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2021 Fall Space Race Main Research Packet

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Contents
1. Table of Contents............................................................................................................................................. 1
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2. Background....................................................................................................................................................... 2
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2.1 Introduction by the Directors...................................................................................................................2
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2.2.1 Space Races, A History...............................................................................................................................5
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“The Space Race” History.com editors, February 21, 2020.......................................................................5
2.2.2 US-Chinese Cooperation....................................................................................................................... 8
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2.3 America, China and the race to the moon............................................................................................14
3. Pro Arguments............................................................................................................................................... 22
3.1 A space race would drive lunar development, expanding access to vital resources...................... 22
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3.2.1 A space race causes nations to commit more resources to science than they otherwise would
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3.2.2 Resource allocation, continued.......................................................................................................... 32
3.3.2 Technology spillover, continued........................................................................................................ 54
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4. Con Arguments...............................................................................................................................................57
4.1 A space race leads to more dangerous military technology and risks military conflict................ 57
4.2 Space exploration should be the purview of international cooperation, not individual nationstates. Cooperation provides substantially more benefits without risking so many harms............... 61
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4.3 A space race takes money that should be spent solving existential crisis’ on Earth..................... 72
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3.3.1 Space tech improves everyday life......................................................................................................47
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1. Table of Contents
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NHSDLC Fall 2021 Main Research Packet
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2. Background
2.1 Introduction by the Directors
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It is highly recommended that debaters begin by reading the Topic Introduction post
on the NHSDLC website here. Once debaters are more familiar with the general idea of
the topic, then they can proceed with reading the rest of the research packet.
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This research packet is a tool for preparing students to debate on the topic, “Resolved:
A space race between China and the United States would cause more
benefits than harm.” This will be the topic for the NHSDLC Fall 2021 season. The
first section contains background information about nuclear weapons and the rest of the
packet is divided into articles that show support for either the Pro or Con side.
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It is up to each debater to read the articles and incorporate their arguments and
evidence into their cases accordingly, considering bias, context, and how these articles
present their evidence. Additionally, an article under “Pro” may still have sections or
statements that support or sound more like the Con side. These categories are not meant
to be “only Pro” evidence; they are only designed to help debaters find some basic
starting evidence and ideas for each side of the topic. Some of the resources here have
been shorted with an ellipsis […]. However, most of the articles have been posted in
their full original length since reading the whole article allows greater
understanding of the context and primary idea.
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It is highly recommended to find articles, evidence, and ideas from their own
research, as the most successful debaters tend to find unique evidence and arguments
that are truly their own. The NHSDLC Academic Team has also included a short note
prior to most of the articles, giving some background on the source and outlining the
key points and terms.
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There is an additional advanced supplement packet for more advanced students. The
supplement is not required to understand the topic. It contains additional
information and some more advanced articles that are more difficult to read and
comprehend. It is highly recommended that debaters read through this research
packet first before reading the advanced supplement as the advanced supplement does
not contain the introductory material in this research packet.
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At its core, this topic asks debaters to do a simple comparison. Would a space race
between China and the United States result in more benefits or harms? The
Pro side will advocate that the benefits outweigh the harms. These arguments center
around the scientific devel0pment that comes from investing in space exploration. The
Pro will argue that competition between the two nations will benefit society. The Con
will typically argue that this scientific benefit comes at an opportunity cost to
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[A] “bifurcation” of space exploration is under way. In one emerging camp are
states led by China and Russia, many of them authoritarian; in the other are
democracies and “like-minded” countries aligned with the US.
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Russia has traditionally worked closely with the Americans, even when terrestrial
relations were bad. Now it is moving closer to Beijing. In March, China and
Russia announced plans to co-build an international lunar research station. The
agreement comes at a time when Vladimir Putin’s government has been
increasingly isolated and subject to western sanctions. In June, Putin and his
Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping renewed a friendship treaty. Moscow is cosying
up to Beijing out of necessity, at a time of rising US-China bipolarity.
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“We see a tightening of the Russia-China relationship,” Krolikowski says. “In the
1950s the Soviet Union provided a wide range of technical assistance to Beijing.
Since the 1990s, however, the Russian space establishment has experienced long
stretches of underfunding and stagnation. China now presents it with new
opportunities.” […] (https://www.theguardian.com/science/2021/jul/16/thespace-race-is-back-on-but-who-will-win)
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This research packet will focus on the terminology and history about a space race.
Understanding the history of space races will separate the good debaters from the best
debaters. This topic asks debaters to predict how a space race would play out into the
future and extrapolating on the past provides the some of the best evidence.
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Before we cover the history and terminology of the topic, we want to clear up a framing
question about the topic. Like last season’s IMF topic, this topic asks debaters to
compare the harms to the benefits. Debaters should make comparisons and rely on
impact calculus to win. A team will unlikely win that a space race would have no
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These rival geopolitical factions are fighting over a familiar mountainous surface:
the moon. In 2019 a Chinese rover landed on its far side – a first. China is now
planning a mission to the moon’s south pole, to establish a robotic research
station and an eventual lunar base, which would be intermittently crewed.
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investments on Earth. Additionally, Con teams may argue that the sensationalization
and politicization of space exploration detracts from scientific development. The
implications of space exploration extend beyond science. Space has major geopolitical
implications. The Guardian’s Luke Harding while interviewing professor Alanna
Krolikowski wrote:
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With this framing cleared up, let’s jump into understanding the topic!
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harms or no benefits, so the most persuasive teams will acknowledge some
benefit/harm, but be able to quantify and qualify why their side outweighs the other.
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Note from the NHSDLC: This History.com overview discusses the space race
between the US and the former Soviet Union. While our topic asks about a US-China
space race, the two share many similarities. Both drive scientific development from
two nations vying for hegemony. While you don’t need to be overly familiar with the
US-USSR space race, it would be beneficial to use this section as a reference to
understand the US-China space race and parallels that other articles reference.
Additionally, it may behoove debaters to make an argument by analogy,
comparing specific events between the two space races.
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“The Space Race” History.com editors, February 21, 2020
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After World War II drew to a close in the mid-20th century, a new conflict began.
Known as the Cold War, this battle pitted the world’s two great powers–the democratic,
capitalist United States and the communist Soviet Union–against each other. Beginning
in the late 1950s, space would become another dramatic arena for this competition, as
each side sought to prove the superiority of its technology, its military firepower and–by
extension–its political-economic system.
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Causes of the Space Race
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By the mid-1950s, the U.S.-Soviet Cold War had worked its way into the fabric of
everyday life in both countries, fueled by the arms race and the growing threat of
nuclear weapons, wide-ranging espionage and counter-espionage between the two
countries, war in Korea and a clash of words and ideas carried out in the media. These
tensions would continue throughout the space race, exacerbated by such events as the
construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961, the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 and the
outbreak of war in Southeast Asia.
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Did you know? After Apollo 11 landed on the moon's surface in July 1969, six more
Apollo missions followed by the end of 1972. Arguably the most famous was Apollo 13,
whose crew managed to survive an explosion of the oxygen tank in their spacecraft's
service module on the way to the moon.
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Space exploration served as another dramatic arena for Cold War competition. On
October 4, 1957, a Soviet R-7 intercontinental ballistic missile launched Sputnik
(Russian for “traveler”), the world’s first artificial satellite and the first man-made object
to be placed into the Earth’s orbit. Sputnik’s launch came as a surprise, and not a
pleasant one, to most Americans. In the United States, space was seen as the next
frontier, a logical extension of the grand American tradition of exploration, and it was
crucial not to lose too much ground to the Soviets. In addition, this demonstration of the
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2.2.1 Space Races, A History
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NASA Is Created
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In 1958, the U.S. launched its own satellite, Explorer I, designed by the U.S. Army under
the direction of rocket scientist Wernher von Braun. That same year, President Dwight
D. Eisenhower signed a public order creating the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration (NASA), a federal agency dedicated to space exploration.
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Eisenhower also created two national security-oriented space programs that would
operate simultaneously with NASA’s program. The first, spearheaded by the U.S. Air
Force, dedicated itself to exploiting the military potential of space. The second, led by
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), the Air Force and a new organization called the
National Reconnaissance Office (the existence of which was kept classified until the
early 1990s) was code-named Corona; it would use orbiting satellites to gather
intelligence on the Soviet Union and its allies.
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In 1959, the Soviet space program took another step forward with the launch of Luna 2,
the first space probe to hit the moon. In April 1961, the Soviet cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin
became the first person to orbit Earth, traveling in the capsule-like spacecraft Vostok 1.
For the U.S. effort to send a man into space, dubbed Project Mercury, NASA engineers
designed a smaller, cone-shaped capsule far lighter than Vostok; they tested the craft
with chimpanzees, and held a final test flight in March 1961 before the Soviets were able
to pull ahead with Gagarin’s launch. On May 5, astronaut Alan Shepard became the first
American in space (though not in orbit).
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Later that May, President John F. Kennedy made the bold, public claim that the U.S.
would land a man on the moon before the end of the decade. In February 1962, John
Glenn became the first American to orbit Earth, and by the end of that year, the
foundations of NASA’s lunar landing program–dubbed Project Apollo–were in place.
Achievements of Apollo
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From 1961 to 1964, NASA’s budget was increased almost 500 percent, and the lunar
landing program eventually involved some 34,000 NASA employees and 375,000
employees of industrial and university contractors. Apollo suffered a setback in January
1967, when three astronauts were killed after their spacecraft caught fire during a
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Space Race Heats Up: Men (And Chimps) Orbit Earth
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overwhelming power of the R-7 missile–seemingly capable of delivering a nuclear
warhead into U.S. air space–made gathering intelligence about Soviet military activities
particularly urgent.
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December 1968 saw the launch of Apollo 8, the first manned space mission to orbit the
moon, from NASA’s massive launch facility on Merritt Island, near Cape Canaveral,
Florida. On July 16, 1969, U.S. astronauts Neil Armstrong, Edwin “Buzz” Aldrin and
Michael Collins set off on the Apollo 11 space mission, the first lunar landing attempt.
After landing successfully on July 20, Armstrong became the first man to walk on the
moon’s surface; he famously called the moment “one small step for man, one giant leap
for mankind.”
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Who Won the Space Race?
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With the conclusion of the space race, U.S. government interest in lunar missions waned
after the early 1970s. In 1975, the joint Apollo-Soyuz mission sent three U.S. astronauts
into space aboard an Apollo spacecraft that docked in orbit with a Soviet-made Soyuz
vehicle. When the commanders of the two crafts officially greeted each other, their
“handshake in space” served to symbolize the gradual improvement of U.S.-Soviet
relations in the late Cold War-era.
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By landing on the moon, the United States effectively “won” the space race that had
begun with Sputnik’s launch in 1957. For their part, the Soviets made four failed
attempts to launch a lunar landing craft between 1969 and 1972, including a spectacular
launch-pad explosion in July 1969. From beginning to end, the American public’s
attention was captivated by the space race, and the various developments by the Soviet
and U.S. space programs were heavily covered in the national media. This frenzy of
interest was further encouraged by the new medium of television. Astronauts came to be
seen as the ultimate American heroes, and earth-bound men and women seemed to
enjoy living vicariously through them. Soviets, in turn, were pictured as the ultimate
villains, with their massive, relentless efforts to surpass America and prove the power of
the communist system.
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launch simulation. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union’s lunar landing program proceeded
tentatively, partly due to internal debate over its necessity and to the untimely death (in
January 1966) of Sergey Korolyov, chief engineer of the Soviet space program.
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2.2.2 US-Chinese Cooperation
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“Can the U.S. and China Cooperate in Space?” Leonard David, Scientific American,
August 2, 2021 (https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/can-the-u-s-and-chinacooperate-in-space/)
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Note from the NHSDLC: This overview from Scientific American provides a toplevel analysis of the key issues about the US-China space race, including key points of
competition, its benefits, as well as potential alternatives to a space race. This will
provide debaters with sample analysis from several experts on space exploration.
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Will collaboration or competition define international space science and exploration in
the 21st century? The answer could come down to how two spaceflight superpowers, the
U.S. and China, choose to engage with each other in the next few years.
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In the meantime, nearer to Earth, China is rapidly constructing its “Heavenly Palace,”
the multimodular Tiangong space station. A core segment of the station is already aloft
and operational, housing a three-person crew. By late next year, a rapid-fire launch
schedule of more astronauts, supply ships and add-on modules should bring assembly
of China’s orbital outpost to its conclusion. The China Manned Space Agency has
reportedly given provisional approval to stuff the station with more than 1,000 scientific
experiments. And it is inviting foreign participation via the United Nations.
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What impact China’s space schedule, along with the country’s joint ventures with Russia,
may have on U.S. space exploration objectives remains to be seen. But some experts
suggest it might be time for the U.S. to search for common ground in shaping a more
inclusive multination space agenda.
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For now, however, restrictive legislation makes this far more easily said than done. In
2011 Congress passed a law that included an add-on known as the Wolf Amendment.
Named after its mastermind, then representative Frank Wolf of Virginia, the Wolf
Amendment prohibits NASA from using federal funds to engage in direct, bilateral
cooperation with the Chinese government. Ever since, a potential repeal of the
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The U.S. remains the global leader in space by most metrics, but China is methodically
advancing its own ambitious space agenda at a quickening pace, blueprinting and
carrying out a succession of robotic interplanetary forays to destinations such as the
asteroid belt and Jupiter, as well as a sample-return mission to Mars. Layered into the
mix is China’s five-year plan for moon exploration, which, in a recently announced
partnership with Russia, would lead to both countries jointly building an International
Lunar Research Station that would be tended by human crews.
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“I think we’re going to see a mixture of cooperation and competition, probably between
two blocs: one led by the U.S. and one led by China. And that’s not necessarily a bad
thing,” says John Logsdon, a professor emeritus at George Washington University’s
Elliott School of International Affairs and founder and former long-time director of the
university’s Space Policy Institute. “After all, it was [U.S. versus Soviet] competition that
got us to the moon. There is competition between the U.S. and China for global
leadership.”
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Is it time to work more closely with China, perhaps starting with a repeal of the Wolf
Amendment? Logsdon thinks so, though he underscores that many of his peers disagree.
“It’s a legitimate issue for policy debate,” he says, “and repeating the Wolf Amendment
every year in legislation is a convenient way of avoiding that debate.” For now, Logsdon
adds, the U.S. should use diplomatic and scientific channels to test the waters for future
work with China, establishing whether any partnership could be mutual beneficial, let
alone possible. “China may—or we may—decide [to say] no,” he says. “But right now we
really can’t engage to make that decision.”
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Fundamentally, however, Logsdon rejects the assertion that China and the U.S. are
destined to engage in another space-based contest akin to the U.S.-Soviet rivalry during
the cold war. “Sure there is competition, but it’s not a race,” he says.
CASE-BY-CASE IN SPACE
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Bill Nelson, a former senator of Florida and now NASA’s 14th administrator, would be
the first to disagree. The two nations are very much in a space race already, he says, and
the U.S. must be wary.
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As for China and Russia cozying up to each other to install an International Lunar
Research Station, Logsdon suggests the U.S.’s reaction has thus far been inconsistent.
“Half the time, we complain about [China’s and Russia’s] lack of transparency. But then
when they make explicit their plans, we’re not happy either,” he says. In the aftermath of
the Soviet Union’s collapse, “Russia turned to the U.S. in 1993 [to help build the
International Space Station] to save their space program. And now I think they are
turning to China to do much the same.”
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SHIFTING ALLIANCES
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amendment has been a political football, tossed between hawkish factions eager to paint
China as an emerging adversary in space and less combative advocates wishing to
leverage the country’s meteoric rise in that area to benefit the U.S.
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“They put it out there..., and then they usually follow through,” Nelson says. “The
Chinese civilian space program is, in reality, their military space program. That’s why I
think we are going into a space race with China.”
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Even before arriving at NASA, Nelson was familiar with China’s space ambitions. For six
years, he chaired the space subcommittee in the U.S. House of Representatives, and he
later served as ranking member of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and
Transportation—both positions in which a thorough situational awareness of
geopolitical space activities was essential.
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That is the relationship Nelson wishes the U.S. had with China, too. But unfortunately,
he says, for now, the latter nation’s penchant for secrecy stands in the way of any similar
partnership. More openness is required. “Leadership in space is leadership in a
transparent way for all nations to join you,” he says. If, however, the choice is made to
pursue any work with China on its space program, “it calls for a certification from me
that it does not affect our national security. So we’ll take it on a case-by-case basis.”
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One case could be working with China to facilitate sharing some of the nation’s prized
specimens from its recent and highly successful Chang’e-5 lunar-sample-return mission.
Per the Wolf Amendment, Nelson says, as long as U.S. researchers do not utilize any
NASA funds and keep NASA-funded university projects separate from any Chineserelated projects, there is no prohibition on American researchers asking for, and
receiving, those lunar collectibles.
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On the prospect of working with China, Nelson muses about how things evolved with
the former Soviet Union, once “our mortal enemy.” In part because of each nation’s
huge nuclear arsenal and the associated threat of mutually assured destruction, the U.S.
and the Soviet Union eventually reached a stalemate that extended into space, where
cooperation rather than competition reigned. The jointly built ISS—circling Earth every
90 minutes and continuously crewed for more than two decades by astronauts and
cosmonauts alike—is the shining example of what collaboration can achieve. “Things
don’t go swimmingly on terra firma..., but in space they do,” he says.
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“I think we have a very aggressive China and, I add, [a] thus far successful” China, he
says. “They said they’d put up a space station, and they did. [They said they would] bring
back lunar samples, and they’ve done so. They are the second nation to robotically land
and rove on Mars. [And] they plan to put boots on the moon.”
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HARMONY IN THE HEAVENS?
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There are, of course, ways that the newly announced space partnership between China
and Russia can strengthen the U.S. even without meaningful cooperation. It could, for
instance, compel the White House and Congress to open floodgates of money to pour
into the U.S.’s civil and military space programs, says Marcia Smith, a veteran analyst
who runs the Web site SpacePolicyOnline.com. But whether this would yield sufficient
funding to meet the goals of NASA’s Artemis program—namely, landing astronauts back
on the moon as early as 2024—is another question. The China-Russia lunar research
base, Smith says, does not envision human lunar landings until 2036 or later, “so it’s not
much of a race.”
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“If NASA can convince Congress that [any] proposed cooperation does not create the
possibility for technology transfer or involve officials determined by the U.S. to have
direct involvement in violating human rights, it can get approval,” Smith says. “And it
only restricts bilateral, not multilateral, cooperation.” Even so, she adds, at present,
there is very little NASA-China space cooperation to speak of and no indication that this
will change anytime soon.
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Meanwhile the U.S. still shares responsibility with Russia in maintaining and building
upon the decades-long multinational human space exploration program that led to the
creation of the ISS. NASA, Smith says, hopes Russia will not only remain a partner on
the ISS but will also help build a planned lunar Gateway space station for the agency’s
Artemis program.
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“Perhaps Russia will choose to work with China, as well as with the U.S.-led
multinational effort. But getting all three working in harmony to explore the heavens?
Not without dramatic geopolitical changes that are nowhere to be seen in my crystal
ball,” Smith concludes.
DEEP-SPACE POWER DYNAMICS
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Alternatively, because the Wolf Amendment does allow NASA to work with China under
certain, very restrictive circumstances, perhaps more robust collaboration is still in the
cards.
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Similarly, China’s Martian-sample-return initiative is another future prospect. “Their
Mars samples would be coming back about the same time that ours would, so that’d be a
great opportunity,” Nelson suggests.
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“Russia seems to be the weaker of the partners in any Russia-China space relationship,”
Cheng adds. “And Russia doesn’t handle being the weaker partner well, whether it is
with the West after the collapse of the former Soviet Union or, in all likelihood, with
China.”
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The U.S., he notes, does well when cooperating with other states that demonstrate
transparency, as well as respect for intellectual property and the rule of law with regard
to human rights and national sovereignty—all areas where tensions with China have
flared. This history of conflict and its probably continuation in the future makes Cheng
skeptical of any near-term hopes for cooperation between the two nations in space.
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Brown University planetary scientist Jim Head, a leading expert on space exploration,
works multilaterally with both Russian and Chinese space scientists, as well as his
European colleagues, on analyzing landing sites for future interplanetary missions.
Whether in conflict or collaboration, he says, the one constant to China’s space
aspirations is that they will not stop.
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“China is on the ‘silk road’ to space,” Head quips. “They are doing it; there’s no question
about that. Their space program is important to them, and it establishes national pride
and prestige. It is not just good for science but for everything [the nation does]. If we sit
and bury our heads in the sand and don’t do anything ourselves, they are still going.
They are not waiting for us.”
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China is already nearing a leadership position in lunar science, Head says, because it has
demonstrated that it can send sample-return spacecraft to both the moon’s near and far
sides, and it “can basically pump them out like sausages.”
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Rather than await a heavy lift from the White House to change the Wolf Amendment,
Head suggests it could be more fruitful for scientists to petition Congress for an
exception so that they can work bilaterally with their Chinese peers on space projects. A
way forward could be through the Inter-Agency Consultative Group for Space Science,
an informal collective of researchers from major space agencies that executes
interagency coordination on select missions.
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Just how much space cooperation two authoritarian systems can actually achieve is
unclear, says Dean Cheng, a senior research fellow on Chinese political and security
affairs at the Heritage Foundation’s Asian Studies Center in Washington, D.C.
“Announcements are easy. Actual cooperation is hard,” he says.
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“The solar system is such a big place. If we’re all duplicating everything individually,
that is just stupid. So collaboration, cooperation, coordination—I think that’s absolutely
the way to go,” Head concludes.
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Having China become a signatory of the Artemis Accords might be a productive pathway,
too, Head adds. Led by the U.S. Department of State and NASA, these accords describe a
shared vision for principles, grounded in the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, to create a safe
and transparent environment that facilitates exploration, science and commercial
activities on the moon. As of this writing, a dozen countries have embraced the Artemis
Accords: Australia, Brazil, Canada, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, New Zealand, South
Korea, Ukraine, the United Arab Emirates, the U.K. and the U.S.
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“The Eagle and the Rabbit”, The Economist International Edition, July 17, 2021
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Note from the NHSDLC: Space may seem like an endless expanse, however nations
are focused on a few key celestial bodies. Lunar dominance provides a powerful public
relations platform and potentially key resources and a platform for future missions.
This Economist piece explores each nation’s lunar exploration capabilities and their
political motivations.
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If Mr Bezos has lost his precedence, he has kept his date. And that matters. July 20th is
the anniversary of the first landing of a crewed spacecraft on the Moon: that of the Eagle,
Apollo 11’s lunar module, in 1969. As such it was, for a long time, a date for
retrospection. But now it is also a date for looking forward.
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There is every reason to think that, by the time Apollo 11’s 60th anniversary rolls around
at the end of this decade, American astronauts will once again be leaving footprints on
the barren lunar plains. And while Sir Richard has no realistic human-spaceflight
ambitions beyond tourist flights to the top of the atmosphere, Mr Bezos wants Blue
Origin to play a big role in that next great adventure.
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A place for the private initiative of Mr Bezos and those like him is one of the ways in
which the plans and context for America’s return to the Moon differ from those that saw
it first go there—and then stop going there—half a century ago. There are many others.
One of the goals of the Artemis programme, as nasa’s back-to-the-Moon programme is
known, is to highlight the ways in which America has changed in the intervening
decades. Another is to be comparatively cheap. Whereas Apollo had to be a uniquely
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In early June Mr Bezos had garnered headlines and pageviews by announcing that when
his rocket company, Blue Origin, launched a space capsule with humans on board for
the first time on July 20th he would be among those passengers. Virgin Galactic, a
company founded by Sir Richard, had already flown its rocket-plane Unity to the edge of
space. Plans were quickly hatched to bring its next test flight forward and to put Sir
Richard himself on the crew manifest (he had been planning to take a later flight). On
July 11th Unity did its thing, and Sir Richard, returned to Earth, proclaimed a new space
age open. Blue Origin tweeted, snarkily if accurately, that its capsule goes higher and has
bigger windows.
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2.3 America, China and the race to the moon
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One thing remains the same. Artemis, like Apollo, is shaped by the geopolitics of greatpower rivalry—then between America and the Soviet Union, now between America and
China. Even here, though, there are crucial differences. In the 1960s America was in a
race, the outcome of which could not be known. Today it is the reigning champion,
seeking merely to maintain its pre-eminence. But the question in the minds of the
spectators is strikingly similar. Does the American system work better than the
alternative when faced with the challenges of the future?
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In the 1960s America started off on the back foot. The Soviet Union had launched the
first satellite into space in 1957 and the first human in 1961. If the space race was to get
into orbit, and thereby demonstrate both your remarkable technological prowess and
your ability to drop a nuclear weapon onto any point on the Earth, the Soviet Union had
already won. Part of the genius of Apollo was to redefine the race as being one to the
Moon.
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The fact that getting to the Moon requires a very large launcher meant that the more
limited technology which had allowed the Soviet Union to take the lead in Earth orbit no
longer counted for much. Both sides needed a fundamentally new capability. It was
America which, through a remarkable and extremely costly effort, successfully built that
capability in the form of the Saturn V.
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When, at the beginning of that great drama, President John F. Kennedy told Congress
that America’s eagerness to go into space was “not governed by the efforts of others” he
was being less than candid; the Soviet Union’s efforts were fundamental to the
programme’s rationale. One of the differences between that era of lunar rivalry and this
one, though, is that China seems to be living up to Kennedy’s ideal. It is not trying to
leapfrog ahead of America as America tried to overtake the Soviet Union. It is trying to
build a similar set of capabilities—and thus catch up to some extent—and to meet its
own national needs, whether defined in military and economic terms or, more
nebulously, in terms of prestige.
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American achievement, Artemis will encourage the participation of allies. And rather
than providing just a few brief visits, Artemis is meant to lead to the creation of
permanent outposts.
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China is capable of routinely launching satellites of all sizes which it uses for its own
communications, reconnaissance and intelligence services and also makes available to
third countries. Last year it completed a satellite navigation system, Beidou, that is a
global rival to the gps system which America originally fielded in the 1980s, and to the
more recent Glonass and Galileo systems developed by Russia and Europe, respectively.
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The rover that China landed on Mars in May was much smaller and less capable than
the most recent rovers America has sent there. But no other country has yet managed
such a feat at all. Nor has anyone else landed a rover—called Yutu-2, after the rabbit who
lives on the Moon in Chinese folklore—on the far side of the Moon. The modular space
station that China is currently assembling in low Earth orbit is much more modest than
the International Space Station (iss) on which America, Canada, Europe, Japan and
Russia have collaborated. But it is a more ambitious undertaking than any of those
powers other than America or Russia could field alone. Xi Jinping, China’s president,
certainly seemed proud when he had a videocall with the “taikonauts” on board.
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My spaceship knows which way to go
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And China has started developing big boosters, rockets similar in size to the Saturn V.
Officials in the Chinese space programme have said that when there is a working version,
probably in the early 2030s, it will be used to put people on the Moon; recently the
Chinese and Russian space agencies announced that they would work together towards
such a goal. Again, this is a matter of catching up. The difference is that this time China
is recreating a capability which America has let lapse.
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Recreating a capability is not the same as running in a race, much less winning one. But
for China it is just one stage in a longer drawn-out strategy which would see it eclipse
America as the leading power in space sometime in the 2040s through a mixture of its
own perseverance and America’s decline. China would be headed for the Moon even if
America was not; it will go there even if, as seems likely, America gets back there well
beforehand. China’s leaders seem to see a presence on the Moon as having a meaning
which goes well beyond beating an adversary to a largely arbitrary finish line. There are
things that great nations do which small nations cannot; there are types of grandeur
reserved for nations which embody ancient civilisations of global import. China’s leaders
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A truly confident America might look at these ambitions in the context of its own
achievements half a century ago, say “been there, done that” and move on. Today’s
America lacks such composure. For China to land on the Moon in the absence of an
active American presence there would be a public-opinion disaster.
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Beating China is a simple and popular proposition. The Artemis programme as drawn
up under Mr Trump has been embraced by Mr Biden’s administration and seems to
enjoy solid bipartisan backing in Congress. It is an approach to making America great
again which is hard to oppose in principle, even if it is not everyone’s priority.
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The new administration has yet to face up publicly to the fact that it will not meet the
original goal of boots on the Moon by the end of 2024 (which would have been the end
of Mr Trump’s second term). But it seems highly likely that it will manage it sometime
before the end of Mr Biden’s second term, should he serve one. As long as the
programme remains on course to succeed before China gets off the pad, a little delay is
unlikely to badly affect support.
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Artemis also serves other political goals. The Americans put on the Moon by Apollo were
all white men. This did not go unnoticed at the time; one of the most enduring works by
Gil Scott-Heron, a black poet and musician, begins “A rat done bit my sister Nell (with
Whitey on the Moon)”. Much has recently been done to publicise the contribution that
women and people of colour made to the programme behind the scenes—this year
nasa’s Washington, dc headquarters building was renamed in honour of Mary W.
Jackson, the agency’s first black female engineer. Their role in today’s space programme
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When making the case for the Artemis programme in May, Bill Nelson, the nasa
administrator, brandished a picture of China’s Mars rover at the House appropriations
committee. “They’re going to be landing humans on the Moon. That should tell us
something about our need to get off our duff and get our Human Landing System
programme going vigorously.”
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think their country must be seen to share in all such perquisites. A presence beyond the
Earth is one of them.
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Giant steps are what you take
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Having to expend similar amounts to recreate an old capability would not send a similar
message. Fortunately, it is not necessary. A new nasa rocket with Saturn V-like
capabilities, the Space Launch System (sls), is already close to completing its
development, as is a new long-duration crew capsule, Orion, that can ride on top of it.
nasa also had pre-existing plans for a small space station, now known as Lunar Gateway,
which would orbit in the Moon’s vicinity. At its simplest, all Artemis requires beyond
what is already in development is a system for getting people in an Orion orbiting in the
vicinity of the Moon down to the surface and back up again (see diagram).
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For nasa to develop such a landing system itself would still be a pricey undertaking. But
the space agency’s greatest achievement over the past decade has been demonstrating
that it does not have to develop its spacecraft itself. After the last space shuttles were
retired, nasa asked private companies to submit proposals for new spacecraft to get first
cargo and then crews up to the iss. Various companies won contracts under these
schemes, most notably SpaceX, the rocket company founded by Elon Musk.
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Grants, milestone payments made when particular goals were achieved and the promise
of long-term contracts once the vehicles were up to scratch allowed SpaceX to develop
the Crew Dragon spacecraft, now used to ferry astronauts up to the iss. The overall cost
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What is more, it has the advantage of being comparatively cheap. For Apollo nasa had to
create not just the Saturn V but also the command and lunar modules which it hurled
aloft; the total cost is put at around $300bn in today’s dollars. Then, though, the size
and expense of the task were not an insuperable obstacle; indeed, they were part of the
point. The project was a signal of just how much America was willing to stake on
technological pre-eminence.
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is routinely celebrated. Wally Funk, a campaigning aviator who met all the criteria for
being an astronaut in the 1960s save for her sex, will be a spacefaring guest of Mr
Bezos’s on July 20th. Artemis, named after Apollo’s sister, is to be the means by which
women and non-whites first reach the Moon.
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It’s lonely out in space
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During the Trump administration nasa decided that Artemis should take the same
approach to developing its Human Landing System (hls). Three proposals survived the
first round of bidding last year: one from a “national team” led by Blue Origin, one from
a consortium led by Dynetics, an American aerospace and computing contractor, and
one from SpaceX. It was expected that two of the three would receive contracts to build
systems, just as Boeing and SpaceX had both received contracts to develop capsules to
take crew to the space station (Boeing has yet to fly a crew in its capsule, but will
undertake a crewless test flight later this month).
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This will probably lead to delays. But the competitive approach is the right one. When
nasa builds its own spacecraft prices go sky high, not least because politicians like to see
federal money spent in their home states. The sls is a case in point. Its development
costs, now sunk, have been enormous; it is far too expensive for frequent flights. A
private company could have done the job much better—as SpaceX is showing with the
development of its Starship launch system, similar in capacity to the sls but much more
technically ambitious. Its “Raptor” engines are of an advanced design that no one has
previously managed to make practical. It is intended to be entirely reusable.
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Prototypes of the sleek, stainless-steel-hulled Starship have been launching, landing and
sometimes exploding at SpaceX’s plant in Texas for months as the company tests their
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On April 16th, though, nasa awarded a single contract worth $2.9bn to SpaceX, saying it
lacked the money to offer two. Both Blue Origin and Dynetics challenged the award,
which is now being reviewed by the Government Accountability Office; its findings are
expected on or before August 4th. Maria Cantwell, a senator from Blue Origin’s home
state of Washington, subsequently sponsored an amendment to the bill authorising
nasa’s budget which requires the agency to issue a second hls contract. The bill has
passed the Senate, but as yet has no counterpart in the House.
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to nasa of developing the Crew Dragon this way was $3.1bn: that is only a little more
than the total cost of the most recent Mars rover mission.
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Blue Origin’s plans for a booster far larger than the petard with which Mr Bezos will
hoist himself next week are not yet as far along. But Mr Bezos has money and
determination, as well as friends in Washington. America could have three boosters
capable of supporting human missions to the Moon, two private and one public, before
China has even one.
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It is in such possibilities that the real promise of Artemis lies. The Chinese Moon
programme is entirely a creature of government. Although there is a nascent private
space sector in the country, it is not yet capable of anything so ambitious. (Nor is it
entirely clear that the government is; the engines a booster big enough for Moon duty
requires are far more sophisticated than anything it has yet built.) In this, China’s
programme will resemble in form, if not in scale, America’s huge, centralised Apollo
programme. One of the great ironies of the first space race was that at the peak of its
efforts to stop the Moon from turning communist America was devoting more than 4%
of government spending to a 400,000-worker planned economy entirely run by
government officials.
The stars look very different today
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The SpaceX hls Moon lander is a version of such a Starship, and nasa’s selection of it
over its competitors is a vote of confidence in the company’s scheme. If it comes to
fruition, it will outcompete the sls by more or less every measure save the employment
of government contractors.
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new engines and their ability to change their orientation in mid-air. The next test flight
will be the most ambitious yet. It will see the first use of a “Super Heavy” booster to
launch a Starship almost into orbit (it will in fact come down about 6,000km away in
the ocean off Hawaii). The 33 Raptors on the Super Heavy will generate twice as much
thrust as the first stage of a Saturn V did. The eventual goal is for the Super Heavies, like
the first stages of SpaceX’s Falcon boosters, to return and make a vertical landing after
sending their Starships into orbit. There the Starships will either launch satellites and
return to Earth or wait for a subsequent launch to refuel them before heading off to
more distant destinations.
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This time round, it is possible that America will instead get to the Moon by supporting
the aspirations of brilliant and determined—if sometimes petty—entrepreneurs and
harnessing the capabilities they provide. It promises to be a more effective mode of
exploration. It could also be the beginning of something more. While Mr Musk dreams
of his Starships taking settlers to Mars, Mr Bezos talks of using resources from the Moon
to build new industries in space (such as power-generation, asteroid mining or the
production of exotic new materials). It is a vision shared by Chinese space enthusiasts
such as Lieutenant-General Zhang Yulin, who works in a part of the People’s Liberation
Army devoted to space- and cyber-operations. Its realisation, should it come to pass,
may offer a truly dramatic answer to the question of which system can better respond to
the challenges of the future.
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3.1 A space race would drive lunar development, expanding access to vital
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“China Has a Head Start in the New Space Race” Dr. Namrata Goswami, a specialist on
outer space and great powers, The Diplomat, May 29, 2019
(https://thediplomat.com/2019/05/china-has-a-head-start-in-the-new-space-race/)
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Note from the NHSDLC: This article explores how competition drives development
of lunar exploration and development technology with a detailed analysis of both the
US and China’s plans and technology.
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Like NASA’s Apollo missions, named for the Greek god, China’s Lunar Exploration
Program (CLEP) is named after a mythical figure: Chang’e, a Chinese moon goddess.
Unlike Apollo, however, China’s Chang’e lunar mission is not a “flags and footprints”
enterprise. Instead, like its mythical namesake Chang’e, who made the moon her home,
the CLEP is aimed at establishing a permanent presence on the lunar surface by 2036,
with an aim to utilize lunar resources like titanium and uranium, as well as iron-ore and
water ice for rocket construction and propellant. This in-space manufacturing capability
is a vital step to achieve China’s plans for deep space exploitation, to include asteroid
mining and build solar power stations in geo-synchronous orbit by 2050.
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The current Chang’e 4 mission on the lunar far side has discovered fragments of the
moon’s mantle. The Visible and Near Infrared Spectrometer (VNIS) on the Chang’e 4’s
rover suggest that the rocks contain minerals known as low-calcium (ortho) pyroxene
and olivine. A study of such mantle rocks could throw light on the moon’s mineralogical
composition as well as on its origins and evolution. Unpacking the geology of the far side
of the moon is critical as it differs from the near side, where the Apollo rocks were
gathered. It could offer insights on future missions for sustainable human presence.
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On January 3, 2019, when China landed the Chang’e 4 probe on the Lunar South Pole, a
first for humanity, the discourse on outer space shifted forever. For nearly 50 years,
since July 20, 1969, we have lived in the Age of Apollo, which enabled humanity’s first
steps on the moon. When dawn broke out on January 3, 2019, we entered the Age of
Chang’e, focused on long-term settlement of the lunar poles.
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3. Pro Arguments
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Significantly, in reaction to China’s lunar program – which, incidentally, the CNSA
announced as far back as 2007 (more than a decade ago) — U.S. Vice President, Mike
Pence announced in March 2019 that:
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Rapidly, mining for lunar resources has become an uppermost priority for the United
States as well. The NASA Swamp Works in Florida is prototyping robots like the
Regolith Advanced Surface Systems Operations Robot that can extract, mold, and
analyze lunar soil for resources. NASA is planning on establishing a moon base by 2028,
under a program called Artemis, named after a Greek goddess and the twin sister of
Apollo.
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Seizing on the five-year timeline set by Pence to get Americans back to the moon, Jeff
Bezos, Amazon CEO and founder of Blue Origin, revealed his company’s robotic lunar
lander, Blue Moon, in a major speech on May 9. Bezos, taking his cues from Pence’s
speech stated, “We can help meet that timeline, but only because we started three years
ago…It’s time to go back to the moon, this time to stay.” Blue Origin is developing its
New Glenn Rocket, scheduled for launch in 2021, and the New Shepard Capsule and
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At the direction of the President of the United States, it is the stated policy of this
administration and the United States of America to return American astronauts to the
moon within the next five years… To be clear: the first woman and the next man on the
moon will both be American astronauts, launched by American rockets from American
soil… We have the technology to return to the moon and renew American leadership in
human space exploration… We’re in a space race today, just as we were in the 1960s,
and the stakes are even higher. Last December [sic], China became the first nation to
land on the far side of the moon and revealed their ambition to seize the lunar strategic
high ground and become the world’s pre-eminent spacefaring nation…
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By the end of this year, China is launching the Chang’e 5 mission to the near side of the
moon, to bring back samples to Earth for further investigation. On April 24, 2019, on
the occasion of China’s Spaceflight Day, the China National Space Administration
(CNSA) head, Zhang Kejian, announced China’s plan to establish a research base on the
Lunar South Pole within the next 10 years. China is sending two robotic probes to the
poles by 2030, to determine the existence of water-ice and other resources.
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More than 17 years ago, in 2002, Ouyang Ziyuan, chief scientist of China’s lunar
exploration program, stated that, “The moon could serve as a new and tremendous
supplier of energy and resources for human beings… This is crucial to sustainable
development of human beings on Earth… Whoever first conquers the moon will benefit
first.” Five years later, in 2007, China’s moon goddess-inspired lunar mission, the
Chang’e 1 was launched.
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The Great Race for Lunar Resources
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Significantly, other countries and private companies are racing to the moon for its
resources as well. India aims to launch the Chandrayaan 2 between July 5 and 16, 2019,
with a scheduled landing around September 6, 2019, close to the Lunar South Pole.
According to the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), “the payloads will collect
scientific information on lunar topography, mineralogy, elemental abundance, lunar
exosphere and signatures of hydrogel and water-ice.”
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ROSMOCOS, the Russian space agency, in a meeting in November 2018 announced
Russian plans to establish a lunar colony by 2040. Alexander Sergeyev, the president of
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Very similar to China’s long-term space ambitions of lunar settlement and space
industrialization, Bezos’ May 9 speech highlighted the need for a specific long-term
vision of human settlement and industrialization in space. Both Bezos and China seem
to be propelled by similar concerns. For China, depending on Earth-based
nonrenewable resources to fuel the Chinese economy is not wise; therefore, developing
capacity for accessing the vast resources of space is a way forward. Similarly, Bezos
firmly believes that humanity must become space faring and develop the capacity to live
in space since Earth’s resources are finite. Bezos intends to use the Blue Moon lander to
start mining the moon for its natural resources, like water-ice. “Ultimately, we’re going
to be able to get hydrogen from that water on the moon, and be able to refuel these
vehicles on the surface of the moon,” he said.
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Rocket Booster system, powered by liquid hydrogen. Bezos has long-term plans of
moving all Earth-based heavy industry to space.
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In the meantime, Japanese billionaire, Yusaku Maezawa bought all seats on a Space X
spaceflight, utilizing the Big Falcon Rocket (BFR), for his Dear Moon project headed for
the Moon in 2023. Elon Musk, founder of Space X has offered his own vision of outer
space colonization: build Mars Base Alpha by 2028, and by 2030 a city that could
support up to 1 million people. We nearly experienced the first private company landing
on the moon this year, when Israeli nonprofit SpaceIL’s Beresheet lander failed just
minutes before landing on the lunar surface. The Israeli Space Agency (ISA) is now
getting involved with the Beresheet 2, with an injunction of $5.6 million.
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The competition between countries to get to the lunar poles is on, in the aftermath of the
Chang’e 4 landing on the far side. There is, however, a clear difference between China’s
ambitions and those of others. While countries like the United States, India, Japan,
South Korea are aiming for lunar pole landings for space science and exploration
purposes, China is the only country to articulate a long-term vision of space settlement
and utilization. It is the only country to have invested serious money ($30 million) in
future space technologies like space-based solar power that will help power such a lunar
base.
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Japan and South Korea have both announced programs to land on the lunar poles.
Japan’s Smart Lander for Investigating Moon (SLIM) mission aims to land near one of
the lunar poles by 2020. The Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) is planning a
resource prospector as well by 2020. The Korea Aerospace Research Institute (KARI) is
developing its pathfinder lunar orbiter, viewing its potential success as establishing
South Korea as a major space power. The European Space Agency (ESA) aims to
establish a Moon Village, which would be open to resource exploitation as well as
“scientific and technological activities” and tourism.
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the Russian Academy of Sciences, highlighted the critical significance of the moon,
especially from a lunar poles’ resources perspective. “Moon exploration issues are now
heading the agenda of our Space Council…There are many different opinions that are
the driving force — projects that can rally society and the scientific community, or is it
something scientifically disruptive. The moon can be a very important object.” Critically,
both Russia and China view the development of their lunar presence capabilities from a
national interest perspective.
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China’s 30-year space goals (2019-2049), propelled by President Xi Jinping’s China
Dream and operationalized within his civil-military integration strategy, put Beijing
clearly in the lead with regard to space-renewable energy generation, industrialization,
and resource utilization. With the Chang’e 4 already up there exploring and
investigating on the lunar far side, and with another mission to follow this year, China is
the only country with a demonstrated capability to get to the lunar far side. Only time
will tell if others can follow suit, and establish an enduring, sustainable lunar presence.
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No other country has been able to match the long-term space goals of China as of yet.
These goals include establishing permanent presence on the lunar surface, space mining,
developing solar power stations in geo-synchronous orbit, and accelerating the
modernization of military space institutions. While private entrepreneurs like Bezos and
Musk have publicly articulated similar long-term space settlement goals, there is no
longstanding U.S. government space policy that offer similar far-reaching visions. For
the most part, U.S. space experts are in denial of China’s space success or tend to be
dismissive of how the discourse on outer space is changing: moving from either
“showing off” space technology to impress people on Earth (the hallmark of the Apollo
era) or simply developing counterspace weapons for military advantage, to actually
viewing space in its own right, with resources to extract (Chang’e era).
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“As China’s space ambitions grow, NASA tells congress it needs more money to
compete” Christian Davenport, The Washington Post, June 17 2021
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Note from the NHSDLC: This article details how the coming space race between the
US and China is used on both sides to increase government allotment for space
exploration. Because space exploration is often politically popular, politicians are
pressured to ‘win’ the space race.
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In an effort to galvanize NASA’s return to the moon, then-Vice President Mike Pence in
2019 sought to re-create the 1960s Cold War space race, when the United States beat the
Soviet Union to the lunar surface. But this time the role of rival was played not by the
U.S.S.R., but by China, which Pence warned was trying “to seize the lunar strategic high
ground and become the world’s spacefaring nation.”
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Some doubt the wisdom of Nelson’s approach, however.
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Nelson’s strategy, like the Trump administration’s, is to cast China as a competitor
racing not only to the moon, but for leadership in space more broadly. It’s a scenario
that got a boost Thursday when China launched the first group of astronauts to its
nascent space station for what is expected to be a three-month stay — the longest
duration space mission ever by a Chinese crew.
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Bill Nelson, President Biden’s new NASA administrator, has carried on that hawkish
rhetoric, casting China as “a very aggressive competitor” that has big ambitions in space
and is challenging America’s leadership. “Watch the Chinese,” he recently warned.
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“Making the Chinese space station out to be such a serious threat is a mistake as it plays
into China’s own political goals,” said Brian Weeden, the director of program planning
at the Secure World Foundation, a think tank whose mission statement calls for the
promotion of “ideas and actions to achieve the secure, sustainable, and peaceful uses of
space benefiting Earth and all its peoples.”
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Cooperation with China in space is not on the horizon. NASA, which landed men on the
moon in 1969 and has had crew living aboard the International Space Station for 20
years, has been barred by law since 2011 from partnering with China — no Chinese
astronaut has ever been aboard the International Space Station, which has been host to
astronauts from nearly 20 nations. There is no prospect of that changing anytime soon
in a Washington where China is seen as a fierce competitor in a wide range of
technological endeavors, from quantum computers to the rollout of 5G.
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That is especially true for space, because the technologies used in space also are used for
national defense, said Scott Kennedy, an analyst at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies.
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“These deep concerns about China as a military competitor forestalls cooperation in
dual-use technologies, and there are no technologies used in space that aren’t dual-use,”
he said. U.S. and Chinese cooperation in space, he said, would require the kind of
detente that the United States and Soviet Union achieved toward the end of the Cold
War. “But we are very far from that.”
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China’s space agency has shown remarkable progress on its path to becoming a
preeminent spacefaring power. In 2019, it landed an uncrewed spacecraft on the far side
of the moon, a first. Last month, it became only the second country, after the United
States, to land a rover on Mars. Earlier this week, China and Russia announced plans to
build an international base on the moon. And then came Thursday’s launch.
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About six hours after that launch, the astronauts docked with China’s Tiangong space
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“China is trying to use its space station to show that it, too, is a space power, and these
constant allusions to a space race and concerns about the threat posed by their space
station are reinforcing that message,” Weeden said. Thursday’s launch, he said, was “an
important achievement, but it does not mean China has equaled, let alone surpassed,
the U.S.”
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In a statement, Nelson congratulated China “on the successful launch of crew to their
space station! I look forward to the scientific discoveries to come.”
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Another front in the tensions between the U.S. and China: Space
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NASA had been planning to fly astronauts to the moon by 2028. But the Trump
administration sought to accelerate that, mandating the space agency do it by 2024, a
highly aggressive timetable that few thought possible. Under the Biden administration,
NASA is reviewing the lunar program, dubbed Artemis, but Nelson has embraced it and
its aggressive timeline. And he has spent his first few weeks as NASA administrator
picking up where his predecessor, Jim Bridenstine, left off: lobbying Congress for the
funds to make it happen.
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Nelson’s strategy, in part, is to cast China as a competitor.
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Speaking before House appropriators last month, Nelson said that China was seeking to
land humans on the moon in the 2020s. That, he said, should motivate Congress to give
NASA more money for its Artemis program as it seeks to develop a spacecraft, known as
the Human Landing System, that would ferry astronauts to the lunar surface. In
addition to the Artemis program, Nelson also has called for the life of the International
Space Station, which has had humans living on it continuously for more than 20 years,
to be extended to 2030.
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Last year, Congress appropriated $850 million for the lunar lander, well short of NASA’s
$3.3 billion request. In its request for funding in this year’s budget, NASA has requested
$1.2 billion for the lander, but the program is tied up in litigation.
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But, like the Trump administration before him, Nelson has sought to leverage China’s
space ambitions as a way to get Congress to fund NASA’s plans to return to the moon,
while the space agency works to build an international coalition of its own.
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At another point in the hearing, he held up a photograph for the committee of the
Zhurong rover that landed on Mars last month. “I want you to see this photograph,” he
said, adding that it was a part of China’s goal to eclipse the United States in space.
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The United States has had a proliferation of human space successes recently. Over the
past year, SpaceX flew three human spaceflight missions for NASA. Boeing also hopes to
fly one by the end of this year. And Blue Origin and Virgin Galactic are continuing
development of their suborbital space tourism programs.
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After NASA awarded SpaceX a $3 billion contract in April to use its Starship spacecraft
to fly astronauts to and from the lunar surface, the losing bidders, Jeff Bezos’s Blue
Origin and Dynetics, a defense contractor, protested the award with the Government
Accountability Office. That has forced NASA to put a hold on the contract. (Bezos owns
The Washington Post.)
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Meanwhile, Congress passed a bill that would require NASA to award two lunar lander
contracts for future lunar missions. But it’s not clear that the $10 billion authorized to
fund the contracts will get appropriated by Congress.
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A recent bright spot for the program, though, is NASA’s much-beleaguered Space
Launch System rocket, which would send NASA astronauts to the moon. After years of
delays, it successfully completed a full-duration engine test. The 212-foot core stage of
the rocket was shipped to the Kennedy Space Center, where it has been mated with its
side solid rocket boosters. Nelson has repeatedly said it could fly for the first time this
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A key part of NASA’s Artemis program is stalled, however.
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Meanwhile, Nelson has said he hopes Congress gives NASA the money it needs to
compete. China’s lunar ambitions “should tell us something about our need to get off
our duff and get on our Human Landing System program going, vigorously, and NASA
can’t do it alone,” he said during the House hearing.
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China, meanwhile, also is seeking international collaboration for the moon. Earlier this
week, it announced an International Lunar Research Station, a joint program with
Russia. In a statement, the two countries’ space agencies said they “jointly invite all
interested international partners to cooperate and contribute more for the peaceful
exploration and use of [the] moon in the interests of all humankind, adhering to the
principle of equality, openness and integrity.”
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NASA also is building an international coalition to support the lunar mission and create
norms of behavior in space. Signatories to the Artemis Accords would be able to partner
with NASA in its lunar exploration program but would be required to adhere to a set of
standards including the public release of scientific data. The program began in 2020
under the Trump administration but has been continued under Biden. Earlier this week,
Nelson welcomed Brazil as the newest signatory.
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year in a trip that would propel the Orion spacecraft, without any astronauts on board,
on an autonomous trip around the moon.
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Note from the NHSDLC: This article provides more details and warrants as to how
a space race leads to increased funding in long form. It also covers details on the
history of both nation’s space exploration program.
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In January, the China National Space Administration landed a spacecraft on the far side
of the moon, the side we can’t see from Earth. Chang’e-4 was named for a goddess in
Chinese mythology, who lives on the moon for reasons connected to her husband’s
problematic immortality drink. The story has many versions. In one, Chang’e has been
banished to the moon for elixir theft and turned into an ugly toad. In another, she has
saved humanity from a tyrannical emperor by stealing the drink. In many versions, she
is a luminous beauty and has as a companion a pure-white rabbit.
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You may have watched the near-operatic progress of Chang’e-4’s graceful landing. Or
the uncannily cute robotic amblings of the lander’s companion, the Yutu-2 rover, named
for the moon goddess’s white rabbit. You may have read that, aboard the lander, seeds
germinated (cotton, rapeseed, and potato; the Chinese are also trying to grow a
flowering plant known as mouse-ear cress), and that the rover survived the fourteen-day
lunar night, when temperatures drop to negative two hundred and seventy degrees
Fahrenheit. Chang’e-4 is a step in China’s long-term plan to build a base on the moon, a
goal toward which the country has rapidly been advancing since it first orbited the moon,
in 2007.
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If you missed the Chinese mission, maybe it’s because you were focussed on the
remarkably inexpensive spacecraft from SpaceIL, an Israeli nonprofit organization,
which crash-landed into the moon on April 11th, soon after taking a selfie while hovering
above the lunar surface. The crash was not the original plan, and SpaceIL has already
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Chang’e-4 is the first vehicle to alight on the far side of the moon. From that side, the
moon blocks radio communication with Earth, which makes landing difficult, and the
surface there is craggy and rough, with a mountain taller than anything on Earth. Older
geologies are exposed, from which billions of years of history can be deduced. Chang’e-4
landed in a nearly four-mile-deep hole that was formed when an ancient meteor crashed
into the moon—one of the largest known impact craters in our solar system.
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3.2.2 Resource allocation, continued
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Shortly before nasa launched Apollo 11, it received a letter from the Union of Persian
Storytellers, begging nasa to change the plan: a moon landing would rob the world of its
illusions, and rob the union’s members of their livelihood. During the spacecraft’s flight,
the Mission Control Center, in Houston, asked the crew to look out for Chang’e, and for
her bunny, too. Houston said that the bunny would be “easy to spot, since he is always
standing on his hind feet in the shade of a cinnamon tree.” Buzz Aldrin responded,
“We’ll keep a close eye out for the bunny girl.”
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“The moon is hot again,” Jack Burns, the director of the NASA-funded Network for
Exploration and Space Science, told me. ness’s headquarters are at the University of
Colorado Boulder, which has educated nineteen astronauts. (Boulder was also the
setting for the television sitcom “Mork & Mindy,” in which Robin Williams played an
alien from the planet Ork.) Part of ness’s mission is to dream up experiments to be done
on the moon. An informational poster at the entrance reads “Challenges of Measuring
Cosmic Dawn with the 21-cm Sky-Averaged, Global Signal.” In the decades since Apollo
11, nasa has invented Earth-mapping satellites, launched the Hubble Space Telescope,
collaborated on the International Space Station, and studied Mars. But none of these
projects have generated the broad and childlike wonder of the moon.
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Fifty years ago, three men journeyed from a small Florida peninsula to a dry crater some
two hundred and forty thousand miles away called the Sea of Tranquillity. Hundreds of
millions of people watched on black-and-white TVs as a man from Wapakoneta, Ohio,
climbed slowly down a short ladder and reported in a steady voice that his footprint had
depressed the soil only a fraction of an inch, that “the surface appears to be very finegrained as you get close to it, it’s almost like a powder down there, it’s very fine.”
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announced its intention of going to the moon again. But maybe you weren’t paying
attention to SpaceIL, either, because you were anticipating India’s Chandrayaan-2 moon
lander, expected to take off later this year. Or you were waiting for Japan’s first lunarlander-and-rover mission, scheduled to take place next year. Perhaps you’ve been
distracted by the announcement, in January, on the night of the super blood wolf moon,
that the European Space Agency plans to mine lunar ice by 2025. Or by Vice-President
Mike Pence’s statement, in March, that the United States intends “to return American
astronauts to the moon within the next five years.”
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The planetary scientist Bruce Hapke, who has a yellowish, opaque lunar mineral—
hapkeite—named for him, said, “Almost every President since Nixon proposed going
back to the moon.” (President Obama focussed instead on studying an asteroid near
Earth and working toward the distant goal of sending astronauts to Mars.) “But the
money was never allotted. Congress decided we couldn’t have guns and the moon at the
same time.” The Department of Defense’s budget is now nearly seven hundred billion
dollars, whereas nasa’s funding is $21.5 billion, or around half of one per cent of the
national budget. The U.S. is still believed to spend more on space programs than the rest
of the world combined. (China’s budget, however, is unknown.) Hapke said, “The
trouble is, there was always some kind of emergency, always some war going on. Though
that Cold War mentality also got us to the moon.”
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A man asks Moses where he got his ideas for the Ten Commandments.
“Where do you get your ideas?”
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Hapke recalls being told by several scientists and nasa employees that, “when the moon
landing was first conceived, it was a strictly political stunt: go to the moon, plant the flag,
and come back to Earth.” The original design of the spacecraft allotted little to no room
for scientific payloads. “When the scientific community got wind of this, they pointed
out strongly to nasa all the fantastic science that could be done, and the
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Burns, who is sixty-six years old, remembers the Mercury, Gemini, and Apollo
missions—the Cold War-era efforts, beginning in the late fifties, that put men in space
and finally landed them on the moon. He teaches a course on the history of space policy.
“The U.S. had already lost the start of the space race,” he said, of the origins of Apollo.
“The Soviet Union was first with a satellite in space. They were first with an astronaut in
space.” Yuri Gagarin’s journey into outer space took place in April, 1961. President John
F. Kennedy delivered his moon-shot speech the following month, and Congress
eventually allocated 4.4 per cent of the national budget to nasa. “But, if you live by
political motivations, you die by political motivations,” Burns said. “Apollo died. Nixon
killed the program.” Only twelve people have walked on the moon, all of them between
the summer of 1969 and Christmas, 1972. All the moonwalkers were men, all were
American, all but one were Boy Scouts, and almost all listened to country-and-Western
music on their way to the moon; they earned eight dollars a day, minus a fee for a bed on
the spacecraft. Since the last moonwalk, humans have launched crafts that have orbited
the moon, crashed probes into it, and taken increasingly detailed photos of it. But no
one has been back.
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Burns told me that advances in engineering could turn the moon into a way station for
launching rockets and satellites farther into the solar system, to Mars and beyond. (The
weak gravity on the moon dramatically eases launches.) Lunar construction projects
now look feasible. “Down the hall, we have a telerobotics lab,” Burns said. “You could
print components of habitats, of telescopes. You use the lunar regolith”—the dust of the
moon—“as your printing material. You could print the wrench you need to fix
something.” Fifteen years ago, the moon was believed to be a dry rock; now we know
that there’s water there. Both private industry and national agencies regard the mining
of water and precious materials as something that’s not too far off. There’s space
tourism, too, though the quiet consensus among scientists seems to be that the idea is
goofy and impractical.
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nasa would like to establish a permanent presence on the moon, using reusable rockets
and landers. The agency is working on the largest, strongest, fastest—of course—rocket
yet, but it plans to purchase other equipment, including rockets and landers, off the
shelf, from commercial companies. Bob Jacobs, a spokesperson for nasa, told me,
“Eighty-five per cent of nasa’s budget is for commercial contracts. We build what only
we can build; the other services we look to purchase from approved venders.”
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Burns said, “This time we need a more sustainable set of goals and reasons” for going to
the moon. He meant a science mission, or a business mission, or both. “We don’t like to
say we’re going back to the moon,” but forward, he added. “Our objectives are different.
Our technology is different. Apollo had five kilobytes of ram. Your iPhone is millions of
times more powerful.” Watching the footage of Neil Armstrong’s first steps, it takes a
moment for one’s eyes to make sense of the low-resolution image, which could easily be
overexposed film or a Robert Motherwell painting. “It’s amazing they made it.”
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whole tone of the project was changed,” he said. Hapke was then at Cornell, where he
and his lab mates studied what the lunar soil might be like; the moon’s characteristic
reflectivity helped them deduce that the surface must be a fine dust. For Hapke, the
Apollo era remains the most exciting time in his scientific life. He also recalls “the
widespread puzzlement in both Congress and the general populace after the first landing:
‘We beat the Russians. Why are we going back?’ ”
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Even in fantasy, space ventures have always mingled idealistic and worldly motives. H.
G. Wells published “The First Men in the Moon” in 1901. The novel’s narrator, Mr.
Bedford, wants to make money. His collaborator, Mr. Cavor, dreams of knowledge.
Together they go to the moon. When they encounter moon dwellers—“compact,
bristling” creatures, “having much of the quality of a complicated insect”—Bedford
wants to destroy them; Cavor wants to learn from them. Bedford finds gold, and
embarks “upon an argument to show the infinite benefits our arrival would confer upon
the moon,” involving himself “in a rather difficult proof that the arrival of Columbus was,
on the whole, beneficial to America.” Cavor is indifferent to the gold—it’s a familiar
mineral. Moon dwellers capture and chain Bedford and Cavor, then march them
underground. Cavor assumes that there must be other, less brutal moon dwellers, as
enlightened and knowledge-loving as he. In the end, Bedford makes it back to Earth.
Cavor is presumed dead. But no one with a heart reads the novel and wants to be
Bedford.
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Burns grew up in Shirley, Massachusetts. Neither of his parents graduated from high
school. From the age of five, he knew that he wanted to study the stars. When I asked
him what he hopes to see on the moon, he became suddenly boyish: “I’d love to set up a
low-frequency radio telescope on the far side of the moon, free from the
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There are also more emotionally leveraged business models, like that of Celestis, a
funeral-services company, which puts cremains into space, and has plans to take them
to the moon. The Japanese beverage Pocari Sweat wants to be the first sports drink on
the moon. Its manufacturer has booked a spot on a lunar lander developed by a
Pittsburgh-based company, Astrobotic, which is scheduled to launch in 2021, and to
land in the Lacus Mortis—the Lake of Death, which is actually a dry, flat area. Pocari
Sweat employees have collected stories of children’s dreams from across Asia and etched
them onto titanium plates. The plates will be put inside a capsule designed to look like a
Pocari Sweat can, and will travel with some Pocari Sweat powder that will one day—so
the plan goes—be mixed with moon water.
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Burns likens this de-facto government support of commercial space exploration to the
dawn of the airline industry: “In the nineteen-twenties, early airline companies survived
only because the government paid them to deliver the mail.” It wasn’t until later, when
ordinary people became aeronauts, that the airline industry became economically viable.
“I think we’re looking at something similar with space exploration,” Burns said.
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Johns showed me a collection of small telescopes, and discussed the eighteenth-century
French astronomer Charles Messier. “Back then, the way astronomers made money was
finding comets and telling kings they had a comet to name after them,” she said. When
Messier was eleven, his father died, and afterward he received no formal schooling. But
he developed an exceptional gift for finding comets. “To find those comets, he
documented everything he could see in the sky,” Johns said. “Once he was sure a sky
object wasn’t a comet, it was of no interest to him. Some of that stuff he found turned
out to be Andromeda, and the Crab Nebula.” She showed me a large telescope on a
mount developed by John Dobson, a chemist by training, who worked briefly on the
Manhattan Project, then resolved to spend the rest of his life as a monk. While living at a
monastery in San Francisco, he would walk the shipyards, gathering old porthole glass
to fashion into homemade telescopes, which he would share with others in sidewalk
astronomy lectures. “The monks eventually asked him to leave,” Johns said.
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Johns became a telescope operator relatively late in her professional life. She had
worked in human resources, and enjoyed it, but at a difficult moment she found herself
at the Denver Museum of Nature & Science, where her parents used to take her as a
child. “I looked through the telescope and I began to cry,” she said. She had always loved
science, but had chosen another career because of family and financial
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The night I met with Burns was the eve of a supermoon—when the moon is both full and
as close to Earth as it gets. I walked over to the Sommers-Bausch Observatory, not far
from Burns’s office; there was a bunny in the bushes, trying not to be noticed. Carla
Johns, who operates the observatory’s telescopes, met me in the hallway, which is lit in
red, to keep your eyes adapted to the dark. On the top floor, she pressed a button, and
the roof noisily rolled back. There it was, with all its starry friends. Johns explained how
the telescopes worked—they are essentially buckets of light. She said that children often
shout when they see the moon so close.
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interference of Earth signals. It could see to the beginnings of time. And the far side of
the moon has craters there that were formed during the Late Heavy Bombardment, four
billion years ago.” During the Late Heavy Bombardment, large numbers of meteors
crashed into the inner solar system. The period coincides roughly—and perhaps not
coincidentally—with the beginnings of life on Earth. Burns said, “Earth was also
bombarded, but here that history has been erased or buried by weather, erosion. On the
moon, it’s still right there on the surface. It’s a history book. I’d like to read that book.”
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Shortly before the turnoff for the town of Mojave, California, there were train cars along
the right side of the road, painted old-fashioned black and standing still. On the left
were hundreds of white wind turbines, spinning. Soon I came to a slightly weathered
sign for the Mojave Air and Space Port—“Imagination Flies Here”—which features a
picture of a young boy holding a toy plane. You’re allowed to launch rockets here; you’re
allowed to fly objects beyond the atmosphere. A number of aerospace firms have offices
at the port.
In November, 2018, nasa named nine companies to be part of its Commercial Lunar
Payload Services program: if nasa wants to send something to the moon, these
companies are approved to provide transportation. “FedEx to space,” I was told to think
of it. “Or DHL.” Some of them are large and well known, like Lockheed Martin Space.
Masten Space Systems has sixteen employees. It is based at the Air and Space Port,
down the road from Virgin Galactic, in offices that resemble the extra building my
elementary school put in the playground when enrollment exceeded capacity. When
Masten won a nasa-funded prize—for vertical takeoff and precision landing in
conditions simulating those of the moon—it had five employees. Its winning rocket, Xoie,
looks like a slim, silvery water tower, only ninety inches tall—two stacked spheres on a
tripod, with tanks of helium on the sides.
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“Our focus is on reusable rockets,” Masten’s C.E.O., Sean Mahoney, told me. “We have a
rocket that has flown two hundred and twenty-seven times. We want space to be
affordable.” Masten plans to begin taking payloads to the moon in 2021: “Mostly science
payloads, mostly nasa. Some commercial.” Among the items that nasa wants to send are
a solar-power cell and a navigation device that the agency will test in lunar conditions.
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Mahoney and I talked over a meal at the Voyager Restaurant, on the grounds of the
spaceport. The Voyager looks like Mel’s Diner, from the TV show “Alice.” (A lot about
lunar exploration reminded me of old television shows, especially “Bonanza.”) I had a
grilled-cheese sandwich—spaceport food. Mahoney said, “There’s the PBS version of
space, which is beautiful. And that is real. But, also, space—well, you’ve heard of the
military-industrial complex? Space is an offshoot of that.” Something shiny and fleet
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issues. “I said to myself, ‘I need to be involved with this.’ ”
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We walked through strong winds to the hangars where Masten does its manufacturing.
There were none of the vacuum chambers and clean white rooms that one associates
with rocket science. Instead, there were trailer beds loaded with rocket parts for testing;
there were purple-and-yellow long-sleeved T-shirts for launch days. There were tanks of
helium, wrenches of every size. A young man wearing an Embry-Riddle Aeronautical
University sweatshirt and a welding mask was making an engine casing.
Mahoney pointed out an engine without its casing, next to a small computer. “Some of
these rocket models are literally operated by Raspberry Pi,” he said.
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Two married people stand on a sidewalk holding clipboards and soliciting signatures
from passersby to save their marriage.
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“Do you have a moment to save our marriage?”
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“That’s a very basic computer. A thirty-five-dollar computer. My point being, some of
our parts we can buy at Home Depot.”
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Masten was founded, in 2004, by David Masten, a former software-and-systems
engineer, who remains the chief technical officer. “When I was a kid, I was going to be
an astronaut,” Masten told me. “But, by the nineteen-eighties, space was getting
boring—it wasn’t going anywhere—and there was this new thing called computers.” He
became an I.T. consultant, and eventually worked at a series of startups. Throughout,
Masten’s hobby remained rockets. “My thought was that, maybe, instead of doing the
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was taking off in the distance, and the windows shook. Mahoney pointed out a
tumbleweed blowing across the lot. “I’m a business guy by background, not a space guy,
so I had to learn all of this,” he said. Mahoney believes that, because the space industry
was a government-sanctioned monopoly for decades, there was no room for risk, or for
competition; the fear of failure dominated. “Lockheed Martin and Boeing could charge
exorbitant prices,” he said. “As a business person, when you see a fat margin—when you
see a service that can be provided much more cheaply—you see value.”
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When a Masten rocket takes off, it has a delicate appearance. One of the newer ones, the
Xodiac, looks like two golden balloons mounted on a metal skeleton. A kite tail of fire
shoots out as the Xodiac launches straight up; at its apex, it has the ability to tilt and
float down at an angle, as casually as a leaf. When Xodiac nears its designated landing
spot, it abruptly slows, aligns, seems to hesitate, lands. It’s eerie—at that moment, the
rocket seems sentient, intentional.
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In one demonstration, the Xodiac performed a deceptively mundane task: it carried a
“planetvac”—an invention intended to vacuum dust from the lunar surface—up and over
one metre, deployed the vacuum, then scooted up and over another metre, hopping like
a lunar janitor. The rockets are self-guided, unless overridden by a human; they are
doing their own thing. “We believe computers can fly rockets better than people can,”
Masten told me.
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Many scientists see little need for humans on the moon, since robots would do the work
more safely and inexpensively.
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“Now, you will ask me what in the world we went up on the Moon for,” Qfwfq, the
narrator of Italo Calvino’s “Cosmicomics,” says. “We went to collect the milk, with a big
spoon and a bucket.” In our world, we are going for water. “Water is the oil of space,”
George Sowers, a professor of space resources at the Colorado School of Mines, in
Golden, told me. On the windowsill of Sowers’s office is a bumper sticker that reads “My
other vehicle explored Pluto.” This is because his other vehicle did explore Pluto. Sowers
served as the chief systems engineer of the rocket that, in 2006, launched nasa’s New
Horizons spacecraft, which has flown by Pluto and continued on to Ultima Thule, a
snowman-shaped, nineteen-mile-long rock that is the most distant object a spacecraft
has ever reached. “I only got into space resources in the past two years,” he said. His
laboratory at the School of Mines designs, among other things, small vehicles that could
one day be controlled by artificial intelligence and used to mine lunar water.
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heavy analysis traditional of the aerospace industry, you do something more like I was
used to,” he said. “You write some code, you compile it, you test it, and you iterate over
and over in a tight, rapid fashion. I wanted to apply that method to rocketry.”
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“Here, let me show you something very fancy,” Hunter Williams, who was wearing
sapphire-colored earrings, said. He poured some Morton sea salt into a plastic cup and
added water. He stuck two silver thumbtacks through the bottom of the plastic cup, then
held a battery up to them. Small bubbles began forming on the thumbtacks. The oxygen
was separating from the hydrogen. You probably did this experiment in middle school,
without knowing that you were doing rocket science. “The idea is for whatever goes up
to the moon to be that simple,” Williams said. “To be that basic.”
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“It would be like living off the land,” Ben Thrift, another graduate student, added. Thrift
studied theatre as an undergraduate, and later ran a bakery, before earning a degree in
engineering and enrolling in the space-resources program. “I decided to grow up and do
something real,” he said.
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“By ‘real,’ he means go to the moon,” Abbud-Madrid said.
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Down the hall, in the Center for Space Resources’ laboratory, near buckets of lunar and
asteroid simulants, was a small 3-D printer. Four graduate students were assembled
there with Angel Abbud-Madrid, the center’s director. I asked them how difficult it
would be to 3-D-print, say, an electrolyzer—the machine needed to separate the
hydrogen and oxygen in water to make rocket fuel. They laughed.
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Water in space is valuable for drinking, of course, and as a source of oxygen. Sowers told
me that it can also be transformed into rocket fuel. “The moon could be a gas station,”
he said. That sounded terrible to me, but not to most of the scientists I spoke to. “It
could be used to refuel rockets on the way to Mars”—a trip that would take about nine
months—“or considerably beyond, at a fraction of the cost of launching them from
Earth,” Sowers said. He explained that launching fuel from the moon rather than from
Earth is like climbing the Empire State Building rather than Mt. Everest. Fuel accounts
for around ninety per cent of the weight of a rocket, and every kilogram of weight
brought from Earth to the moon costs roughly thirty-five thousand dollars; if you don’t
have to bring fuel from Earth, it becomes much cheaper to send a probe to Jupiter.
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Other specialists have a different view of the resources available in space. Asteroids
contain precious metals, such as platinum, palladium, and gold. A number of asteroidmining companies have come and gone since 2015, when Neil deGrasse Tyson remarked
that “the first trillionaire there’ll ever be is the person who mines asteroids for their
natural resources.” But asteroid hunting is like whaling, in the length of its missions and
the speculative nature of its success; the moon is only three days away, and its
movements are extremely well known to us. nasa recently named ten companies as
potential contractors for equipment to gather and analyze soil in space.
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One of them was Honeybee Robotics. I visited its exploration-technology division, in
Pasadena, which, from the outside, looks as dull as fro-yo, a collection of beige concrete
buildings. Inside were lunar-rock samplers, the planetvac that was tested on a Masten
rocket, some Nerf guns, and wine (which stands for “World Is Not Enough”), a steampowered spacecraft designed to find water in lunar dirt (or on asteroids), convert it to
energy, then hop to the next site, to pull up samples and more water for fuel.
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Kris Zacny, a vice-president of Honeybee Robotics, was expecting his third child in the
next few days. “So much has to do with where you’re born,” he said, explaining how he
came to the field of space mining. Zacny is originally from Poland, the son of a musician
father, who wanted him to be a musician as well. “What a disappointment I must have
been,” Zacny said. “I spent my time thinking about the moon.” When he was seventeen,
his family moved to South Africa. Zacny went to college on a scholarship from De Beers,
and worked in the diamond mines while in school. “I graduated top of my class, with a
degree in mechanical engineering, and next thing I knew I was twelve thousand feet
underground,” he said. He spent two years in a coal mine, and a month in a gold mine
that at the time was the deepest mine in the world. “I always dreamed of
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“Transportation is not an end in itself,” Sowers told me. He is excited about solar power,
which already runs many satellites in space, where there is no night, or clouds. He
speculates that, if we had a base on the moon, we could use 3-D printers to make giant
solar panels, as large as two kilometres, which could be launched into orbit; the
resulting power could be beamed back to Earth via microwave radiation. “Space solar
would be an unlimited, inexhaustible source of green energy,” Sowers said. “It requires
no magic, and much of the technology is ready. I think we could do it by 2030, if we
wanted to.” Another bumper sticker in Sowers’s office reads “Physicists have strange
quarks.”
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In 2000, he landed a one-year position as a research assistant for a professor in
Berkeley’s Materials Science and Engineering Department. “I knew it was too late for me
to be a space guy, I accepted that. But I had the mining expertise. I said to the professor,
‘Don’t laugh at me, but I’d like to do extraterrestrial mining.’ ” What can be found on the
moon remains for the most part unknown, though there is reasoned speculation.
Honeybee is one of a growing number of companies that are developing standardized
lunar rovers. Small countries with no national space agency, as well as private entities,
could soon have their own robotic resource hunters roving around the moon, with little
honeycomb emblems on their sides.
An elderly woman calls her daughter to talk about a health concern.
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The guiding laws of space are defined by the Outer Space Treaty, from 1967, which has
been signed by a hundred and eight countries, including all those with substantial space
programs. “Laws that govern outer space are similar to the laws for the high seas,” Alain
Berinstain, the vice-president of global development at the lunar-exploration company
Moon Express, explained. “If you are two hundred miles away from the continental shelf,
those waters don’t belong to anybody—they belong to everybody.” Moon Express
describes the moon as the eighth continent. The company, which is based in Florida, is
hoping to deliver its first lander to the moon in 2020; on board will be telescopes and
the Celestis cremains. “If you look down at the waters from your ship and see fish, those
fish belong to everybody,” Berinstain continued. “But, if you put a net down and pull
those fish onto the deck of the ship, they’re yours. This could change, but right now that
is how the U.S. is interpreting the Outer Space Treaty.”
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Buzz Aldrin had hoped, and briefly expected, that it would be he, and not Neil
Armstrong, who would take the first human step on the moon. The astronaut Michael
Collins, who manned the control module that orbited the moon while Armstrong and
Aldrin walked below, has said of Aldrin that he “resents not being first on the moon
more than he appreciates being second.” On the moon, Armstrong took photos of Aldrin
posing, but Aldrin took none of Armstrong doing the same. One of the few photos that
shows Neil Armstrong on the moon was taken by Armstrong himself—of his reflection in
Aldrin’s helmet, as Aldrin salutes the flag. We are petty and misbehave on Earth; we will
be petty and misbehave in space.
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space, but it wasn’t an option for me,” he said.
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Individual countries have their own interpretations of the treaty, and set up their own
regulatory frameworks. Luxembourg promotes itself as “a unique legal, regulatory and
business environment” for companies devoted to space resources, and is the first
European country to pass legislation similar to that of the U.S., deeming resources
collected in space to be ownable by private entities.
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So there is a tacit space race already. On the one hand, every national space agency
applauded the success of the Chang’e-4 lander. The mission had science partnerships
with Germany, the Netherlands, Saudi Arabia, and Sweden. nasa collaborates with many
countries in space, sharing data, communications networks, and expertise. Russian
rockets bring American astronauts to the International Space Station. When, in
response to economic sanctions, the head of the Russian space agency said that maybe
the American astronauts could get to the I.S.S. by trampoline, the comment was
dismissed as posturing. Still, nasa has contracted with Boeing and SpaceX, Elon Musk’s
rocket company, to begin taking astronauts to the I.S.S. this year—which means the U.S.
will no longer rely on Russia for that. Russia and China say they will work together on a
moon base. nasa used to collaborate with the China National Space Administration; in
2011, six months after members of nasa visited the C.N.S.A., Congress passed a bill that
effectively prohibited collaboration.
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It’s natural to want to leave the moon undisturbed; it’s also clear that humanity will
disturb it. But do we need to live there? Jeff Bezos, the founder of Amazon, envisages
zoning the moon for heavy industry, and Earth for light industry and residential
purposes. Bezos’s company Blue Origin is developing reusable rockets intended to bring
humans reliably back and forth from space, with the long-term goal of creating
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It’s not difficult to imagine moon development, like all development, proceeding less
than peacefully, and less than equitably. (At least, unlike with colonization on Earth,
there are no natives whose land we’re taking, or so we assume.) Philip Metzger, a
planetary physicist at the University of Central Florida, said, “I’m really glad that all
these countries, all these companies, are going to the moon. But there will be problems.”
Any country can withdraw from the Outer Space Treaty by giving a year’s notice. “If any
country feels it has a sufficient lead in space, that is a motivation to withdraw from the
treaty,” he said.
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“There’s the argument that we’ve destroyed the Earth and now we’re going to destroy
the moon. But I don’t see it that way,” Metzger said. “The resources in space are billions
of times greater than on Earth. Space pretty much erases everything we do. If you crush
an asteroid to dust, the solar wind will blow it away. We can’t really mess up the solar
system.”
The most likely origin story for the moon is that it was formed four and a half billion
years ago, after a Mars-size planet called Theia crashed into Earth. Theia broke into
thousands of pieces, which orbited Earth. Slowly—or quickly, depending on your time
scale—the shards coalesced and formed the moon we know today, the one that is
drifting away from us, at a rate of four centimetres or so per year. If we had two moons,
like Mars does, or sixty-two, like Saturn, we wouldn’t feel the same way about our moon.
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Zou Xiaoduan, a scientist who worked on all phases of the Chang’e project, was born in
1983 in Guizhou province, in southwest China—“a very poor place back then,” she told
me. As a child, she said, she “was stunned to learn that the moon was not a weird
monster following me around.” She remembers hearing her family chatting about the
Apollo missions. That men had been on the moon seemed unfathomable to her. She
asked every adult to confirm it. She wanted to become an astronaut—a goal she
attributes to there not being any Disney movies for her to watch. She began work on
China’s lunar program in 2006. “I still recall the first lunar image from Chang’e-1 being
shown to me,” she said, of the images sent home in 2007, during China’s first lunar
orbital mission. “And the first time Chang’e-2 flew by an asteroid, 4179 Toutatis,” three
years later. “No one had ever seen that asteroid.” Zou came to the U.S. in 2015, and now
works for the Planetary Science Institute, in Tucson. She is part of a nasa mission
studying the asteroid Bennu, which nasa describes as “an ancient relic of the solar
system’s early days.” Like everyone else I spoke to who studies the moon, she loves her
job. Of her work on the Chang’e missions, she said that every image has been “thrilling,
every moment is a ‘wow.’ ” She continued, “I’m just so excited and super happy that I
picked this career.”
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manufacturing plants there, in zero gravity. Earth would be eased of its industrial
burden, and the lower-gravity conditions would be beneficial for making certain goods,
such as fibre-optic cables.
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Nine Summers ago, I went for a visit.
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To see if the moon was green cheese.
When we arrived, people on earth asked: “Is it?”
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We answered: “No cheese, no bees, no trees.”
There were rocks and hills and a remarkable view
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Of the beautiful earth that you know.
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It’s a nice place to visit, and I’m certain that you
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Will enjoy it when you get to go.
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The twelve men who walked on the moon, who saw Earth as a distant object—did they
lose their illusions? A couple had alcohol problems, one co-founded the Institute of
Noetic Sciences, and one became an evangelical preacher. One became a one-term
Republican senator who has denied that humans are responsible for climate change;
another became a painter, of the moon. Neil Armstrong was one of the few who had a
mostly steady, unremarkable post-moonwalk life. He moved to a dairy farm and became
a professor at the University of Cincinnati. Nearly a decade after his trip to the moon, he
wrote a poem called “My Vacation”:
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“Inventions we use every day that were actually created for space exploration” Josie
Green, USA Today, July 8, 2019
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Note from the NHSDLC: Many con teams may focus on the opportunity cost of
space exploration. Each dollar that we spend on space is a dollar less for
infrastructure, education, food, medicine, etc. Clever pro teams may want to frontline
this by arguing that space exploration tech has benefits in our everyday lives.
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Despite sending humans to Earth's orbit and the moon, the idea of humans surviving in
outer space must seem like science fiction. Creating an environment that can sustain
human life in the almost total absence of gravity, as well as no electrical outlets or
oxygen, takes a lot of experimentation. That’s been the job of teams of dedicated
scientists who have facilitated some of the most unforgettable moments in space
exploration.
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24/7 Tempo reviewed dozens of modern products that exist because of advancements in
the field of space exploration. We compiled 30 common items that were invented for use
in the race for space.
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Unlike modern inventions we no longer use, these inventions are employed daily to save
lives, improve environmental sustainability, and keep humans healthy.
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1. Artificial limbs
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Innovations originally designed for space vehicles, including artificial muscle systems,
robotic sensors, diamond-joint coatings, and temper foam, make artificial human limbs
more functional, durable, comfortable and life-like.
2. Scratch-resistant lenses
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After NASA developed scratch-resistant astronaut helmets, the agency gave a license to
Foster-Grant Corporation to continue experimenting with scratch-resistant plastics,
which now comprise most sunglasses and prescription lenses.
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3.3.1 Space tech improves everyday life
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Needing to monitor astronauts' vital signs in space, the Goddard Space Flight Center
created monitoring systems that have been adapted to regulate blood sugar levels and
release insulin as needed.
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3. Insulin pump
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4. Firefighting equipment
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The polymers created for use in space suits have been valuable in creating flameretardant, heat-resistant suits for firefighters. Newer suits also feature circulating
coolant to keep firefighters from succumbing to heat and advanced breathing systems
modeled after astronaut life support systems.
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Get the Coronavirus Watch newsletter in your inbox.
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Stay safe and informed with updates on the spread of the coronavirus
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Delivery: Varies
Your Email
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5. DustBusters
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During the Apollo moon landings, NASA partnered with Black & Decker to invent
various battery-powered tools for drilling and taking rock samples in space. This led to
the creation of the ultra-light, compact, cordless DustBuster.
6. LASIK
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Technology used to track astronauts' eyes during periods in space in order to assess how
humans' frames of reference are affected by weightlessness has become essential for use
during LASIK surgery. The device tracks a patient's eye positions for the surgeon.
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Shock absorbers designed to protect equipment during space shuttle launches are now
used to protect bridges and buildings in areas prone to earthquakes.
8. Solar cells
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Out of a need to power space missions, NASA has invented, and consistently improved,
photovoltaic cells, sharing the advancements with other companies to accelerate the
technology.
9. Water filtration
10. Better tires
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After the Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company invented the material used in NASA's
Viking Lander parachute shrouds, the company began using it in its everyday radial tires.
The material is stronger than steel and adds thousands of miles of life to the tires.
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11. Wireless headsets
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Along with two airline pilots who'd invented a prototype of a wireless headset, NASA
built a light, hands-free communication system that would allow astronauts to
communicate with teams on Earth. The technology was utilized in the Mercury and
Apollo missions.
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12. Adjustable smoke detector
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In the 1970s, NASA developed filtration systems that utilized iodine and cartridge filters
to ensure that astronauts had access to safe, tasteless water. This filtering technology is
now standard.
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7. Shock absorbers for buildings
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13. Invisible braces
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After NASA and Ceradyne invented a clear material that could protect radar equipment
without blocking the radar's signal, Unitek Corporation/3M teamed up with Ceradyne,
using the material to invent invisible braces.
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14. Freeze-dried foods
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During long space missions where every ounce of weight and inch of space aboard a
shuttle must be maximized, freeze-dried foods have become a staple. Freeze-dried foods
are incredibly light, and they retain their nutritional value. Once reconstituted, they are
also easier and more pleasant to eat than former meal sources that were packed into
squeeze tubes.
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15. Camera phones
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In the 1990s, NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory invented a light, miniature imaging
system that required little energy in order to take high quality photographs from space.
This technology has become standard in cell phone and computer cameras.
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16. CAT scans
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NASA's digital signal technology, originally used to recreate images of the moon during
the Apollo missions, is the underlying technology that makes CAT scans and MRIs
possible.
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17. Baby formula
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A nutritious, algae-based vegetable oil invented by NASA scientists who were searching
for a recycling agent to use during long space missions is now an additive in many infant
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In partnership with the Honeywell Corporation, NASA improved smoke detector
technology in the 1970s, creating a unit with adjustable sensitivity to avoid constant
false alarms.
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18. Lifeshears
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The pyrotechnic mechanism used to detach a space shuttle from its rocket boosters after
launch is the same used in Lifeshears, but in a smaller scale. Lifeshears are a tool that
can be used in emergency situations to cut into cars or collapsed buildings to rescue
people trapped inside.
19. Grooved pavement
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The requirements for landing space shuttles led NASA scientists to do extensive
research on minimizing hydroplaning – when vehicles slide uncontrollably on a wet
surface – on runways. They discovered that cutting grooves into runways helps channel
water away from the runway and significantly reduces accidents. Many highways and
airports now have grooved pavement.
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20. Air purifier
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In the sealed, artificial environment of a spacecraft, attempts to grow plants have led to
ethylene buildup. NASA invented an air purifier for the International Space Station that
is now used widely on Earth – everywhere from restaurants, to hospitals, to
refrigerators – to remove ethylene, which hastens decay, as well as other particulates
and pathogens.
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21. Memory foam
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Memory foam was originally invented as a pad for astronaut seats that would mold to
their bodies during the high forces of takeoff and landing, then return to a neutral state.
This eliminated the need to customize seats to individual astronauts' body sizes.
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formulas. It contains two essential fatty acids that cannot be synthesized by the human
body.
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23. Home insulation
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NASA began experimenting with insulation technology for the Apollo space crafts and
suits, leading to the invention of common construction insulation.
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24. Infrared ear thermometers
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Ice is a real threat for shuttles in space, and NASA has devised multiple electronic
solutions to prevent ice formation on spacecrafts, some of which are now used on
commercial aircraft.
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26. Portable computer
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25. Ice-resistant airplanes
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Infrared ear thermometers, which allow for instant temperature capture without the risk
of picking up pathogens and causing cross-infection, utilize the same technology
developed for assessing the temperature of distant planets.
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The first portable computer, the Grid Compass, was used on multiple shuttle missions in
the 1980s. Nicknamed SPOC (Shuttle Portable On-Board Computer), the computer
could communicate with onboard devices and was used to launch satellites off space
shuttles.
27. LEDs
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Intended for use to help in growing plants aboard space shuttles, NASA's LED
technology has been utilized in the development of LED medical devices that relax
muscles and relieve pain in soldiers, cancer patients, and those with Parkinson's disease.
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Because prolonged exposure to zero-gravity leads to bone loss and muscle atrophy,
NASA created workout machines to enable astronauts to maintain physical fitness while
in space.
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28. 3D food printing
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The ability to cook food on long space missions is no longer impossible with the
invention of 3D food printers. This technology is now being refined for commercial use
for the production of chocolates and other confections as well as to create nutritious
foods for diabetics and others with specific dietary needs.
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29. Computer mouse
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While searching for a way to increase interaction with onboard computers and allow
users to perform tasks like manipulate data, NASA and Stanford researchers developed
the first mouse.
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30. Athletic shoes
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A shock-absorbent rubber molding designed for astronauts' helmets inspired what is
now a common feature in the soles of modern athletic shoes.
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3.3.2 Technology spillover, continued
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“’Blankets’ designed for spacecraft keep refugees warm” Moni Basu, CNN, August 30,
2016
Note from the NHSDLC: This article provides a more human perspective on how
space tech can benefit people on earth, as opposed to the laundry list of technology in
the USA Today article.
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They appear after shark attacks, marathons, earthquakes and even terrorist attacks like
the one in Paris last year. And they have appeared en masse most recently in images of
migrants and refugees attempting deadly crossings of the Mediterranean Sea to reach
Europe.
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They look that way for a reason. They’re flyweight, plastic sheets layered with an
infrared coating of vaporized aluminum that make them super reflective so they can
effectively shield a person from cold temperatures and brisk winds and help retain body
heat.
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But why are they called space blankets? They actually do have an interstellar connection.
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NASA used the same shiny insulation material to protect many of its Earth-made crafts
from the much harsher environment of space. It was first used as a parasol-type shield
to keep Skylab from overheating after the spacecraft lost a heat shield during launch,
according to NASA.
“Thermal blankets are to spacecraft as clothes are to people,” Mike Weiss, the technical
deputy program manager for the Hubble telescope, once said.
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They have been used as emergency first aid: to warm marathon runners who experience
a rapid cool-down after the finish line and shark attack victims who have lost a lot of
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They are commonly called space blankets and they look like sheets of foil, silver on one
side and gold on the other.
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Hospitals use them to keep both medical staff and patients warm in the chilled
environments of operating theaters.
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And they are commonly seen after natural disasters, including the massive 2005
earthquake that devastated Himalayan villages and towns in Pakistan, India and
Afghanistan. More than 150,000 space blankets were shipped to shivering victims.
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In July, I was onboard the Topaz Responder, a ship chartered by the Migrant Offshore
Aid Station, which rescues migrants in the Mediterranean. As the sun went down, the
366 migrants who were rescued that day covered themselves in space blankets to shield
their bodies from the breeze that felt nippy without much clothing or bedding.
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It was an eerie sight, I thought. I could see nothing but a sea of foil, glittering under the
lights of the ship. It looked like the entire deck was covered with Reynolds Wrap. Later,
when the migrants were dropped off in Italy, many got creative with the blankets, using
them as head wraps and shawls.
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For $400, a dinghy and danger: A tale of a desperate day at sea
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There have been so many space blankets that have washed ashore or been left behind
near camps that several artists have made photographs, sculptures and even
performance installations with the shiny stuff.
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In the European migrant crisis, the space blankets have been life-saving, especially for
people who made the sea crossing in the winter, when air temperatures were below zero
and the water frigid enough to cause death by hypothermia.
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blood. Mountaineers and campers use them frequently; you can get one at outdoor
outfitters like REI for $3.95.
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The blankets were part of an art installation during a June Refugee Week celebration in
the English city of Leicester. The silver and gold sheets, turned into flags flown from
makeshift posts at a central square, were intended as a welcoming symbol.
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“These are moments of hope as well as failure; moments when, properly utilized,
technological progress enables us to achieve something which was beyond our
capabilities before. And yet: we are still pulling bodies from the water wrapped in
material which was meant to send us into space.”
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“A single technology … its consecutive and multiple appearances at times of stress and
trial: at the dawn of the space age, in orbit and on other planets, at the scene of athletic
feats of endurance, in defense and offense in the mountains of the Hindu Kush, on the
beaches of the European archipelago.
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The Leicester installation was partly inspired by artist James Bridle who set up a a
solitary space blanket in Ellinikon, Greece, in January. He named it “A Flag for No
Nations.” Here’s what Bridle wrote on his blog:
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Artist Cristina Ghinassi’s performance in Istanbul this year aimed “to explore the
possible meanings of the protectiveness and the reflection given by the space blankets
covering the bodies of migrants. Through the heat-reflective blankets, (the) artist uses
her presence and body as a mirror to create a possible connection between her, the
migrants and the audience.”
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4.1 A space race leads to more dangerous military technology and risks
military conflict
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“Wargaming the China-US Space Race: Insights from Mark Hilborn” Mercy Kuo
interviewing Dr. Mark Hilbourne, a lecturer athe the Defence Studies Department at
King’s College London, The Diplomat, June 7, 2021
(https://thediplomat.com/2021/06/wargaming-the-china-us-space-race/)
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Explain the military applications of China’s recent space developments.
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Due to the inherent dual-use nature of space technology, developments in this field can
be difficult to pinpoint. China will aim to use space for military purposes in the same
way that Western states use it: for intelligence, targeting, navigation, command, control,
and communications (C3I), operating UAVs, and possibly in the future missile warning.
China is also developing its counterspace capabilities to deny the use of space to
adversaries and has carried out anti-satellite missile tests and is suspected of satellite
jamming and “spoofing” (manipulating the data from a satellite) in the past. For
instance, in 2014 China is thought to have interfered with the U.S. NOAA satellite
system, taking that system’s data dissemination offline. There are also reports of GPS
signal interference in coastal areas of China and in the South China Sea. In 2020 China
also briefly flew a spaceplane which is thought to resemble – both in form and in
function – the U.S. X-37B. This would offer a maneuverable and flexible space asset that
would be capable of carrying out a wide variety of tasks. While these capabilities will be
of benefit to China’s military, they may also be used to establish or enhance
relationships with foreign states that currently lack access to space or space enabled
military systems, enabling them to undermine Western goals and reduce dependence on
U.S. systems.
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Analyze the role of China’s civil-military fusion in space technology.
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China’s Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) strategy is a state-led, state-directed program to
leverage the levers of military and commercial programs and expertise to strengthen
both the military, the economy, and scientific development. It represents a much deeper
and more formalized integration than, for instance, the U.S. In 2017 Xi Jinping stated to
the Central Commission for Military-Civil Fusion Development (CCMCFD): “We must
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4. Con Arguments
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Toward the stated goal of becoming a space great power, a deputy director of the
CCMCFD expressed a desire for MCF efforts to support both the coordinated
development of space exploration and exploitation programs and air and space defense
capabilities. To this end, there are a number of space MCF megaprojects: the Long
March 9 heavy launch vehicle , the spacecraft on-orbit service and maintenance system,
the space-Earth integrated information network megaproject, and the next-generation
space infrastructure.
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Compare and contrast China’s BeiDou satellite system to the U.S. GPS, EU
Galileo, and Russian GLONASS.
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Broadly speaking, it is very similar to other GNSS systems. It provides accurate
positioning and timing for a number of functions, military and civilian alike, and its
accuracy is broadly comparable to competing systems currently. The encrypted military
signal offers greater accuracy than the unencrypted civilian system. Chinese officials
have noted the size of the GPS enabled-economy that the U.S. GPS system has given rise
to, despite its military origins, and will seek to emulate this.
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Unlike other GNSS systems, BeiDou is a two-way communication system. This allows it
to identify the locations of receivers. BeiDou-compatible devices can transmit data back
to the satellites, in messages of up to 1,200 Chinese characters (for instance distress or
SOS messages). This raises concerns that the system can track users with compatible
devices. Other GNSS systems are essentially beacons without that communication
facility.
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Also relevant here will be the areas of big data analytics and machine learning also the
subject of MCF programs that will aid the synthesizing of the vast data collected from
space assets.
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accelerate the formation of a full-element, multi-domain, and high-return military-civil
fusion deep development pattern, and gradually build up China’s unified military-civil
system of strategies and strategic capability.”
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The most likely scenario where any conflict in space may occur would reflect the
tensions on Earth – it is unlikely that a war that begins and ends in space would occur
without that wider tension. Where that tension does exist, and thus conflict could occur,
would be flare-ups over Taiwan, the South China Sea, or over other disputes over
territory involving Japan or India.
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It needs to be remembered that as space assets are tightly interconnected with critical
strategic military functions, and in particular those of the U.S. are often tasked with
nuclear and high-level conventional command and control, an attack on a nation’s space
assets would be highly escalatory. Given the nuclear “entanglement” factor, what is
assumed to be an attack for operational or tactical advantage may be read as a
preliminary step to a nuclear strike, and risks tipping any conflict into a much more
serious one. Even an attack on a ground station could generate the same risks – possibly
even more so, as such attacks would be on sovereign territory. Countries with high
investment in and reliance on space would be most reluctant to see any form of a
“shooting war” in space – more likely are the more subtle attacks that involve jamming,
spoofing, or manipulating the satellites and their signals.
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Assess the high stakes of space security vis-à-vis the China-U.S. tech race in
space.
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Space has now become absolutely fundamental to many key aspects of modern life. The
internet, banking, the stock market, electricity power grids to name but a few – not to
mention the vast majority of military functions – all rely on space-based infrastructure
and data. Critically important is the Position, Navigation and Timing signal (PNT) from
GNSS systems. Denial of this service could have catastrophic effects for a nation. Thus,
the security implications extend from military aspects though to the functioning of
society as a whole.
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Technological competition will enable the leader to gain or maintain a security
advantage in space, in the form of military dominance and/or economic leadership. In
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What are the most probable scenarios of a China-U.S. space war?
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the case of China, these advantages could extend to establishing or enhancing
relationships with foreign states as noted above, leading to increasing alliances and
potentially using the resulting leverage to influence international governance of space.
In addition, technological “firsts” will generate triumphs of prestige, as they did in the
Cold War – important symbols of scientific and societal prowess. It can be argued that
space is the only field in which all these aspects are so clearly identifiable.
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4.2 Space exploration should be the purview of international cooperation,
not individual nation-states. Cooperation provides substantially more
benefits without risking so many harms
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Note from the NHSDLC: The CSIS (Center for International Studies) publishes
research about international policy issues. While this report is older, the points and
concerns in it matter now more than ever. The authors layout an alternative to
competitive space exploration and the benefits of nations working together as opposed
to in competition for prestige.
Introduction
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International cooperation must be an integral part of the way in which the United States,
and all space-faring powers, approach space exploration. Management of this
cooperation up-front can have high payoffs in terms of both political and programmatic
sustainability, diplomatic benefits, and ultimately, the development of free-market
forces in space.
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The first step toward making the most of international cooperation in space exploration
is the completion and utilization of the ISS.
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International cooperation in space exploration has the potential to provide significant
benefits to all participants, particularly if managed well. Benefits in the form of
monetary efficiency, programmatic and political sustainability, and workforce stability
will accrue to those partners who choose to approach space exploration as a mutually
beneficial endeavor. Furthermore, international cooperation must be explicitly
incorporated as an aspect, and goal, of a modern space exploration program to enable
coordination prior to the construction of new hardware. Such coordination can happen
on both the government and industry levels and allows for advance planning and
standardization that can enhance the strategic use of redundancy through
interoperability. Finally, the promotion of a set of industrial standards for cooperation
in space exploration will enable the exercise of leadership in future stages of the Vision
for Space Exploration (VSE). If the vision is to succeed, the United States, in particular,
must engage its partners by reaffirming and strengthening its commitment to the
International Space Station (ISS) to maintain its diplomatic credibility for future
exploration endeavors.
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“The Case for Managed International Cooperation in Space Exploration” DA
Broniatowski, G. Ryan Faith, and Vincent G. Sabathier, The Center for Strategic and
International Studies, 2006
(https://web.mit.edu/adamross/www/BRONIATOWSKI_ISU07.pdf)
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Rather, space exploration is an activity that delivers immediate value in noneconomic
areas, while allowing for longer-term practical and economic benefits. As will be
demonstrated below, each of these benefits can be strengthened through correctly
managed international cooperation.
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Reason #1: International Cooperation Saves Money
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The case for international cooperation varies between nations, depending on their needs.
For example, most nations lack the budgetary resources to carry out their space
exploration goals alone. As such, international cooperation is a must for these nations.
The United States, on the other hand, nominally possesses the budgetary resources to
carry out the VSE but is under a presidential directive to engage in international
cooperation for diplomatic reasons. If cooperation between nations is to be successful,
each nation must have an incentive to cooperate (i.e., each nation must derive positive
utility from the partnership). The remainder of this section presents four reasons why
nations might choose to cooperate in space exploration. As such, international
cooperation can occur where these nations possess complementary needs.
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It is common knowledge that international cooperation in space exploration has the
potential to reduce a partner’s costs by spreading the burden to other nations. Although
additional overhead costs increase the overall cost of any international cooperative
endeavor, these costs are spread among partners. As per-partner cost decreases, perpartner utility increases. Space exploration has proven to be an expensive activity.
Indeed, the more that any given administration and Congress must spend to maintain
and/or expand the functionality of a program like the ISS, the less utility will be derived.
Therefore, a nation will have an incentive to engage in international cooperation when
doing so can reduce that nation’s costs. This is particularly true for nations whose space
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Why Do Nations Choose to Cooperate in Space Exploration?
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The ISS program is not complete. Therefore, the program’s utility has not yet been fully
realized. To the extent that a completed ISS is beneficial, the program will deliver
positive utility. Nevertheless, for each passing year that these benefits are delayed, their
perceived probability of delivering value is decreased, concomitantly decreasing their
expected utility. Given that the ISS program is significantly over budget, 10 years behind
schedule, and far from complete, we may expect that the practical benefits of ISS
utilization may not be a major factor in current utility calculations. Similarly, many
space exploration endeavors promise practical benefits that can only be delivered on
time scales that are significantly longer than what is required to make an adequate
business case. As such, we may assume that the purely economic benefits of space
exploration are not the primary driver for exploration in the short term.
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exploration budget is insufficient to execute their space exploration goals. Aside from
the United States, and possibly China, international cooperation is necessary for all
other space-faring nations simply due to the large costs involved.
Reason #2: International Cooperation Generates Diplomatic Prestige
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The ISS program, along with most international civil space endeavors, carries with it an
element of diplomatic cachet and control. The participation of other nations in the
program increases the diplomatic influence of participating nations and, therefore, the
diplomatic utility derived from cooperation. In general, the more countries participate,
the higher will be the utility. Nevertheless, not all countries are equal, and their
individual utility value depends on world politics. For example, the utility of having
Russia join the ISS program increased significantly after the breakup of the Soviet
Union, when relations with a new Russia were at the forefront of United States foreign
policy. To the extent that a symbol of cooperation with a given nation is valuable, utility
will be delivered. As such, Indian participation in joint space exploration would send a
strong signal to the world of good U.S.-Indian relations. This would simultaneously
increase Indian prestige by demonstrating their technological prowess. Similarly,
Chinese participation in joint space exploration would signal growing cooperation
between the two nations. The use of the ISS for a partnership between either of these
nations would drastically increase its utility to those who support friendly relations. On
the other hand, those who oppose closer U.S. relations with India or China are likely to
oppose their entrance into the ISS program or into any other joint space exploration
program. These diplomatic incentives may come at a cost for the cooperating nations;
for example, China would likely have to make concessions in the form of more stringent
technology export controls and/or better observance of human rights standards. If space
exploration is successfully used as a diplomatic tool to exert such “soft power,” its utility
increases in proportion to the degree that it is successful in implementing a
policymaker’s agenda. Similarly, the departure of a particular nation (or, if the United
States chooses to cease participating, of all nations) will reduce U.S. utility to the extent
that the aggregate symbol of cooperation is valued.
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Reason #3: International Cooperation Increases Political Sustainability
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International cooperation is valuable to a given nation in that it tends to increase
political sustainability. Within the United States, a program is made safer from
cancellation to the extent that Congress and the administration are not willing to break
international agreements. Indeed, the integration of Russia into the ISS program may
well have saved the program from cancellation (consider that the year before Russia was
introduced as a partner, the ISS was saved by one vote in Congress). Once cooperation
has commenced, canceling a program becomes inconsistent with political
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Such a mutual decision would be significantly more tenable, in a diplomatic sense,
because each party might outline a set of grievances and conditions for the termination
of cooperation. Furthermore, since the agreement would be terminated in a spirit of
mutual understanding, the possibility of future beneficial cooperation would be more
likely.
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If the ISS were unilaterally terminated, the result would be a blow to the credibility of
the United States, concomitant with the loss of trust of the foreign partners. A U.S.
withdrawal could send the message that the purpose of the program is simply to divert
resources from other nations’ space goals in order to prevent competition. This, in turn,
would have a profoundly negative effect on any future U.S. leadership in space
exploration. If possible, international cooperation must be terminated in such a way as
to avoid portraying the terminating nation’s actions as unreliable, disrespectful, or
malicious. As such, if the ISS is to be terminated, such a termination should be phrased
as a joint decision made among all partners, in such a way as to leave open the
possibility of future cooperation.
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sustainability as long as the utility cost associated with the loss of diplomatic benefits
and the negative effects on reputation of terminating an international agreement is
larger in magnitude than the utility cost that must be paid to maintain the system. In the
case of the ISS, international cooperation does provide a rationale for sustaining the
program, because canceling the program would result in a net loss in utility. The
corollary to this is that there is a high cost to be paid by any nation that chooses to
unilaterally withdraw from an existing cooperative endeavor. This cost comes in the
form of damage to the departing nation’s reputation or credibility. In general, any
unilateral action sends a signal that the actor is an unpredictable and therefore an
unreliable and possibly disrespectful partner. This tends to sabotage the possibility of
future cooperation. As such, there is a long-term benefit to maintaining cooperation,
even when the immediate cost may seem to call for terminating it. If cooperation has
never occurred (as is the case between China and the United States), the advent of
cooperation is a significant event, likely delivering a lot of diplomatic utility. On the
other hand, if cooperation is the norm (as is the case between Canada and the United
States), it is to be expected. The diplomatic utility of maintaining this cooperation is
often not recognized. Nevertheless, the diplomatic utility cost of terminating this
cooperation is large, because it would alienate a key ally. If it were necessary to cease
cooperation, a mutual choice to do so would likely mitigate many of the negative
reputation effects, because there would be no unilateral actor to whom one could assign
blame. Indeed, if both parties choose to cease cooperating simultaneously, this would
mitigate the negative-reputation effect—rather, there would be a “mutual divorce.”
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Reason #4: International Cooperation Enables Workforce Stability
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One way politicians measure the benefit of a large program is in terms of the number of
jobs and amount of revenue brought to their constituency. As such, the politician’s
perception of change in these sorts of benefits is of the utmost importance. For example,
both the Space Shuttle and ISS programs employ workers across the country and serve
as a source of revenue to the districts of many members of Congress. The program also
employs enough people to attract the attention of the president. The loss of these jobs
and revenue streams would constitute a large loss in utility for both the administration
and Congress; nevertheless, the aerospace industry must continually engage in advocacy
activities to ensure that politicians are made aware of this fact. Similarly, simply
continuing a program is unlikely to increase its utility for any of the stakeholders,
because the jobs and revenue streams already exist. It is only when these benefits are
put under threat that political salience is achieved. As such, if either the Space Shuttle or
ISS programs were to grow to employ more people, an increase in the perceived utility
lost in the event of a cancellation of the program would only result if the growth were
significant enough to attract political attention. This is different from an expected utility
gain; a proposal to grow the program prior to its execution is unlikely to increase utility
as much, because future employees will not engage in advocacy to keep jobs that do not
currently exist. This means that established programs are more sustainable than are
programs that have not yet begun. In addition, the incumbent advantage means that
members of Congress are generally satisfied with the status quo. If it should happen that
a program is approved and seems likely to be implemented in a particular district,
individual members of Congress may lend their support in the expectation that they will
gain utility. Thus, positive utility for programmatic expansion only exists when a
supporting coalition may be identified. As such, additional employment does not strictly
deliver positive utility; rather it can increase the perception of utility loss in the event of
program cancellation. Similarly, once jobs are lost and utility is decreased, there is no
additional positive utility to be gained from reinstating those jobs. Rather, the threat of
the loss of utility inherent in the loss of employment can only serve as a deterrent. Such
employment programs therefore act in a manner similar to an addiction, wherein the
removal of employees causes “withdrawal symptoms” manifested as a loss of utility.
Nevertheless, when the metaphoric addict becomes accustomed to the additional
employment, the prospect of a marginal increase does not increase utility.
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On first analysis, international cooperation might seem to decrease employment in the
United States, because foreign nations are building components that might otherwise be
constructed in the United States. In practice, those who are employed may see more
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Recommendation #1: The ISS should not be unilaterally terminated
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How Should Cooperation Proceed?
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Given that international cooperation can provide positive utility to participating nations,
we must examine how best to cooperate to ensure that each participant is maximizing
the utility obtained through cooperation in space exploration.
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The following section presents recommendations for new cooperative modalities.
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The Critical-Path Problem
International cooperation inserts an element of programmatic dependence into the
architecture of a system, requiring that all partners deliver what they promised on time
and within the agreed-on parameters. These concerns give rise to
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the dictum that international cooperation is best for a nation when its partners are not
on the system’s “critical path” (i.e., the nation’s partners’ contributions are not required
to complete the system; instead, they merely present an additional noncritical
capability). For example, the ISS has two partners on the “critical path” for crew
transport and station resupply—the United States and Russia. Other nations, such as
European Space Agency (ESA) member states and Japan, currently provide modules
whose absence would not prohibit the station as a whole from functioning. This
approach would suggest that, from a programmatic standpoint, there is little incentive
to cooperate with a nation that cannot contribute a unique capability or that is not able
to provide an existing capability at a lower cost than can be domestically produced. For
example, a programmatic basis for cooperation between the United States and Japan is
that the Japanese Kibo module is provided to the United States for free on a noexchange-of-funds basis. In return, the United States is flying the module and attaching
it to the ISS. This paradigm removes strong incentives for nations to collaborate since
the noncritical-path nation (e.g., Japan) depends entirely on the goodwill of the criticalpath nation (e.g., the United States). On the other hand, the critical-path nation (the
United States) may operate independently and therefore view cooperation under this
paradigm as providing extraneous benefits that, although desirable, can be dispensed
with in an emergency. As such, the benefits of maintaining the critical path within the
purview of one nation are clear—by preventing multiple participants from participating
in this area of the architecture, coordination costs are reduced. A nation will not be
“held hostage” by the policy, schedule, or budgetary difficulties of its partners. Too
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stability in their jobs due to the twin utility losses associated with employment
termination and diplomatic prestige loss. In effect, employment has no impact on utility
unless it changes. The stability provided by international cooperation will ensure that
the associated utility is at least less likely to decrease.
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Nevertheless, there are diplomatic drawbacks to insisting on sole control of the critical
path. By restricting international partners to noncritical-path items, a nation is sending
a signal indicating a lack of trust and confidence in the partner’s capabilities and
unwillingness to rely on that partner. Rather than committing to work through
problems, the nation is hedging bets in case the partner “fails.” This sort of partnering is,
in effect, not truly cooperative, because the requirement that one nation possess all of
the critical-path capabilities is an implicit statement that such a nation can complete the
system under its own power and therefore does not need its partners. As such, there is
no true programmatic incentive for the cooperation to happen. From a practical
standpoint, this structure endows the nation that maintains the critical path with all of
the decisionmaking power, thereby making the partner nations utterly dependent and
essentially irrelevant. For example, a decision by the United States to cancel the ISS
program could not be credibly opposed by the other partner nations. Although these
partner nations may choose to participate for nonprogrammatic reasons, such as
economic and diplomatic incentives, there is no programmatic reason for them to do so.
Similarly, the argument that international cooperation reduces cost must also be seen
within the context of the critical path. A partner who provides a component that is off
the critical path is not genuinely reducing the cost for the integrator nation. On the other
hand, such cooperation does not negatively affect the employment associated with the
space exploration system. Instead, this nation is providing a capability that is, by
definition, unnecessary to the minimal operation of the system. It is an extraneous
capability. For example, the United States is not saving money by cooperating with
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Japan and the EU; rather, it is receiving a capability that it would not have had
otherwise. This form of cooperation therefore creates a natural hierarchy of partner
nations among those who have the most control of the critical path; the most de facto
decisionmaking power; and those who provide the extraneous capabilities but have little
in the way of programmatic utility and contribute little in the form of decisionmaking.
NH
NH
It is unlikely that the noncritical-path partner nations, having experienced dependence
during the ISS program, will be eager to leave the future of their space programs in the
hands of a foreign power. How, then, can cooperation occur in such a way as to
maximize the value of each partner’s contribution without needlessly driving up
coordination costs?
NH
SD
LC
Given concerns regarding the outsourcing of U.S. jobs, the optimal way to allocate
sections of the ISS, or other international cooperative endeavors, to foreign nations
would be to choose elements that cannot be built in the United States or do not
otherwise displace a large number of U.S. citizens, such that the political benefits do not
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many cooks spoil the broth.
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Recommendation #2: International cooperation should create critical-path
redundancy
LC
LC
The Case for Interoperability
NH
NH
SD
SD
Designing for programmatic redundancy provides a strong argument for
interoperability between nations’ space exploration assets, as this would allow nations to
substitute each other’s critical capabilities with relative ease. It is nevertheless a stated
goal of the United States to exercise leadership in space exploration. How may it do so
without alienating its partners?
NH
SD
LC
International cooperation is often visualized as a big-government-to-big-government
endeavor, requiring high-level diplomatic contacts and an associated overhead cost.
Indeed, the ISS was the archetype of this modality. Although, in its implementing
agreement, Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) were signed between the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration and corresponding national space agencies in
Russia and the European Union, NASA signed an MOU directly with the Government of
Japan. This type of cooperation creates programmatic risk for each nation involved. In
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NH
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conflict with the interest of the U.S. worker. In a project as large as the ISS, the marginal
benefit of building an additional module in the United States, for example, is small,
particularly if no supporting coalition may be identified that would advocate for its
construction. If the module is built in an underserved district (i.e., one that has a
number of unemployed skilled workers who are able to complete the task), the
representatives from that district are likely to undertake advocacy, increasing the utility
of keeping the module in that district. International cooperation aimed at promoting
programmatic redundancy avoids adverse effects on domestic employment. A probable
view of the role of international cooperation can be informative. For example, following
the loss of the shuttle Columbia, the ISS program was only able to survive because of the
transportation provided by the Russian Soyuz craft. Without this capability, the ISS
program would have failed in the wake of the shuttle’s stand-down. We may conclude,
from this example, that international cooperation can provide a strong benefit in the
form of programmatic redundancy. In particular, this redundancy should be provided in
critical-path capabilities. In this way, no nation is entirely reliant on any other nation,
because the critical path lies entirely within one nation. At the same, in the event of a
critical subsystem failure, the presence of these redundant backups will ensure the
survival of the system. One may even argue that programmatic redundancy can reduce
per-partner cost by creating a higher net reliability that would otherwise impose a heavy
cost burden on one nation. Finally, if one nation’s system fails, other nations can
temporarily move in to fill the gap in capability, thereby preventing a potentially
debilitating hiatus in the human spaceflight activities of that nation.
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International Cooperation through Industry
NH
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International cooperation does not always require the explicit involvement of direct
government-to-government interaction. Instead, industry liaisons that are regulated by
their respective governments can also occur. For example, the U.S. Atlas V rocket uses
Russian-derived technology for its engines. Such cooperation allows for great flexibility
as the governments can explicitly recognize it, creating an element of diplomatic cachet,
or can ignore it, as is the case with the Atlas rockets, allowing for the best market
advantage due to the incorporation of potentially superior foreign technology. Industrial
international cooperation could potentially be a convenient method of creating
programmatic redundancy by allowing the prime contractor responsible for the critical
path to fund the construction of a redundant backup that is interoperable by design.
This interoperability allows entrepreneurs the flexibility to “mix and match” the
components from many national industries in such a way as to sell commercial services
in a more efficient manner.
NH
Leadership through Standardization
NH
SD
SD
LC
LC
NH
NH
SD
Similarly, many types of collaboration between the government and the private sector
(i.e., public-private partnerships) can be treated in a manner analogous to international
cooperation, particularly in the case of creating criticalpath redundancy.
Interoperability on an industry-to-industry, rather than a government-to-government,
basis would allow international cooperation and collaboration to develop with market
mechanisms. This removes some of the diplomatic uncertainty from international
cooperation, as it essentially allows for an exchange of funds at a set market rate. In
effect, money would be infused into the system, moving international cooperation from
strictly a barter activity to either a market or barter activity. Conversely, the diplomatic
cachet inherent in cooperative activities, along with the consequent penalty for
withdrawal, would be reduced if it were not explicitly sanctioned by the governments
involved.
NH
SD
LC
Given the U.S. position as the de facto superpower in space, the United States is
currently in a position to develop a space exploration architecture whose legacy
components will create a “lock-in” effect for decades to come. More generally, for any
nation that commits to space exploration, this “lock-in” will occur regardless of which
architecture is constructed. The utmost care must be taken to ensure that what is
“locked-in” is something that participants can live with for decades to come. Given the
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particular, all other nations are dependent on the critical-path nation. Although this
allows the critical-path nation to assume the role of “leader,” there is little incentive for
the other participating nations to engage in this sort of cooperation again.
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NH
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The United States, or any other nation or group of nations, can exercise leadership in
international industrial cooperation in space exploration by defining standard interfaces
between the space exploration systems of the major spacefaring nations. Rather than
envisioning the architecture of the space exploration system as a series of “forms”—
objects to be built (e.g., a space shuttle, an Apollo capsule, or a heavy-lift launcher)—the
architecture should be a set of interface specifications designed to maximize flexibility.
Once these interface specifications have been defined, any participant who wants to
engage in space exploration with the leading nation would be required to adhere to these
standards. As such, the originators of the standards-creation process would be in a
position of de facto leadership. The standards documentation would be released to those
partners with whom these nations wish to cooperate, thereby enabling cooperation
without overtly risking national security objectives through the uncontrolled transfer of
technological information. The corollary to this is that those nations who choose not to
abide by the standards of the leading nations will find themselves becoming increasingly
isolated on the world stage. Up-front coordination can be a prudent measure to avoid
the creation of competing standards. Focusing on interfaces rather than on objects also
allows national space agencies to dictate “functions” rather than forms. For example,
instead of procuring a heavy-lift launcher, an agency like NASA would procure the
ability to send a certain amount of mass to orbit in one contiguous piece. This scheme
has twofold benefits. First, it allows for innovative new solutions that will be evaluated,
not based on adherence to a preconceived solution, but on sheer effectiveness in
meeting the goal at hand. Requiring a body, such as NASA, to think explicitly in terms of
functions rather than forms forces this body to define its goals clearly rather than
allowing it to prematurely focus on tools. This has the added benefit of decreasing the
likelihood that goals will change, as an explicit goal may only be formed with a
supporting coalition that is likely to be willing to advocate for it. Finally, in the event
that goals or priorities change, the standard remains adaptable and the architecture
does not need to be redefined. Rather, new components may be added or removed in a
modular fashion.
NH
NH
SD
SD
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NH
LC
Recommendation #3: The primary space-faring nations should exercise
leadership through the creation of standards for interoperability in space
exploration
NH
SD
Conclusion
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extreme uncertainty surrounding budgetary and policy environments of the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), over the long time spans implied by the
VSE, design for flexibility must be the rule.
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International cooperation in space exploration has the potential to provide significant
benefits to all participants, particularly if managed well. Benefits in the form of
monetary efficiency, programmatic and political sustainability, and workforce stability
will accrue to those partners who choose to approach space exploration as a mutually
beneficial endeavor. Furthermore, international cooperation must be explicitly
incorporated as an aspect, and goal, of a modern space exploration program to enable
coordination prior to the construction of new hardware. Such coordination can happen
on both the government and industry levels and allows for advance planning and
standardization that can enhance interoperability through the strategic use of
redundancy. Finally, the promotion of a set of industrial standards for cooperation in
space exploration will enable the exercise of leadership in future stages of the VSE. If the
Vision for Space Exploration is to succeed, the United States, in particular, must engage
its partners by reaffirming and strengthening its commitment to the International Space
Station to maintain its diplomatic credibility for future exploration endeavors.
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“Before we colonise Mars, let’s look to our problems on Earth” Dr. Andrew Glikson,
visiting fellow of Archeology and Anthropology at the Australian National University,
The Conversation, December 27, 2017
SD
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Note from the NHSDLC: Debate introduced many of us to a plethora of harms
facing us on Earth. In this article Dr Glikson lays out the extreme cost of a space race
(specifically Mars colonization) and highlights that going to one uninhabitable planet
may leave us with another.
NH
NH
Everyone wants to go to Mars, or so it seems.
NH
NH
SD
But at what cost? And could we even survive any long-term colonisation on Mars? Given
the problems we face here on Earth it’s important to ask whether we should be better
tasked with looking after the only planet we know (so far) that can harbour life.
The race to Mars
LC
LC
Boeing says it wants to be involved in the first mission to send humans to the red planet.
The company’s chief executive Dennis Muilenburg told a US TV host in December 2017:
NH
NH
SD
SD
I firmly believe the first person that sets foot on Mars will get there on a Boeing rocket.
LC
A key rival is Musk, the billionaire founder of SpaceX, which is already launching
rockets. At the 68th Annual International Aeronautics Congress, in Adelaide in
September 2017, Musk spoke of airline-like connections between Earth and Mars, with
cargo missions to begin by 2022.
NH
SD
Lockheed Martin says it plans to send humans to Mars in the next decade.
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Elon Musk, NASA with Lockheed Martin, and now Boeing are all looking towards the
red planet, with heady predictions of missions during the 2020s.
LC
LC
SD
SD
NH 72
4.3 A space race takes money that should be spent solving existential crisis’
on Earth
NH
Even the famous theoretical physicist Stephen Hawking has argued that it is “essential
that we colonise space” although he doesn’t see it happening that soon:
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I believe that we will eventually establish self-sustaining colonies on Mars and other
bodies in the Solar system although probably not within the next 100 years.
SD
Exploring other planets
NH
NH
Scientific exploration of Solar system planets constitutes one of the most exciting
achievements the human race is realising.
Microbial life may exist on Mars or may have existed in the past. According to NASA:
NH
NH
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Among our discoveries about Mars, one stands out above all others: the possible
presence of liquid water, either in its ancient past or preserved in the subsurface
today. Water is key because almost everywhere we find water on Earth, we find
life. If Mars once had liquid water, or still does today, it’s compelling to ask
whether any microscopic life forms could have developed on its surface.
NH
SD
LC
But doubts have been raised recently with regard to the distinction between water and
sand flow on Mars.
No atmosphere for life
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But by contrast, the idea of colonising Mars or other planets or moons is misleading. It
yields an impression in many people’s mind that an alternative exists to Earth, a unique
(so far) haven of life in the Solar system, currently suffering from global warming, rising
oceans, extreme weather events, mass extinction of species and growing risk of nuclear
wars.
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Its thin atmosphere is less than 1% of Earth’s, consisting of 96% carbon dioxide, 1.9%
nitrogen, 1.9% argon and trace amounts of oxygen and carbon monoxide. It provides
little protection from the Sun’s radiation, nor does it allow retention of heat at the
surface.
NH
NH
Suggestions as to whether biological-like textures in a Martian meteorite (ALH84001)
signify ancient fossils have not been confirmed.
NH
NH
In July 2017 researchers reported that the surface of Mars may be more toxic to
microorganisms than previously thought.
S
LC
This high-resolution scanning electron microscope image shows an unusual tube-like
structural form that is less than 1/100th the width of a human hair in size found in
meteorite ALH84001, a meteorite believed to be of Martian origin. NASA
SD
LC
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There is no lack of warnings regarding the colonisation of Mars.
LC
A Mars colony warning
NH
NH
SD
If a colony was established it would take continuous efforts and major expense to keep it
supplied, including likely rescue missions. Furthermore, the long-term isolation of the
colonists may take its toll.
SD
LC
When the Mars One project announced in 2013 that it was looking to recruit four people
to send on a mission to colonise Mars, Chris Chambers, a professor of cognitive
neuroscience at Cardiff University, warned of the psychological risks the colonists would
face.
NH
LC
SD
SD
NH 74
At present there is no evidence of a liveable atmosphere under which plants or other
organisms would survive on Mars.
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Yet dreams stay alive. According to NASA’s mission statement:
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Even if Mars is devoid of past or present life, however, there’s still much
excitement on the horizon. We ourselves might become “life on Mars”, should
humans choose to travel there one day.
SD
Earth calling Mars
NH
NH
Space colonisation dreams are not entirely devoid of economic interests. The
international space industry is said to be worth in the order of some US$400 billion a
year, and predicted to grow to nearly US$3 trillion over the next three decades.
LC
LC
There can be little doubt that, given modern and future computer and space
technologies, space stations could be constructed on Mars, where a few privileged
humans may be able to live for periods of time.
NH
NH
SD
SD
Should humans colonise a life-bearing planet, we should ask whether organisms would
fare any better than species extinguished on Earth.
LC
The ethical polarity between those dreaming of conquering space and those hoping to
defend Earth from global heating and a nuclear calamity could not be greater.
NH
SD
The billions and trillions of dollars required to develop and maintain colonies in space
could approach the estimated US$1.69 trillion military spending globally in 2016.
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Space travel and colonisation ideas are mostly promoted by engineers and
entrepreneurs who stand to gain from these schemes, but far less so by biologists and
medical scientists who understand the terrestrial origin and physiological limitations of
the human body.
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As a scientist who examines how a changing climate influences human evolution, I
argue that funds on this scale would be better directed at the defence of the lives of more
than 7 billion humans on Earth, as well as protection of animals and of nature more
broadly.
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NHSDLC Fall 2021 Main Research Packet
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