banking Instit1rtions,- ThB chief foreign traders) ·oesicie ciea1 L1g in merchandise, went
into the banking business as well.
Formerly, the
confraternities, that loa~ed money to the Spaniards
engaged in the export trade, possessed a monopoly
of this lucrative field, and loaned the charity endowments in their possession at exhorbitant rates of
interest. They charged as high as 50 per cert on
shipments to Mexico, 35 per cent tc I~ct~a, and 25
per cent to China, though it was not legal for them
to accept interest in excess of 5 per cent.
4 - The first American vessel to call at the port of
Manila was the 11 Astrea 11 , ~vith Captain Henr;r Prince in comrr..and. Sl1e ente~~ed the port October 3, 179(>. S. 1e l~ft -with
a cargo of sugar, pepper, hemp and in.c,igo on which $24,000
were paid at th,2 sa- _c-ort C'J.stom ifouse :i_L duties. See Russel,
"Beginnings and Esr~-Y Gr-0vJ~_:h ')f L:rier:_ca:'"1 'I'rade with Manila,"
in the AmericaQ._Cha1_db..fil' __o.f Cs)I~morce_ .J"ot:_~:--nal for June, 1922,
1
1
-391Financial Houses of Damaso Gorricho and Franci§_Q._0_3q_d:-::.g~_§_~o- Shortly after the arrival of the
foreign traders, two Filipino financial houses were
opened, one by Damaso Gorricho, who was educated in
Paris, which did a small business as a simple money
lending concern, and the other by Francisco Rodriguez,
educated at Calcutta and Goa, which was managed by
him under the protection of the British .Consul at
Manila.
The Ro~ri~~ez Bank was the first financial
institution to be· organized by a Filipino; and its
establishment was brought about in a peculiar manner.
In 1825, Francisco Rodriguez, who was a very wealthy
house-owner in Manila, was arrested one nie;ht while
on his way home, wrongly charged with being concerned
in a native uprising .5
The next morning he was sent
to Cadiz as a political prisoner. .After his arrival
in Spain, he escaped, and made his way to London. He
was unsuccessful :in his-attempts to induce his friends
and relatives in Manila to help him, and though one
of the wealthiest Filipinos of that time, he was in
danger of dying through neglect, when he was taken in
by an American Quaker community in London, and cared
for.
He lived with the Quakers for five years, adopt-
5 - This incident happened in 1823, ciuring the governorship of Juan Antonio Martinez.
When Martinez came to the Philippines, he brought with
him several army officers from the Peninsula, evidently to
supersede the officers of the army here, most of whom were
Mexican Spaniards. Mexico had just won her independence
from the mother country.
Government officials felt that·,
in the appointment of officers in the armed forces, preference should be given to Peninsular Spani,g_rds.
The arrival of tr,e new officers cau[,ed much uneasiness among the
elder officers who feared that they might be discriminated
against in matters of preferment, if not eventually separated
al together from the service. They talked so much against
the newcomers that they soon aroused the suspicions of the
autherities.
Governor Martinez finally discovered that
the Mexican-Spanish officers were plotting and conspiring
against the government. He ordered the arrest of the persons suspected of this conspiracy and sent them tc Spain
February 18, 1823.
Among those sent a ,vay were Luis Hod:riguez Varela, styled El Conde Filipino, D. F. Rodriguez,
and Jose Ortega, factor of the Compafiia de Filipinas.
An aftermath of this episode was the Novales mutiny
of June, 1828, in which ex-governor Folgueras was killed.
See l.Vv;,ntero y Vidal, £12.• cit., vol. 2.
0
-392ed their faith, and became a naturalized British
subject.
At the end of that time, the Filipinos
charged with participating in the 1825 revolution
were pardoned by the Spanish government, and Rodriguez returned to Ma:::iila. Garbed in his Quaker
costume, which had never before been seen in the
Philippines, 11e was lcoked t'_pon as a mad man, and '
as he walked thrcugh the streets, the children ran
after him, shouting and jearing.
His treatment
at t11e hands of his .former frir:;nds was as that of
outcast, and the Friars attempted t_Q compel him to
leave the Islands, but his British citizenship protected. him from expulsion, anj he remained.
Ernbit-·
tered by his e:;;:pericmce, Rodriguez, popularly known
as Qg_ico Rod.LLK~l.§1:, declined further intercourse
with riis i'orme::;_n countrymen.
He even refused to
speak tbe 2.panish languag<::: and ·would converse with
no one who could not understand English.
He became associated with the foreign merchants, and with
the principal object of assisting the European traders, at the expense of the Spaniards, he est_abJished
a bank.
The institution was conducted as a companion of the British and American banks, and materially assiated the traders of those countries in
their dealings, with the Filipinos.
On his death,
Rodriguez left his entire fortune to the Queen of
England, in trust for the widows and children of the
British soldi3rs, who were kil!ed in the Crimean
War.
Rodrigu13zt s relatives attunpted to break the
will, and secured a judgment in their favor in the
Manila courts.
The British governm:mt appealed to
the Supreme Court at Madrid, ano. obtained ,3 reversal
of the Manila decision, tii_e money uU:,:lniately being
paid to the British authorities. Abcmt tl1e time of
the closing of this bank, Mctriano T,.Flson, a Filipino,
opened another of his own on th0 s.am9 lines.
E.~orr-an:i~ati<lli_ of tl-te Cbras Lia.~.- While the
Rodriguez ba~k was assisting t~e foreigners, the .
confraternities were hE;loing the Spaniords, but oviing_
to the lower rates of intdrl,St charged by the foreign1:;rs, it became impossible for conl.raternities to
rivrll them, and the lvic:nila authoriti,3s soug11t to combin8 the confraternit:.ies for t 1-ie purpose 'Jf ma:dng
their f i:i.anc ial bus i:1ess more successful .
The
con~r2terniti0s, too, ware gradually assumi~g & political activity, t~at c~us~d the government-some
alarm, ::tnd gave a more imperative re2,son w:by they
-393should be amalgamated, and placed under the observance of the authorities4
In 1841, all the smaller
confraternities were dissolved, leaving the field to
four large ones, that between tl-iem controlled most of
the charitable endowment funds.
Three were lay brotherhoods connected with religious orders, the Venerable Ordeg Terc.era de ~'.an Franc~, the Venerable
Ord.§.!J:~erce_r_cL.9.e Santo Domingo, and the Hermandad de
~e§.Q_!i_ Nazarono de RecoJ_5_!;_Q.§., while the fourth La Mi~ricordia, the secular priests controlled.
An agitation for the amalgamation of these four remaining confraternities was not successful, until 1851, when the
Captain-General of the Philippin~s, Urviztondo, acting
on his own responsibility, without consulting his superior officers at Madrid, combined the confraterni~ies, calling the new institution the Obras Pias. The
~panish government approved the amalgamation in 1854,
and the articles of association were granted August
13, 1857.
The Obras Pias did not wait for sanction
from M~drid 1 but oteying the orders of Urviztondo,
immedic::itGly after the amalgamation, began to conduct
business under the changed conditions.
The new institution was placed under the joint control of a
directive committee consisting of the Archbishop of
Manila, the Chief Justice of the Manila courts, the
Controller of the Treasury, the Attorney General and
a Secretary; and of an administrative committee, comprising· a member of each of the three orders that had
previously boen connected with the confraternity funds,
a judge of the supreme court, an accountant and a secretary.
The financial liberty of the Obras Pi1.s
was confined by numerous restrictions.
,'.I'r.e Banco-Es:gafi.Q.1-Fil ipino. - In 18 52, the BancQEmlaiiol ·~F:iLiW-.llQ. was founded by Urviztondo in JVIanila
and those interested in the Spanisr bank had such
powerful influences behind them that the Obras Pias
was discriminated against in order to give business
to the other. 6
The Obras Pias and the BallQ.,q..:,~_spafiolFilioin_Q_ were operated, in e:r.'fect, as two branches
of the same institution.
The former was compelled
by the Spanish authorities to und8rtake the less remunerative nart of a banking business and was forced
~
·into a p9sition
of little more
tl-i.,m an imperfectly
designed mortgage bank, run for the convenience of
the native Filipinos and Spaniards. It was made to
6 - Thlsbank is now known as "The Bank of the Philippine Islands. 11 The new name was adopted ,j_n 1912.
-394accept mortgages on houses or town buildings properties, in full security ·for loans, when houses were
not easily reconvertible intb money.
Its business
consisted of little more than this, while the Banco.E§nafiol-Filip_t,nQ, was given ev~ry rigl1t the authorities could extend, to ele·1~te ·.it.to a commanding position.
It was permitted to require what security
it desired for loans~ and was al:owad the sole right
of issuing bank notes.
It beca@e, in fact, and legally the official government bank of the Philippines,
and in return for the privileges granted it, the directors undertook to further Snanish trade intereets
in the Islands.
•
On the one side trere was then formed the Obras
J:.ia£. and the Banco-Es_panQl-Filipino, and on the otrer
the Rodriguez and Tu8son banks and the banks of the
foreign merchants, each side, at first, cor.rrnercially
combattine: the other
The foreigners ta d the better
position, - for their -oanks v-Jere nothing more than adjuncts of tr;E;ir trading houses, formed primarily to
draw local products into their hands. When the traders of America and Europe went to the Philippines,
they found the activity of the native owners and
a~riculturalists so limited by the trade re~ulations
and persecutions of the Spaniards, t~at it was impossible for the Filipinos to raise produce for export without assistance.
The Spaniards and their .
descendants were entitled by law to obtain loans from
what was called Fondcis de Comunidad (Community Funds);
Wrich were accumufa-fed from csrtctin taXE:S. These
funds were to be administered by the authorities as a
kind of Agricultural Bank, but were Very seldom applied to such purpose as only a fev,1 gr.::rnts were m,ade
to some special protege of the Manila i:::l.l:::th:Jrities.
The natives longed to find an outlet for t~eir restricted energies, through forei~n chann0ls; but they
could do nothing without money which t~e Government
and the Friars would not loan t~em fo~ harvosting
crops destined for consumption abroad. _Under the cld
regime;, the Filipino farmers rad lived C::t -r.::md to ·mouth
existence held in practical bondafe by the Friars who,
claiming ownership of t re soil ri.ad forcc.:d the natives
to run into debt every year to secure the money necessary to bear the eipense of gathering their small
crops.
o
~fortgR12:e Loans.- In the early period of the
Spanish sovereignty over the Islands, the authorities
-395at Madrid had decreed that no Filipino could be held
li.able fnr the repayment of any loan above twentyfive dollars, which restriction was evaded later on
by securing the loans by a mortgage. 'I'he original
intention of the law was to protect the natives from
falling into the hands of rapac:i.ous money lerlders, but
in practice, the sys·com ~eca~e tyrannous.
Under it,
.•.
·,~-'. ...
,-,,-.
• •..r·,-1th e ...H'1•1.:.l.p.Lno
ag,.:..
,. ,__j ·'·•,,urJ
·,.,s -v;__,,_rc: ,,u.1aiJ.e t o f inc1 money
for their harvestings excgpt by associating with the
·religious orderc or capitalists on usurious conditions,
and their pleas to have the law repealed were without
result, for under the law, the natives were placed
at the mercy o:: the Friars~ who successfully combatted all attempts at amen.dment, until abou~ thirtyfive years ago, after the over-shrow of the monarchy,
and the establishment of ~he rapublic in Spain.
'r,,•
"
,.,.
O
'·]
Cron Loans. - The foreign mercriants were compelled to ac(a.9'c-themsel~1es to~these conditions, in advancing money to the natives for the purpose of attracting business.
The foreigners did not care to
follow the example of the Friars and accept land mortgages, for no land of anj value to them w3s securable,
so they adopted another method of evading the ~wentyfi ve dollar loan law.
They estimat cd at t r:e beginning of each season what the value of the forthcoming
harvest would be, and paid the.Filipino farmers for
it in advance. If, when the ~irvest was over, the
advance price was found to be too little, the Filipinos were given the balance; while, if it turned out
that the crop had been over--estirnated, the difference
in value we.s cor.ipensated by extending tre sE,le to the
next harvest.
This system of money J.ending was
adopted witrout thougrt of making a prof lt on ·the
loans themselves, w'.1i:e the two Spanisr a::1.d ~iliJ?ino banks, on t~e other hand, we~e enga;2J pr1~a~1ly,
in making a profit for themselves ou~ c. f _·::,},<:Lr J.oans,
the facilitation of the busi~ess of the ~psnls0 tra.
.
...
d ers b e1.ng
o f s aeon d ary umcr,.,ance.
.11.:8. }.,:~.r.:.~0..::
E"':i-::inr·'--~~:;,i_nino
~ft-er
a
-·-·.::r1°
f'ot··-r.d tr~ 1•• ,i·."·t.>u.si_,r;:-:,,
,,,
et •
nss;.:, W&S p e::i.:-_;_g b sri0usly hancJ.C8.pp,::)d C:;· l.'CS pO..l....i.CY
of showing favoritism to the S:'.Jctn:Lsri. mu·c;1Emts, and
fin::illy it ci:r:-o~)ped it.s an-ci-foreig:8 mE'-)~~r,ods ., and
worlced in harmomr with the EuroDean and Ainsrican tra-,.
ders, contributi~g to the extension of their business.
"11,..
.. _.}...., ·
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1,.) ~.. _.t.,
. _ _,,_
•
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...._.
I,..•
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,
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-396Demands for Greater Commercial Facilities:
Cone essions Granted.- While the foreign merchants
were co.ntending among themselves for the export trade
of the Archipela~o, they were united in demanding
that greater facilities be extended to them for the
development of their business.
The 0panish authorities were not pleased by the manne~ in which the foreigners were s~izing for themselves all the benefits
that followed t'rie development of the Islands' resources, and they were inclined to return to their former
selfish policf of reserving untouched that part of the
wealth of the Islands that could not be secured by the
Spaniards themselves.
The foreign traders constantly brought pressure to bear on the Manila authorities
to secure more freedom, but they obtained no satisfaction.
The principal objects in the list of grievances
of the traders were the refusal of the authorities to
open other ports beside Manila to foreign ships, thus
necessitating the conyeyance of produce from the most
distant parts of the Archipelago to the Capital at entirely unnecessary cost; t~e retention by the Government of a monopoly of the tobacco industry, greatly
increasing the cost of tl,e weed to exporters; the monopoly also of the manufacture of spirit in the Islands, restricting the irr:portations, and the discouragement of the immigration of t 1-:e industrious C11inese.
In 1834, the Government soug 11t to mollify the traders
by establishing at ivSanila a 'i'ribunal of Commerce consisting of three official appointees, and four others,
selected by trie merchants therns elves, to n::.ake recommendations for the extension of trade; fhe recornmen•
dations were seldom carried out, and like many other
Spanish institutions in the islands the Tribunal was
as useless in practice as it was beneficial in theory.
In 1535, a Ghamber of Commerce was founded, possessing
authority to adjust petty disputes among the Manila
merchants, but as judicial decisions usually favored
the litigant with t'be more social or financial influence, the most important work of the Chamber was
to induce merchants to be wary or running counter to
one another.?
7 - The Tribunal of Commerce (Tribunal de Comercio)
was created by the decree of January 1, 1834, to try cases
arising under the new Spanish Code of Commerce, which was
-397Sue~ answers as these to the appeals of the
traders served only to increase their impatience,
and finally they began to withdraw their capital from
the Archipelago to use it on the Chinese mainland,
where the activity of England was forcing the spread
of free trade.
In 1824, England purchased Singapore, and in 1841, Hongkong passed under the British
flag, both parts being made trade bases, and thrown
open to world's commerce.
The British Goverm;-ient
then declared war on China to extend trade still
more, and when the smoke of battle had cleared a-way,
the barriers against mercl1ants entering Shanghai,
Ningp4, Fuchow, Foo and Amey, liad been battered
down.8
With so open a·field before them Oriental
merc'riants had little time to waste butting against
stone walls in the Philippines, and foreign commerce rapidly drifted from the Archipelago.
B,e£.Q....Il[!'@.!}~;;.s!,_ti9lllL.9.f_§._:i.Qi'Q_~.fl.Q .Q,.fi_ M~-~o - The Spaniards now grevi alarmed at the resulting stagnation of
trade in the Islands 1 and sought to reattr~ct the merchants who were devoting their attention to China.
extended to the Philippines by decree of July 26, 1832. It
was composed 0£' one prior, two consuls, two subdelegates,
one assessor, and one secretary. It took the place of the
Tribunal del Consulado whtch was established by a royal
decree of 1769.
The Chamber of Connnerce ( Junta de Comercio}
was created by a decree of the Superior Governnent of the
Philippines February 1, 1835.
Its personnel c0nsisted of
the officials of the Tribunal of Commerce and .:'our merchants, appointed by the governnient.
T11is ood:;r W3.S to discuss matters relating to navigation and corDEerc:r:,
The aut ',ors apparently have mistakc3r.. t h3 'h ibunal of
Commerce for tl-ie Chamber of Commerce.
See Buceta y Bravo,
2.£• cit.
$ - The opening of these ports and tne cession of
Hongkong were results of t1,e first }1.nglo -vi--inese V1,Ta.r (18401842), which was concluded by the Treaty of rlan~ing, 1a42.
Canton was one of the Chinese pDrts opened to foreign nations.
The Treaty of Nanking removed many of the restrictions wrdch rampered the trade of foreigners in China.
For one thing the intervention of the Hongkong merchants
was eliminated. For another, a tariff schedule on imports
was established on a permanent basis.
-398The Government appointed Don Sinibaldo de Mas, later Spanish minister to China, to investigate and
report on mercantile conditions in the Philippines.
Ds l11ias did his work well. He was not a believer in
the exclusive nature of the Spanish trade policy,
and he saw with a clear vision that the Philippines_
must be placed on a rational commercial plane if
they were to keep pace with gro•-1ing trade requirements.
He obtained son:e startJ.ing data by comparing the Philip:)ines wit-t, Cuba, ·where commerce had
been allowed a more natural development.
Cuba, he
found, with less than a million inhabitants did an
annual business amounting; to 27,000 1 000 dollars,
w~ile the P~ilippines, which in 1850 had a population of more t 11an 4,000,000 had less than 5,0v0,000
dollars of trade annually.
He reckoned that if
the commerce of tre PhiliniJines were Proportionate
to that of Cuba, it would~amount to 350,000,000 annually.
De 11.iaa recommended that Spain open other
ports besides Manila, abandon the tobacco monopoly
and encouraged irnniigration.
Some time following
De l'-'ias' invest:tgation, when the refo:cms indicated
by him were beginning to be put into effect, the
Superintendent of Customs at IIIJ:anila issued a report
showing that the value of commercial business had
increased one third. He observod in his report that
"of the foreign merchants in l\fa:·1:.l.a, t1--e_ U;:1.:>j:,ed
~t e s O C Q.1 l.J?. i .w___t_b,g_K_i.r. s t _£1 a C _e w,;L!-2.....!11.G T '.L°tJ@Jl.J!
third of t·'"le total V'.3.ll~.e oi exnor-ts.
During the
past year, the·t~onria;:ie-o·f ii.r.~ericanvessels entering and leaving Manila has bee~ 125,922, of English,
,..,i::.
· d o r··-·.:>panis.
· 'h , 33 , 1i::.7"
t _,, 439 , an
_, •
Use of M::,cl_§:rn J~ric11ltural Implements~ Nicholas
!,oney .. - The co::nmerc io.l triumphs oT-Gre"a."t-:s:r:itain on
t'be Cr,inese mainland gave to t~,e Brit.if;h firn:s in
the Philippines great prominence, and they gradually
began to overcome the lead that the Americans then
possessed.
The Englis"hmen pressed t'l-,8:Lr advantage
vigorously, and soon made ti-,emseJ.ves m2.ste:-s of tJ-ie
trade of the lesser Islands of the Archipelago,
through t'he introduction of modern sugar making rrachinery, sugar being one of the Archipelago's chief
exports.
ii.bout 1860, Mr. Nic'l-)olas Loney, a clerk
in t 11e Scotch 1-iouse at l\'IaniJ.a of Ker 2.nd Company, resigned his position, and became the agent at Iloilo
of a Scotch sugar macrinery company. Mr. Loney re-
-399cognized the vast trade that could be done in sugar if the antiquated refining methods of the nntives were replaced by the modern,system and he
sought to teach the notives of the Visayan Islands
how to use the new machinery.
He encountered mo.ny
difficulties at first, for the Filipinos were conservative, and \·Jere reluctant to part with their
old time processes of manufacture.
Finally, .Mr.
Loney offered t 1-,em t1-1e machinery on the .understanding that they were to pay for it only if they gained
a greater profit by the new method.
His suggestion
that the price of the machines be refunded to him
only out of the additional earnings of the natives,
at last attracted some of the more enterprising natives, and to the delight and surprise of the Filipinos they discovered that they could make sugar
easier and cheaper under t 1--ie new conditions than
was possible formerly.
Mr. Loney immediately assumed a position of great prominE:nce. He estab-·
lished a company at Iloilo t~at became the strongest mercantile house outside Manila, and he was .
appointed the British consular representative there.
Mr.~-1t.&.YD.Q.l9-.§_ 1 Ri.£§. 'Exe ha}lg e Pr_:gj e et • - £.:~r.
Thomas Reynolds, an American citizen, althoug,,, it
was afterwards pretended that ,.,e was born in Lancashire, England, who was married, like Mr. Sturgis,
to a Filipino lady of European descent, tried also
to take adv&ntage of the opening of new ports, for
the establishment of a Rice Exi::11ange in the port
of Dagupan, northern Luzon, the nearest place to
Hongkong.
He invested at the port a very large capitaJ., made a quay, built ware 1-iouses, and everything was planned to convert Dagupan into one of
the most important commercial centers in the Archipelago; but when he began to carry out nis scheme,
the religious orders opposed him strenuously, on
the plea that rie was dealing in rice, which was
the principal food of the natives, and that he might
endanger trie supply of the Islands by increasing
prices or by exporting it.
Thr.; real fact that
tlie Friars dreaded his undertaking, because through
it, he would have been able to compete with the local rice markets, . w11ic1-, vrnre supplied c1-.iefly from
the Friars' Haciendas (Rice Estates).
There was
consequently-a-gr'eat COITiillei.~cial and industrial
_
struggle between Mr. Reynolds and the Friars, accom-
-400panied on the part of the Friars by the most ridiculous political accusations, and in the end, Mr.
Reynolds was forced to give up his project.
Colonizing Schemes of Forei~n Nations near
the Phil_,;i._"0_plnes_,,- Great Britcti_n, cor1stdntly devising means to assist her trad2rs, atte1:1pted to establish a con~ercial base in the Sulu Archipelago, and
endeavored to seize an island of the group for this
purpose.9
The authorities at Manila regarded their
sovereign ri.~~hts as being in dangert and forced the
Sultan of Sulu to expel the l~nglisl1men.
Britain
thereupon departed, to console herself by securing
a foothold in Sarawak as a preliminary to the occupation of northern Borneo.
The British commercial activity served as a stimulus for the other traders.
France made an effort to raise her flag over Basilan, one -of the
southern islancts bordering Mindanao, b~t was c ompelled to abandon her designs.10
The imperialism
of Spaniards in Manila was inflamed by: the British
9 - The British, through Sir James (Rajah) Brooke, obtained the territory of Sarawak, September 21·, 1841.
In
1845, they acquired also the island of Labuan.
Jn May 18491
Brooke negotiated with the Sultan of J olo for the conversion
of Jolo into a British protectorate.
The· negotiations,
however, failed.
See Montero y Vidal, 2£• cit., volume 3,
chapter 6.
10 - The French attempted to acquire th0 island of
Basilan in 1845.
In February of that year, IvI. de la Grene
entered into a treaty with tht~ Sultan of Jolo. whereby the
latter ceded Basilan to the French for 100,000 pesos.
The
negotiations, however, were not brought to a conclusion due
to the failure of the French Government to give the necessary financial backing to M. de la Grene. At this time,
FraIJ.ce was much ensrossed in more pressing problems, dom~s·
tic an~ forei~n, to attend to de la Grene's plan of territorial aggrandizement.
For an account of this incident, see Montero y Vidal
£.E.· cit., volume J, chapter 4.
Montero y Vidal gives in
that chapter, the texts of important docur.,-1ents which tell
the inside story of the motives for the French attempt and
of the reasons for its abandonment.
-401triumphs, and one among them, Captain Carlos Cuarteron, employed as a local cclrrier between Borneo
and the Philippines,· sought to secure Borneo as a
trndo base for Spain.
Cuart~ron gave up his sea
lifP-, entered the CGtholic Church as a Priest, went
to Rome, and obtaj_ned the appointment of Apostolic
Deleg2te to Borneo.
He worked strenuously to in-·.
duce the f/[e.niln covernment to support his ambitious
plan, but met with no success, r.;nd, c:it last, he died
without cc:rrying out his project.
America, i.f she were to maintain her commercial
position in t:1e Far East, must secure and Oriental
tra~e base of her own, and an attempt was rr..ade in
lc36b to follow the idea of Cuarteron on behalf of
the United States, by Mr. Moses, the American consul
at Brunei, Borneo.
Mr. Moses obtnined from the
Sultan of Brunei a cession of territory, including
practically the whole northern part of Borr.ea.
He
transferred the holding to an American trac.ing company, and a Mr. Torrey was sent to the Island to form
a colony ~nf meke provision for commerciaJ. extension.
';['he undertaking met the same fate that befell the
design of Captain Cuarteron, and for a similar reason.
'I'he United Stc1tes government was t,oo concerned 1,1ith the reconstruction period following the
War of Secession, to give any attention to so remote
a subject as Borneo, and the American Trading Company, denied t D.c'lt J,overnmental assistance which had
supplied such waterial help to the neighboring British commercial settlements, abar:donec: its ambitious
scheme.
Shortly after the departu:ce of the Arne ricans 1 a Britis;:1 syndicat,2 was formed to take over
the Am.erican rights, and when the Americans demanded payment for the cession, they were curtly
told they had no claim, as their title hnd lapsed.
There was then no commercial influence at Washington stron3 enough to induce the Unitec:. States government to assert the contrary, and tb.us without
the payment of a penny, North Borneo was changed
frorn American to British territory, ·.1hich it has
remained ever since.
The Secret of EQ.gland's Commercial Success
~n the PhiliRQ_iric s. - Besides obtaining first place
in the export business of the Archip 3lago, Great
Britain through her possessions near the Philippines was able to make herself mistress of the
1
-402Archipelago's import trade as well.
The tariff
schedu1e at Manila was framed, not only to encourage Spanish imports, but also Spanish carrying trade.
There were high duties on goods brought into Manila
aboard foreign vessels and low ones arriving under
the Spanish fla8, while there was a specially low
impost on merch::1.ndis c reach.:i.ng the Islands from the
local trading stations in the Orient,
British merchants took adv.'.lntage of this, by consigning th'.3ir
goods sent from Europe not to 1VIanila but to Singapore, or Hongkong and from there having them ferried
across to the Philippines in Spanish ships. The
advantage gained by this maneuver was so important,.
that it was useJ.ess for any trader except the Spaniards, to compete with the Eng1ishn:en in the import
trade, and even the Spaniards were forced into a
bad second place.
Establishment of British Br.=mks .- These matters
were aiI-sorious attacks on America's trado sup;_..,e ...
macy in the Philippines and Grer tt Britein soon delivered a death blow -:,o the commercial r;i.valt3 of the
Englishmen through the medium of the two official
British Banks in the Far East, the Chartered Bank of
India, Australia and Chinn and the Hongkong and
Shanghai Banking Corporation, on0 of whose principal objects was the furtherance of British political influences in the Orient.
0
Their Ope:r~tJon~.- In 1873 both institutions
end0avor2d to e:xtEJnd their operations to Mnnila.
The Char·cered Bank was allowed ac.ncitt:.arice but the
Spaniards refus~d similar permission to the other,
which, nevertheless managed to socuro business in
the Islands th1..,ough an ag(~nt at Manila.
The Spanish banks did not regard either bank with favor,
and both, thinKing t:1ey might have to r8linquis11
their operations at a moment's notice-1 arrunged with
an English bou.se in Mo.nila, Smith, BaJ.J. and Co., to
act for them in the event of a ;Jnd.den 1·ctr('lat being
necessary.
T~1e ae:ent of th8 C}12rter'nd Bank. who
was the first in tfie field, started by adopting different methods f,rom those 1wed by thcj Manila merchant banks.
Instead ,of rE;fus:Lng to accept land as
sufficient security for loans, as did the other
banks, he offered, evon against his charter, to take
real estato, and he charged less int(3rest than did
the merchant banks.
The policy of acceptlng land
-403mortgages attracted much business to the bank.
The
natives were quite willing to give land that no o·ne
else would havo to thE::_British banks, for it was useless to the natives, and when their loans became due,
they permitted the banks to foreclose, and seize the
land, while they moved away to obtain from the Spanish government other land, fre0 of cost.
Failure of American F1.rms. - This method of doing
business, though far seeing;as fut 1-1rc events proved,
entailed ·considerable loss at first, ~md for thDt reason was not followed by the merctant banks.
The British merchants who secured the busin8ss that the British banks diverted from the Americqns and the other
foreign traders, felt no inconvenience, but the rest
of the merchants were hard pressed.
The natives deserted them for the better terms securable at the
hands of the British, and finally, in 1875, Russell
and Sturgis were forced into bankruptcy.
The announcement of the failure ·brou,!ht trade, in Manila temporarily to a standstill.
Foi a generation the great
American firm had kept in the shadow nll other mercantile houses in Mcl.niJ.2, e..nd the establ:.shment had come
to be regarded c1s tho fountain head of all the Vc).rious commercial streams that had forced thc~ir way
through the Archipelago.
It had ne7er been believed
that the Americans could be forcod out of business by
their British rivals and there is nothing to indiGate
that they would have been but fo:~ the ov8rpowering
assistanc,3 riven to British merchants in t:ie Orient
by the British government.
It was the policy pursued
by the cornmE;rcial agents of the Hritish Foroign Office
that forced Russell, Sturgis into bankrup~cy, nnd as
the power exerted by England was entirely J.eg:itirnate,
Americans can d2plore only that those in authority
at Washington did not, give equal att.FJnt:.on to the
trade battle that was being
,~ waged in i,1anila.
~
After the fall of Russ ell, Sturz is, the United
States continued to be reprcJsented in Menila by the
other American house, Poele, Hubbell r.~ Co.
It hold
no longer, because its interests were not so complex,
but its existence caused the En:zlisr,men to continue
their right against the Americans, until, in 1887,
Peele, Hubbell gave up the contest and went out of
business.
-404--
The fight had .been a costly one, and the British firms are said to have lost a vqry large sum
before they finally rid themselves 0£ their great opponents.
As soon as they had the field to themselves,
the Englishmen retrurned to the old plan of issuing
loans, and the cost· of the fight was ultimately borne
by the natives. · The victory was decisive, for since
then, Briti::;h comme:rcial houses have reigned supreme
in the Philippine. Islands.
2. Economic and Social Results of the Opening
of the Philippines to Foreign Nations.
(a) Economic and Social Development .J/
The astonishing development of the population
in the last century was coincident witb. the economic
advance of the islands, the two lines of growth clearly having progressed together.
The first quarter of the nineteenth century
brought events to the Philippine;s that were desti.ned
to revolutionize society and industry.
Mexico obtained her independence from Spair. in 1820, and after
that all commurdcation betwoen the f·hilippines ancl.
what had been an over-colony ceased.
Trade betwoen
Spain and the Philippines was not carried on by vussels sailing around the Cap0 of Good hope.
The last
Philippine galleon had returned from Mexico in the
year 1814. 2
The Royal Philippinb Company, which held
a monopoly of trade, ended its life in 1835 without
having achieved either financial succ<JSfJ or lasting
economic benefits to the island,s.
This was followed
two years later, in 1837, by thG opening of the port
of Manila to foreign trade.)
This is the decisive
1 - Barrows, "History of the· Population," Cens_us of
12.Ql, Vol, I, PP• 445-h46.
2 - 1816 according to i,Ias, and 1815 according to
~Iontero y Vidal.
3 - On Dec. 14, 1837, a sch~dule of tariff duties
on goods brought to Mcmila wr~s promulgated. ( See Buceta
y Bravo, QQ• Q!i•, Vol. I).
-405date and event in th(3 history of Philippine industry
and commerce.
How little the islands had sharod in
the trade of the world is to be seen from the statistics of the yenr 1810.
Imports in that year amounted to 5,329,000_ ,;>esos, and mor,3 than half of this was
silver sont from Mexico.
Imports from the Unit8d
States and frorn J!Jurope, incJ. uding .3paj_n, had amounted
to 175,000 pesos.
'l'h8 ,~xport3 for the sn.rne y8.JY' were
evGn less, the b2lanc 0 of tre.de being aga :trwt the Arcrlipelago.
This amounted to L~, 795,000 pc-so:,, but of
this amount over a million and et half was Moxica.n silver exported to Chine:.
The whole :Jrnount of ex:oorts
to Europa and to the Unitad Stntcs was only a quarter
of a million per:;os. 'I'here was practically no ,:3xportation of those great staples - hemp, tob,~1cco, 1:.1u.gar,
coffoe, and copra, which subsequently enriched the
islands and fo[!tered this phenomenal growth of population.
In 1831 the expr.;>rtation of hemp amounted to
only 346 tons 1 but the immediate effect upon production of the opiC;ning of the port of Manila to foreign
trade is seen in the exportation six years later of
2,585 tons.
By 1858 tr.:.e cxportat ion of this 9.rticle
alone had risen to 27,500 tons.
Of this amount
nearly two-thirds went t~ the United Stateo for the
rigging of those ships which mad0 thfl Ame:r:Lcan NElvy
famous for spei':,d and daring throughont tho f ir.st
half of the last century.
Of ,sugar the axport tn
1858 amount~d to 557 (sic.) piculs, of which more
than half v,1 ent to Great Br·itain.
In 1814 gent:ra1
permission had been given to foreigners to establish
trading houses in Manila, and by 185,3 t.hero were 15
such established, of which ? wer<::: Enr;1.isn and 3 American.
( Seo Bowring, "A Visit to the Philippine Is·lands. 11 )
In 1855 t~hree other ports weru opensd to
foroign commerce - Sual in Pan6 a.'.:dnqn, to promot,e tho
exportation of the ·surplus production o~ rice; Iloilo
and Zamboanga; and in 1865 Cebu likewiEJe wus m;::ide an
open port. From these dates tho prosperity of the
Philippines advanced t:;tendily and rapidly without interruption until the outbreok of th8 Philippine revolution six years ago. To this period is due the
propagation of the hernJJ fiolds of Ambos Canmrinus,
Albay, and Sorsogon; the planting of the innumerable
coconut groves; the sug-ar haciendas of Parnpc1ngtt rmd
Negros; the tobacco fields of Cagayan and the Iloco
provinces; the coffee of Batangas, and the utilization everywhere of the specially ad.:1pted soils for
the production of these admirablo articles of trade.
-406One thing is to be noticed, and is important in estimating the future development of the islands.
The money that was invested here was not brought in
by capitalists but was made here. Haciendas arose
from small beginnings, and this continued prosperity
apparuntly suffered no diminution or check until it
was interrupted·by the ravages and desolation of
warfare.
One point must be noticed, howavHr, in regard to the addition of this weo.1th to the islands,
pnd thut is that it was not evenly distributed among
the population but WGnt to enrich certain famili(.:JS,
largely Spanish ar.d mestizos, 3.E3 well c1s the old
native ariE;tocracy - the 11 principo.les. n, Tb.e grr!at
mass of the po9ulation secured few gains or material benefits from this increased wealth of the archipelago.
It was during this period o·f prosperity that
measures were adopted for the laying out of pueblos
and the erection of public edifices, and during this
time the fine homes of the wealthier class of the
native population were constructed.
( c) Commercial and Agricalturnl Progj:'ess •1
Taking the increase of exports as an indication of greater agricultural and comrnr.;;rciaJ_ e.ctivity,
we find ~hat, with the opening of the port3, exports increas~d; and these now consi8te4 of the product~; of tlrn country, ins toad of rnarn1f c:. et Trod goods
brouzsht from elsewhere in the O.cient.
B,1 1839, tho
Philippines exported 2,674,?20 pesos of her own products, as·against 500,COO pesos in lf110.
Su:~ar
in 1782, w&s the only product which was attracting
any attention, bocausc at t,he time, t,;d.rty-thousand piculs of it had been oxportec.; in 18/+0, 146,661
piculs were exported; in 1854, tho amount had increased to 566,371, almost four times g:redter than
1840; and, in 1857, the amount reached 711+,059 piw•
culs.
Similarly, the amount o.f hemp E:xpr):ctGd in-·
1 - Benitoz, "The Old Philip,iines _Indu,strial Dc:ve:
looment" in Craig-Benitez, £.hi1J..£J2,illi,L.t.£Qgress Prior -t;,o
189§_.
-407creased, in spite of the fact that it found its way
in the world's market for the first time only in the
early part of the nineteenth century .2
The same effect that was observed in connection with the opening of Manila followed that of the
other ports.
The production of the regions around
the new ports increased as shown by export statistics, and commercial activity was stimulated, as
shown in the greater movement of ships.
For example, Sual in 1a57 sent abroad twelve ships with rice,
and two hundred and twenty-five ships to Manila, also
loaded with rice; in 1860, sixty ships went abroad,
and one hundred and seventy-two to Manila, loaded
mostly with the same cargo.
Again, al tho in the
__ first three or four years there were no marked increase in her exports, Iloilo by 1859 began to show
signs of increasing productivity.3
Its total value
of exports, which in 1858 amounted to 82,000 pesos,
had increased to 1,000,000 pesos in 1863.
2 - Azcarraga
(.Q.£. 2it.) gives the following figures
for hemp.
Piculs
~X£0I~
1840
1845
1850
1853
1857
---~----------- 83,790
-------------- 102,490
-------------- 123,410
-------------- 221,518
-------------~ 327,574
1a5a -------------- 412,502
3 - The following figures show the trend of exports
from Iloilo.
lbid.
Fo£9ign Countries
Piculs of Sugar
1859
1860
1861
1862
1863
---------9,344
---------- 40,176
---------- 44,256
--------- 102,464
--------- 170,832
Manila
Piculs of Sur;ar.
77,488
72,592
29,312
98,912
eo,ooo
-408Furthermore, the opening of Iloilo encourGged
production in the island of Negros.
Previous to
the new era the conditions there were described thusf
11 • • • before the happy event that we o.re considering,
that island was uncultivated, tld.nly populated, und
above all, without any kind of production to keep comri1erce alivG; besides the Governor, the Alcnlde Mayor,
and the curates sent by the religious orders, there
were no other Jpaniards; only one Eurorean, a French
doctor by the name of Gaston, heid. settled there, cultivatj_ng sugar cane, and now and then send some car11 ••• Af-~er the oponing of the port
goes to Manila.
of Iloilo, the 4,000 piculs of sugar produced in
Negros in lg56 had increasgd to 100,000 by 1a64 for
exportation; there were 25 Europeans in tho same
year, 7 machines run by steam in the towns of Bucolod,
Jv1inuluan, cmd Bo.go, and 45 run by animal power. Similar advancement chcu·&ct(~rized the other partf; of
the.islands.
(c) Social and Political Results, 1
R~turning to the Real Compania, in spite of
the protection and preroga.-tiv8S granted by the monarch, it declined from year to yoar.
Badly managed, making absurd commercial operations, as it
followed no truu mercantile principle, but operated
along unwieldy, complicat0d and selfish odm:i.nistroti ve lines, the Gompany was a complete failure putting an end to its busiress in li:1]0, in whlcl1 its
rights and privileges vJ8re decl::ired expired, leavj_ng the port of Manila de ,jnre fft de fg__r,to opf;n to
foreign commerce and navi.5 ation.
If such tra:ns forma. t ion W.3S convenient to tho
interests of the Filipino people, you can imagine
that it was not ;:;y any means to the irrt:.rorests of
1.~
'
. . pri.
+,,!ie
pri• vi·1 ege d C.Le
ss, j': or t.h e re:_:ison tn.-:1.t
t .cu=nr
nit ivo methods of acquiring wealth had come to an
end, True economj_c 1 if e demand .:jd freedc,m of work
and freedom of exchang E~.
Freedom of work hurt the social class which
lived off its exploitation under the protection of
1 - Dr.Pnrdo de Tavera, QE.• cit.
-409the powers and of the law; production excepted from
their hands and the pr1ras it ic,11 methods of the exploiters came to an end; the freedom of exchange also
took commerce out of. the same privile[r,ed cJ.ass and
placed it at th() di.spo.sition of otLen, bettE:-:r qwdif ied for it.
No change of more tr::m:::; cendcmtal and
beneficent results for the Filipino people could have
been made.
Commerce was to ce::1s e boirnt a force for
exploitation.
·
But you already ~now what happens with every
. I- is
•
.
' vntu
. 1-- preJlL
•
d.ice r:m d
c h ange:::i, J.v
a ..J w,:q~:l rr:'!C8J.·veo
pr 1Jvokes hostility, as i11 .fr·ont of it risi38 the tremendous fortress of tradition and custom, an obsta~le which, 6ertainly, once overcome, will serve as
a refuge to the new acquisition of our society, which
will in turn be kept as a tradition and custc::n.
The encourtJ/:ement given by the Roal Comp:::.fiiu
to develop i.ndu.s trial and ngriculral production
backed by tbc money it had distrtbuted in the provinces with that purpose ho.d at J.ength to produce
their results and if the_ Cor:ipany did fail, on the
other hand, thanks to it, Philippine production made
considerable Rrogress.
1sihen tho mother country imposed freedom of
trade, the majority of the dominntors received that
provision very favorably; they wisted for a less rigid sequestration, but not its abolition, for they
rightly feared that competition would destroy t.tv3ir
old system of exploitation wtich wos so convenient,
so sure and so productive.
The ffbrutes l.oaded with 2"old 11 p:o.vo a nroof of
their intelligence and of thci~ ospi;ations~by sending their children' to Manila to be educ,-;_t(::;d, buying furniture, mirrors; ar·t.icl.e,s of luznl'y fo1· their
homes and persons; buyi.ng pianos, carrir?es, objucts
imported from the United States and Europe which come
their wc;1y, owing to the foreign t:r.s1de.
Tl'H::;e articles caused a revelation which produced a rqvolutlon
in the public conscience, thanks to that mer>itable
revolution of an economic character which permitted
the only possible development - material developrnr)nt.
The necessities of commerce, demonoed not by
the poor but by the powerful, were attended to; for
-410that reason roads were made, bridges were built, new
hi8hways of communication were opened, public snfety
was organized in a more c~fficient munner, the r:1bu,ses
of the dominators had greater publicity and therefore
were fewer and more combating, the mail servico v1as
.
d , opaninr
c,
•
d s Dnd_ o t],.,
· · ·
' l... e t_,o
J_mprove
,Her -~=·1
1 ipinos
WGre ao
place themselvec in contact with tho civilized world,
emerging from their prolonged and harmful sequer~tration as a result of the effort of economic impulses.
(
We emerge from that period owinr; to purely natural causes.
Thon:! is no doubt that for rel ip;ious
pur~oses, tutelor sequestration did not offer any
cause of comprer_;,sion; on ~ho contrary, it vias the
r,
7•
•
,
mos t a d equa t e cause ror
re~1g1ous
worK.
nowevar,
in spite of being contrary to the artificial policy
followed by the King of Spain and his representatives,
tr.iat period could not s us+-,ai.n itself, fallir1g mrt;urally, b(3cause it was contrary to tlw nature of the
laws which rule h~man progr~ss; because it was contrary to economic progress,
If we had not emereed
there from we wot;ld not have progres:;, 8d; the f:re-;dom of trade in openj_ng for us the doors of material
nl·~cerl us 1·n th,·, way of' ou·~, i·n.+-e.l}c,c:-11"
Pr·ocrress
b .
'
_t-·
progr0ss and in all its fullness,
Admittodly we do
not here witness a novel spectac:J_e in the 1ife of'
humanity, but we see repeuted in our coun'~17 the sam(;
process by means of which, during tho enti:cc; history
of mankind, man has evAr marched from t br::: cc;n~ue:.:t
of materiaJ_ we1.fare tu th""J conquest o:: int011 ectuDl
.co
t
• 1
and mora 1 progruss; _._rom
t1e acqu::.sition o:.: rca~crJJJ.
1 n1."·r1.0·
1·11o~·t
r,c•c,·,11<·-i~,J
rl· ece"""l'ti"0.:•
....,,u, 'or:,·r-ir
,..,,,., __ ....
("' wi"-t'·-h ·tl.-1·e
1. .
U
CJ._, wl;ich
•
is nutrition, t~ thos; of a higher order, b2sed one
upon anotii81', in a natural order determined by a concatenation of causes 2nd effects which artifici/11
means, voluntary or unconscious, placncl to change': its
course, ha··11c:: only served to pa:cn.lyze or re::;ard.
T'
0.
I
,_.l
1·
,.)W
.1
1.
.J.
'.J
,
1
'
•
..1
•
...,J
··'-•
• -C:-~
'...J ~ .. U
1 ]
.
"
V'-lt...)G . ..J_ .•
Freedom of trado had to c harw:e ou.r economic
state, but the upper cla SS, educnt.ed ;u:c! er '.__. he influence of the ideas of the first epo~L, h~J neither
prepa:~ntion to avc::il itself of the novu1ty nor aven
the disposition to understand i t:3 benefits. It .w2s
made from the same mould; it,2 economic combinations,
placed at the lov,iest level rnc\nur1l production, in···
riustry, agriculturE:, becausr:; thuy had been accustomed to look upon theM as the uctivities proper to
the lowest and least considered classes in society,
-411Commerce was on a higher lev~l, practised by the rovernors themselves, the alcaldes mayores civil, military, and reli?:;ious authod.t ies, protected moreover
by monopolies, privileges and exemptions which gnve
it the full character of an aristocratic institution.
Un the top level were the ecclesiastic, military and
1egnl profession vJhld1 constituted the aristo0rc1tic
professions.
Thus was constituted a spir"i.t appropriate to that of the period of sequestration, and it
may be said thnt the colonial policy of thot t:i.rne h1d
gairwa its triumph.
Commorce, even on a small. scale, is rather an
intellectual occupat~on; it doos not require much
work and at. times almost none; it rc~quir8d calcu1ation, foresight, honesty or trickery according to
the times and cases; it is, in short, an activity having two 'moral aspects diarnetric.::.illy opposed, according to whether it operates under oppressive laws or
under free institutions.
In the first case it exploits, deceives barefootedly, oppresses, uses ~nd
abuses its privilegsd situation; in the second case,
it wins by procedure of an elsvated character, such
as square dealing, exc1ctnecrn in cc:1rrying 011t agreements to buy and sel]., g6od quality of products and
merchandise dealt in, comp(')t it ion-in short, it is
foun<i ed on the interest o:C the nrod ur: ors rnd the purchases too, and j_n this manner 1-s caJ.culatecl to ·win
the confidence and tho cue:;tom of ead1 other.
0
Freedom of trade was bound to b~ing capital
and active people from the outside of tte r:rcbipe-·
lago. Capital would be of use to develop production and, rwturally, cor:sumption, anrJ c,xpo1,+-,c1tion.
Persons who came freely brought new irlaas, new msthor:ls, ne;rJ morol and int ell oct 13l n30ds, wit ho u.t the
support of privileges which se~ved for exo1oitation,
so that such men had to influence favor&bly the general progress of the Philippines.
1
The first result was the collision of the new
arrivals with the exploiters of the o1~ ordur, wbose
'
]r
d vi .l1J.cn
•
1 •
pea c er u 1 poss eso ion
01,-, a __
1 ve 1 y-.,oor
su11.., r.3 d
them, because nobody questioned it or oisturbed it,
was suddenly threatened by the competltion of more
active, mor0 industrious, hetter prepared and richer
indi7iduals, supported by fh·ms located in the most
j_mportant c enters of the comm.ercie1l world. In the
r,
I
•.,_
-412same' manner as by the arrival of the ,Spaniards, the
old Filipino caciqur.rn who dominated during the period of tuteJ.ar seauostration found them.s0J.ves immediately supplanted crn.d converted into sornothin2,;
Jower than the new caciques of an economic order.
They understood that such s vpremo cy vJould p:i ve tliem
supremacy in eV(Jrything,
To defend their position
they had recourse to the ant i--f nnd.gn sentiments
of the entire society; frJreignc:n; had alvvays been
regardod as the enemies of Spain and of God; they
must also be the enemies of the Filipinos,
The
crusade was not new, it has been used before with excellent re:::mlts at the time of J:i:nglish domination.
This campaign was hardly storteci when the cholera
for the first time made its appearance in :l9r:iila,
Taking advantage of thclt e7ent, which v1as a1so providential, the rumor was started that the foreigners
had poisoned the waters of the Pasig, vd.th the rosul ts that in 1820 the people of Manila exterminated
the forei3ners who were then residing at the capital.
Recommend at ions, favor, and reJ.a tionship served
in the old socia: ordor to SC;cure ocC(li)C::ition of an
official charact-or; eVC:lry governor a:c:ri ved in Manila,
as is mentioned by all chroniclers of the ·sime, accomp.<:lnied by a numerous following of pnra.sitos,
friends, relations, godsons, pa,0os, ;:i.nd f:1vorites
incapable of doinr~ anything usefuJ., wr10 vrnro J.ator
placed by their patron :5.n alcald ias, e:mcomi:mdas,
offices of every kind in which each of them developed
his faculties for exploitation, as best un1erstood
by him, to acquire a fortune by the maans ~hat I
have alread:'/ mentioned. i\1011, men wbo r0pre"H:nterl
the new typo of social 2uthnrities werG ~at~rolly
insensible to the recomnwnd:,\Jdons for f,nor as regards the agents and employees necess:L":' t0 corry
on their bus :'..riess, whom they 1::ou~,;ht ernonf ct pc:r,sons
who were re~lly quelified by their intnlJ.igence,
activity and morality.
One of the causes of thf.; fa.iJure of the celebrated Real Compafiia de Fil:i.pina[) 1A '.1s preci.uely
tho incompetent force thc,t managed the bue inoss in
the IsJ.c1nds, selected in Spai. 11 not. on account of
pcrsonctl au::i.1 ::.fie at ions but by th0 int ri.r:ues of favor and polltical recommendatj_on. In tli0 new commercial and nconomic lif P- the:re were sought those
men of useful thour(bts recommended by G(:mflral Basco,
1
-413and the men so furnished found positions, nr, freely '-rnd on their own account, est&blished themselves
in the n0w activity which transformwl our soci0ty.
During the previous epoch the so-c~lled natu-
ral resources constituting the extractive industries,
consisting of the collectio~ of the spon~aneous products of nature, werc3 E::xp::;_oitecl, to the extent that
the freedom of trade brought ~bcut the development
of agriculture ·wtich has alreadJ bec-m initiated by
the Real Compa.fiia.
In Iloco::3 indiri:u wa~3 made, in
Batangas, Parnpanga, Bulacnn, Lnguna, 2nd the Bisayas
su,o;ar cane was cul+~i'latGd and r~ugar was made; in
Albay, abnca ~as produced.
Vigan, Taal, Balayun,
Batangas, jJ.lbay, Nu,:;ve Ca.c1-;res, Cebu, Molo, JarCJ,
Iloi1o, began to be coverr:)c. with so1idly r:onstructed
buildings; their wealthy citizrms ·,vo'JJ d come to Manila, make purchases, become acquainted with the
great merchants who entertained them i.n tneir q'wl ity as customers, whose trade they n~eded; they visited the Governor-General, ·who wo1J.1d rccei vr:; them a.ccord ing to the po.sit.ion that t:n,.::ir mc)ney rtav~; they
came to know ti-10 justices of the Suprc'Ille :'.:;nurt, tbe
provincials of reli1;5.ous orders; they brBhed up as
e. rosul t of the:;.r contact. with t,he peoplr:1 CJf the
capit&l and on returning to thuir pu8blo Ui,ey took
in their hearts and miYids with them tLe ~erm of what
was consequently ccilled s·ubverrJive ideas and later
stil.1. filibusterismo.
3. Other Aspects of Philippine Ma Gcrial
Progress
Road Construction and Iw~rovement of Communication tasilj~ti.es .J_
D. Pascual Enrile y AJcedo, was ti.pprJinted to
succeed Ricafort, Governor and Captain Gen~ral of the
Philippines, Deeember,1830.
1 - Excerpts from J\iontero y Vidul, .QQ• ci!_., vol.
'21, and vol. 3, ChaptEff'S 5, 6, 9 and :i.o.
-41'1-A man of keen observation and education, Enrile
began to study the country as soon as he arrived in
the Philippines.
In 1829 he visited the principal
provinces of Northern Luzon, not as a governrnent official, but as a priv,Jte citizen.
He was accompanied,
in the cap::icity of a,ssistant, by a young military en-.
gineer, D. Jose Marin Pefiarc1nda, to wr1om in the expedition he entrusted various difficult _tasks, such
ciS the survoy of the trail f.re;rn IJ.oc08 i:~orte to Cc:.rayan by wa7 of Mount Po.tatat E nd Garabclllo d1c:l Norte.
renaranda drew iti.neruries and pJ.0.11~3 for this tr[.iil.
1
The knowlodge go.ined regarding the nature,
needs and situa~ion of the above-mentioned provinces
was of va~ .ue to Enril (~, w11en he 1JPcame Go,rnrLor, in
1
his efforts to carry out his plans for th3 ~aterial
welfare of the Archin 10J.ago.
In the attainment of
these he dedicated, ~uriiis five y~ars, his talent,
initiative, and pcrsever~nce, with a zeal worthy of
the highest prais(,.
_
To carry out his plan of ma ter::U1J. d evr:-Jlopmont,
~nrile corrected_ the ex;stlng plans and p~epar~d a
general map of trio A::.~chip'j_;_ng:o; he latur Dad tnoce
great high.ntys of f-;orthe rn Gnd :3outhern ~u?ion constructed together vJit;_1 various brc,:nchr;3 to them, built
a multitude of bridrse.s and improved the conditions
of certain towns.
Pefiaranda lrnlped Er:rile in the carrying out of
the vast program of public works.
AftE.':r making the
survey we have noted, he madA another detailed ono
of all the navig8ble rivers and streams of Pangasinan, m&king maps of the sa,ne; he 7isit ud anuw the
grand ~ordillera of Luzon and tr8versed th9 roEion
from San Nicolas~ in the pr0vinc8 of I~ocos, tb the
missions of Ituy~ in Cagayan, in search of the
2 - .Tttty-and Paniqui were edrly missions established in
the province of Cagayan during the first ygars 0f the 17th
century. Some of the towns in the presont provinces of Nue~
Vizcay2. and Isabr3la od.c:inally w2rs inclu.ded in t,Lose missions,
About the time PofiD.rando. vis itsd these regions, t11ose missions
were constituted as follows:
Mission of Ituy:
Aritao, Dupax
Bambang, Bayornbong
I,Iission of Pa.niqui:
LuwaL,u17:, Bagabag,
,... .., .. • •
,, n ')',:, d •:, r, •:· n
.JnlJ..g, lu:.::::·"'·u,cd.,
Cauayan, Calam8niugan,
-415easiest and shortest route betwe0n the two provinces.
He then proceeded to study the host mean3 of pr8vonting the floods from lakes Car.arom and Manj abol in
Pampanga, and traced a new rout0 that was beyond the
reach of those floo<lA.
He latur visited tlie distant
Batancs and Babuycnes Islnnfs tp study their condition, neeri and menns of devcJloping thum and on his
return he tr:i V"-)!'S ed the :s rand CordilJ.ur3 from Tuguegarao, through the territory of the Hild Calaus ond
Apayaos, to Dine;ras ( Iloco:J Norte} in search of 8
possible direct rout,) betweer1 t;.-ie mad.time coast of
the <Jest and the vast 2nd r~.ch rr3gions which now
constitute the provinces of Nu8va --Vizcaya, Isal)u1D.
and Gagayan.
0
Enrile conceived the idea of solving the difficult problem of establishing m8uns of communication in th8 interior, and ho commissioned P0f:-1randa
to survey the Cordillera from Siniloan in the province of Laguna, to Binafigonan de Lampon, on th0 Pacific coast, to vis it Polillo on the Pacific, and to
~t~dy the long coast of Eastern Luzon up to the
present d L;tr ict of Baler::.
Of more importance was the itinerary, now e~isting, of the mail service ::i.n the S Juth by way of
Tayabas and Camarines, the use of' whid: up to that
time was considered irnpra.ct::i.ca.blo.
A similar survey was made and itinerary dravm up betvrnen Balanio
and the strategic port of 3ub ic, Zambal (?S.
1
Having completed satisfactor·ily thes(~ tc1sk,
Pefiaranda occupied himself 11-Jith the co:jst:r·1Iction of
a fort at Burias; with campairning aga.·.nst a bond
of bandits which nestled at 1·iount San Crjst:.obal,
capturing the band and killing tl1e lesdcr; with the
8Stablishment of an outpost et Uambahan on the side
of that mount a in; in the c0nstruct ion of a road
uniting that post to Maj ayjay; and with the inspection of the forts and the t, elegraph systun of th,3
coasts and of the provi.ncinJ.. n;arit.5.rne forces. While
engaged in these tasks, he prepared a sketch which
included the southwestern part of Luzon, from Cavite
to Albo.y.
In 1834, he commenced fd.milar work for th~ establishment of wec3kly service vvith all the provinces
of the 1';orth; and for the f..)Stc.bl iE.: hment of a me.in
-416road in the difficult passes of Agayayos, in Ilocos
Sur, and Rabon, in Prtngasinan.
On the 14th of May of that year, Pofiaranda was
appointed Corrogidor pol it:5_co-militat and subdelegate
of £i'inanco of A1bc1y, or Governor of that province,
and, during his odm:inistcntion, important road~, were
conntructed in the province, bridges, and public edifices built and agriculture develoosd.
For those
merit,orious servir;es the inLc1b:ftDnts of Al.bay have
perputuatnd hie n:emory Dy crest:Lng, a few ycaI\S 2.fter
his death, a monument in the plaza of the capital of
the province.
Enrile was one of the most intelli~cnt and industrious governors that the Philiouines-over h~d.
'I'ho country OWC;S to him transcundentr.11 mUt8ria.J,. improwcments of the utmost vc.lue, such c.ts thEj highways
of Luzon, which have faciJ.itated traffic betwecrn
provinces, at the sar.ie time putting them into postal
communication with one another hy means of the postal
routes established by him.
.1-l.lso it is :indebt,ecl to
him for the administratian of scientific UDd orderly
rules and proc 8dures in all the br:Anches thnt have
contributed to the Jevelo~ment of the general welfare,
and h8ve increaced considcra.bly the public 1rrnalth.
Agriculture, commerce, na vigatiori al so ex:ocrienc ed
the bensficial results of this illust,rious govrJrnor' s
judicious management, registering during his adrnj_nistration rapid pror.;ress, thanks to the mc,esm~es enacted by 1lim which conduced to their r:ute.dal development.
(b) Campaigns Against Piracy, lfh7-Ht51
About the midclle of the nineteenth Ctcntury, durj_np; the
adrrdnis~rations of Claverie: and Urbiztondol the G01ermnent
wagE~d vi[~orous campa:tgns Dgainst plrc:c,cy.
Th0 ca.rn~.:.1.igns
mav
be s7id to be 3n outgrowth of thu at~erpts of certain European powers to g~in tcrritori3l footjo]ds in the
Phil ip_oines_.
.As pointed
out tv" Heid.dor
211d Ar1 son in their )
0
,., rl,
( J
•
Commerc :;_al Pr91-:1:t.2i~, 1v En&:Lrnd, in 1 c 49, t l.u·ou[')l. James hnJa
1 - Na red.so Claveria, 184L-1849; Antonio de U:rbiztondo,
1850-1853.
2 - Vid e, sup:£_a.
-417-
Brooke, sought to bring the Suitnn of Jolo under British protection.
At about the samo time, the F'rench, through Monsieur de-la Greno, tried to obtain from the Sultan of Jolo
the cession of Busilan.
These attempts were serious threats
against the territorial unity and integrity of the PhiJippines.
The campaigns launched by tho Philippine Government
between 1848 and 1851 :i.n the l\:ohanm,.edc1n occupied areas of
the Philippines were inspired by the desire to safeguard the
Philippines against the imperialiEJtic desir:ns of England and
France.
The campaigns may be viewed c1.lso as a phase of the commercial progress of the Philippines.
The expansion of commercial activities following the opening of the Philippines
to foreign trade created a demand, not only for t,he improvement of commercial facilities, but also for greater security
and freedom from bandits and pirates on the highways and sea
-lanes of thfJ Philippin<_js.
The campaif!:ns were undertaken to
make the lines o.f communication of the country by sea ::md by
land safe for those who wanted to use them for commerce or
for travel.
They were important steps tci.kGn by the Government to meet the needs and conditions arising as a result of
the opening of the Philippines to foreign nations.
(i) Oyanguren a~d the Conquest of Davao. 1
In 1847, a Spaniard D. JosA Oyanguren realized
an accomplishment which has brc,ught ho nor to his name,
- the conquest of Davao.
We prc~.f er to let another
speak of this accomplishment.2
"Oyanguren was a native of Guipvzcoa.
He came
to the Philippines in 1825, a refugee from the persecutions which he encount.ercod in Soa5.n on account of
close adherence on his part to the consti.tution8.l regime.
In 1830 he was in Car,1gc:! ( now S J.rigao) engaged
in commerce and navigation along the coasts of Iviindanao.
1
------1 - .Montero
y Vidal, .££..•. Qi t.
2 - La Isla de Mindanao, su histq.r:i§_y__su est~do 12re§.ent e, CQ.!L~lgunas reflecciones a_c erc_§_d ~L.§:\d 2orven~.r? oy D•
Agustin Santayc::ma, former director of the local administration in the Phtlippines, Madrid, 1862.
-/+18"In 1840 he was appointed judge of first instance in the populous province of Tonda.
Upon hearing of thE~ cession Ly the Sultan of Mindanao of th0
region of Davao, Oyanguron plAnned to make effective
the control of thot region.
He proposed to CaptainGern::n·al D. Narciso C:Javrc;:c~.a that he be provided with
arms and munitions; that he be given the comm.::md of
the territory for a long ~Jerir)Cl .wit/1 exclusivd privilege to tr:1de; that in return Le would subjugate,
with men of his o·tJn choosin.2: ,,nd provided fo:r by himself, the whole re~ion, fro~ Cape-San Agustin to Sarangani point; that he would expel or pacify the Moros
inhabiting the region, found Christian communities,
provide them 1,Jith ugricu:i.tural implements, ::ind establish means of communication with the gentiles of the
interior of the Isle.nd, cttracting them to civilized
life and to sur.;mi:3sion to Spanish authorities.
"Governor Claveria recGived with much satisfaction the proposal, for it agreed so well with his
plens regarding the reduction of tho wild tribc)s and
the extermination of piracy.
»aut before giving formal acceptance, Claveria
referred the matter to the Aud!enci8, in accordance
with the laws of the Indias.
Pere the project encountered some opposition on D ccount of tlJ.e long period of control which Oyanguren deffi'J.nded, GS well. as
tho exclusive privileges to tr~~e, whjch were considered extraordinary 2nd without· prE3Ceden-i-:,.
The Audiencia, tterofore, sanctioned the project, with the
stipulation that tlv~ te:cmE; sub1td.tt,3d by Ovc:nR:uI'E;n
should not be considered as a contract ~ifh Eno Government, but merely a.s a conce:c::-:.oion £_;ranted to him
for a. 1 imited period, with the usual 1 imj_·t.c1t irn1s.
Accordingly, Governor Claveriu by dccre0 of Fobruary
27, 1847, granted to Oyanguren for ::1 pe:r_;JJC~ of 10
years control of the territory he mipht conquer in
the region of Davao, with exclusivo trade privileges
dud.r:g ~::-hG first six yem.'s; furnislwd Lim with a.rtilJ.ery, rifles anri munitions; Emd nutho:r.•ized hi.m to
organize~ company of soldiers of h~s own ~hoosing.
It was agroerl. t,hat the capj_taJ. of t.1-10 new pro"Jince
was to be named Nueva Verg~r<l, and that some of the
towns o~ the province of Cara~a which wero far from
the capital o? this province ~ere to be incorporated
with the pro vine e to be f 01·med.
-419"At the beginning of 1849, Oyanguren was already in possession of the whole coast of the region;
he hRd establiGhed the town of Nuev.::i Vergnra ( now
Davao) und :bad begun to start o. campaign in the interior.
In view of these successes the region was,
by decree of January 29, ll-149, created into a province under the name of Nueva Guipuzcoa, in honor of
Oyanguren 1 s native province.
In April of the same
year, the El.cano, under the command of D. MEmuel
Quesada, arrived at Davao with o. force of infantry.
With the cooperEttion of this force;, Oyanguren ntt8cked
and cnptured tho strongly dE)fended fort and Mohnmmedan town of Hilo, which obstructed communication with
Linao, a town of the province of Caraga.
With this
achievement, access to the latter place was made possible, and open and free communication through the
vallev of the Agusan was established for a distance of
50 1 eegues. ii
-~
(ii) Governor Clc1.veria's Campaign Against Piracy. 1
Early in the year 1348 Governor Claveria completed his preparations for the campaign against piracy, which he had long planned but which important
affo.irs of state had prevented him from carrying out
in earl i8r years.
A fleet was prepared for this purpo_s e under the
command of D. Jose Huiz de Apodaca, consisting of the
men of war Elcano, Magallanes, and Reina de Castilla,
tht; brigs, Constante, Guadiana and Senejayen as transports and a division o:f swift galleys.
Three companies of soldiers left for Dapitan on the transports
January 27, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Andres Arrieta.
In February of the same year, the Elcano and
the Magnllanes set sail, carrying on bonrd a small
detachment of halberdiers, a section of artilJery
with two hotitzers, a force of engineers and two
companies of soldiers.
On the Reina de Castilla,
which flew the flag of the commander Apodaca, embarked the command er-in-chief Claveria with his staff.
1 - Mont ere y Vidal, QQ• Q.i t.
-420-
On the 10th the expedition reached Dapitan and on
the 11th, Governor Cayetano Figueroa of Zamboanga
joined it with 150 intrepid volunteers from Zamboanga.
The whole force proceeded to the Island of
Balanguingui arriving there on the 14th,
At dawn
of the 16th, takinf advantage of the low-tide, the
landing was effected in perfect order. . At eight in
the morning the attacking column was formed with
three companies of infantry and the 100 -i,-olunteers
from Zamboanga, ,;-vith another company as reserves.
Claveria, having aroused the cmthuoiasm of the troops
with an energetic address, gave the order to attack.
After a supreme effort, our forces succeeded in pe~
netrating and capturing the fort.
The fleet then
proceeded to the southern part, of t-he Islands to attack the cotta or fort of Sipac.
After heroic resistance on the part of the Moros, this fort fell into
the hands of our troops.
The next objective of the
expedition was the cotta of Sungap which also fell.
On the 25th the strong fott of Bucotingol was attacked and captured.
The vintas and boa_ts reconnoitered
all the creeks and destroyed the villages of Buasan,
Lintan, Pahat and Pandan-pandanan.
All the forts
c~ptured were destroyed.
News of the victory was received in .Manila with
joy, and Claveria, the leader of the. expedit~ionary
force, was royally welcomed on his return,
For his
victory, he received th0 titles of Count of Manila
and Viscount, and the grand Cross of San Fernando.
The Ayuntamiento of I"'Ianile go.vc him a costly sword,
while the Economic .Society of Friends of the Country,
presented him with a gold medal.
(iii) Urbiztondo's Campaign Against Piracy. 1
A piratical raid from Tonquil fell, in 1850,
upon the island of Samar and later on the island of
Camiguin.
The raiders committed the usual atrocitios, besides carrying away 75 unfortunate individuals of both sexes, whom they threw overboard on
their r8turn voyage.
-421-
The Captain-General of the Philippines demanded of the Sultan of Jolo the punishment of the pirates. But the Sultan confessed his impotence to suppress piracy.
Governor Urbiztondo himself undertook
the task of punishing the wrongdoers,
On December 11, 1850, the war vessels Reina de
Castilla, Sebastian Elcano, the corvette Villa de
Bilbao, and the brig Ligoro left Manila carrying on
board Governor Urbiztondo and his Staff, the Commanding General of the navy, D, Manuel de Quesada,
500 infantrymen and 100 artillerymen.
At Zamboanga
the expeditionary force was enlarged with the addition of two companies of infantry and 102 volunte~ts.
The fleet proceeded to Jolo, arriving there on
the 29th of December.
The city was defended by five
cottas or forts. The town contained 7,000 people of
whom 500 were.Chinese,
The captain of Engineers D.
Emilio Bernaldez and the Ensign D. Manuel Sierra, accompanied by the interpreter D. Alejo Alvarez, landed
on the 30th and announced to the Sultan that the
Chief ExecutivE: of the Islands had arrived and desired to hold a conference with him. But the Sultan
refused to meet the Marquis of Solana. Urbiztondo,
then, resolved to leave Jolo and wait for reinforcements at Zamboanga preparatory to an intensive campaign against _Jolo.
Early in the morning of January 1st, 1851, while
the vessels were peacefully lying at anchor, the
cottas fired upon them, killing seven men and wounding four.
Scton after, the Sultan raised a red flag
ind:icating thereby· -the outbreak of war.
The next day, the fleet left Jolo for Zamboanga.
On the way 600 men landed at Tonquil and burned 96
houses and 106 Moro war vessels. At Zamboanga, reinforcements were awaited and preparations made for a
big campaign.
On the 19th of February, 1851, the fleet returned to Jolo,_arriving there on the 27th. The next
day a landing was effected under shelter of the guns
of the fleet. The attacking force closed in on the
Moro strongholds and captured them one after the
other, By March 1, 1851, the town of Jolo was in
the hands of the expeditionary force and the Sultan
-422-
/imself was a fugitive.
/
·
,.,
News of the fall of Jolo struck terror in the
whole r,ioro country. Th0 more powerful sultans and
dotos of the Sulu Archipelago and_ of the island of
Mindanao hastened to solicit from the conqueror treaties of peace and amity. Taking ·auvantc.1ge of these
overturel?, Urbiztondo commissioned Major Caballes to
explore the southern coast of rdndanao and to inform
the chiefs of Cottabato and of the neighboring islands of the result of his campaign •
.
.
-
On tho 14th of April, LS51, the governor of
Znmboi:lnga, who had been authorized to negotiate a
treaty of peace with th0 Sultan and datos of; Julo,
left on the Elcano for Jolo, accompanied by Sheriff
Mahomad lViinsarin of the town of Pagsahanjan, Basilan,
who acted as interpreter. On the 19th, after several
conferences, the Sultan and dates of Jolo agreed to
sign a treaty of.peace.
~
The Treaty provided: Jolo with all its dependencies was incorporated with the Spanish Crown;
Queen Isabel II and her successors were acknowledged
as its own sovereigns and protectors;
the Sultan
and the dates were to preserve intact this territory
as an integral part of the Archipelago belonging to
the Spanish Government, anc} to refrain from negotiating treaties, commercial conventions, or alliance of
any kind with European powers, companies or persons,
corporations, sul tcms and chiefs of Malay States;
they reiterated the pledge not to engage, or to permit anybody to engage, in piracy and to punish those
that would follow such nefarious traffic; they promised to consider as their enemies, the enemies of
Spain, and as allies the friends of Spain; Jolo
should fly the Spanish flag in all its towns and vessels and that the Sultan and other authorities should
use the wGr flag of Spain on land and on the sea, to
the exclusion of all others; all traffic carried on
by vessels flying the Spanish flag should be free in
all the ports of the Sultanate; the Jolcans were forbidden to build fortifications of any ~ind without
express permission of the Governor-General of the
Philippines, as well as to buy or use firearms without license from the same authority; the Sultan and
datos should be conferred with royal titles corresponding to their position and authority; the Govern-
-423ment guaranteed to the Sultan and the inhabitants
of Jolo free exercise of religion and due respect
of their customs; likewise it guaranteed to the
bultan and his successors and to all privileged classes the right of succession in accordance with the
established order; the vessels and merchandise of
Jolo were to onjoy in Spanish ports the same privileges enjoyed by the natives of the Philippines, while
the Sultan and the datos were to onjoy their former
rights over foreign vessels; the Government reserved
the right to establish in Jolo a factory wjth Spanish garrispn, for the establisbment and maintenance
of which the Sultan and datos, as well as the natives,
should render all necessary aids, offering their services and materials at current prices; for this factory the site of the cotta Daniel was to be assigned;
the Sultan of Jolo could issue passports to his subjeGts, after the payment of the necessary fees, and to
affix his seal to the passports of Spaniards who might
visit his residence; lastly, as compensation to the
damages which the war had occasioned, an annual salary
of 1,500 pesos was granted to the Sultan, 600 pesos to
each of the dates Mahamact- Buloc, Molok and DcJ.niel
Amil-Bahal, and 360 pesos to >)heriff Binsarin "for
the good services he has rendered to the Spanish Government.
-The
1851. 2
treaty was ratified in Manila, April 30,
2 - Not long after the occupation of Jolo in 1851,
the Spanish garrison was driven away.
Jolo was reoccupied
in February, 1876, during the administration of Malcampo.
-424-
CHAPTER THREE
PROVINCIAL AND r,mNICIPAL REFORMS
1. Defects of the Administrative System
Another phase of national life which fGlt the impact
of the new conditions which 3rose following the opening of
the Philippines to foreign trade v-ws the administrative system in the provinces and municipalities of the Philippines.
The new class of well-to-do Filipinos felt the need of removing those conditions and practices in th8 government of
the provinces and municipalities which obstructed the healthy growth of commerce, agriculture, and industry in the
Philippines.
It was in answer to this need that important reforms were promulgated in 1844 nnd 1847,
The defects of the governmental system which theAe
reform measures sought to remedy wore pointed out in two
accounts: one by an Englishmo.n who visited the Philippines
during the years 1819-H122; the other by Sinibaldo de Mas,
who -wrote a report on the Philip"'.)ines under tLe title,
Informs sobro el ostado de las Islas Fili121_nss sn 1842.
The Englishlnan' s observntions are take:n from his work,
R8marks on the Phil1Qpine Islands .1
The government of the Philippine Islands is
composed of a governor, who has the title of Captain
General, with very extensive powers; a Tenient e Rey,
or Lieutenant Governor; the Audiencia or Supreme
Court, who are also the Council.
this tribunal is
composed of three judges, the chief of whom has the
title of Regent, and two Fiscals or Attorney Gene-
1 - In B.&:, R., vol. 51. Professor Otley H. Beyer,
of the Department of Anthropology University of the Philip·
pines, is authority for the information that the 3uthor of
the Remarks was Henry Piddington, a Britisher and an owner
of a pl0ntation in Calcutta, India, and that the work was pub
lished by the Baptist i,1ission Press, Calcutta in 1828. Professor Beyer found tho,se data written on a page of a co~Y
of the Remarks which he saw in the library of Harvard Un1ver·
sity.
-425rals, the one on the part of the king, the other on
that of the natives, and this last has the specious
title of "Defensor de los Indies." The financial
affairs are under the direction of an Intendant, who
may be called a financial governor. He has the entire control and administration of all matters relative to the revenue, the civil and military auditors
and accounts being under him.
Commercial affairs
are decided by the Consulade-, or chamber of commerce,
composed of all the principal, and, in Manila, some
of the infarior merchants.
From this is an appeal
to a tribunal "de .Alzada" (i.e., of appeal) composed
of one judge and two merchants, and from this to the
1-iUdiencia, without whose approbation no sentence is
valid.
Yhe civic administration is confided to the
.nyuntamiento ( Courts of h.lderman or Municipality).
This body, composed of the two Alcaldes, twelve Regidors (or Aldermen) and a Syndic, enjoy very extensive
privileges, approaching those of Houses of Assembly;
their powers, however, appear more confined to remonstrances and protests,- representations against
what they conceive arbitrary or erroneous in government, or recommendations of measures suggested either
by themselves or others. They have, in general, well
answered the object of their institution as a barrier
against the encroachments of government, and as a permanent body for reference in cases where local knowledge was necessary, which last deficiency they well
supply.
The civic power and police are lodged in the
hands of a Corregidor and two hlcaldes: the decision
of these is final in cases of civil suits, where the
value in question is small, 100 dollars being about
the maximum.
Their criminal jurisdiction extends
only to slight fines and corporal punishments, and
imprisonment preparatory to trial.
The police is
confined to the care of the Corregidor, who has extensive powers, and also the inspection and control
of the prisons.
.
To him are also subject the Indian Captains and
Officers of tovms, who are annually elected by the natives. These settle small differences, answer for disturbances in their villages, execute police orders,
-426impose small contributions of money or labour for
local objects, such as repairs of roads, ~c. kc.
They also have the power of inflicting slight punishments on the refractory.
To them is also confined the collection of the capitation or poll-tax,
which is done by dividing the population of the town
or village into tens, BO.eh of ·,vhich has 3 Cabeza
(or headJ, who is exempt. from tribute himself, but
answerable forth~ amount of the ten under him. This
tax is th8n paid to the Alcalde or Corregidor, and
from him to ~he treasury. The Mestizos and Chinese
have also their captains and heads, who nre equally
.answerable for the poll-tax.
The difflCJrent districts and islands, which are,
called provinces, and are 29 in numb er, are governed
by Alcaldes. The more troubl0sorne ones, or those
requiring a military form of government by military
officers, who are also Corregidors.
SarIDoangan on
the southwest coast of Niindana o, and Marianas, have
governors nam1::d from Manila, r. md these are continued
from three to five years in office.
Th<3 Alc-,1ldeships arc a fertile source of 2,buses
and oppression; their pay is mean to the last degree,
not excee'ding 350 dollars per annum, and a trifling
percentage on the poll-tax.
Ttey are in general
held by Spaniards of the lower classes, who, finding
no possible resource in I<anila, solicit an Alcaldeship.
This is easily obtainod, on giving the securities requir0d by government for admission to those
offices, which consist in two sureties2
to an amount
proportionable to the value of the taxes of the prov~
inc e, which all pass through the ;-\..1 cald e I s hands.
·
Of the nature and amount of these abuses an
idea will be better formed £roffi the following abridged
qu.ot,attons, which are translated from the work of
2 - It will bE understood that these sureties have
their sh:1re in thu advantages, thnt is plunder, which the
iilcalde derives from the gov0rnn1Gnt. Tld.s often amounts t
20, 30, or oven 50,000 dollars in three or four· years~-tho
at the time of their leaving Manila, they are in debt~to a
large amount.
It is but just to obs,3rve, that there are
some few honorablG exceptions. B.~ R.
-427Comyn:3
"It is indeed common enough to see the barber
or lacauey of a governor, or a common sailor, transformed at once into the Alcalde in chief of a popu~
lous province, without any other guide or council
than his own boisterous passions.
"iv"ithout examining the,inconvenience which may
arise from their ignorance, it is yet more lamentable
to observe the consequences of their rapacious avarice, which government tacitly allows them to indulge,
under the specious title of permissions to trade (indultos).
. " ••• and these are such that it may be assorted, that the evil which the Indian feels most severely
is derived from the very source which was originally
intended for his assistance and protection, that is,
from the Alcaldes of the provinces, who, generally
speaking, are the determined enemies and the real oppressors of their industry.
"It is a well known-fact, that far from promoting the felicity of the provinces to which he is appointed, the Alcalde is exclusively occupied with
advancing his private fortune, without being very
scrupulous as to the means he employs to do so; hardly is he in office than he declares himself the principal consumer, buyer, and exporter of every production of the province.
In all his enterprises he requires the forced assistance of his subjects, and if
he condescends to pay them, it is at least only at the
price paid for the royal works.
These miserable beings carry their produce and manufactures to him, who
directly or indirectly has fixed an arbitrary price
for them. To offer that price is to prohibit any other
from being offered -- to insinuate is to command -the Indians dare not hesitate -- he must please the
Alcalde, or submit to his persecution: and thus, free
from all rivalry in his trade, being the only Spaniard in the province the Alcalde gives the lnw with~
out fear or even risk, that denunciation of his tyranny
should reach the seat of government.
lfil..Q,
3 - Comyn, Tomas de, Estado de las Islas Filipinas en
(Madrid ) •
-428-
"T6 enable us to form a more correct idea of
these iniquitous proceedings, let us lift a little
of the veil with which they are covered, and examine
a little their method of collecting the 'tribute'
(poll-tax).
"The government, desirous of conciliating the
interests of the natives with that of the revenue,
hc1s in many instances commuted the paynwnt of tliC?
poll-tax into a contribution in produce or manufactures;~ year of scarcity arrives, and this contribution, being then of much higher value than the
amount of the tax, and consequently the payment in
produce a loss, and even occasioning a serious want
in their families, they implore the Alcalde to make
a representation to governrn8nt that they may be allowed to pay the tribute for that year in money. This
is exactly one of those opportunities, when, founding his profits on the misery of his people, the klcalde can in the most unjust manner abuse the power
confided to him. He pays no attention to their representations.
He is the zealous coll0ctor of the
royal revenues; he issues proclamations and odicts,
and these are followed by his armed ,satellites, who
seize on th8 harvest, e):acting inexorably the tribute,
until nothing more is to be obtained. Havinfc!: thus
made himselr'-master of the misd1_3rable subsist:ence of
his subjects, he changes his tone on a sudden - he is
the humble suppliant to government in behalf of the
unfortunate Indians, whose wants he describes in the
most pathetic terms, urging the inpossibili-t:;y of their
paying the tribute in prod uc G - - no d i:f'ie1.1_l ty is experienced in procuring permission for it to be paid in
money -- to save appearance, a small portion of it
is collected in cash, and the vvhole amount pa.id by
him into the treasury, while he resells at an enormous profit, the whole of the produce (generally rice)
which ha.s been before collected.T"
Sinibaldo de Mas in the following passages of his
Informe makes some interesting observations on the conditions existing in the provinces and municipalities of the
Philippines prior to the promulgation of the reform decre.es
of 1844 and 1s47.l
1 - B,,
&:.
R., vol. 36, pp·. 279-289.
-429Justice is administered by means of an Audiencia, which has the title of royal, and resides
in Manila, being composed of cne regent, and five
judges; by means of alcaldes-mayor who govern the
provinces; and by the governadorcillo whom each
village has and who is equivalent to our alcalde de
monterilla.
The latter-proceeds in criminal cases
to the value of two tailes of gold or 44 pesos fuortes.
The Royal Audiencia is a court without appeill
in Filipinas.
The alcaldes-mayor cannot terminate
by their own action, civil questions that havo to do
with a sum of greater volue than 100 pesos fucrtes,
~r impose any corporal punisl~ent without the approval of the ll.udiencia, and then only imprisonr11ent for
0ne weE:,k. But they are judges of the first instance
for every kind of litigious or criminal cases.
In order that one may obtain the post of alcalde-mayor, it is not necessary that ho should h1ve
studied law. Hence, the grGater part of the heads
of the provinces are laymen in that respect.
Generally those posts are given to milit~ry men.
Consequently, this is the origin that for every process
which is prosecuted in a lawsuit or C3use, the alcald e has to have recourse to an assessor, in .order
to obtain tho opinion of that onG on which to base
his action.
But since the ~dvocates reside in Manila, the records have to make at times many trips from
the provinco to the capit~l. FroQ this results the
inconvenience of delay, the liability of theft or the
destruction of tho mail. For, in the mnny rivers that
must be crossed, the papers become so wet that they
are useless (as happened vdth several letters of a
post which w~s received in the chief city of a prov.
'
I was there, the envelope o.f W1i1cn
1-.
ince
wnen
1't was
impossible for us to read), and tho malicious extrnction in order to obscure the course of justice, The
defect of this system can only be understood if one
reflects thnt the various provinces of the colony t\re
not situated on a continent, but in various islands,
and that by reason of t be periodic winds anJ the hurricanes which prevail in this region, the capital very
oYten finds itself' without news of some provinces for
two or three months, and of that of Marianas for whole
years.
1
-430It appears that what we have said ought to
be sufficient to show the necessity of radical reforms in this department, but unfortunately, there
are other more grave reasons, for such reform.
The
alcaldes-mayor are permitted to en~age in business.2
The author of Los Esprits de Lois3 said rr.any years
ao.:o that the worst of governme::nts is the coillinP-rcial
government; and surely~ :or those who have studied the
science of government, all comment on this point is
superflous.
The alcalde who is permitted to engage
in business naturally tries, if possible, to mono::;)0lize i~ by all means in his power.
This vice of the
system leads some greedy men to the greatest excesses1 which, later, are attributed to all alcaldes in
general. Upon my arrival at hanila, I asked a very
respectable Spa.nia:cd who had been in tne country for
many years about what hc1ppe;.1s in the provinc os.
He
replied to me: "You know that the alcaldEships are
reported to be woi,...th 40.,000 or 50$000 d·;-1ros, and he
who seGks one of these posts very earnestly has no
other object or hope than to acquire a ce.pital in the
six years for the governr!ent cor.fers th'.3Ill.
Before
going to his province, he borrows a,oco or 10,000
duros from one of t:,he cha.ritable funds at such. and
such a per cent.
Eesid 1cs, he has to pay an inter-est to those who act as bondsmen for him, both to the
governmer~t for the royal trea9ury, and to th8 charitable funds which supply him with money. When hearrives at his -orovince he acts according to conditions
ruling ~n that province, for net all provin'::GS are
alike in tb3ir productions, and circums'e,2nc es.
He
generaLt.y establishes a supply store, and, cor.s equently from that rnoment, · any ether stor(;ke2per is his rival and en.em~. I~ such storekee~er has a cr0ditor
whom he trie; to :mrry up and g o~s to the a lcc:ild ,9, he
gets no protdction. If &ny tLeft. happ JHS to bim thG
same thing more or less occurs; for 1 a.::..tto ".:.he alc2lde ord.3rs efforts :mad a to ascertain the thief, far
2 - A:s appears from a note by M:as, thG alcaldes paid o.
cert.ain sum for the -:::>rivilege of trading. Their s2laries in
1840 -;;ere variouslv for thn~sums of 300; 600, and 1,000 (one
instance) pesos. §. & RP
3 - This is the famous philosophical treatise on political science, _which was publ isheci by CharJ. 0s de Second, baron de la Brode de Iv::ontesquieu, in 171:,.8, and was the p:soduct
of twenty ye~rvs work. B. L R.
·
-431from taking these measures earnestly, he is secretly glad of the losses of his rivals, and it has even
been asserted that there are cases in which the alcnlde himself has been the instigator'of the crime.
Who is your enemy?
That of your trade.
But does
the alcalde himself sell the goods?
Sometimes he
sells and measures them, at other times he keeps an
agent in the store;- the most usual thing is, if he
is married, for his wife to tate charge of the expense, especially of those goods of any value. But
his greatest gain consists in making advances of
~oney at the time of the sowing, the period when the
Indians need it and try to get-it at.any cost, for
their negligence and their vices do not allow them
to foresee such a case and be prepared for it. For
example: a farmer signs a paper for the alcalde which
obliges him to deliver at harvest time ten measures
of sugar, which are worth at least two and one-half
duros, and he himself receives only one and one-half,
consequently, by that operation a1one of advancing
money, the alcalde-mayor sometimes gain~ 40 por cent.
But what generally happens is that the lnd ian is so
short sighted and is so indif' f erent to the future
that he signs any burdGns0me obligation provided he
gets some moneyl and ha only takes account of what
they give him without thinking of what they are going to get from him. For exo.mpJ.e, the alcalde gives
him 60 duros as an advance for forty measures of sugar at the hA.rvest time. The ha rv,Jst is bad and he
can only give 20. In such case the rec::oning is after the following fashion: ''~'he sugar has been sold
for 4 duros, and hGnce 20 measures will omount to
80 duros. You cannot pay them to me, consequently
tl1ey can just as well rer._a in as an advance for the
coming year at one and one-half. t
In c:onseguonce of
that the farmer signs a paper by which he ent,ers under obligation to deliver 53 measures at the next
harvest.. Harvesttime comes, and if it is bad, he only presents, say, 13. Therefore, 40 measures at 4
duros amount to 160 duros pf debt, and at one and
one-half make 108 measur.os for the following year.
In this way, the man keeps on adding more and more
until all his goods are at the disposal of the alcalde. Besides, there are innumerable other vexations to which he must subject hirns0J f. For instance:
he has to deliver to the alcalde 100 cabans of rice;
when he presents them the alcalde measures them out
with a larger measure than that used in the mo.rket.
-432Hence, in reality, the alcalde exacts from him more
thnn he is bound to pay.
The same thing ha pp ons with
indigoo For, a discussion arises, as to whether the
indigo is, or is not, very damp, and some libras must
be taken off for waste; or, whether it is poorer quality then t1;e Indian proriised, and so on."
fTBut
surely it must needs b·:: thet :Lt is fitting to take
money advanced, since thers i.J ono wLo 3ecks it, and
it is worth more for a ?c::.rm:ar to cultivate his 1 and
in this way t:ien t::.iat he lea-,res i·'.-; without cultivation for lack of the necessary capital. In regard to
the tyranries whic~ th9 21~ald8 tries to commit, it
seems to me t.hE,t trwy mi{(Lt be avoided by th·3 countryman bor:towing the money from a. private person v1bo is
not in the position to aD~oy him."
That is all very
well thought out, but I will tell you whnt happens •.
T:i1e Indian borro·,,vs money very easily, bnt it is very
difficuJ.t to get ~im to pay it, and he generalJy
avoids doing so, if possible.
If a priv&te person
18:nds him money a:nd does not collec-s it when due, he
has to go to t:be a::!..ce.lde in ore.er that the latter may
force payment. TiE! latter eitL~,,r does so coldly,
or pays no attention to tte ~hole matte~, since his
intention is ttat such privat3 persur:s tal--:e TtJarning
and never agair: spP,culate i:n this ldLd of' business,
the alcctlde will soo~ ~e shut out, or at least will
have to c-ubmit himself to th3 fen3rc::l ru::..es.
Consaquently, thG result is tl"Ja·;_-; capitalist;::; craH baclc
from him, sa:ring, and v2ry :rightly, tLa.4; j_t is only
fitting for ~he alcald9s wto possess th3 Leans to
cause therr.selves to be priC: when a debt is d,_rn. The
aJ.. calde, thsn, remains Ini:::le.te::.- cf tr_ic fie1o., a::1d monopolizes this departmsnt at his pleasu.r3, for he who
n?eC:s ;und s has to gc _-:::,o l,irn, for tLey a:;:'e ver;,r few
W;iC enJ oy enough crcdi-4_-; to g tJ~ the~:1 e:l.s ,3v1r.er3. Many
otber adv2ntc.ges aJ..so favor t.Le aJ_cald3. The parish
priests aid h:.m, end many tir,1es +;uLe -::ncrge of the
division Of the money of the alca~_cl.G in their Villages,
for tnoy knGw. that is tlle sure ITe:n:s r;_': 1:eeping on
goods ~erms_with him, and abtRinin; the meas~res which
depend on his will in the m'.lt"'::.ct',3 of tncdr villages.
The governadorcillos an~ officia~s of j~stice ar~
other instruments of 1,,1fr1~_ch the e.Icalde !nakes use to
apportion and collect his funds. 11
Vfoy. is it that
- no·.-;' occu:oy themselvos rather in their affairs
t ,nese ao
than in .those of the alcLcld,2?"
::The a1calde can always, whenever he wishes, make trouble for the gover-
-433nadorcillo by making him go to the chief village
ivith innumerable pretexts, and by various other m,a thods which it would take a long time to· enumerate, and which it is very easy to ~oncoive.
Be~
sides, it is important for the alcalde to keep the
governadorcillo sntisfied. Suppose now, that a road
has to be built, or a bamboo brid8, or any other work ·
for which the people of the village who havG to do
it, according to their obligation callad polos and
services, are summoned,
As some of them are busy in
their fields or other businass, they wish to be free
.from such a burden, and the:i givG the governadorcillo
two or three rsa]_s and he excuses them on the ground
of sickness. A party of troops o~ a Spaniard passes
by and asks for some beast of burden, or an aid in
food. That is also an occasion for the gobernadorc.illo to get even with ttose whom he dislikes and obtain part of his demands; for some give him presents
in order that he may not gi7e the beasts of burden,
while others do not receive the p~y for that food.
During the days of tiangui or village fairs, such
and such a sum is exacted fo:r· each pos~ in the market
place. In genera! the~e are some men of service
called bantayar.es who are- a kind of s entir:.el placed
at the entrances of vilJ.iges. Many of ttem aJ_ so pay
to be excused from that burden whcm th?ir t'1rn comes
or when they 2re told that it comes.
I~ general he
has ten or twelve men called honos, manbc1ra.s, etc.,
given to him, who are exemp~ from polos and services,
and they serve the E.yuntEmLmto to send pape:::'s, conduct prisoners, etc., and the governadorcillo gives
therr pe~rrission so that ttsy may cultivate ~lIDir
lanes, by coJ.lecting frorri them a cor:.tribution. 11 nBut
it seems to me that the Goo ernadorcillo will have to
give account, if not for all, at loast :or m::iuy of the
ta::;~es t:12t you have ment ionerl.. 11 It oue;:It to be so,
and in fact, some enter into the ~1.::;rrn:u~1a1 t rcesury,
but the;v are the f ow est and t hcse connr:;r!t ed with the
legal mA.tters, for of the others ·::,here is nothing to
be said. Fo:>::' example: I have seen an order enclosing
a fine as a punisl"irnent .on the go0ern2dc:)::.~cillo ~or
sor;1e fault oi~ rdsdeed th&t h8 bad corw1j_:.:,ted. Ee asseri1bl es the cabezas de tararn!a v; the w l1oJ_ e sum is apportioned among the people of ihe villago.
The
a3ount of t~e fine is collected and the gobernadorci1lo hss still somethinr: left for his maintenance and
revelling."
"Why do they not comp1ain to the al~alde?"
"Because, sir, of just what I told you. The alcalde
-434needs the governadqrcillo so that he may use him in
his business, and for all such things he is a very
farsighted man. Besides, the alcalde who tries to
investiisate those snares of the tribunals (ayuntamientos} will Jose rds sense,ci without derivin.:~ any benefit from it.
He does not know the J.anguage. As interpreter he has the clerk, who is an Indian, and the
entangler-in-chief, and almost always in accord with
11 If t£w clerk is a bad man, will
the Indian magnDtes. 11
he not be hated?"
I do not say thqt he is beloved,
but some fear him, ~nd others are his accomplices.
Since the alcalde is, in r0ality, a business mnn, he
naturally takes rr.oro intrffest in hj_s business thsn in
that of other people, and leaves all. court n:attnrs in
charge of the clerk, who comes to bG the arbitr.:n> in
that matter, and here is where the latter reaps his
harvest. One of the members of the tribunal (ayuntamiento) steals, or causes to be stol8n from some man
his buffalo. The man finds out where it is; ho complains; to the gobernadorcillo, they begin to take
measures; at last the animul is returned to him, but if
it is worth five duros, they m2kc him pay ten duros in
expenses so that th8 man either considerG his beast as
lo~t and the thieves keB~ it, or the latter get from
twice as much as it is worth.
Hence, if I were to
tell all -~hat passes .in this wise, ill/ story would be
very long. One of th~ things which they nre accustomed to do is to let the prisoners go out of.the prison for scvercil days without th1:.~ govornmGnt knowing
it. I have seGn that done this very year of ld41 in
the province of
- ~ - - - ' in re~ard to soma prisoners whom the alcalde-mayor believed to be in prison;
but they w6re working on the esto.te of the cler!c, and
one of' these prisoners had committed very serious
crimes." "But Why do not the curas remedy all that?
I have heard it said that they cJ.re r,:;ally the ones who
govern the villages. 11 In reality, vvhE')n tl"w curas
take that matter upon tbemselvGr;, thGse abiwes are remedied, at least in great measuroj for they know the
language well, and every one in tteir village knows
th2 truth, if +:.he curt' wisrws to ascertain it. Triat
ts what happened in formor times. And nlso at that
time the communal -funds wore depos:i.t(:;d j·n the convent,
and (thus) many tricks and tyra~nies were avoided. But
for some yoars the governors who have come from Espafia
have desirGd that the parish priests should keep to
their houses and say mass and prGach and not meddle
with the temporal government; without takine heed that
in a whole province there is no oth,:::r Spaniard who
-435governs than the alcalde-mayor himself, who generally comes from Europe and goes without reflection
to take his charge without any knowledge whatever of
the country or knowing even a single word of its
language.
Consequently, many religious, in order
to avoid trouble, see and keep still, and allow
everything to take what course God wills.
This is
one of the chief causes of the disorders of the
villages, and of the increase of cr5-me.
"Now tell
me, do the alcaldes make all the wealth that they
are accustomed to acquire with the kind of trade ·
which you have explained to me?fl
"They have many
means of hunting {buscar) for that is the technical
expression us,ed in this country, but these means vary
according to circumstances.
In some provinces great
efforts are made to obtain posts as gobernadorcillos
and officials of justice, and that department generally is worth a good sum annually."
These are
things which the clerk or secretary manages.
In
the province of ________ while Don _____.....,._ __
was alcalde-mayor, that gentleman was in collusion
with the manager of the wine monopoly and they practiced the following.
Thfa harvesters came with
their wine, but they were told that it was impossible to receive it.
The~e was a conflict within
themselves, for they r~d to ~eturn to their village.
Then they were told that if they wished to deposit
the wine they would put it in certain jars which
had been provided in the storehouse, by paying such
and such a rent until the administration could introduce it.
The harvesters, who needed the money,
thereupon sold the wine to the agents of the alcalde,
at any price at all in order to return to their
homes.
Finally, as he who had come to be an alcalde,
has had no other object than to acquire wealth, every
matter which does not contribute to that object, such
as the making of a bridge, o~ road, the prosecution
of evir doers, or any occupation purely of government
or justice, distracts and troubles him.
On the contrary every means of attaining his end appears to
him fitting and good.
This method of thought is a
little more or less in the minds of all; and thus
you observe that no one says here, not even excluding the religious, who are those who know the country best, 'I have so many thousand pesos to gain
the suit.' But to tell the truth, it is not to be
wondered at that the alcaldes-mayor work without much
scrupple. L1 the space of six years they have to pay
-436their passage from and to Espafla; to satisfy the
hi.e:h interest on the amount which their aJ.caldeship
has often cost tr:.em; c,nd besides they rr.ake their
fortunes.
Not more or less is done in Tarquia • 11
2. The Reform Decree of 1844
Montero y Vidal, in his Historia, on. cit ~, makes the
following obse~vati0ns on the -oaci:_csround and provisions of
the decree of 1g44:l
Ever since the establishment of Spanish ruJ_e in
the Phi~ippines the provin~ial executives, (alcaldes·
m&yores 9, had ah1ay:s teen .laymen"
As su~h they riepended on the servi~es of assessors in the.transaction of
judicial matters.
These lay alcaldes would send to
J.'.;anila the rsco:cds of ci vi1 ar.cd criminal cases with
the result that these oftentimes were J.ost on the way,
or, after long delays and ~epeat~d journey from the
province to tt3 capital and vice-versa, arrived with
the final deci3ion, but a.ft.er t:1e individuals concerned had long pc:;SS8d way.
This state of affairs was re~edied by tha royal decree of Seµt emo Gr 23, 1841-r. The impoj_"tant provis ions of this decree are the following:
"T'ne a ·l ea.._ict.:. '-as mo.yores
~
~
....
p'·1·
-1..n
'"'ne
nL. ippJ·.. nes s hll
a
be filled b:r p9rsc,ns i-'!ho ~12.ve studied J_bW and who
have practiced law for e.t least two yecrs.
(Art. 8).
'"Th
. + •
h ~ 1 ,oe requ~re
'.
d O-f'
· e same qua 1 1. f 2ca~1on
SiBL~
lieutenant governors (tenientes de gobierno.J
(Art. 9),
"Th9 alc.s.ldes mayore s e en~r&d:1 shell serve
tr..ree years, a::-id at t!1e end of -shis :pe:·icd they may be
appointed to alca1dias rr.ayores d8 ascenso.
Those of
the ascenso, may, af~er three ye3ts, ~o assiened to
the alcald::.as mavore-:, de t·::cmL10.
Those of th9 Alcaldi&s de termino rr1ay, af,,er t:iree years, be appointee. to the minis·c::,ny of the Ultramar or of tile Peninsula,
( Art • 11, 12, 13 • j
1 - Vol. 3, pp. 69-71.
-437"The order laid down by laws, 26, tit. VI; 54,
tit. XVI, Book II, and 5, tit .. II, Book V of the
. '
T n.
, a.1.ca1.aes
-,
, '
Reco121. 1,_~c1.0:'.1
ae ~n_.J_as,
WElC h f' or.b.ic,s
mayores
and ·lieutenant governors to engage in trade and commerce, to own houses, l&nds, cattlefarms, cultivated
farr11s, pearl boats or any kind of advantages, is hereby reestablished.
Neither are they permitted to
touch or to appropriate for themselves the silver
which pertains to the communal funds o:: the Indians."
(Art. 45).
1
1,.,~
To reenforce the order laid down by the foregoing decree, the real cedula of October 3, 1844, was
proreulgated, specifical~y abolishing the privilege
which tne p:-:'.'ovincial c:h::LEds used to enjoy e:1g2ging in
trade, "in view of the abuses which arose from this
privilege, to the detriment of ·the Indians and of the
Peninsulars who desired to establish thernsel7es in
the provinces~"
This decree was exten•::'.ed to politico-military governo·rs by royal order issued June 25,
1847.
J.
The Provinces about the Middle of the
Nineteenth Century
At the time the German scholar and scientist, F. Jager
was here, the Philippines was divided into provinces (P) and
dist!'icts ( D) ~ e~c~ of i:-,hich wasi a~ministere9 by an ~lcalde
of the 1st (A J, ;,;;no. ( A2), or 3rd c.J..ass (AJ) ~ de tarnuno,
de ascenso, de er:-::.rada); by 2 ooliticaI and military governor ( G), or by a ccmmandant (CJ.
This classification, in
so far as it concerned tbe urovinces of the class of alcaldias, appears to have been made on the basis of the provisions of the reform of 1844.l
-------1 - See Craig,
.!Y:~,
pp.
53-54.
The Former Philippines Through Foreign
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of ,.
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tr.1.9t g
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-439ISLANDS BETjJEEN LUZON AND MINDANAO
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..
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Leyte
... ...
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318,715
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170,591
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DISTANT ISLANDS
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6
-4404.
The Municipal Reform Decree of
1847:
(a) The Electoral System Prior
to 1847
The method of electing town officials before the promulgation of the reform decree of 1847 was governed by the
Ordinances of Good Government.
Raon's Ordinnnces, issued
in 1768, prescribed the method as follows:l
"Elections shall be held at the beginning of
each year, in the royal buildings, and nowhere else.
If held elsewhere,they shall be considered null and void,
according to Arandia' s ordinance No .11; and the alcalde
or justice violating this order shall be fined,and the
notary making the records shall lose his office. The
voters in the elections shall be the twelve senior cabe·
za de barangay. If any of these are absent, by reason of
sickness or :other cause, the number shall be completed
from the other cabezas de barangay,observing strict seniority always.- If there are not enough cabezas de barangay, the number of twelve voters shall be completed
from the senior notables of the village.With these the
retiring gobernadorcillo ahall vote,and they shall nominate three trustworthy persons for the post of gobernadorcillo ,reporting the number of votes received by
each. These nominees must be able to read, write,
and speak Spanish~ - The ballot shall be secret, and
be attested by the notary. The alcaicte-mayor or the
justice shall preside at the election, and the father
minister may be present if he pleases, in order to
represent what he considers advisable, and for no
other end. The results of the election shall be sent,
stamped and sealed, to the secretary of the superior
government; and the appointment of gob ernndorcillo
shall be made from Mar.ila, and tbe proper title despatched, while the ·other officials necessary shall be
appointed as heretofore. This a~plies to the provinces of Tondo, Laguna, Cavite, Balay2.n, I'v'Iariveles,
Bataan, Pampanga, and Bulacan. In other provinces
distant from Manila, elections shall be held in the
same manner, and appointments made by the alcaldes-
1 - B.~ R., vol. 50, pp.~254-255.
-441mayor or justices, who shall be furnished with blank
titles, which they shall fill out. No man shall assume office without the proper credentials.
Names
of all appointees shall be sent to the superior government and entered in the proper books, as well as
the fees of the credentials and stamped paper.
The
fees of media-anata shall be collected from all gobernadorcillos and other offici3ls, th~ amount of
such fees being entered in the royal treasury annually. The royal officials, on their part, shaJl see
that all fees are paid, and shall ascertain from the
alcaldes and justices the number of gobernadorcillos
in the various jurisdictions, so that they may check
up the records properly.''
(b) The Decree of 1847.
1
The main features of this decree were the following~
"The election or gobernadorcillo and other ministers of justice of these Islands shall be held
every year in the government buildings ( casas-tribunales) of the town, under,the supervision of the
Chief of the province, and with the assistance of the
respective curates, if they care to attend, so that
they may present whatever they think proper for the
good of the community, In these towns which have no
government buildings, the election shall be held in
the school-building, but never in a private house or
in the parochial building.
Art. 1.
"The election shall be made by a board (Junta)
which shall be composed of the retiring governadorcillo and twelve residents, to be cbosen by lot, one
half from the ex-gobernadorcillos and ex-cabezas de
barangay, and the other half from among the actual cabezas de barangay.
Art. 3.
"To be an elector, one must have a profession or
a visible means of livelihood, must be free from judicial restraint or impediment; does not keep gambling
houses; has not been sentenced to corporal punishment;
not a debtor to the state; and has not taken part in
-------1 - Berriz,
Diccionario de l_a Adpli,n1,s~r.§£i6n de Fili-
!U!la§., 1887, vol. 3.
-442clandestine meetings for the purposo of gaining votes,
or has solicited them for himself or his friends. Nor
can he be an elector if he is a servent of the Alcaldemayor, or of the lieutenant governor, or of the curate
priest.
Art. 4.
"The t"tvelve electors having been chosen, they
sha 11 proceed to the election of the gobernadorcillo
as follows: the Chief of the province, or his representatives, after stating the purpose of the meeting,
shall give to each elector a beillot on w:11.ich he writes
the names of the men he proposes for govornadorcillo;
having collecteC: alJ_ the ballots, the presiding officer shall count them and, immediately after, announce
the result o: the election; the person receiving the
highest number of votes shall receive first place on
the list, and the man receiving the next highest, the
second place.
Art. 6.
"To be a gobernadorcillo one must be a native or
Chinese mestizo, resident of the town where he is
elected; at loast 26 years of age; can read and write;
µiust have held the position of Teaiente nayor or cabeza de barangay with good record; not a con.tractor for
any of the sources of income of tho town; and does not
cor;1e within the prohibition established by the fourth
article."
Aft. 7.
·
"To be n Teniente Mayor one must have hold, with
a good record, a municipal office and must possess in
addition to the qualifications mentionod in Art. ? •.
The three justices for the planted fields, police and
cattle (de se~enteras, de policia, de ganados) must
also possess the snme qualifications and must have held
the office of gobernedorcillo or tcni.ento n~ayor.
For
these posts nar:1es sLall b8 proposed by t l1e electoral
bonrd by plu:~alit7 voteo . The board mu:,t, sea to it
that the persons proposed.shall be nen of good conduct
and do not come within any of the prohibition mentioned
in Article 7.
"For the selection of candidates for the minor
positions, tho outgoing governadorcillo and the principales shall meet, before t ha election horein described
takes place; and sholl form a list of those proposed
for the different posts.
The gobernadorcillo _shall
submit this J.ist to the presiding officer of the election, who, ·with the advice of the parish priest and of
-443the persons proposed for gobernadorcillo, shall take
down. the names of those who deserve to be included in
the minutes which shall be forwarded to the Superior
Government. In case the gobernadorcillo and the principales cannot agree as to the list to be proposed,
then the- presiding officer, acting with the persons
proposed for the post of gobernadorcillo, shall have
authority to prepare it.
No person shall be proposed
for any of these positions who is not of good conduct,
or lvho does not have a visible means of livelihood.
Preference must be given to the sons of those principales and well-to-do indiv:i_do.als who have the quulifications to aspire to the position of gobernadorcillo~
Likewise care r:mst be taken to the end thnt, for the
posts of Tenicntes primeros and Jueces primeros of the
visitas, only those persons be chosen who, besides
possessing good conduct, are owners of real property,
or of any industry which enables them to live decently,
or who have servGd in any of the inforior positions .. "
Art. 8.
"All tr1c acts of elections of the towns in the
provinces of Luzon, inc ludtng Mindoro and Masbate,
shall be for:-:rarded without loss of time by the respective pro:~inc ial chiefs to the Governor of the Islands
who shall issue the certificates in favor of those
whose elections are approved.
Art. 13.
"In the Visayan provinces the same method of
election 2.nd the sane rules governing elections that
are established in the nrovinc es of Luzon shall be observed.
The Alcalde of the province of Ccbu, where
the Intendant Governor of tr.e Visayas resic.es, shall
for,;,mrd to tho latter the electoral acts of the towns
of his province, with a list of the names proposed
for the post of gobornadorcillos and for other posts.
The Int2nc.ant Governor shall choose from the lists
the men whom· he thinks are best qualified for the different posts.
Art. 14.
"In the other provinces of the Visayas, the
electoral acts need not be forwarded to the Intendant
Governor, but shall be submitted to the respective
chiefs who shall make tho appointments in favor of
those who have been proposed in the first instance.
For this nurposo blank certificates duly signed shall
be forwar~,ed·· in advonc e to the chiefs of the different
provinces.
Art. 14,
-444"In order that the electori may act with absolute freedom and choose only the best men for the different positions, all clandcstinG meetings shall be
prohibited; that promises, gifts, and machinations
shall be used; nor shall the towns enter into agreements or conventions with their barrios or visitas.
These things have frequontly taken place, making it impossible for the electors to act with freedon and often
times resulting in the election of mc:n v1ho were not
well qualified to administer the affairs of the towns.
The town officials are her,2by enjoined to observe
strictly this provision of the law and to act with vigor against all violators of this articlo> p'.lnishing
severely all abuses that they observed. a Art. 20.
(c) A Municipal Election under the Decree of 1847
Jagor, who visited the Islands about the middle of the
ninetec::nth c ent1J.ry, had occasion to observe the actual operation of the law of 1847.
His observ2,tions on the Philippines were set dovm in his Trc,vels.
The fo:.'..lowing, taken
from the Travels, is a descrip-cion of an election held in
the town of Laua~1g, Samar.l
"The governor, who was expected to conduct the
election of the district officials in person, but was
prevented by illness, sent a deputy. As the annual
elections are conducted in the same manner o,er the
whole country, that at which : : : was pres2nt m:iy be taken
as typical of the rest • . It took place in the common
hall; the governor ( or his d9pc.ty) sit·:::.ing 3.t the table, wi+~h the pastor on r:is rifht h&nd, und t:1e clerk
on his 2-eft -- the Jatter also actir~g as JE:::, e:.·preter;
while CGbezaa de Barangay, ":, he gob-3rLad ::n~ci l1o 1 and
those who had prev~_ously .filled the of:f::_ce; -~ook their
place all together or:. benches. Firs,t 'Ji.' c:111, six cabezas and as nmny governadorsillos 2re chosen by lot
as electors; the actual governadorsillo is the thirteenth, and the rest quit the city~ Aft21' the reaqing of
the statutes by t:1e pr2sident, who exho:;_~ts the elec~
tars to the conscientio 1S perf0rm2nce o:i.~ their duty,
the latter advar.ce singly to tle table~ 2:nd write three
names on a piece of pap2r. Unless a valid protest be
made either by t be parish or by the elec·~ors, the one
1
1 - Craig, 212· ci~., pp. 222, 223.
-445who has the most votes is forthwith named governadorcillo for the coming year, subject to the approval of the superior jurisdiction at T11anila;
which, however, always consents, for the influence
of the priest would provide against a disagreeable
election.
The el~ction of the oth~r functionaries
takes place in the same manner, after the new governadorciJlo has been first s 11mr::onGd into the hall,
in order that, if he has &ny important objections
to the officers then about to be elec:ted, he may
be able to ma:-rn them.
The whoJ_e affair was conducted quietly and with dignity. n
-446-
CHAPTER
FOUR
EDUCATIONAL REFORMS
(1) Educational and Cultural Conditions in the Philippines about the Middl9 of the Nineteenth
Century.
J. Mallat, a French scholar, diplomat and traveller
and for many years a resident of ~r1e Philippines, described,
in a book he wrote on the Philippines the condition of
education and culture existing in the Phil ip;,ines about the
middle of the nineteenth century. 1 The following passages
of his book deal w;i.th this matter:
At the he&d of the public instruction in the
Philippines, one finds the university of Manila,
called La Real y .-fontificia Universidad de Santo
Tomas (i.e., the royal and pon1~::.fical uni·1ersity
of SantoTomas).
::::ts four.dation as a college goes
back to the f:.rst year of the s8venteent:1:1 century.
Its first benefE,ctors were Archbishop Benavides of
Manila, and Bishop S,~ria of Nusve Segovia. Both
of them made it a gift o~ their library, and, in
addition, the first one gave it 1,000 pesos and
the second 1,aoo.
In 1619, the house was entrust~
ed to the religious of the Order of St. Dominic.
The following year the :ourses of pu-olic ir:struct ion we:Pe opened there.
Finally, on Nove:mb er 27,
1623, King Felipe IV took it under his sg>ocial pror
tection. In the year 16\5, t~1e same monarct obtained a bull from Pope Inr.ocent X, which ereG9ed
the college 0£' Santo Tomas :1)f r:Ianila ::.nto a university.
The statu.t,3s govert..n.ng ttat ir.stitution
today were not drawn up until a long time after,
that is to say, in the ysJr 1781.
:rstruction
there is entrusted to the doctors, licentiates,
~ 1 - Les. P~iliI?"?ines. H~ stoir~, _g§_Qfra?hie, meurs i
agric u 7 t ur9 1-ir::1us".:.r1 e et co:fi}fil~~ c es cq..'. off1es .es pa. .e:no.1. e§.
-:
? VO 1 s •
Paris
· . ' 1 .)r-:46 . -.
' · R• '
d ans 1 I n,.J(; f;3.s:;.§.
·J.n o· • ex,
VO 1 •
45, p. 263 ff.
-447and masters (maestros).
At the p·resent time there
are 21, both doctors and licentiates, and no masters.
Latin, logic, physic~, metaphysics, ethics,
canon law, and theology are taught there. In addition to that, some time afterward there was founded
a chair of Roman law and one of Snanish law.
The
number of students who attend that..; university is
now 581, namely, sj_xty-one. coll eg-1.at es, fifteen capistas, who are maintained at the expense of the
college, and 505 day students.
The costume of the
collegiates is a long robe of green silk with black
sleeves, a beca, a kind of red scarf folded in two
parts 1 and c:L'Ossing over the breast and drawn up
behind the shoulders, a black collar witl::. a white
border and a cap like that worn by the law advocates
of Spain.
If the university of Manila is the chief institution of public instruction, it is not_ the most
anci.ent.
From June 8, 1585, the king had ordered
the foundation of a college, in which the sons of
ti1e Spanish inhabitants of the archipelago might be
reared ~n the love of virtue and letters under the
direction of the fathers 6f the Society of Jesus.
But it was only in 1601 that that order could be
carried out b·y the institution of the col1ege of
San Jose.
The first coJ.legiates m,mbe.i.~ect 13, but
that number was soon raised to 20, all of whom were
the sons or the near relatives of the first authorities of the country.
Pope Gregory XV granted
that college the right of conferring degrees of
philosophy a:ricl theology. The funds of ·chat institution are d·,:-awn from several estates, which have
been conceded to it at different times.
They are
sufficient to provide for the maintenance of the
vice-rector and of the masters in t!l.e aY1nual pay
which is granted to them, as well as to the roc.;tor,
and for the maintenance of 22 f1·ee pupils.
Some
pay students are also ac;l:mitted there at the rate of
50 piastres (i .. e., pesos) per year. Philosophy,
rhetoric, and Latin are taught ·there. Upon the suppression of the Society of Jesus, that college was
closed until 1777.
'l'he costume of the students is
a red gown with black sleeves and a black cap.
1
The follege of San Juan de Letran commenced
by being a primary school, founded in 1630 at the
expense of a charitable man, whose name, Juan Gero-
-44'f3nimo Guerrero, deserves to pass to posterity. He
consecrat~d himself to gathering together in that
institution young orphan boys, and to teaching them
reading, writing, and the Christian doctrine. He
was also able, thanks to the abundant alms which
the inhabitants of Manila put into his hands, to
provide for the maintenance and clothing of all those
children. Before dying t.hat kir.dtearted man took
the habit of St. Dominic, and entrusted the pious
foundation which he had underta~en into the bands
of that order.
The latter erected it into a college, for which it obtained the protection of the
king and some funds for its support.
By means of
a sum of 600 piastres which the alcalde of Pangasinan is charged to give annually to a Dominican
who collects it, that college supports gratuitously 25 orphans boys.
It also adr2its an unlimited
number of boarders, both Indians and mestizos, who
pay_50 piastres per year. It finally receives under
the narrle of sacristans, porters, liorarians, etc.,
several young students who do not pay anything.
The total number of those who receive education in
that college under different titles is today 239
persons. Their costume is blue with black slee7es.
A maltese cross is placed at the right on their
beca.
The charity school (escuela pia) 2 of Manila
was established in 1817 under the direction of a
special assembly composed of distinguished inhabitar.ts, in the number of which there was a member of
the cha pt er of the cathedral, and one of t, he tribunal of commerce.
The inhabitants who had assembled supplied the funds which were to serve for the
maintenance of that useful establishment. But
these funds having been used in t'rade according to
custom they had the same fortune that so many other
considerable sums and charitable founde.tions of that
capital have had, namely, they were lost because of
the revolution of Mexic9.
The assembly, being
dissolved on account of lack of funds; the city
took the charity school under its charge.
Reading, writing, Christian doctrine, Spanish grammar,
and slate arithmetic, are taught there. The pupils
2 - The present Ateneo de Manila originated from
this school.
-449-
;.
must be Spaniards; the sons of well-to-do parents
pay 2 piastres per month; those who are less wellto-do, 1 piastres; and the poor pay nothing.
In
order to be admitted there a ticket from the president of the dissolved assembly was sufficient. At
present the regidor is charged in his turn with the
management of the establishment which delivers the
ticket.
The number of pupils at the present time
is 50, of whom 20 receive instruction free,
In pursuance of reiterated instances from the
tribunal of commerce a marine school was opened in
Manila in 1820, by royal authorization.
Arithmetic, the elements of geometry, rectilinear ann
spherical trigonometry, cosmography, and piloting,
besides practical geometry a_pplied to the making of
hydrographical maps and ple.ns, with the manner of
designing them, were taught there. The whole, conformed to the courBe of study for the navy, was composed, according to the order of the king, by the
chief of the royal fleet Don Gabriel Gis car.
The
expenses of the institution are supplied by the
funds called a7eria ~
The tribunal of commerce decides a.s to tKeadmission of pupils. and those who
distinguish themselves on· graduating bec:ome captains
of trading ships, making the voyage to China and
India, and even as far as America and Europe. This
proves, that, whatever the Spaniards say of it, the
young men of Manila are as susceptible to instruction as those of the . mother country. In f&ct, there
is no doubt that if the studies of this school were
more solid and less theoretical, most remarkable persons would be seen to graduate from it. 3
Finally, in 1$40, a commercial school has been
established, which is held in the rooms of the tribunal (of commarca).
Bookkeeping, commercial correspondence, and the living languages are taught there
free of charge.
By choice quite extraordinary, a
marked preference is given to the French language,
al though that language is one that is spoken the
least in that part of the world; since unfortunately our relations there are very few, as we have no
longer any need to go there after sugar.
3 · - The present nautical school has its origin in
the nautical school referred to here by Mallat.
-450Very well equipped 1:i.braries exist in all
the convents, and -those of the university and of
the colleges off er resources to the students who
receive their education in those establishments.
This is all we have to say in regard to the
institutions consecrated to the education of the
young men. That of the young won:en has not been forgotten.
·
The seminary of San.ta Potenciana was founded
in the year 1589 by Governor Dasma:cifias, by virtue
of a royal order, Artis~_e 27 cf t~nat ordinanc:e contains the follo1r:ing: 11 ~Jpon arriving at the Filipinas
Islands you shall ascertain how and where, and 1rdth
what endowment, a convent for the shelter of girls
may be founded, so that both t,hose wto should come
from here and those born there may live in it and so
that they may live modestly, and after being well
instructed, mari go o~t therefrcm to be married and
bear children. 1
The worthy governor was so zealous
in carrying out the wishes of the king that, in the
year 1593, the convent was estoblished in the church
of San Andres. A new royal ord :i.nanc e of June 11,
1594, approved the regulations of it, which bore on
the conduct to be observed in the parlor, on the duties of the chaplain, who was to be :rJ.ore than forty
years old, and wr..o was to be, at the sa:ne time, the_
manager of the house, on the costume of both pupils·
and the superior and mistr5ss. It was to be suitable, but modest. The king took chnrge of the fur- _
nishing thereof. The governor was authorized to fix
the sum which was to be paid by the woman who desired to enter the convent in order to be cloistered
there. That sum was to be very moderate.
There exists no longer any copy of the first
rule of that house, whose archives perished in the
terrible earthquake of 1645, 111hen ":",er. or twelve pupils lost their lives.
New rules were drawn up
and approved in 1696, and remained ir1 force until
1823, at which time t heywere revised.
The school is established at present in a
house which was bought for its use by the public
treasury, namely, the ancient locality of the arsenal. The treasurer also furnishes the exoenses
of a small chapel, those of their medico.I s ~rvice,
-451of pharmacy, of the infirmary, of the clothing of
the pupils, and of six serving girls, the total
sum amounting to 700 piastres per year, besides the
support of a sacristan, four fagot gatherers, and
one woman to go for provisio~s.
The Treasury pays
for the support of one superior, of one portress,
and twentr-four colJ.egiates' one and a half reals
(one fracJ per day for each one. And they are given besides, from the royal magazines, 46 baskets of
pinag~~ rice, of 15 gantas per basket, 25 quintals
of wood, and 17 gantas of coconut oil for lights .4
After the foundation of the confraternity of
the Santa Misericordia, the latter also supported
many poor Spanish orphans girls. It caused· thGse
girls to be reared either at Santa Potenciana or in
private houses~
But in 1632, a house having been
bought in order to gather them all there together,
the confraternity founded the school of Santa Isabel. The rules drawn up in 1650 were entirely
changed in 181.3. The number of pupils in this institution is at present 105, who are admitted under
diverse titles and conditions. The boarders pay
60 piastres annually. The others get their education free. Da:r pupils ar.e also admitted there, but
they are not allowed to communicate with those who
live in the house.
The teaching is quite elementary. The service is furnished by twelve servant
girls for the interior, and eight men for the outside work.5
In the preceding chapters, the description
of the beaterios6 has been seen, of which the majority are dedicated to the education of poor young
girls.
4 - In 1861, the College of Sta. Pot enc ia.na was fused
with Santa Isabel College.
·
5 - In 1S63, the 6ollege of Santa Isabel passed under the charge of the Sisters of Charity.
6 - The institution referred to here are the following: Sta. Rosa, founded in 1750; the beaterio of Santa Catalina de Sena founded in 1696; the beaterio of the Compafiia de Jesus, founded in 1684; the beaterio of San Sebastian de Calumpang, founded in 1719; and the beaterio of Sta.
Rita de Pasig in 1740. In all th8S8 inst;itutions the schedule of activities followed was substantially the same.
-452One can see, after what we have just said,
that education in the Philippines, both of the children of the country and of the mestizos and Indians
of both sexes, is not so greatly neglected as certain persons pretend, and that the colony has made
on the contrary, from the earliest times the greatest efforts for the instruction of the people. Even
in the 3mallest villages the.Indians find facilities
for learning to read and write. For everywhere one
finds primary schools which are supported by the
people.
On the other hand, the aptness of the Indians is quite remarkabl€. From the most tender age
they can be seen to draw their letters with a sharpened bamboo either on the sand or on the green banana leaves. Also many excellent copyists can be found
among them, who are skillful in imitating any kind
of writing, designs, or printed characters. Among
others, there is mentioned a missal book which was
copied by an Indian and sent to one of the Spanish
kings. It is asserted that it was impossible to
distinguish it from the original. They also copy
geographical maps with rare exactness •
. It follows, then, that the instruction of the
Indians is far from being backward, if one compares
it with that of the popular classes in Europe. Nearly all the Tagalogs knew how to read and write. However, in regard to the sciences, properly so called,
The program followed in Santa Rosa as noted by Bowring in
his Visit to the PhiliRPines, chapter XI, was typical of
the rest. Bowring describes it as follows:
"The inamates rise at five A.rvr. to chant the
trisagio (holy, holy, holy); to hear mass and engage
in devotion for the first part of t~e rosary till six;
~hen to wash and dress; breakfast at half-past six;
instruction from seven to ten; dinner at half past
eleven in the rectory; siesta and rest till half-past
two P.M.; devotion in the chapel, going thru thesecond part of the rosary; instruction from half-past
three till half-past five; at the "oracion 11 they return
to the chapel, recite the third part of the rosary,
and engage in reading and meditation for half an houri
supper at eight P.M.; enjoy themselves in the cloister
or garden till nine; another prayer, and then retire
to their cells."
-453very little progress has been made in them among
the Indians of the Philippines. Some mestizos alone
have a slight smattering of them, and those among
the Indians who received orders know tat,in. The
most erudite are without doubt those who, having
studied. at the university of Santo Tomas, have embraced the career of the tar. Among them are counted advocates worthy of being placed by the side of
the most celebrated in Spain.
In regard to what concerns literature, there
is a Tagalog grammar and dictionary, as well as a
work called a:rt§, which :..s a kind of polyglot grammar of the Tagc:].og, Bi::::ol,Visayan and Isinayan. All
these works, and in gen9ral 8Verything that appears
in one of the languages of the country, are published
by the care of the religious, who have at their disposition the printing house of Santo Tomas, and who
have the means of meeting the expenses of the printing, which the Indian;=; could not do.
Both at Manila
and in its environs there are several printing houses
1 for
the use of the oublic. 'I'hoy are the pres:=::es of
Nuestra Sefiora de L~reto at Sampaloc, which issues
grammars, dictionaries, w0rks of history, etc. There
was formerly published at ri-:aniJ.a a newapaper ce.lled
El_Noticioso Filiging_,
'I'oda.y it appears there only
as \a paper of; the prices . current j_n Spanish and
in English. At our departure the establishment of a
new newspaper was beginning.7
The literary works consist of pieces in verse,
sometimes on very weighty subjects. Thus, for example, the npassion of our Lord!! bas been tre.nslated
into Tagalog . verse. 'I'hen there are tragedies, which
as· we have mentioned above are excessively long.
They often contain the entire life of a king. There
7 - Retana mentions a paper, 1-n NQY-ic.,ios_g Fil.J:.Pinq_,
which conjectures to have been foundc:d in 1838, following
Francisco Diaz Puertas, wto mentions it. Retana refers to
this passage of Mallat. See his P,~riod.5_smo __FiJ.ir2.ino (Madrid, 18951, for data regarding the various newspapers and
periodicals of the Philippines.
This also appeared in
instalments in Retana' s magazine J.,n fg_lit~_g._g_J~;spana Eill
.E!lipinas. B. & R.
-454are, furthermore, little poems, corridas, epithaliums, and songs.
These last especially are very
numerous and have special names, sucL, as _c;omintang
de la c_onouist8., t~e sinanpablo, the 1:s.~9.L\S~i.fi.9-.,
th,3 cavL:,Qg:2 n.
f~ot on·1_y are the woros of these
songs, but also the melodies, nation.sl, and the Indians note the music cf them with prodigious cleverness.
All the Indians, in fact, are naturally given
to music and there are some of ttem who play five or
six instruments. Also there is not a vill2,ge, however small it be, where mass is not accompanied by
music for lack of an organ. The choice of the airs
which they plRy is not :::t:;_ways the most Gdifying. We
have heard in the churches the walt ~ms of Musard, and
the gayest airs of the French comic opera.
Thus, as we have just said, the Indians are
born musicians. Those who before knew only the Chinese tamtam, the Ja·iranese drum, and a kind of flute
of Pan,. made of a bit of baml:)oo, today c11l tivate the
European inst:..nurrien";:,s vJi th a love which comes to be
a passion. Tney are not, for the most part, very
strong in vocal music, for tn'~Y have ve27 little or
no voice.
Nevertn~less, their singing offers in
our opinion .J. certain characte·r of originality ·which
is not unworthy of attention.
Scarcely had the S:paniards conquered that archipelago than its inhabit2.nts tried to imitate the
musical instruments of Europe, and the vj±J?_gl~, a
kind of guitar having a very great number of strings,
but which is not always the same, soon boceme their
favorite ir:st:~,Jment.
They manufactured it with a
remarkable pe:rfc::ction. And besides, they th9mselves
made the strings.
The bandolog is another guitar, but smaller,
having twenty-four metallic strings joined by fours.
They are very skilful in playing thE:.t instrument,
and they make use either of one of tbei~ finqer
nails' which they a2.lmv to grow to a ve·:·y great
length, or of a little bit of wood. W~ du not know
from what nation they have borrowed_ ttat instrument,
which we have never seen in Spain.
The music of the villages 'of which we have
spoken is generally composed of vio1ins, of ebony
flutes, or even of bamboo in the remote provinces,
-455and of a 1'ajo de viguela, a large guitar of the
size of the violencello, which is played with a
horn or ebony finger expressly made (for that purpose). They draw from it very agreeable sounds.
That music, somewhat discordant, is not often wholly
without something agreeable in it. We cannot help
admiring men who can reach that point without having taken lessons, and of whom the majority have perhaps never had occasion to meet an artist.
The military music of the regiments of the
garrison at Manila, and in some large villages of the
provinces, tas reached a point of perfection which
is astonishing.
We have never heard better in Spain,
not even in Madrid • It is at the square of the pa lace that, on Thursdays, Sundays, and fete days at
eight o'clock in the evening, at the time when the
retreat is beaten, the society of Manila and the foreigners and travellers, assemble to hear the concert.
The Indians play there from memory for two or three
hours alternately, from great overtunres of Rossini
and Meyerbeer, or contradances, and vaudevilles.
They owe the great progress which they have made for
some time in t~eir militai"Y music to tte French masters who direct them. These same musicians are also
surn..111oned- to the great balls, where they execute
pieces among the contradanc es played by other i_nstruments.
We have stated that the vocal music of the
Indians is not equal to that of their instrumental
music, which is especially true of the qua1ity of
their voice which is sharp and shrill.
All their
airs are applied to words of love; they are regrets,
and reproaches, addressed toa faithless swain, and
sometimes allusions drawn from the history of the
ancient kings, or from holy Scripture.
Sometimes a number of Indians gc:ther in the
house of one of them and form a conc~rt of amateurs.
At that time they sing the Passi01:. to the accompaniment of a full orchestra. A~ other times, five,
seven, or nine bagontaos (young bachelors) assemble
at night in the beautiful clear moonlight and run
about the villages in the vicinity of Manila, where
they give serenades to their sweethearts, their
dal.§_g~, or .££.!!_Zella~ {i.e. do!,!£_~11~ "maidens''),
whom the Tagalogs who are of more distinguished
rank and who speak Spanish call their novi§§. (i.e~
-456sweethearts.) One could imagine nothing more singular and more picturesque than to see during those
brilliant nights of the torrid zone, when the moon
sheds floods of silver 1 ight, s nd the :J,J.J.my ·oree ze
tempers the burning heat of the atmosphere, to see,
we say, the Indians crouched on cuclillas for entire
hours without getting tired of tha,:::; posit~_on, which
we would find so uncomfortable, singing their love
under the windows of their mistress.
Numerous orchestras of musicians are s urnmoned
at any hour of tte day to the houses of Manila in
order to have &11 sorts cf ancj_ent and modern dances
there: the old ri,godcns,3 quadrilles, the EngJ.i.sh
contradances, waltzesj gallops, and without doubt
the polka will not be long in penetrating there also.
It is rare among the I!1d:.ans, and especic1lly among
the mestizos, that a baptism, marriage, or any ceremony is celebrated withol:..t music and dancing. The
burial of children (creituras) is always accompanied
by music.
One further word on the extraordinary talent
of the Indians for nusical execution. One day we
accompanied the alcald.e of the pro·rir:ce of Laguna
on a tour which he was m&!-cina: .for the el3ction of
gobernadorcillos. We reached 1::;a1auan, Wi1ere we
stopped to sup and sleep et the house of a respectable cura whose house, lj_ke that of all ecclesiastics, was open to all travelers without exception.
Travelers are there fed and lodged so long as they
please to stop without any cos~ to them. Now, at
the house of this cura we heard an Indian who olayed with eaual Perfection on seven different in~truments, on-which he executed the most difficult pieces.
When he had finished, the good cur2, in order
to amuse us, performed some sleight of hand tricks
and juggling, and showed us-a theater of rnarionnettes,
which he himself mounted.
The comi~teng wtich we he:, ve be:f:'ore :rnent ioned
as a national s0Y-1f.?'; is aJ_0·0 a dance. Wbi:e tne musicians are playing and singin~ it an lnd~an and
Indian woman execute a pant;mi;e which agrees with
8 - A dance allied to the quadrillo, but with different and more graceful figures.
B. r.,:, R.
-457the words,
It is a lover who is trying to inflame the heart of a young girl, about whom he runs
while making innumerable amourous movements, accompanied by movements of the arms and of the body,
which are not the most decent, but which cause the
spectators to break out into loud an~ yojoys laugh_er.
Finally, the lover, not being able to succeed,
\feigns to be sick and falls into a chair prepared
for him.
The young girl, frightened, flies to his
aid but he rises again very soon cured, and begins
to dance and turn about with her in all directions,
to the great applause of those present.9
The Pamp_~ngo is another dance which is especially rema:r·kable by mo·,ements of the loins, and the
special grace which the women show in it. It is accompanied by very significative clapping of the hands.
In the Visayas th'3y dance the bagg_y, the music
and song of which are langorous and melancholy, like
that of the comintang.
It is also a lover and a
mistress who dance, the while they mingle their motions· with cries.
9 - The words of this song are as follows:
I.
To know is to remember thee;
And yet in grief I rove,
B8cause though wilt not fathom me,
Nor feel how much I love.
II.
All traitors are the stars on highFor broken hopes I grieve
I cannot live - I fain would die;
'Tis misery to live.
III.
Sweet birdi yet flutter o'er my way
And chant thy victim's doom;
Be thine, be thine the funeral lay
That consecrates my tomb.
-458The lv.iont escos of the provinces of the north
of the island of Luzon also dance to the sound of
their bamboo flutes, but their gest .1res and their
postures are so indecent that for shsr.ie a woman never dances except with, her husband.
1
The Negritos in their dances held in their
hands their Sows and arrows and ut"'::.er torrible cries.
They make frightful con·'::,ortions and ::Leaps to which
in the country one has gi'ren the name of _c.,emarones,
comparing them to those that the sea-crabs make in
the water. They end their dance by shooting their
arrows into the air, and their eyesight is so quick
that they so;ne"'::.imes kilJ. a bL"'d on the wing. Their
ourouc~.I, or sor..g of th<2 mountains, is a very pleasant melody consisting of six measures which are repeated time and time again, which if it were arranged
for chorus, would make a fine effect.
The fandango, the capateado, the cachucha, a~
other Spanish c.iances have be8n adopted b~/ the :i:ndians, and th,,:;y do not lack, grace when they- dance
them to the a~ccmpaniment of castinets, which they
play witr1 a remarkable p:.'ecision. They a:1.so execute
some dances of Nuev2 Espafia, such as for example the
Ec"abe.§., where they show all the Spanish vivacity
with movements of -sheir figure, of their breasts, of
their hips, to right and left for'<'llard and backvv2.rd,
and pirouttes, whose rapidity is sue h that the eye
can sc2rce follow them.
Drawing and painting are much :::'urthor advanced
than one woul'i believe among the Indi2.ns of the Philippines.
Vvithout ta kins ir.t,o acco,.,mt th8 fine geographical maps of Nictolqs de Ocampo, we can cite the
miniatures. of De~ian, and Saurinno, the pictures of
churches, and the oil portrai~s of Oreco.
These
works are indeed far from being perfect, for the artists to whom they are due ha vi:a nevr=;r had &ny masters,
but they pres2nt m:1rl:s of great talcmt, nnd the portrR.its he.ave a stri~ing r13sembJ:Jrice (to thr;; driginal),
We seize this occasio~ to testify all our gratitude
to the two mestizo desi~ners, Juan Serapio Transfiguracion N~pomuceno, and his son, for the services
which as artists they have been plecised to render us
with so much kindness.
-459(2) The Educational Decree of
1~63
As Mallat observed in his work on tte Philippines,
"primary schools supported by the people" were found everywhere in the Philippines.
There were facilities, according to him, for learning to reed 2nd. write "even in the
smallest villages."
How adeq~ata the facilities for primary education were, Mallat) how·2-;rer} did not state.
The
fact is the primary sc:iools of his time suff,jred from many
handicaps.
For one thing, there was a sad lack of trained
elementary school teac~oers. For another, the educational
facilities were poor and inadequa:;e. In many towns and
villages of the Philippines the school buildings wore unsuitable.
Teaci1i.ng mat 8ri3.ls, ~oo, such as t extbuoks and
readers were meagre if not entirely unavailable.
The basic defect of the system of pri~ary education
was, from the beginning, the insufficiency of funds for
sc'hool purposes. ':'he financiel resources. of towns and
villages were too inadequate to meet the basic needs of
primary education.
In 1839, the Spanish Government made an attempt to
improve the situation. Tr...at year it ordered the creation
of an educational commission to draft a set of regulations for the schools of the Philippines.
The royal order, however, was·not,for some reason or another, put, into
effect. It was not until several years later that an educational commission such as contemplated by the royal decree of 1839 was formed~
Governor Crespo, in 1855,
created a commission to ~tudy the conditions cind needs of
elementary education in the Philippines.
The corwnission
was instructed to study in particula.r the follcwing aspects of el ernentary educ at ion and to make r2cornmendat ions
on them:
(1) the nun~ber of men and women teachers needed
in each town of the Philippines on the hc:,sis of the number
of tribute payers in each town; (2) the regul2tions to
be adopted governing teaching in the schools; (3) the
subjects to be included in the course of study; (4) the
advisability of establishing in Manila a school for the
training of teachers.
The commission showed very little progress in tho
beginning, but in the latter part of 1860 and the early
months of 1861 it began to show greater activity, spurred
on by the progress of others who, in the me!lntime, had been
commissioned to draft measures along similar lines. Gov-
-460ernor Solano on August 10, 1860, hnd appointed an official
to drGw up a plan of public schools, while Governor Lemery
had commissioned the Jesuit, Jose Fern6ndez Cuevas, early
in 1861, to undertEtke c1 similar work. On the 7th of March
1861, the former commission C:J.ided by the Jesuit fathers,
finally made its report.
The report of th s c om11ission
was forwarded to 3pain.
On tte b2sis of the report's findings and recor,1rr.end at ions, the, Educ::, t ional Dacree of December 20, 1863, was formulDted • ..1..
The educational decree of 1863 consists of three
parts: the first deals with the educational systen in its
broad feo.tures; the second contai:.1s the reguln.ticms for the
normal school; and the t~ird eets fort~ the regulations
for the primary schools.
(a) Irr.porta.nt Provis ions of the Decree of 1 861
2
( i) The Public School Systgg
"A normal school for te~chers of primary instruction is established in the city of ~anila, in
charge of and under the direction of the ~:athers of
the Society of Jesus, and tr:e expenses sho.11 be defrayed by the central treasury of ways and means.
Art. 1.
''Spanish scholars, natives of the Archipelago
or of Europe, shall be admitted into the said school,
The pupils shall receive a free etiu~ation, but shall
be obliged to exercise the duties of teacher in the
native schools of the Archipelago for the space of
ten years following their graduation from tte Institution.
Art. 2.
nrn oach one of the villa~es, there shall be
at least one sc:1001 of primary ir.struct ion for males,
and another for f.' ema:es. Instr1c t ion herein shall
be fre.e to the :ooor, and attendance ,s}1all be compulsory. Arts. 3 and 4.
1 - See Barrantes, 1n?tD-!9..£i6n P.rirnaria;H·A_lzono., _fH_gtory__of Erlucation in t.he_ :?bili2J?ins.3; Ba zaco, istory Q_
1ducation ir: che_£)iil::12t?ines.
2 - B. & R., vol. 46, p. 79 ff.
-461"The schools for males shall be of three classes: ~ntr§da, ascenso and termino of the second class,
and termino of the first class.
The schools of
termj_no oi-the first class, namely those of Manila
and its district, shall be supplied with teachers by
competitive examination among the teachers, with the
certificate from the normal school, with experience
as teachers.
Art. 5.
"The salary of teachers, as well as the foundBtion of the school, acquisition, and conservation
of school supplies and equjpment, and the rent of the
building shall constitute an obligatory expense on
the respective local budget.
Art. 7.
"The teachers appointed from the normal school
can't be discharged except for legitimate cause and
by resolution of the superior civil governor, nnd after hearing the interested party.
Art. 9.
"Teachers and assistants shall be exempt from
the giving of personal services so long as they exercise their duties, and after ceasing to exercise
them, if they have exercised them for fifteen years.
After five years of duty, the teachers shall enjoy
distinction as principales.
Art. 12.
"The teachers of boih sexes and the assistants
shall have the right, in case of disability for the
discharge of their duties, of pension.
Art. 13.
"The supe,rior inspection of primary education
shall be exercised by the superior civil governor of
the islands, with the aid of a commission which shall
be established in the capital under the name of "Superior Commission of Primary Instruction.If
Said
commission sha.11 be composed of the superior governor as president, of the right reverend archbishop
of Manila, and of seven mr:3mb ers of recognized ability appointed by the first named. The chiefs of
the provinces shall be appointed provincial inspectors, and shall be aided by a commission composed of
the chief, of the diocesan prelate, and in the latter's absence, of the parish priest of the chief
city, and of the alcalde-rnayor, or administrator of
revenues.
-462"The parish priests shall be the local inspectors ex-officio and shall direct the teaching of
the Christian doctrine and morals under the direction of the right reverend prelates.
Art. 15,
"After a school has been established in any
village for fifteen years, no natives who cannot talk,
read and write the Castilian language shall form a
part of the principalia unless they ~enjoy that distinction by right of inhe::itance.
After the school
has been established for thirty years, only those who
possess the above-mentioned condition shall enjoy exemption from the personal serTl.ce tax, except in case
of sickness. Five years after the publication of
this decree, no one who does not possess the abovementione~ qualification, can be appointed to salaried
posts in the Philippines Archipelago." Arts. 16 ~ 17,
(ii) Re2:ul2tions Governing the Normal School
"The object of the Normal School is to serve as
a seminary for religious, obedient, and instructed
teachers, for the manegement of primary schools throughout the whole Arctipelago. In the same locality of
the Normal School, there shall be a school of primary
instruction for non-resident boys, whose classes shall
be managed, under the supsrvision of a teacher of the
normal school, by the pupils of the same." (Arts. 1
and 3 • )
"~ducation in Norn2l School shall comprise the
following branches:
1. Religion, morals, and sacred history.
2. Theory and practice of reading.
3. Theory and practice of writing.
4. An extensive know~edge of the Castillian lan~
guage with exercises in analysis, composition, and orthography.
5. Arithmetic, to ratio and proportion, elevetion to powers, and extraction ~f roots,
' inclusive, together with the decimal metric ~ystem with its equivalent of local
weights and measures.
6. Principles of Spanish Geography and history,
7. IqQID of Geometry.
8. Common acquaintance with physical and natural
sciences.
-4639. Ideas of practical Agriculture with refer-
ence to the cultivation of the products
of the country.
10. Rules of Courtesy.
11. Lessons in vocal and organ music.
12. Elements of pedagogy. \Art. 4).
"These studies shall. run for three years, and
during the six months of the last term, the scholars
shall have practical exercise in teaching, by teaching in the classes of the primary school annexed to the
1~ormal School •
( Art . 6. )
"The scholars of the normal school who shall
have completed the courses of their studies and shall
have obtained by their good deportment, application
and knowledge, the mark of "Excellent" (sobresaliente)
in the final examinations for the three consecutive
years shall receive a teacher's certificate, in which
shall be expressed their creditable mark, and they
shall be empowered to teach schools of ascenso. Those
who shall not have obtained the mark of Excellent, but
that of Good (bue.!!Q.), or fair (regular) in the abovementioned examinations, shall also receive teacher's
certificate with their corresponding mark expressed
therein, and they shall be able to reach schools of
entrada.
Finally, those who shall have failed in
said examinations, if after they shall have repeated
the exercise, shall have merited approval, shall only
receive certificates as assistant teachers. (Art. 7.)
"The resident scholars of the Normal School
shall be divided into regular (de numero) and supernumerary resident pupils. The regular resident scholars shall receive their education free and shall pay
n9thing for their support, treatment, school equipment, and aid from the teaching force. They shall
be obliged to fulfil their duties for 10 years as
teachers of primary schools.
Supernumerary resident
scholars shall pay the institution 8 pesos per month
for their board, and their rank in the school and
other things will be eaual to that of the regular
scholars. (Arts. 9, 10, 11, 12.)
"The normal school shall be directed and governed by the Fathers of the Society of Jesus .• (Art.
15.)
-464"The Director of the Normal School shall propose at the approval of the superior civil government, a list of books which can be used as textbooks
by the scholars, to which the masters shall subject
their explanation.
The teachers shall give their
lessons in the courses of which it is advisable for
this system to make use, under the authority of a
director. (Art. 24.)
"The superior Civil Governor shall have the
right to issue certificates as t8acher and assistant
at the proposal of the director of the normal school.
Certificates as teachers shall contain the mark which
shall have been obtained and the class of schools for
which such persons are qualified. (Arts. 27 &28.)
(iii) Regulations Prescribed b..L the Decree
of 186) for Pri:nary'scfioois.
-
"The teaching in the schools for natives shall
comprise:
(1) The Christian doctrine and principles of
morality and sacred history.
( 2) Reading.
( 3 ) Writing.
( 4) Practical teaching of the Castilian language.
( 5 ) Principles of arithmetic including the four
rules for integers, common frections,
c;lecimals, and denominate numbers, with
principles of the decimal me-:,ric system,
and its equivalents in the usual weights
and measures.
( 6) Principles of general geography and Spanish
history.
( 7) Principles of practical agriculture, with
application to the products of the countrv.
( $) Rules· of courtesy.
( 9} Vocal music.
"The primary teaching of girls will include all
the above except Nos. 6 and 7, and the needlework
suitable to their sex. (Art. l}.
""'.465-
"Primary instruction!is obligatory for all
the natives between the aHes of 7 and 12. The teacher shall have especial care that the sqholars have
practical exercise in speaking the Castilian language.
Primary instruction shall be free for ghildren whose
parents are not known to be wealthy~ Paper, copybooks, ink, ·and pens, will be free to all the children. (Arts. 2, 3, ~ 4.)
"The parish priest shall direct the teaching
of Christian doctrine and morality .. (Art. 6.)
"The Christian doc"!:.rine shall be taught by the
catechism which is in use, and approved by ecclesiastical authorities. For reading, the syllabary prescribed by the superior civil governor, the Cathecism
of Astete, and the Cathecism of Fleuri, shall be used.
For writing, the l\,uestras d~-c~r!:'.icter Espanol by Iturzaeta shall be used. (Art. 7.J
"Teachers of entrada shall receive from 8 to
12 persos per month; those of ascenso, from 12 to
15; those of termino of the second grade from 15 to
20. In addition teachers shall enjoy the following
advantages:
(1) A dwelling apartment for themselves and
family in the schoolhouse, or reimbursement if they
rent one.
(2) The fees paid by well-to-do children.
(3) The privileges and exemptions and pension
mentioned in Arts. 12, 13, and 14 of the Royal decree.
(Arts. 23 and 24.)
"~omen teachers for p:irls must be at least
25 yGars old, and shall possess the other qualifica-
tions that are demanded from the male teachers. They
shall receive monthly pay of 8 pesos if they have a
certificat0, and 6 if the contrary be true, and all
the fees of wealthy girls. They shall also have the
right to live in the school, and in case they do not
live there, to a reimbursement to pay their rent.
(Arts. 26, 28).
"The Superior Board of Primary Instruction
shall consult the superior government of the Islands:
-466(1) In regard to the approval of textbooks.
(2) On measures in regard to the dismissal of
teachers, declarations of the grades of schools, and
assignment of pay to the instructors.
(3) In everything also concerning the execution
of this plan, and especially concerning the doubts
arising from the same." Art. 34.
The Educational Decree of 1863 is a notable landmark
in the educational history of the Philippines. It was the
basis of the primary school system ·which existed in the
Philippines in the last decades of the' Spanish period. Under the decree, the elementary school system of the country was reorganized. Changes and improvements were introduced to remedy some of the system's basic defects. A
normal school was established under the. management and supervision of the Society of Jesus, to meet the need for
trained elementary school teachers.
Adequate provision
was made to facilitate the rapid propagation of the Spanish language.
Teachers were exempted from ~he polos y
servicios.
Teachers, too, were given the opportunity to
become members of the principalia, the social elite in
the community.
After serving for a certain number of
years, a teacher could rise to the status and dignity of
a principal.
The teaching profession was raised to a
high level of dignity and respectability.
The decree, however, left unresolved the big problem affecting primary education in the Philippines, the
problem of adequate financial support. Under the Educational Decree of 1863, the towns and villages of the Philippines continued as before to take care of providing for
the support and maintenance of primary education in their
respective jurisdictions.
With the limited funds at
their disposal, many towns and villages in thG Philippines
were in no position to maintain adequately equipped and
adequately staffed elementary schools.
Elementary education in many towns and villages in the Philippines remained, for ttiis reason, in the same state of backwardness
in which it was prior to the reform decree of 1$63.
(b) The Municipal Girls' School of
Manila
Another notable event· in Philippine educational history was the establieihment in February, 1864, of the Municipal Girl's School of Manila.
This school was created
-467by the government of the city of Manila~
In 1868, the
school was converted into a normal school for the training
of women teachers of elementary eduGation. It was admi0 ome of the regulanistered by the Sisters of Charity,
tions prescribed by the Superior Civil Government for this
school are as follows:3
"The object of this school is to give the
girls of this capital the inestimable benefit of a
fine education and the elementary instruction, with
all the solidity and amplitude advisable.
Instruction shall embrace two kinds of subjects: the required subjects and the optional subjects.
"The required subjects are: Christian doctrine,
politeness, reading, writing? Castilian grammar,
arithmetic, the decimal metric system, and the needlework suitable for their sex, such as sewing, darning
and cutting.
"The optional subjects are: geography, general
history; special history of Espana; elements of natural history; embroidery in white, with silks, corded
silk, beads, and gold, and other like needle-work.
(Chapter I).
"All the children who solicit within the number permitted by the size of the building, shall be
admitted without distinction, from the age of five
years.
"Teaching will be free for all pupils in all
necessary and optional subjects named in these regulations. ( Cha pt er II.}
~
"A commission composed of three women appointed
by his Excellency, the superior civil governor, on
recommendation of the Ayuntamiento, one of whom shall
be relieved annually, shall be created for the supervision of the school. The functions of this commission shall be those only of supervision and oversight.
In consequence of that they must inform the superior
authority of any fault which is noted with the-fitting
remarks for its correction.''
3 - Ibid, p • 119, ff.
-46$C. The Ateneo Municipal de Manila
Another important educational developme~t at t~is
time was that which concerned the Alma l'-1ater of Dr. Jose
Rizal.
In 1859, the Manila ayuntamiento turned over to
the Jesuits the management of the Escuela Municipal de
Manila.
This school was the successor of the Escuela Pia,
a school of primary instruction founded in the early years
of the nineteenth century.
I,n 1E!65, with the name changed
to Ateneo Municipal de Manila; the school was raised to
'the status of a college.
The Jesuit Fathers reorganized
the institution along the lines laid down in the Ratio Studiorum.
Changes were made in the course of study and
institutional regulations of the college to bring it in
conformity with Jesuit ideas and j.9-eals of education. This
was the school where 1$71 young Rizal came to study. He
stayed· there six years graduating in 1877 with highest
honors.
-469··
CHAPTER
FIVE
THE SPANISH REVOLUTION AND ITS RESULTS
a. Background of the Revolution
In 1868, an event of great historical stgnificance
took place in Spain. That year tho Spanish liberals drove
Queen Isabel II from her throne.
The s~anish Revolution
of 1868 as that event is known was the climax of the efforts of the Spanish liberals to establish a popular system of government for Spain.
Queen Isabel'-s reign which begun in J.833 on th8 death
of her father, Ferdinand VII, was a turbulent, one. There
were rare intervals in which Spain enjoyed complete domestic peace and tranquility.
Apart from the recurring Carlist wars, there were frequent revel ts and milita:-'y uprisings
in which soldier politicians by means of pr_Q}lill}.S:_).a_!Tlie11tos (revolutionary manifestos) or gQ}J?es c:e e,'3tf~~:q \military co1;1ps)
rose to power and held momentarily in ti1oir hands the reins
of government.
Being a mere child at her father's death in 1833,
Isabel ruled, in accordance with Ferdinand VII's pragmatic
sanction, under the regency of her mother, Queen Cristina.
During Cristina's regency (183.3-1840), the internal situation in SDain wo.s tumultous and disturbed. The Carlist
war ranged throughout the greater part of the period,
The Carlists threatened to wrest the reins of power from
Cristina and Isabel and to place Carlos on the Spanish
throne. In 1834 in an effort to win the support and loyalty of the Spanish liberals, Regent Cristina promulgated
the Estatuto Real of 1834.
This political succession
however, did not prove wholly satisfactory to the liberals.
In 1836, a Liberal uprising took place as a result of
which Cristina restored the Constitution of 1812. At the
same time, she summoned a constituent Cortes to frame a
new organic law for Spain. In 1837, the constituent
Cortes adopted a new constitution.
The Constitution of
1837, as this constitution ca.rie to be calJ..ed, established
parliamentary government in Spain, It represented a compromise between the liberalism of the Constitution of
1812 and the conservatism of the Royal Statute of 1834.
-470The new constitution was proclaimed at about the
same time that the government won signal victories over
the Carlists.
These developments helped much to bring
internal peace in S~ain. This cortdition, however, did
not last long. In 1840, revolts broke out· in Barcelona
and Madrid.
Because of t Le gravity of the situation,
Cristina was forced to abdicate as regent.
General Espartero, who had gained fame nnd popularity for his successes over tho Car1ists, tooi-: over the regency of Spain.
Espartero adopted strong measures to preserve and
matntain law and order. In 18hl, ho crmd1ed a milit.s.ry
uprising which sought to restore C~istina to the regency.
In 1842, he ~lso put down with a stron~ hand a bloody
revel t which hqd flared up in Barcelona. In 1Esl~3, howevGr, a number of factional groups - Progresistas, Moderados, and Eepubl.icanos, combin1.;3d to oust Espartero
from power.
Espartero was forced to flee from Spain.
As a sequel of this ev!:mt, the regency was abolished.
A resolution was then ad~pted by the Cortes Octobef 20,
1843, declaring IJabel to be of age, duly qualified to
rule in her own right as c;ue'en of Spain. It Wets f 11rther
declared that s:te i,;as to exerc~_se her :i."OJal powers through
.. t
. accor0ance
·i
• ·' t'no provisions
..
a respons1·b1 e m1n1s-ry
in
w1~I1
of the Constitution. Joaquin Iviaria Lopez, 1 ,:iad.er of
the clique which overthrew Espartero, assumed. control of
the government as prime minister of Spain.
With the abolition of the regency and the assumption by Isabel of her royal powers and prerogatives, many
people in ,Spain expected that an e!'a of peace and tr&nquility would at last dawn for Spain.
Subsequent
events, however, belied their hopes and expectations.
Partisan groups engaged in bitter conflicts and rivalries for the privilege to run the affairs of the Nation
and to dispose of ,.:;he spoils of office, Confl.:.i_cting interests and tendenc::i.es ma.de it dif::'icult for the government to adopt c:.nd follow a sustained and consistent policy forth~ solution of national prcble~s.
:sabel II,
on her part, proved unequal to the task before her. She
could not remain entire: Y aloof .f:com the conflicts of
partisan politics. On many occasions, Rile shov.1 ed favori tism and reactionary t endm1cies thereby alienating
the loyalty and gooo. will of many of her subjects.
The history of the twenty-five year period following Isabel II' s assumption of her rights and prerogatives as queen of Spain is a record of recurring internal
troublBs,of th6 ris~ and fall of sbldier politicians: The
-471administrative machinery was inefficient and corrupt because
of uncertainty and insecurity of tenure of public officials.
In the brief period of two years immediately following
Isabel I s· accession as queen, three different persons successively occupied the premiership of Spain - Joaquin M.
Lopez, Gonzales Bravo and Ramon Maria Narvaez.
Narvaez' accession to power in 184h brought to the
political arena one of the outstanding soldier politicians
of the age of Isabel II. During his administration, Spain
had a brief interval of peace and dcmestic tranquility.
Conservative in his leanings 1 he sou_ght to strengthen the
foundations of the Monarchy.
He secured, in lSli-5, the
adoption by a consetitupnt Cortes of a new constitution for
Spain.
The Constitution of 1845 incorporated several important features of the Royal Statute of 1834. It gave to
the Crown a large me~sure of supervision and control over
affairs of state.
N&rvaez also arranged for the marriage,
in 1846, of Queen Is~bel to her cousin Francis, Duke of
Cadiz.
The marriage ,arrangements were n:ade for reasons
of state.
It was designed to strengthen the unity and the
stability of the lfonarchy.
In 1854, the internal situation in Spain was again
disrupted. On July 7 of tlIBt year, O'Donell launched forth
a 12.ronunciatQiento demanding changes and reforms in the government. 0 1 Donell' s pronunci2mie::.1to read in part as follows:
We desire the preservation of the Throne,
but without.the corrupting' influence of ,any
canarilla .We want the strict observance of the
processes prescribed by the fundamental laws,
improving them, particularly those rela t:'..ng to
the electoral system and :.Preedom of the })ress.
We want a revision of the taxes on the basi.s of
strict economy,
W(J want due respect f o:- the
merit syste~ and the principle of seniority in
the appointment and promotion of gov (:H'Yt:11ent employees and membe-:'.'G of the arm8d fo:i'Ces.
Ke
want to protect the local unitr, of the nat::i.on
from the evils of excessive ce:ritrali1/;Dtion, giving them such freedom and autonomy as woL1Jd enable them to promote their own interosts and
welfare. And, as a guarantee for all of these
reforms, we want and demand the establishment
on solid foundations of the national militia.
r
-472Confronted by a serious situation, Queen Isabel called
back to power Espartero, who had returned to Spain from
exile in 1848.
Espartero formed a new ministry with
O'Donell as minister of war,
The plans and policies of Espartero, however, did
not meet with popular approval.
In July, 1856, he was
once more forced to resign. 0'Done11 succeeded him. But
0' Donell himself did not remain long in power. In October,
1856, he was forced out of office. The veteran statesman,
General Narvaez, once ciore took over the reins of government. At the end of two years, however, (1858) O'Donell
was back in power.
From 1858 to the outbreak of the Revolution of 1868,
the government of Spain was alternately in the hands of
O'Donell and Narvaez.
That period continued to· be a
tumultous one. In 1860, the Ca.rlists made another attempt,
which, however, was unsuccessful, to overthrow the regime
of Queen Isabel. A year later, the Republicans raised the
standard of revolt.
Their battle cry was "Long Live the
Republic. Death to the Queen." The uprising was put
down by the gove:"nment forces.
In 1865, a more formidable
uprising flnred up. It was lE)d by General Prim, 0' Donell
who was at that time at the head of the government, put it
down. In 1866 another serious revolt took place. O'Donell
also suppressed it with a heavy hand. The principal leaders of the revolt were seized and executed.
0'Donell died in November, 1867. A few months later, April, 1S68, Narvaez, too, passed away. The deaths
of these men removed from the pol it. ic al scene two strong
personalities under whose e.dministration the .forces of
subversion which wore seekin::i: the overthrow of. the Bourbon
Monarchy were effectively held in check.
To Gonzales Bravo, a veteran soldier politician,
Queen Isabel entrusted the responsicility of running the
affairs of the nation in the critical s~tuation then existing.
All his efforts, howeve~~ p~oveG unavailing to
stem the swelling tide of popular unrest and c.iscontent,
The stern measures that he adoited to preserue law and
order only aggravated the si-;-:,t:G tion. The different political groups united their forces in a concerted effort to
overthrow the Queen and her ministers.
The Spanish Revolution of 1868 began on September
18, 1868, when Admiral Topete issued a revolutionary
J2TQI!1dl1.cia.mJ:ent,Q from Cadi.z.
This was followed by uprisings
in many parts of Jpain, Valencia, Tarrclgona, Barcelona
joined the Revolution,
On October 3, Marshal Serrano,
one of the leaders of the movement entered Madrid, being
received warmly and enthusiastically by a cheering and highly excited muJ.titude,
There he was joined by General Prim
and other prominent leaders of the Revolution.
Queen
Isabel by this time had fled from Spain. The triumph of
the revolutionary movement was noH complete. A provisional government was set up, composed of Serrano as President;
Prim, Minister of War; Topete, Minister of the Navy; Sagasta,
Minister of Home Affairs; and Lorenzana, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
On October 8th, the Provisional GovernmE::mt formally
announced the princi.pleB on which the future· Spanish government would be organized. These were: univers3l suffrage; freedom of worship; freedom of instruction; freedom
of association and of peaceful public meetinc;; freedom of
the press; aclministre.tive decentralization and autonomy for
local .and provincinl government; trial by jury in criminal
cases; unity of jurisdiction in all branchns of judicial
administration; judicial immovability; individual security
and inviolability of domicile and correspondence; abolition of capital punishmentQ
On the 25th of October, the
Provisional Government issued a manifesto explaining what
had ta!:::en place and what reforms it proposed to adopt.
The manifesto stated that the monarchial form of government would be preserved and continued.
In pursuance of the program of the Provisional Government, a constituent Cortes was called into session in
Fobruarj, 1869, to draw up a new constitution for Spain.
The new constitution as finally approved embodied the
principl8S and political ideas of the leaders of the Revolution. It established a limited monarchy, recognized
freedom of worship, legalized civil rnar:d.age, introduced
the jury system, and solemnly guaranteed individual liberty. 1 It excluded the Bourbon fnrnily from the Spnni,sh
throne.
l - It is interesting to note that tn the constituont
Cortes efforts were made to secure incorporation in the
constitutional plan then under consideration of reforms in
the system of government in the Philippines.
Adelardo
Lopez de Ayala. who at the time was minister of the colonies,
presented a "JVIemoria" to the Cortes proposing reforms in
-474The new Spanish constitution created a major problem for Spain - the selection of a new ~1ler.
As on the
occnsion of the extinction of the Hapsburg dynasty in
1700, this, question c"{roused deep interest ih the courts and
chRncil1eries of Europe.
At one time Ferdinand of SaxeCoburg, King-Dowager of Portugal, and cousin of Queen
Victoria of En§,1a~1d, was. seri~)u~ly co~sidured as a po~siblu occupant oj_ tne Sparnsh tnro\ne. 1rr:mce, for sentimental and other roasons, took a vital interest in the
question. Bismarck of Prussia proposed Prince Leopbld of
the hohenzollcrn family a. s a poE,sible occupant, of the
Sphnish throne. Bi£3marcki s move aroused_ bittr]r resentrn.ent in France and became an immediate cause of the FrancoPrussian War.
In the end, Amadeo, a young8r son of King Victor.
Emmanuel of Italy, c=tccepted the ofi'er tend0red him by the
Spnnish Cortss to become King of Spain. On January 2,
1871, AmRdeo formaJly took his oat:1 before the meml:lcrs of
the Span::i.sh Cortes as King of Spain under the Constitution of 1869.
In the meantime, '.~ueen Isabel decided to· abdicate.
On June 25, ld70, from P&ris, F'rance, to which she had
fled shG issued t·rJO bistoric documents: one a formal act
of abdication 1 and the other a letter to the Spanish people appealing for their support and loyalty to the Bourbon dynnsty.
The Queen's statement of abdication read in part as
follow:3: 1 ·· ·
the administrative system in the PhilippiDes.
In April,
1869, a Eroup of Congrest,men compoL:-;od of Julian Pellon y
Rodriguez, Tomas Rodl'i16ucz Pin::.11 :1, Mi::;w~l Uznri.sirr,.::t, victor
BuJ.aguer, Joaqtiin Baeza: Francisco 1.Tavi·?:.:' Moya, -anJ Ruberto
Fernandez de 12s Cuevas, submitted a proposal to grant
greater political liberties to the i~habitan~s .of the
Philippines, In the session of the Cort.f;S h~'lld on May 2_5,
1869, Julian Pellon epoke in.support of the prbposal. None
of the proposals, however, wns approved,
Lopez de Ay,1la 1 s !IMemoria 11 and thr-3 "Proposal II submit·
ted by ?.eJ.lon .2nd l1is o.srrnciates aro cited by HetJ.rW. in his
Apci:i:_at_o b:;.bl ior:raf.~.,, vol. 2, nos, 1215 and 12~:2, respectively.
1 - Rubio, Qll• .£;it., vol. 6, appenq.ix,
-475To all Spaniards of my kingdom and to all who may see
and understand these presents:
KNOW ALL: Thc1t for the sole purpose of procuring,
by peaceful and legitimate means the happiness and
welfare of my beloved Spain, I execute this solemn
declaration in the form allowed by these difficult
and extraordinary circumst~nces.
I abdicate voluntarily and spontaneously, moved solely by my love for
Spain and for her welfc.re and independence, the royal
nuthority which I have exercised by the Grace of God
and of the Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy, promulga.ted in the year 1845, and to renounce all my
political rights, transferrh:g them all to my most
beloved son, Don Alfonso, Prince of Asturias.
That I do not intend to renounce any o.f the rights
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ties, and farni2.y·, which are bestowed upon me by the
laws of the land, particularly the Luw o.f iviay 12,
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That in this sense, as long as I live, and as my
last will with respect to my family and children, I
reserve all the powers that I ara cap:1ble of, and will
continue to exercise them &s though I did not abdicate my poJ.itical. rights and the supreme power of
Queen of the Spanish dominions.
That I mean to preserve, even after my abdication,
the care and custody of my son, Don Alfonso, to whom
I transfer my political rights, and the ca:re and custody of his sLsters, not yet emancipated from the paternal jurisdiction, including all the powers that
correspond to me in accordance with artic1o 63 of the
Constitution of 1845 of the Spanish !'for:archy, and o.f
Laws, 2, 3, 4, and 13, Title 16 of itPru 6,
That with respect to my son, Don Alfonso, until
he is proclaimed by a Goverr::.ment and Cortes which
represent the genuine legitimate will of the Nation,
I will not surrender him to the care of those who by
the will of the Nation are to protect and advise him.
-476Isabel's letter to the Spanish people read in
part as follows:2
Misfortune and sadness marked the long period
of my reifn. It is painful for me to realize that
acts indupendent of my will thvn1rte<.l my noblest aspircttions j my most VL'3he.nent desi:r·es for the happiness of my beloved Spain.
As a girl, thousands of heroes proclaimed my
name; but the rr.:tvages of oar s:.1rrounded my cradle.
As an adolescent, I always favored such propositions
as I sincerely believed would advance your happiness. But heated party struggles did not allow time
for the rootage in the nationcil character of reApect
for laws and J. ove for prudent :" eforms. The tumultous passions of m,.:m, which I have not wunted to combat at the cost; of yov.r blood, have brought me to
this foreign land, far from the throne of my fathers, to tt.is land ~ihich, friendly, hospitable,
and illustrious, t~ough it be, is not my beloved
country nor the country of my children.
Such is, in brief, the po~itical history of
the thirty-fivo years in which! have exercised the
supreme power over the peoples whom God, the laws,
and the will of the Nation ent.ru9ted to mJ care,
Reviewing it, I can conscientiously say that I have
not contributed, with de1:Lberate intention, to the
evils for which I am blamed, or to the misfortunes
which I w2s unGble to avc3rt, As a CDnstitutional
Queen, I have sincerely respected the fundarr"ental
laws,
Speniard before anything else, and loving
mother o~ the sons of Sp3in, I have a warm af.fection for all. Tbe misfortunes which oft8n threatened to Cl'ush my s-:)j_rit v1ere ·oorn3 by 'ne as best
I could, Nothing hZ7.El been mo:.~e plea[:ant to my
heart than to pardo:.:1 &nri to re1,v2,rd, .::,rd ·1 have
never failEid to take any measure to pJ~event what
by me miGht brir:g sorrow upon my subjects.
Twenty months have nnssed sinc0 I stepped on
foreign soil. ln th(rne twcntJ months, my aff1ic·ted
spirit has never been in attentive to the sobbings
-477of my unforgettable Spain. Full of confidence in
her future, anxious for her greatness, her integrity, and her independence, grateful for the votes
of those who are devoted to me, for9;etful of the
injuries inflict0d by those who do not know me, I
aspire for nothing except that which my heart fondly
desires and which loyal Spaniards would gladly accept, namely, the int·,egrity of the dynasty and the
welfare of the heir to the Spanish Throne.
This is
the act of which I speak to you. This is the best
proof that I can give you of the affection I have
always had for you.
Know, therefore, that in virtue of a solemn
act drawn up in my residence in Paris and in the
presence o.f the members of my Royal fumily, of grandees, dignitaries, generals and public men of Spain,
I have abdicated my royal authority and my political rights, transmitting them ,::tnd all that bt;longs
to the throne 6f Spain, to my vory dear son, Don
Alfonso, Prince of Asturias. In accordance with
the country's laws, pEirticularl y th8 law of May 12,
1865, I reserve for myself all the civil rights,
the personal status and the dignity which these
concede to me. Hence, I shall have under my guardianship and cmitody Don Alfonso while he resides
outside of his country until, proclaimed by a Government and a Cortes repre:rnnting the legitimate
will of the Nation, I am to surrender him to you.
In the meantime, I shall E,ndeavor to implant in
his mind generous and elevated ideas which, toeether with his natural inclinations, would, I trust,
make him worthy to wear the crown of San Fernando
and to succeed the Alf6nsos, his predecessors, from
whom the country has received tt legacy of imperishable glories,
Alfonso XII will have to be, therefore, from
now on your real King, the, King of the Spanish people, not the King of a party. Love him with the
same sincerity with which he loves you. Respect
and protect his youth with the unbreakable fortitude of your noble heerts, while I, with fervent
prayer, ask the Almighty to grant long days of
peace and prosperity for Spain, and to concede to
my son, whom I bless, wisdom, prudence, rectitude
in the govf,rnment, and better chances of success
in the Throne than whnt was enjoyed by his unfortunate mother, who was your Queen. ISABEL.
-47Sb. Effects of the Spanish Revolution upon the
Philippines
Administration of de la Torre, 1$69-1871
Following the overthrow of Isabel II in the Revolution of J.868, the Provisional Government of Spain under
Serrano and Prim sent Carlos MElria de la Torre as 12:overnor
and captain general of the Philippines.
The stor~ of his
administration is given by Montero y Vidul in the work repeatedly citc;d in these Readings:l
On the 23rd of June, 1869, D. Carlos Maria
de la Torre assumed his post as Chief Executive of
the Philippines.
This man lacked the qualifications demanded
by the circumstances, and his unwise conduct and
unsound policy endenred him to those whose ambition
was to detach from Spain the remnants of her former
colonial empire.
! 1 It is necessary," was the remark of one of these 1 "that the Government should
select able and trustworthy men to advance the cause
of the Revolution in the colonies.
For·::,m1ately,
the Ministry has chosen a man for the Philippines
who inspires full faith and confidence; for D. Carlos
Maria de la Torre is a proven liberal, nay a sincere radical, - a man whose services, intentions,
energetic character, and exc~llent education make
him highly respectable, and which cause cJ.S to expect that under his regime, individunl rights will
be respected in the Philippines. There is peace and
tranguility· in the Ar6hipelago and de la Torre will
find no difficulty in carrying out the liberal policy
of the new government against whatever opposition
from the regular clorgy and the sm.qlJ. circle of monopolizers, who hava alwnyr; stood against the liberty
of the Philippines. 11
Rafael Maria de La bra.
La Torre brou,~ht with him to 'Manila the colonel
of artillery D. Francisco Sanc'.(iiz, and Mrs. Sanchiz
(Maria del Rosario Gil de Montes).
- - 1 - Chapters 24, 25, 26 of volume 3 deal with the ad-
ministration of de la Torre and of his successor, Governor
Izquierdo.
-479Ignorant of the country he had come to govern;
believing in good faith that the Revolutionary Government at home obliged him to implant in the Philippines a democratic regime; surrounded and influenced
by an imbecile camarilla; fluttered by the servile
praises of those sagacious Filipinos) who, proclaiming their liberalism and love for Spain, hailed him
as their liberator from supposed tyrannies, la Torre
began to show, both in his private and official acts,
a most imprudent conduct, to the satisfaction of his
perfidious counsellors.
One of the lamentable errors of De la Torre
was to pose as a democrat, thinkinE, fo please thereby, the Filipinos. He suppressed the guard of halberdiers which, for the honer of the representative
of Spain, was retained in the palace since 1591; he
appeared in public without any escort, and used an
ordinary straw hat instead of the top-hat which the
authorities usually used here.
Patronized by the inexperienced civil governor ..of Manila, Don Jose Cabezas de Herrera, a serenade was held in the evening of the 12th of July
in honor of Gov. La Torre, which bore all the characteristics of a political manifestation.
At the
head of the parade was a commission fori::1ed by various Filipino Spaniards and Chinese·rnes':-izos, of
native priests, students, and some offic:~als of the
districts of Sta. Cruz, Quiapo and Sampaloc.2
The general and Mrs. Sanchiz entertr-dned well
the participants; during the buffet toasts were off€rred, while Mrs. Sanchiz recited a poem.
2 - The men composing this commission were: Don Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Consejero de Administ:.racion and Pro ..
fessor of Spanish Law; D. Jose Icaza, subst,itute magistrate
of the Audiencia; D. Jocobo ZobGl, Reg:i..dor of the Ayuntamiento; D. Ignacio Rocha, artist; D. Angel Garchitorena,
carriage manufacturer; Andres Nieto, proprietor; Jos~ Cafias,
landed proprietor; Jose Burgos, curate of the Manila Cathedral; Vicente Infante, Military chaplain; D. Juan Reyes,
employee; D. Manuel Genato, and M. Maximo Paterno, Chinese
mestizos.
Among the participants there was noted the total absence of Peninsulars and even of Filipino-Spaniards of note in the country such as the Azcarragas,
Vizmanos, Arrietas, Tenazon, Calderones, Calves, etc.
It is to be noted also that the act was illegal for
the Constitut lon ha.d not yet gone into effect, and the
law in force then in t,he PhiJ.i_pp~Lnes prohibited manifestations of that natu1·e, especially as this one was
held .in the evening, a thing w!:r.ich the Constltution
did not allow even in the Penins'..lla. From that moment, the Filipino .t.§de!}lorists commenced the work of
propaganda against Spain.
Governor de la Torre, by decree of July 7, 1869t
suppressed flogging as the punishment for desertion
among native soldiers, and substituted for it one
month's imprisonment.
In an address made by La Torre upon taking possession of h:i_s office, he had announced that he would
exterminate bE.r1ditry, but as it was a pleasure to
pardon errors and to call back to right conduct tho~e
who had deviated from -the :right way, he reserved to
hj_mself the rigl"it to tuke ,vhatever measures he thought
proper. In effect, he v,ent to Imus and arr.3.nged to
make Camerino, the famous bancit, captain of a company of "Guias de la 'rorre," vd.th power to assist
the Guardia Civil.
On the 21st of September, 1869, the pew Constitution was sworn to in I,Ianila. 'ro commemorate the
occasion, the Governor held a reception in his palace to which he invited several mcsti~:.os from the
districts of Santa Cruz, San Miguel, Binondo and
Quiapo, 1t, ho marched to the po.lace at the head of a
pQrade with banners, music and lanters, under the
lead of P. Burgos, Pardo de Tavera and Paterno. The
majority of th(;)se wore red ties -- color which Mrs.
Sanchiz made fashionab:-'...e. Mrs. Sane Liz who as usual,.
acted as hostees, appeared with a rjbo~n on her head
on which were written the wo::-ds ir:song ~.'..ive the Sovereign People" (Viva el pueblo sobera~o), with another ribbon around her neck, on one extremity of
which were the words, "Long live libert:r" (Viva la
libertad) t and on the other 11 10:n.2: live General La
Torre" (Viva el general la TorreJ.
1
The guests were well entertained by the Governor and by Mrs. Sanchiz, in whose honor the car-
riage manufacturer Garchitorenat recited a few laudatory verses.
La Torre appeared on the balcony and in a loud
voice proclaimed, "Long Live the Constitutional Cortes."
The scandal which the affairs produced was monumental, and the Peninsulars who were .familiar with
the country were grieved to see the representative of
Spain and. his camarilla encouraging and consenting to
such ridiculous spectacles, the future consequence of
which could-not be hidden.
·
Under date of November 6, 1$70, a d_e.cree was
promulgated on the recommendation of the Minister of
the Colonies, Segismundo Moret, creating the Philippine Institute, a school of secondary instruction.
According to article 13 of this decree, the existing
colleges -- San Jos~, Ateneo Municipal, San Juan de
Letran, Nautical Academy, and Academy of Design, Painting and Accounting&:, Languages, were to cease as such
and to be fused in the Ir:.stit ut e. 'I'he present Normal
School was to remain as it was.
The Institute was to be administered by a director to be appointed by the Government. All teaching positions were to be filled by competitive examination.
Another decree of the same date provided for
the conversion of the Royal and Pontifical University
of Sto. Tomas into the University of tr10 Philippines,
in which instruction was to be given in theology, law,
medicine and pharmacy.
Some of the important provisions of this decree are:
"The University shall be directed by a Rector
to be appointed by the Government from among the professors of the same. The present r:.ec':.or of the
College of Sto. Tomas shall remain dean of the Department of theology, with aJ.l the ri:?;hts and privileges which he at present enjoys. (Art. 11).
"Teaching positions in the departments of law,
medicine and pharmacy shall be filled by competitive
examinations. Those in the department of theology
shall remain as they are. (Art. 12).
-482On the arrival here of these decrees, considerable alarm was aroused among the religious orders,
especially among the Dominicans, who were most affected by them.
The provincial of the order, Dr. Pedro
Payo, presented a memorial on.the 15th of February,
1871, setting forth the difficulties that would arise
with the execution of the orders of the home government the services rendered by the Dominicans, and the
validity of thc-;:i.r titles to the University and the
College of San Juan de Letran.
Moreover, the memorial
claimed that by this reform the University would lose
its ecclesiastical character, and its students, as a
consequence, would not be able to obtain the degrees
necessary for appointment to the prebendaries.
Governor de la Torre, how~ver, in February 1871,
placed his cumplase on these decrees.
-483-
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE CAVITE AFFAIR OF 1872
1) Background of the Affair on the Question of
the Philippine Curacies
At the time the Spanish Liberals took over the reins
of power in Spain foJlowing the overthrow of Queen. Isobel II,
a heated controversy was raging in the Philippines over the
question of the status and ownership of certain cur~cies in
the archbishopric of Manila.
The fundamental issue in
the controversy was whether Filipino priests should be allowed greuter participation in the managern1:mt of the religious and ecclesiastical affairs of their country or not.
This was a quostion which concerned the interests and welfare, not only of the native clergy, but of the Catholic
Church herself.
The beginnings of this quEistion may be traced to the
times of Archbishop Sta. Justa and Governor Anda in the
last quarter of the 18th century (1767-1776).1
To fill
the vacancies which were created at that time in many parishes of his dice es e, Arc hb is hop Sta. Justa availed himself of the services of newly ordained Filipino secular
priests.
The latter were placed in curacies which had
been vacated as a result of differences and misunderstandin~s between the Spanish friar curates who previously administered them and the Archbishop over matters of ecclesiastical government.
The significance of the Archbishop's actuation was
quite clear to many people at the time.
Archbishop Sta.
Justa's course was a radical departure from the longestablished policy followed in the administration of parishes.
It meant that, ultimately, Filipino secular
priests would take over the duties and responsibiJ.ities
connected with the administration of parochial affairs.
It can well be presumed that Archbishop Sta. J·usta envisioning such an eventuality, felt keenly the need of
building up a body of competent Filipino priests to carry
on the work of the Catl10lic Church in the Philippines.
Unfortunately for the cause of the Filipino clergy,
the immediate results of Archbishop Stc.l. Justa 1 s initial
policy of secularization of the curacies were quite discouraging and disappointing.
Many of the newly installed
Filipino parish priests lacked, not only the necessary
training and p~eparation for parochial work, but also the
moral aualities reouired o.f those who vJould go into the religious life.
Their conduct cl.'.., pa:t:L;:;h prj_ests was far
from edifying,
It was clear tlw.t A:tchbishop Sta. Justa,
in his eagerness and enthusiasm tu Fi1ipini:;,;e the curacies,
did not exercise due c1n·e in the gr1.ntins of holy orders and
that he appointed newly ordained seminarians to parishes
without careful examination of their fitness and character.
In view of the unfavorable results of his policy, it
was felt advisable, ~n the ~nterest of religion, to have
it suspended and discontinued.
Governor Anda, who was a
strong beliE'ver in the wisdom and desirability of that
policy, ,and who had given wholehearted support to Archbishop Sta. Justa's efforts to Filipinize the curacies was
constrained to reverse his stand on the matter.
He wrote
to the King.reporting the unfavorable effects which Archbishop Sta. Justa I s actuations had produced and be recommended that the Filipinization of the curacies be suspended and that the cura ::ies which had been secularized be
returned to tho Spanish regular clergy.
In compliance .
with Anda's recommendations, the King of Spain-in a decree
promulgated on December 11, 1776, ordered the Guspension
of the secularization of the curacies and the restoration
of those parishes which had been given to Filipino priests
to their former pastors.
1
The suspension of the Filipinization policy, however,
was presumed to be only temporary. One of the provisions
of the decree of December 11, 1776, ordered tha.t steps
should be taken ·to prepare and train a competent body of
clerics so that the .f.Lll:i.ng of the curacies with Filipino
secular priests wou~d eventually be effectE'd in conformity
with the plans and desires of Archbishop .Sta. Justa. This
was understood at the time to inean that the seci11arization
of the curacies would be resumed, 1-vhen r:rncl if, duly qualified Filipino secular priests were available for appointment to trhe curacies.
Unfortunately, tho Spanish Government did not comply
with the directive contained in th,1.t provision of the decree
of December 11, 1776. Far from living up the promise im-
-485plied in that law, it adopted and put into effect a course
of action which tended to discouragn the growth and developrnei;it of the Filipino clergy. A number of laws promulgated by the Spanish Government in the nineteenth century
reflected this tendency of Spanish colonial policy. On
July S, 1826, a royal cedula was issued reiterating the
previous decree which commanded the return to the regular
Spanish clergy of the curacies which h:Hi b0.en given to _Filipino secular prie.':)ts during the ~ov12rnorship of Anda
(1770-1776).
'The royal decree of March 9, lt1h9, ordered
the return of a number of parishes in Cavite to the Spanish
regnlclr clergy.
Finally on September 10, 1861, a royal
order gave to the R<:')Collects parishes held by Filipino
priests in the Archbishopric of Manila.
The·reaction which was aroused in the Philippines by
the foregoing acts was discussed at length by Archbishop
Meliton Mart~nez in a letter which he wrote to Spain. This
letter reflects the attitude and policy of the authorities
of the Catholic Church in the Philippines on the auestion
relating to the Philippine curacies.· It was written at
the time the Spanish Liberals came into power in Spain following the overtt.row of Queen Isabel II in th1.~ RevoJ.ution
of 1.568: 2
S i r : 'rhe undersigned, Archbishop of Manil3,
respectfully addresses your Exe ell ency, impelled by
his true love o:' country, and by a sense of duty to
maintain the tranquility of his Jiocese, which has
been frequently disturbed as a result of the practice, which for some time now has been followed, of
turning over curacies administered by the secular
clergy to the religious corporatj_ons.
This policy
is the cause of an ever growing enmity which is becoming more and more manifest between seculars and
regulars, and which, sooner or later, may bring lamentable results to our beloved Spain.
To fix the origin of this enrrit;r, I shall
mention the Real Cedula of July 8, 1826, which returned to the reliiious corporations curacies administered by the secular clergy since the period of
- - 2 - Thi~ letter is quoted by Artigas in his work, Los
~esos de 18_1?., pp. ll+-31. It is published also in CroigBenitez, .2P.• .2,it,., under the title "Archbishop i•1nrtinez'
S~cret De.fens e of His Filipino CJ. ergy."
-486the second governorship of Simeon de Anda y Salazar.
However just this measure might appear, the native
priests, considering the fact that they had held
those curacies for more than half a century and ,considered them their own, felt grieved every time a
curacy by reason of the death or transfer of the incumbent was assigned to a regu.J.a.r prJ.est. With the
death of the curate of San Sic0~ w~ich occurred this
year, the purpose of the foregoing Real Cedula has
been fulfilled in every respect.
As a circumstance tending to aggravate this enmity the Royal Order of March 91 ii49, may be mentioned, by virtue of which seven curacies of Covite
belonging to the secular clergy wer·e gi·•ren to the
regularG, as follows:
Bacoo:c, Cavite el Viejo and
Silang to the Agustinian RecoJ.lec~s; and San-i;n Cruz,
San Fran9isco de Malabon, Naic and Indang to the Dominicans.
Of thes0, five have already been occupied, being taken possession of as fnst as they become vacant.
But what brouirht thr3 anta.r:onism to
a climax and filled the native clergy with inrl~gnation was the Royal Order of Septembnr 10, 1861.
To
this decree and its consequences, tLe undersigned
especially desires to call the attention of your Excellency.
With the approval in article 13 of the Hoyal
Decree of July 30, 1859, regarding tbe est&blishment
of the Government of Jv1:indo.nao, of the a r:..,...nng em8nt
that the F'athers of the Society o.f J·esus r;bou.ld take
charge of the ed.ministration o:f tho parishes, doctrinas, and active missions in that Island, which at
the time were under the administration of the Recollects of the Province of San Nicolas de Tolentino,
it. became necessary to promul~ate the rules which
should govern, in a proper manner, the cc1rryinc; o,ut
of the provisions of that article ,3
For this purpose, the R.oynl Order of September 10, l/.561, was pro-
3 - The Royal Decree referred to here created a
politico-military form of government for the island 0f Min·
danao.
lJndor this decree, Mindanao, including the adja..:.
cent islands, was divided into six districts, each to be
governed by a military officer havir:.g the rank of brigadier,
Governor Lemery placed his "cumplasE: 11 to this decree February
mulgated which, among other things, granted to the
Recollects, in the form of an indemnity, the odministration of the curacies in the province of Cavite
or elsewhere ( in the Archbishopric of Manila, as
subsequently was ordered) which were being served by
the- native clergy.4
It is interesting to note the circumstances
under which this Royal Order was issued. In the
first place, the Archbishopric was v2cant, and, under
the circumstances, the sacred cannons prescribe,
and prudence counsels, that no innovation be introduced.5
In the second place, the opinion of the
ordinary ecclesiastical authority (autbridad ordinaria ecclesiastica) was not heard in this particular case, although here the practici is to h~ve voluminous reoorts even in cases of much less importance. And, in the third place, it was known
21, 1861, and promulgated regulatlons for puttj ng tb.e decree into execution • . According to these regulations, the
inauguration of the new governmeat in Mindanao was to take
place April 1st, 1861.
4 - The Recollect Order filed vigorous protests, both
in Manila and in Madrid, against the Royal Decree of July
30, 1859, especially against that provision of it which
transferred to the Fathers of the Society of Jesus the Recollect missions and doctrintts in Mindanao,
'rhe Provincial of the' Order in Man:.la ser.:t a long memor::i.al to Governor
Lemery, who was then Governor and Captain General of the
Philippines, in which he set forth, among other things, the
accomplishments o.f the Recollocts in M~;_nclanao einr~e the
year 1622, and the advisability, in the interest of tha country and of the Catholic religion, of their continuing in
their posts in Mindanao, in view of their fitness for the
task of evangelizing that region; by rGason of their knowledge of its conditions and of the lar.guage, customs and
usages of its inhabitants.
The Governrri•:Jnt, considering
the protest of the Recollects wel1-founc1ed, made a recommendation, to the effect that the Reco1lf:icts be "compensated II for their loss of the Mindaneo m:i.s sions and doctrinas with curacies in the Archbishopric of ~anila administered by the nativo clergy. The recommenc at ion was accepted by Her Majestyts Government and omtodied in the famous Decree of September 10, 1861. (Seo Mont0-ro y Vidal,
Q£, £i~., vol. 3).
5 "" The predecessor of Archbishop Martinez was Rev. Fr.
Aranguren, who died April H1, 1862. Pending the arrival
-488tho.t the ecclesiastic appc,inted to tt~e Diocese of
Manila was not familiar with the anomaJ.ou.s condition of the ecclesiastical administration of the
Philippir:es, or with the customs and usages of the
people (circumstances which would impel him to renounce the post and which he had to disregard only
because of s-::.rong representations made to him), and
that, therefore, it must take him some time before
he could remonstrate with full knowled-re of the
facts.
These circumstances are brought to the impartial judgment of Your ~xcellency. ~
When the undersigned took possession of the
Archbishopric towards the end of May, 1862, he found
the native clergy deeply aroused, and ho was strongly urged to ask for the repeo.l of the Order of September 10, 1861.
He did not allow himself to be
influenced, eithe1:1 by insister:.ce or by requests, but,
on the contrary, fully convinced then that the Central Governn1ent had strong and solid. rensons for
taking a st0p of such ir-rportt".nce, he dec:lded to enforce it as he has c.o,rn, happily and cor:1pletely. If
he courteously opposed the adjudication to the Recollect Fathers of the curacy of AntipoJ.o, it was
because he considered thc:.t their exaggerated claim
was not warranted by the Royel Order;~ and he could
not have been in error in his decision for the Council of State ·was in accord :vith him, as may be seen
from the Royal Order o:: Kay 19 which used ·0he for1:1u~~, 11 Heard in. t~e Co1;:ncil of S~~~ce?" "":hi,?h simply
inaicates a decision contrary to ~heir advice. MoreovE::r, after a long res:f_dff,:ce · in the co,_1ri.t:r'y 1 , with
some knowled~e of the ecclesiastical cor~ition and
administration, anc. of persons anc:i thine_s, the undersigned now sees with greeter clearness that the complaints of the native priests are r1ot 1·.i::_tr.011t foundation; that it is necessary to have -che Royn1 Order
of September 10, 1861, conform to t-te rules of justice and equity; and that a consic:r:)rat:.on of its results lGads one to conclude tl~at, it. does not wholly
conform to the requireme:r::-':.s of a 1.1vise policy. These
considerations will be discussed brief-1.y.
----·--of Archbishop Martinez)
who was appointed s'uccessor of Archbishop Aranguren, the archbishopric wo.s governed by Dr.
Pedro Pelaez. The Ecclesiasti~al Cabildo appotnted him .Yi·
cario capitnlar, sede vacante to govern the vacant see.
,---
-489The Supreme Government was within its rights
in entrusting to the well-known zeal of the Fathers
of the Society of Jesus the administration of the
curacies and missions of Mindanao. In this respect
it is authorized by the laws governing the Royal Patronage as found in the Laws of the Indias. It is
also worthy of praise the effort to reward the services
of the Recollect Fathers and to ~rant them some compensation for the loss of their ~eligious establishments in Mindanaq, for, al though many of these were
created by the early Jesuits, the former have long been
administering them and have become sole possessors by
right of prescription.
But, if the fact had also been
considered that 'the native priests who, in all vicissitudes,have always remained faithful subjects of 3pain,
deserve as much recognition, and that as coadjutors in
the parochial ministry they shoulder the hardest part
of the work, -- no action would have been taken tending to aggrieve a class so meri~orious, just to compensate another class, and that a mo:ce gentle and equitable means could have been used to satisfy the needs
of the Goverr;ment. Tho Diocese of Cebu itself, within whose jurisdiction the wnole Island of :Mindanao was
included, would hardly tave offered any difficulty, as,
in conformity to equityj parishes belonging to other
regulars would not be offered in compensation to the
RecolJ.ects, to whom fo:-meI'lY all the curacies of the
Island of Negros, belonging to the secular clergy, were
c~ded because of lack of secular priests.
The number of narishes in the above-mentioned
Diocese was two hundred and thirty-sevon, of which
forty-seven belonged to the secular clergy.
The poor
condition of its seminary, the lack of professors and
the ignorance of the Spanish language, the knowledge
of which ,;,,ms indispensable in the study of Latin and
moral theology, not only hindered the formation of a
competent body of priests for the n~anagement of the
curacies in question, but also preven~ed the advancement of those who, as coadjutors, belp the curates in
the administration of the sacraments and the care of
tte sick. That Seminary justly deserves being considered a college, because the natives go to it for the
purpose of studying the Spanish language, and most of
them leave school as soon as they acquire a smattering of that language.
It is enough to say that there
were, as there still are at present, within the old
jurisdiction of the Bishooric of Cebu, towns where the
-490barrios are so distant from one another and where
the spiritual administration of a population of sixteen thousand or more souls rest with a lone religious, who usually is far advanced in years. In such
a case, there is no doubt but that its zealous prelate would have welcomed the ass:Lstance of twentyseven reli,gj_ous who v./Ol:..ld take cl,ars<; cf that number
of Curacies 1 as th::t·:, 1"i0Uld h2Y8 o;:vfousJy ir.:.proved the
parochial administration, and st~ll there would remain twenty-one parishes with which to reward those
coadjutors wto, by their virtue, knowledge and iz~ustry, distinguish themselves among their scanty number.
While it·J.acks the oersonaJ. necessary to attend
to all the spiritual necessities of the faithf•J.l, the
present staff being hardly suf.::icient to attc:nd under
ordinary circumstanc:es t0 more urgent cases, thG archbishopric of Manila is just the opposite of the Bishopric of C3bu. In tb.e Arch".)5.shopric, there were at the
time one milJ. ion four tundred t:1ousa::.1d in:1abi tant s
with one hunc.r·e'.i ninetJ-·o:1e parishes ser1ed ty both
clergies.
V:i.t:.:.1 the deductJ.cns from t):1e number of curacies belonging to -~he Dative clergv by virtue of the
Real Cedula
J..2~'6, of those which~;vere ~o be delivered to the Recollects and the Dominicans under the
Royal Order of 181:-9, as WHl)_ as of t:19 twe;1ty-seven
with which, according to t ..,e Order of Sepcember 10,
1861, the Recollects are "'.:io be compensated for the delivery to the Jesuits of thej_r curacies i.n Mindanao,
there wquld remain only twP.l ve parishes with which to
reward deserving coadjutcrsa The rriests of this
class are, corr;pared :.o tt.ose of C:ebu 9 vr::·cy numerous.
There is not a s :Lr;gl e cu.r-ac:~, out of e 1i ery four, having a population of a~ least four tbous&nd, that does
not ha 'Te a cca :i_jut-or, wbil e larser ones have a corresponciir:.gJ. :7 la:cger number; for e~:arn::_:ilej tr1ose hnving
at least eight thousand have two; those having at
1 east twelve thciur::ani 7 three; and so 0n up to Taal
which has seven coadjutors. 6
rlut le·~ us continue the
of
6 - It is interesting to note i~ this connection the
f'?llo~~n0 f~gures, ~::'.'-?m. the :Qic_H.2-Q.Q~.r~~£LrJ§~C'P:T_§.:f.1.£2_:-_~s~ad!§.:
t 1c o :-b,J_:f~Ql'.l:C Q__q_~_Eb:,..,;; P}Jl9~'l, by .ot.:c e-:.a y .dl'c:J. vo, regard 1r:g
the curaJies of the Philippines abou~ the Lliddle of the
nineteenth century.
These figures are given in the appen-
-491comparison:
If, in Cebu, there ·are few that understand the
Spanish language, there are many that speak j_t in
Manila and in the neighboring p;:'cvinc;es; and in contrast to the poverty of the se;n:i.nary :Ln the former,
0 to
1~-;-·'-,,r
t'ne TTr,·'·rrer•c:·i~·-•rpOID;e.S
there_, cl~re 1·n the
...
a
v
u .. .! ..L . ..,~.
j Of'
_._ U
.lct ,
the College of San Juen de Let.2ar: ac.d the Ccllege of
San Jose~ wt.e:re nume:rons sti..,;c29 1.-i-1·,t, are E,tudy:ing Latin,
philosophy, theology, E:ac::·ec}. cs.nons. Nor sliould I
fail to mention bere the Serr.ina.ry of San Carlos, although, on account of the diff:.r.;ul ties mentioned. in
a separate memorial, it is not up to the standard demanded by the importance of the capital of the Archipelago, which is reduced and maintained for Spain
principally by the ties of relig:i.on,,.
Do not t'he foregoing cons:l.derations require that the Recolleci..:;s be
compensateci with curacies in the Diocese of Cebu and
not with those of Manila?
~
dix to the llicciQQ.~~i.o.
28 ..
,J
i.... ..... -. .1
QI
.L
They are reproduced in B.~ R., vol.
. In the Archbishopric of Manila, there were
185 curacies, of which 111 were held by regulars and
62 by seculars ..
In the Bishopric of Cebu, of the 170 curacies in t!rn d=tocese, 112 were served by regulars
and 56 by seculars.
In the Bis:w:pr:i.c of Nueva Caceres, there were
103 curaci.es, 3h of wt:ich were admi!l.istered by regulars a~1d 54 ·o:r eec:i:.lars.
In the 13.Lshopric 0f Nueva Segovia t-;hcre were
124 curacies, 80 of which were und e:c regulars and
20 under secu12.l'Sc
There were, therefore, ~62 cu~acies in the
Philippines about tne miJdle o.f the !J_:;.r.,eteen century, of which 337 wore served by regular priests
and 192 by secular priests.
In 1870, according to Le.Roy, the number of PhiJ.ippine curacies was 792, of which 611 were adm:i.nist:.ered by regular
~riests and 181 by secular priests, al~ost 3~1 of whom be~ng Filipinos. (Le Roy, Th§ Anif::l:iGa.E,2 _i:Ll.l:1~1'J:il.i£P.in~,
ol • I, p • 60 ~ )
.
-492Nor does the spirit which inspired the Royal
Order of September 10, 1861, appear to be in conformity with justice and equity, judging from the comparison made by the native priests of the missions and
curacies surrendered by the RecoJ.leots with ~tose
which they receive in ret;_1rn in this t.rchbi_shopric.
If Your Excellency wiJl have the goori:1sss to rw-t;e the
accompanying staterre;'.1,:s, I am su:.'e you will agree with
them, and, w:1t.h them also wiil obser-(re, tl-1at if to the
word i-nqerg;i~-ty, which sign3-fies :ceparation for damages incurred, is given the broader meaning which the
results imply, -z.here would be many who would want to
sustain some dame.ge just to receive tenfold the value
of their loss~ :t is to be noted that wbile the 0uracy of Antipo1o has a small population, such is the
devotion of the people to the Virgin tha.t is venerated
there, so great is the at-tendance dur-ing the mo:'1.th of
May to this famous sanctuary, · and so numerous and valuabl~ are the gifts offered in the masses, that_it
has become known as the pearl of the Philippine curacies, as one,.,of the most fertile curacies in the wt0le
Archipelago.I
It is nmt surprising, therefore, that
7 - Montero y Vidal, Q.Jl•
polo episode, says:
ill•,
writing about the Anti-
The curacy of Antipolo, in the district of M6rong, is known to be one of the richest curacies in
the Philip?ines, because of the crowded pilgrimage
which every year takes place in that sanct~ary, and
because of the offerings, alms, rna.Eses, cons-umption
of tallow candle, sale of scapula~i~s 1 etc., etc.,
which piigr~ms make during the novena.
The curate of tbis ~own died, a~d the capitular vica:.--, -~: 2,,le_._:ya -:;a_r:!~~ 1 appo .Lnt ed t erq::o:::--a:ril y
D. Francisco Ca.1,1!JD",as, a native p::..~isst, January 13,
1862.
The Provincial of the Recollect Order, considering that, under the Royal Dec:cee of S8ptc~mt-er
10, 1861, Antipo:o properly belonged to the R8collect Order, suomitted three names of merr;bers of his
Order for appointment to the curacies of Mainit and
Anti9olo.,
Of these, Fr. Franci2co Viilas was appointed to the latter placs Jt:_ly ;-..4, 1862. But the
Government_, having been advj_sed b::,- the ecclGsia;;tical Cabildo that the question of whether Antipolo
-493the native priests should deeply feel its loss, nor
are they wanting in reason in claiming that the Royal Order of May 19, 1864, is not in conformity with
that of September 10, 1861~
In addition to .the f~cts herein set forth, which
have served to create and to foment t ~e animosi·Sy and
antagonism of the secular clergy against the regular
clergy, mention may ba rr,ade of a.:nother so that your Excellency may ha vo full understanding of the discontent
of the native priests.
To fill the vacancy in the parish of San Rafael,
province of Bulacan, · caused by the death of the curate
thereof, announcmnents were· made for the· ho2.ding of a
competitive examination. The announcements rcrrnined
posted up to February 17, a period of seventy days.
The examination was held on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd,
the seventeen competitors being examined in accordance
with the method prescribed by Pgpe Benedict XIV. The
literary exercises were already terminated and the
list of eligib+es prepared which was presented to the
------propei-·ly belonged
to the Recollects or not was still under
consideration, annulled, by decree of August 9, 1862, the
appointment made in favor of Fr. Villas. However, upon the
receipt of the Royal Orders of June 20, and July 21, 1862,
commanding full compliance with the Order of September 10,
1861, the Superior Government of the Islands, i!l a resolution of December 22, 1862, ordered tho Provincial of the
Recollects to present &new a list (terna) of candidates for
appointment to the curacy of Antipolo.
The former list was recub:::rd.tted and Dr. Villas was
again appointed"
This man presented himscJ.f before the
Archbishop to rJccive the colation and canonical institution, but the latter, &fter pronouncing thJ custor:iary formula, conferred the title under protest, dGclaring that
the question as to who should administer the curacy was
going to be elevated for decision by the Government of Her
Maj.es-sy.
The indignation of the Archbishop, the ecclesiastical Cabildo and the native priests know no bounds~ P. Campmas presented various expositions to provo his r:'._ght to the
curacy, while the members of th2 Cabi1d.o, e~ope~i:1::..ly the
ex-Vicar P ~ Pelaez, munaged to v,iin to thet·" side the new
Archbis top and the Bishops, Fr e EorruaJ.do X:Lrneno, Bishop of
Cebu, and Fr. Francisco Gainza, Bishop of Nueva Cacerqs, both
of the regular clergy.
-494Vice Regal Patron on the second of March, but the day
before that the Diocesan Prelate received a communication from the former, with a statement from the Provincial Vicar of the calced Agustinians that the curacy
in question should be given to the Recollect Order.
The undersigned immediately replied bGgging the Vice
Royal Patron not to set aside the list of eligibles
(la terna}, on the ground· that the secv.lar clergy was
in possession of the curacy, that the ~ompetitors
have acquired a right to it by the holdir,g of examination, and that the claim on the curacy had not been
presented in due time. The Vtce Regal Patron was given to understand that the action recommended by the
undersigned be taken without pr8judice to the consideration later of the question raised by the Reverend
Vicar Provincial which relates to the ownership of the
curacy. The request was, however, denied on the
ground that that would be prejudging the question and
would confuse the right of possession with that of ownership.
He was made to·see clearly his error, but he
replied that the Vice-Regal Patron was not in the habit of changing a decision once, made.
·
The question of ownership did not have better
success. In the examination of the case there was
cited the original canonical decree which created the
curacy in 1744, upon the suggestion of the Vice Regal
Patron, and in accordance with canonical regulations
and the laws of the Indies. Likewise, there were
presented the certifi.cates of ,appointment of the chaplains who served in the curacy from the year of its
erection to 1808, year after which, as the Provincial
Vicar himself admits, the curacy has been filled by
the Vice Regal Patron with secular priests, after due
certification as a result of competitive examination.
Against the canoriical order just refe~rcd to which establishes an i.ndisputable title, and aga:imst the allegation of continuous, peaceful, m~9qui.vocal and manifest possession for a pe:ciod of one hundred and
twenty-two years, the Provincial Vicar alleged that
his Order claimed the curacy a few ciays after its
creation, presenting in this connection two documents,
which were answered by the Provincial of San Juan de
Dios which owned the hacienda where.San Rafael was located. During the long period of one hundred twentyfour years, the Order did not take the trouble to
secure a definite settlen,ent of its claim, perhaps
-495, because in the·ibeginn"ing the curacy only had about
eighty ~oor Indians, cow-herders and laborers, whereas now it.· has more than t_hirteen thousand souls •
.
He further alleged that inasmuch as the religious by the Real Cedula of July 8, 1826, had been restored to the curacies and doctrinas under the same
conditions in whi'ch they were p:cior to the promulgation of the Real Cedula of December 11, 1776) which
secularized these curacies, they had the right to the
curacy of San Rafael, in view of the fact that this
is located in a territory ~hich had been granted to
them.
It should be noted, however, that this curacy
could not have been secularized, inasmuch as it had
always been secule.r since its foundation, and that
the Royal Orders in question are not applicable to
it (unless they be considered as having retroactive
"effect), for the reason that it was created thirty
years before the pr~mu~gation of the Order of 1776.
With the presentation of a long and hazy brief
by the Council of Administration in which these arguments and others of the weakest character were set
forth, but which the Vice Regal Patron enr:lorsed, the
case was practically terminated
For, al though the
undersigned ask~d the Vice Regal Patron to lay the
·matter for decision before the Superior Government,
together with the opinion of two attorneys which was
officially placed on record, he failed to secure this
point, an~, out of respect to the highest authority
of the Islands, whose prest~g e he has, always tried to
uphold, he refrained from ta.king any furth0r action.
This settlement of the matter produced a real scandal
among the Filipino priests, and served to make still
much bitter their disappointment over such great and
repeated losses.
f
The origin of the opposition which everywhere
the native priesthood encounters is the opinion which
for some years has existed, that it would be an imprudent policy to allow native priests to take charge
of the spiritual administration of certain parishes.
However, those who entertain such an idea are absolutely ignorant of the real facts, and allow their
imagination to wander freely in the realm of theories.
It is certain that if the auesti0n of the ecclesiasiical administration of th~ Philippine Archipelago
were now to be ventilated anew, and that it were possi-
-496ble to bring here a sufficient number of ministers
to attend to the spiritual needs of the populous
parishes, there would hardly be one Spaniard of intelligence who would not think acceptable such an
arrangement. But the auestion is not theoretical
but eminently pra.cticai, and, before offering any
solution it is necessary to take into consideration
various serious dj_fficulties involved. For example,
considering the decline of religious fervor, can
we count with a sufficient number of young men willing to abnndon their country in order to minister to
the spiritual needs of a people of a far away land,
under hygienic conditions known torbe poor? Would
the Government agree to pay the expenses necessary for
the establishment and maintenance of the colleges,
professors, 2.nd students, as well as the transp0rtation and oJ.::.her expenses of so many ind~viduals from
the Peninsula to the Philippines?
And granting that
this scheme were feasible, and leaving aside the actual situation, is there nothing to fear from the
policy of keeping the native priests in. a spirit of
ever growing hostility?
Let any one place himself in their situation,
and consider the series of measures which have been
mentioned, and he can not fail to note that the enormous losses they have suffered and those which still
menace them are sufficient causes to turn, in spite
of their timidity, their former fidelity and respect
for Spain into open hostility. Formerly they administered the curacies in t}1e provinces of Zc,mbales,
Bataan, and Pampanga, of which, they ha.ve been disposessed, and, after resting -in the o,::ilief that, with
the ruturn of these curacies, all causes for worry
had disappeared, they received rt~w and ruder blows
which served to reopen and irritate old sores. It
can not now be said that their resentment against the
regulars is born of class hatred, to which their resentment has always been classed, as long as they attributed their ill fo:rtune to the amb::_tion and power
of the religious corpn:·ati.ons. Now that, in the face
of clear evidences, t}iey raalize ·that the authorities are trying to support the unreasonable claims
of the regulars, and that, in the opinion of the native priests themselves, the policy has been adopted
of reducing them into null:Lty, they are going over
the ancient barriers, are turning their eyes to a
higher aim, and, what was before but a mere resentment
-497against the regulars? now assumes the character of
an anti-Spanish scmtiment. No longer do they hesitate
to say that if the Anglo-Americans or the Englishmen
ever take possession of the Philippine Archipelago,
it is certain that they would receive better treatment than what they get from the Spaniards.
Thus;
Your Excellency, by trying to evade an imaginary danger, we are creating a real one.
It is easy to understand that, if the enforcement of the Royal Order of September 10th be insisted upon, there must elapse a period of time as long
as that which elapsed from the year 1826 to the
present for the deliv8ry of the curacies to th·:; regulars in accordance with thu Real Cedula above referred
to.
It is also evident that, with the renewal of the
resentment of the native priests every time they were
dispo~sessed of a curacy, (as can be seen today from
the effects produced by the loss of the curacy of
Rosario of the province of Batangas, and of the curacy
of Cavite, which are being turned over to the Recollects in return for the parish of Dapitan and the
mission of Lubuagan, which the latter delivered to
the Jesuits last July), their hearts are filled with
bitterness and, far from being soothed, they become
exasperated, seeing that they are abandoned to their
fate while the influence of their opponents extends
to all directions. It is, therefore, necessary to
provide at once a remedy for their discontent and exasperation, for, if the unrest which the undersigned
noticed upon his return from the Vatican Council
should continue, the resentment of the filipino priest
would extend also to their parents, relatives, and
the whole Filipino people, with whom they a.ce in
closer cont;act than are the regulars, with the result
that the danger would assume a grave character, Your
Excellency will readily see the e::pedic=rncy aud the
necessity of putting out this spnrk of fire which, by
eventuality, may grow into a vast conflagration. Such
a result may perhaps, serve the purposes of those interested in spreading vain fe~rs. l say vain, for up
to the presont in spite of 't,he minute investie;ations
made to find justificat:Lon for the cha1'.'ges brought
lately against the secular clergy, no positive proof
has been found.
In view of the foregoing considerations, the
undersigned believes: that the Roya]. Order of September 10, together with its provisions affecting the
-498Archbishopric of Manila, be repealed, and that
things be restored at once to their former status;
that the missions and curacies in Mindanao that
the Recollect Fa'chers surrendered to the Fathers
of that Society of Jesus be compensated with curacies in the Diocese of Cebu and of Jara, which was
segregated in 1867, and that the number to be assigned to each Diocese be prorated according to the
number of curacies served by native priests, so
that the nGed of priests, which is felt in both,
be supplied; and, lastly, that the former quostion,
raised by the Provincial Vicar (now Procurator in
that Court) of the calced Agustin:i.ans, regarding the
ownership of the parish of San Rafael in the province of Bulacan, be referred to the ministry of
Ultramar, and decided, after due examination, in accordance with justice, and not, as is the opinion
of the Secular Clergy, with miscarriage of justice.
The undersigned humbly requests your Excellency
to decide this question in the manner thus indicated.,
in _the belief that, in this way, not only would the
unrest be calmed, but that, also reenforced by thG
gratitude and the well-known fidelity of the Filipino secular priests, the bonds which unite this fertile Archipelago to our beloved Spain would be tightened more and more.
May the Lord prolong th~J life of Your Excellency and bestow upon you gr8ce and wisdom for the
good of the Catholic Religion and of our beloved
country.
GREGORIO, ARCHBISHOP OF
MANILA 8
Manila, December 31, 1870,
TO THE REGENT OF THE KINGDOM.9
8 - His full name was Gregorio Meliton Martinez Y·
Santa Cruz. He took charge of the archbishopric of Manila
on May 27, 1862. _
9 - The Regent of Spain then was Marshal Serrano.
-4992. The Cavite Affair
of 1872
Upon the inauguration of Amadeo as constitutional monarch in January, 1$71, a new ministry was organized which
included well known leaders of the Revolution of 1868. Constituting the now ministry werei Serrano, President; Martos,
State; Ulloa, Ju1::t~co; Sa 1;asta, Inter::or; Berenguer, Navy;
Monet, Finance; Zorrilla, Developrr;ent; Lopez de Ayala, Colonies. It was this ministry th2t appointed Rafael de Izquierdo to succeed Governor de la Torre.
The Spanish view on the £avite Affair is set forth
by Montero y Vidal as follows:
With the establishment in Spain of a government les-s radical than the one that appDintecl La
Torre, the latter was reliev,ed from his post. His
succesclor, D. Rafael de Izquierdo, assumed control
of the government of these islands April 4, 1871. _
The most eventful episode in his rule was the Cavite
revolt of 1872.
l - Q2.~ cit_., On the account by Montero y Vj_da.l of the
Gavit e revolt of 1872, Dr. Pardo de Tavera comments as fol-lows: (Bib1ioteca Filipina)
In narrating the events of Cavite, Montero y
Vidal does not speak as a historian; he sp83ks as a
Spaniard who is bent on denaturalizing the facts at
pleasure; he is extremely partial.
On the same account, Le Roy makes the_ following observations s 11 Bibl iographical Notos 11 , B. &:. R.,
vol. 52, pp. 170-171,
'rhe usually sober and colorless Montero y Vidal becomes very rabid in his recital of the Cavite
episode j_n the Philippine history 8nd is very positive, not only in denouncing the priests who were
executed and the d0portees as guilty, but in proclaiming their ·movement ~s actually separatist in
character. He ridicules at lbngth the account of
the Frenchman Plauchut in the Revuo des deux mondes
for 1877 but Plauchut, as well as Montero y 7iclal
himself, was resident in or near Manila at the timo
of the occurrences.
-500-
The abolition of the privileges enjoyed by
the laborers of the Cavite arsenal of exemption from
the tribute was, according to some, the cause of the
insurrection.
There were, however, other causes.
'rhe Spanish revolution which overthrew a secular throne; the propaganda carried on by an unbridled press against monarchical principles, attentatory
of the most sacred respects towards the dethroned
majesty; the democratic and republj_can books and pamphlets; the speeches and preachings of the apostles
of these new ideas in Spain; tbe outbursts of the
American publicists and the criminal policy of the
senseless Governor whom the Revolutionary government
sent t6 govern the Philippines, and who put into
practice these ideas were the determining circumstances which gave rise, among certain Filipinos, to
the idea of attaining their independence.
It was
towards this goa]. that they started to work, with
the powerful assistance of a certain section of the
native clergy, who out of spite toward the friars,
made common cause with the enemies of the mother
country.
At various times but specially in the beginning of the year 1e72 1 the authorities received anonymous communications with the information that a
great uprising would break out against the Spaniards 1
the minute the fleet at Cavite left for the South,
and that all would be assassinated, including the
frtars. But nobody g3.ve importance to these notices.
The consp-iracy had been going on since tl"ie days of
La Torr-e with utmost secrecy. At times, the principal leaders met eithor in the house of the Filipino Spaniard D. Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, or in that
of the native priest, Jacinto Zamora, and these meetings were usually attended by the curate of Bacoor
( Gavit e), tho soul of the movement J whose energetic
character and immense wealth fJnabJ.ed him to exercise a strong influence,
The garrison of M:enila, composed mostly of native soldiers, were involved in this conspirncy, as
well as a muJ.titude of cj.vilia.ns. The plan was for
the soldiers to assassinate their officers, the servcmts their maste::."'s, and the escort of the Captain
General at Malacafia.ng, to dispose of the governor
himself.
The friars and other Spaniards were later
-501to have their turn.
The preconcerted signal among
the conspirators of Cavite and Manila was the firing
of rockets from the walls of the city. The details
having been arranged, it was agreed that the uprising
was to break out in the evening of the 20th of January, 1g72.
Various circumstances, however, which
might well be considered as providential, upset the
plans, and made the conspiracy a signal _failure.
In the district of Sampaloc the fiesta of the
patron saint, the Virgin of Loreto, was being celo.brated with pomp and splendor. On the night of the
20th, fireworks were displayed and rockets fired
into the air.
Those in Cavite mistook these for the
signal to revolt, and at nine-thirty in t1.1e evening
of that day two hundred native soldiers under the
leade'.t'ship of Sergeant La Madrid rose up in arms, assassinated the con~ander of the fort and wounded his
wife.
The military governor of Cavite, D. Fernando
Rojas, despatched two Spaniards to inform tho Manj,la
authorities of the upriiing but they were met on the
way by a group of natives, belonging to the Guias
established by La Torre, who put them instantly to
death. At about the same ti~e, an employee of the
arsenal, D. Domingo Mijares, left Cavite ln a war
vessel for Manila, arriving there at midnight, He
in.formed the commandant of Jviarine. of what hnd occurred, and this offir:::ial immediately relayed the
news to Governor Izquierdo.
Early the next morning two regiments, under the
command of D. Felipe Ginoves, segundo cabo, left for
Cavite on board the merchant ve,ssels FiJ.j_pirw, Mmdla,
Isabala I and Isabella II. Ginoves demanded rendition
and waited the wl~le day of the 21st for tho rebels to
surrender, without ordering the assauJ.t of their position in order to avoid unnecessary shedding of blood.
After waiting a whole day in vain for the rendition
of the rebels, Ginoves launched an assault against
the latter's position, early in the morning of the
22nd, putting to the sword the majority of the rebels and making prisoners of the rest. On the same
day an official proclamation announced the suppression of the revolt.
-502As a result of the declarations made by some
of the prisoners in which several individuals were
pointed out as instigators, Don Jose Burgos and D.
Jacinto Zamora, curates of the Cathedral, D. Feliciano Gomez, curate of Bacoor (Cnvits), several
other Filipino priests~ D. Antonio Maria Regidor,
lawyer and Regidor of the Ayuntamiento, D. Joaquin
Pardo de Tavera, Consejero de Adninistraci6n, Pedro
Carillo, Gervasio Sanchez and Jo13e Mauricio de Leon,
lawyer Enrique Paraiso and Jose·and Pio Basa, employees, and Crisanto Reyes, Maximo Paterno and several other Filipinos, were arrested.
The council of war, which from the beginning
took charge of the causes in connection with th0, Cavite uprising, passed the sentence of death on forty
one of the rebels. On the 27th of January the Capta.in-General affixed his - 11 cumplase 11 on the. sentence.
On the 6th of the following ~onth, eleven more were
sentenced to death, but the Governor General, by decree of the day following, commuted this sentence to
life imprisonment. On the 8th, the sentence of death
was pronounced on Camerino and ten years imprisonment on eleven indivicluc:1s of the famous 11 :Juias de
la Torre," for the as:::;assination of tho Spaid.ards who,
on the night of Janu3.ry 20th, were sent to Manila to
carry news of the uprising.
The same council of the 15th of February, sentenced to dj_e by strdngulation the Filipino priests, 2
2 - Antonio Regidor makes the following declaration
on the trial of P. Burgos:- (Quoted by Artigc1s, J_:..os .Sucesos d.§.
1872, pp. 134-135l
The counsellors for the defense read their concise briefs, but the lawyer for P, 3Ll::.~gos (Jose Arrieta)
limited himself to reques:.ing p-'J.r·doi-; for hi2, client,
intimating that it was :.rrroossible to :::ave him by some
other way, inasmuch as B:rrgos "\f.;as by cc1n.f eSS ion guilty•
Burgos was surp1°is9d on he,_~rin.g lds :Lawyer declare
in such manner, and unabJ.e to reDtr·a:in rd.rn.self, he stood
up faeing the council of war, and said: 11 I have not confessed any guilt and I am not guilty; that is not my defense; that ge11tleman has changod. it. I deny all the
charges agairist me. They l@ve-no foundation in fact
or in law."
-503D. Jose Burgos, D. Jacinto Zamora and D. Mariano
Gomez, and Francisco Saldua; and Maximo Inocencio,
Enrique Paraiso and Crisanto de los Roycs to ten
yAars imprisonment.
Early in the morning of the
seventeenth of Fi~bruary, an imrrense muJ.ti.tudu appeared on the field of Bagumbayan to witness the
execution of the s8ntence. The attending force
was composed of Filipino troops, and the batteries
of the fort were aimed at the place of execution,
ready to fire upon the least sign of uprising.
Gomez was executGd first, then Zamora, then Burgos,
and lastly, Saldua.
On the 3rd of April, 1672, the Audiencia suspended from the practice of law the followine rren:
p. Jose Basa y Enriquez, D. Joaq~in Prardo de Tavera,
D. Antonio Regidor, D. Pedro Carillo, D. Gervasio
Sanchez and D. Jose Mauricio de Leon.3
IzquiGrdo had requested the sending to Manila
of Spanish troops for the defense of the fort as
most of thoso found here wero natives. In nursuance of Izquierdo 1 s re.quest, tho government, by
decree of April 4, 1872, dissolved.the native regi~
ment of artillery and ordered tho creation of an
artillery force to be composed exclusively of Peninsulars. The latter arrived in Manila in July, 1872.
On the occasion of the arrival of the troops, the
Sto. Domingo Church celebrated a special mass at
which high officials of the Government, the religious corporations, and the general pub.1ic, attended, upon invitation by the Governor and Captain
General of the Philippines.
------~3 - These and severr1l
othr:n·s were sentenced by a Council of War to imprisonment at th0 Marianas Islands •. Some
of them, like Regidor and Pardo de Tavera, succeeded in escaping from these islands on board an American boat, which
brought them to Hon2;kong.
-504b. The Filipino View of the Cavite Affair 4
A petition submitted by a group of Filipinos in 1ggg
dealt with the Cavite af~air.
It ropresonts the Filipino
viewpoint on the character and background of that incident,
The famous ouestion of tho secularization of
the curacies avor 'wh1ch there had been a groat doal
of controversy between ths Filipino and tho regular
clergy was raging.
The Filipino priests led by Dr.
Jose Burgos sustained the respectability of the
Council of Trent which had ruled that the friars
were absolutely forbidden to hold curacies, ar:d, at
the same time, declared extinguished tlie privil,2ges
conceded by Pius V and other P~pes in favor of the
regulars to hold curacies while there was lack of
secular priests.
The great nurr:b er of s ecu.lnrs in the country,
with the cfrcumstance that tte onenin~ of the Suez
Canal made it easy for secular p~iest; in the Peninsula to come to the PhiJ.ippincs, constituted a
convincing argument against the privilege of the regulars.
The friars waged a vigorous campaign of opposition against this prcte::ision; they accusod the
native priests of incapacity for the duties of the
ministry, and referred to them as intellectual pigmies, whose origin could be traced to the monkey.
As if these were not suffici_ent to preserve
their privilege, they pop:.iJ.arized the idea that the
friar was a necessity in the Philippines, not so
much for the needs of the Catholic faith, nor for
the preaching of the Gospel, as for the maintenance
of the national integrity.
Just then the Cavite incident occurred.
A
few soldiers mutinied in that f'.)rt; anc. on the arriVEl.l of the g ew:iral second in comrnc::nd, who cc:me on
a merchant ship, the rebellion was sJffocated. The
church bells of Sto. Domingo, S. Agustin, and others
4 - Appendix IX in M. H. del Pilar, I-,a....~rania
NJonacal.
-505rang in delirium over the success of the Spanish
arms, and later three secular priests ascended the
scaffold, whilG other priests, merchants, and lawyers went to exile,
These were tried by a military court; the judicial authority did not intervene, not even to raise
the question of jurisdiction.
These circumstances
sr,ow tliat the inciden,c was s:::.mply one of military insubordination and did not conie up to tlH) category of
a political crime,
c. The Cavito Affair Accordin8 to Dr. Tavera.5
The arrival of General Izquierdo (1$71-1873)
was tho signal for a complete cnange in the aspect
of affairs. The new governor soon made clear that
his views were different from those of La Torre -that there would be no change in tte established form of
government---2nd he at·. once· announcc:;d · thet he intended
to govern the people witr, Tia cruc:Lfix in on-3 hand,
a.nd a sword in the other.n Eis firct official act
was to prohibit the founding of a schooJ. of arts
and trades, which was being organized by the efforts
and funds raised by natives of standing in the community, but the foundinr,: of v(bic:i1 did not tally with
the views of the religious orders. Governor Izquierdo
believed that the establis~ncnt of the new school was
merely n pretext for the or 0;anization of' a political
cJ.ub, and he not only did not allow it to be opened
but made a public statement accusing the Filipinos
who had charge of the movement. All of thosu who
had offered tLeir suoport to e:::-~-Govcrnor La 'l'orre
were cle.ss ed as personas sospechosas \I ,:mspects ) , a
term that since that time has been used in the Philippin Islands to desi~nate any p3rson who refused to
servilely obey the wishes and whims of the authorities. The conservative elemont in the islands now
directed th0 government policy, and the educated Filipinos fell more and more under the displeasure and
suspicion of the governor.
~
5 - "Historical Account of the