CHAPTER
10
MOTIVATION AND EMOTION
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When your clock goes off in the morning, do you jump out of bed, eager to face the day, or do you bury your
head in the blankets? Once you’re at your job or on campus, do you always do your best, or do you work
just hard enough to get by? Are you generally happy? Do you sometimes worry or feel sad? In this chapter,
we explore the physical, mental and social factors that motivate behaviour in areas ranging from eating to
sexuality to achievement. We also examine what emotions are and how they are expressed.
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
On completion of this chapter, you should be able to:
10.1 describe the different theories of motivation
10.2 understand the control of hunger and eating
10.3 understand human sexual behaviour
10.4 outline the importance of achievement in goal setting
10.5identify the roles of social and cultural influences
on emotion
10.6 describe the different theories of emotion
10.7 outline the role of emotion in communication.
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY
1 Do people tend to eat less or more depending on how the people around them are eating?
2 Is changing lifestyle factors such as eating habits and exercise patterns useful in effectively losing weight?
3 Is it possible to enhance people’s achievement motivation through childhood training and even later in life?
Express
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Introduction
PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES (GAs)
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this chapter, you would challenge any of the
following statements, rather than accepting
them at face value:
The main signals for hunger and satiety
come from the stomach.
Children raised by homosexual parents are more likely to be
homosexual themselves.
The main problem with obese people is their lack of
willpower.
Significant positive events such as winning a lottery lead to
a lasting increase in happiness.
Polygraph lie detector tests are highly accurate.
Facial expressions across the world convey the same
emotions.
Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication
and interpersonal skills (GA5) to convince the person who
made such statements that they need to rethink them,
in light of what is known about motivation and emotion?
If that person is you, will you have the motivation to
update your opinion or misconception in light of your new
knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of
psychological literacy.
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In this chapter you are introduced to the topics of
motivation and emotion, specifically:
(GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: This
chapter introduces you to the major theories, methods
and findings regarding the complex topics of motivation
and emotion. What factors drive our behaviour? What
purposes do emotions serve?
(GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces
a variety of research methods utilised in the study
of motivation and emotion, such as twin studies of
sexual orientation, and facial micro-expressions in lie
detection. The ‘Focus on research methods’ section
first asks whether and how a methodologically sound
survey of human sexual behaviour can be undertaken,
and then reports the results and limitations of the
research.
(GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: The ‘Thinking
critically’ section considers whether human sexual
orientation is genetically based.
In terms of GA4 (values and ethics) and GA6 (learning
and application), we ask you whether, knowing something
about the nature of motivation and emotion after reading
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INTRODUCTION
Every March, thousands of Australians participate in the World’s Greatest Shave, an event in
which they shave, colour or wax their hair to raise funds for the Leukaemia Foundation (see the
Snapshot ‘Is shaving your head “brave?”’). The money raised provides service for patients and
their families, and primarily supports research into blood cancer treatment. Individuals endure
the effects of their participation, both socially and personally, for several months afterwards as a
result of the change in their appearance. So why do so many people undergo this experience for
seemingly no self-benefit?
This is a question about motivation, the factors that influence the initiation, direction,
intensity and persistence of behaviour (Reeve, 1996). Like the study of how people and other
animals behave and think, the puzzle of why they do so has intrigued psychologists for many
decades. Why do we help others or ignore them, eat what we want or stick to a diet, visit art
museums or hang out in sleazy bars, attend university or drop out of high school? Why, for that
matter, do any of us do whatever it is that we do? Psychologists who study motivation have
noticed that behaviour is based partly on the desire to feel certain emotions, such as the joy that
comes with winning a contest or climbing a mountain or becoming a parent. They’ve also found
that motivation affects emotion, as when hunger makes you irritable. In short, motivation and
emotion are closely intertwined.
Let’s consider what psychologists have learned so far about motivation and emotion.
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CHAPTER
OUTLINE
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Concepts and
theories of
motivation
Hunger and
eating
Sexual behaviour
Achievement
motivation
The nature of
emotion
Theories of
emotion
Communicating
emotion
motivation the influences
that account for the
initiation, direction,
intensity and persistence of
behaviour
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Is shaving
your head
‘brave’?
Snapshot
Suppose that a man works two jobs, refuses party invitations, wears old clothes, drives a beat-up car,
eats food that others leave behind at lunch, never gives to charity, and keeps his house at 15 degrees
Celsius in the dead of winter. To explain why he does what he does, you could propose a separate
reason for each of his behaviours, or you could suggest a motive, a reason or purpose that provides a
single explanation for this man’s diverse and apparently unrelated behaviours. That unifying motive
might be his desire to save as much money as possible.
This example illustrates the fact that motivation cannot be observed directly. We have to
infer, or presume, that motivation is present from what we can observe. So psychologists think of
motivation, whether it be hunger or thirst or love or greed, as an intervening variable – something
that is used to explain the relationships between environmental stimuli and behavioural responses.
The three different responses shown in Figure 10.1, for example, can be understood as being
guided by a single unifying motive: thirst. In order to be considered a motive, an intervening
variable must have the power to change behaviour in some way. For example, suppose that we
arrange for some party guests to eat only salted peanuts and other guests to eat only unsalted
peanuts. The people who ate salted peanuts would probably drink more than those who ate the
unsalted nuts. In this situation, we can use the motive known as thirst to explain the observed
differences in drinking.
Figure 10.1 shows that motives can help explain why different stimuli can lead to the same
response and why the same stimulus can elicit different responses. Motivation also helps explain
why behaviour varies over time. For example, many people cannot manage to lose weight, quit
smoking or exercise until they have a heart attack or symptoms of other serious health problems.
At that point, these people may suddenly start to eat a healthier diet, work out regularly and give
up tobacco (Keenan, 2009; West & Sohal, 2006). In other words, because of changes in motivation,
particular stimuli – such as ice-cream, cigarettes and health clubs – trigger different responses at
different times.
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These two 11-yearold girls decided to
raise money for the
World’s Greatest
Shave, an event
which supports
research into blood
cancers. What were
their motivations
for doing so when
having no hair at
such an age may
open them up to
all sorts of negative
perceptions by
others, particularly
their peers?
10.1 CONCEPTS AND THEORIES
OF MOTIVATION
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motive a reason or purpose
for behaviour
FIGURE 10.1 Motives as intervening variables
Motives can explain the links between stimuli and responses that in some cases might seem unrelated. In this example, inferring the
motive of thirst provides an organising explanation for why each stimulus triggers the responses shown.
Dry mouth
Drinking
from a water
fountain
Dry mouth
Salty food
Stopping to
purchase a
soft drink
Salty food
Perspiration
following
exercise
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Noticing an
outdoor ad for
orange juice
Perspiration
following
exercise
Drinking
from a water
fountain
Thirst
Stopping to
purchase a
soft drink
Noticing an
outdoor ad for
orange juice
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10.1 Concepts and theories of motivation
Sources of motivation
Snapshot
In the woodland
of East Africa,
vervet monkeys
use alarm calls to
signal the threat
of predators to the
other individuals
in the troop. For
example, if a leopard
is approaching, they
bark; when an eagle
is visible, they cough.
The instinct doctrine and its descendants
In the early 1900s, many psychologists explained motivation in terms of the instinct doctrine, which
highlights the instinctive nature of behaviour. Instinctive behaviours are automatic, involuntary
behaviour patterns that are consistently triggered, or ‘released’, by particular stimuli (Tinbergen,
1989). Such behaviours, originally called fixed-action patterns, are unlearned, species-typical responses
to specific ‘releaser’ stimuli. For example, releaser stimuli such as a male bird’s coloured plumage and
behaviour can cause a female bird of the same species to join him in a complex mating dance (see
the Snapshot ‘Fixed-action patterns’).
Early theories
In 1908, William McDougall listed 18 human instinctive behaviours, including self-assertion,
reproduction, pugnacity (aggressiveness) and gregariousness (sociability).Within a few years, McDougall
and others had named more than 10 000, prompting one critic to suggest that his colleagues had ‘an
instinct to produce instincts’ (Bernard, 1924). The problem was that instincts had become labels that
did little more than describe behaviour. Saying that someone gambles because of a gambling instinct or
works hard because of a work instinct explains nothing about how these behaviours develop or why
they appear in some people and not others. Applying the instinct doctrine to human motivation also
seemed problematic because people display few, if any, instinctive fixed-action patterns.
Today, psychologists continue to investigate the role of inborn tendencies in human motivation.
Their work has been inspired partly by findings that a number of human behaviours are present at
birth. Among these are sucking and other reflexes, certain facial expressions such as grimacing at bitter
tastes (Steiner et al., 2001), and as described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’, a tendency towards learning to
fear snakes and other potential dangers (Öhman & Mineka, 2003). But psychologists’ thinking about
instinctive behaviours is more sophisticated now than it was a century ago. These inborn tendencies
are now viewed as more flexible than early versions of instincts. So-called fixed-action patterns – even
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iStock.com/Biscut
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The number of possible motives for human behaviour seems endless, but psychologists have found
it useful to organise them into four somewhat overlapping categories:
1 Human behaviour is motivated by basic physiological factors, such as the need for food and water.
2 Emotional factors are another source of motivation. Panic, fear, anger, love and hatred can
influence behaviour ranging from selfless giving to brutal murder.
3 Cognitive factors can motivate behaviour. People behave in certain ways – becoming arrogant or
timid, for example – partly because of these cognitive factors, which include their perceptions
of the world, their beliefs about what they can or cannot do, and their expectations about how
others will respond to them. Cognitive factors help explain why it is that some of the least
musical contestants who try out for talent shows, such as X Factor and Australia’s Got Talent,
seem utterly confident in their ability to perform.
4 Motivation may stem from social factors, including the influence of parents, teachers, siblings,
friends, television and other sociocultural forces. Have you ever bought a jacket or tried a
particular hairstyle not because you liked it but because it was in fashion? This is just one
example of how social factors can affect almost all human behaviour.
Various combinations of all four of these motivational sources appear in four prominent theories
of human motivation. None of these theories can fully explain all aspects of why we behave as we
do, but each of them – the instinct doctrine, drive reduction theory, arousal theory and incentive
theory – helps tell part of the story.
Fixedaction
patterns
instinct doctrine a
view that explains human
behaviour as motivated by
automatic, involuntary and
unlearned responses
instinctive behaviours
innate, automatic
dispositions towards
responding in a particular
way when confronted with a
specific stimulus
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Evolution
at work?
Snapshot
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The marriage of
Donald Trump to
Melania KnaussTrump, a former
model who is 24
years his junior,
illustrates the
worldwide tendency
for older men to
often prefer younger
women and for
younger women to
prefer older men.
This tendency has
been interpreted as
evidence supporting
an evolutionary
explanation of
mate selection,
but sceptics see
social and economic
forces at work in
establishing these
preference patterns.
the simple ones, such as baby chicks pecking for seeds – vary quite a bit among individuals and can be
modified by experience (Deich, Tankoos & Balsam, 1995). Therefore, these tendencies are now often
referred to as modal action patterns. Psychologists also recognise that even though certain behaviours
reflect inborn motivational tendencies, those behaviours may or may not actually appear, depending
on each individual’s experience. So although we might be biologically prepared to learn to fear snakes,
that fear won’t develop if we never see a snake. In other words, inherited tendencies can influence
motivation, but that doesn’t mean that all motivated behaviour is genetically determined. It can still be
shaped, amplified or even suppressed by experience and other factors operating in particular individuals.
Psychologists who take an evolutionary approach to behaviour suggest that a wide range of
behavioural tendencies have evolved partly because over the centuries, those tendencies were adaptive
for promoting individual survival in particular circumstances. The individuals who possessed these
behavioural tendencies and expressed them at the right times and places were the ones who were
more likely than others to survive to produce offspring. As the descendants of those ancestral human
survivors, our ancestors’ behavioural tendencies were transmitted genetically, and thus we may have
inherited similar tendencies. Evolutionary psychologists also argue that many aspects of human social
behaviour, such as helping and aggression, are motivated by inborn factors – especially by the desire
to maximise our genetic contribution to the next generation (Buss, 2004a).
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The instinct doctrine and mate selection
The evolutionary approach suggests, for example, that people’s choice of a marriage partner or
sexual mate is influenced by the consequences of the choices made by their ancestors over countless
generations. For instance, research across generations in many different cultures shows that both men
and women express a strong preference for a partner who is dependable, emotionally stable and
intelligent – all characteristics associated with creating a good environment for having and raising
children (Buss et al., 1990).
Craig Barritt/Getty Images
Sex differences in mate preference
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Some evolutionary psychologists also point to sex differences in mating preferences and strategies.
They argue that because women can produce relatively few children in their lifetimes, they are
more psychologically invested than men in the survival and development of those children. This
greater investment is said to motivate women to be choosier than men when selecting mates. So
although women tend to prefer athletic men with symmetrical (‘handsome’) faces and deep voices,
this preference is strongest at the point in the menstrual cycle when fertility peaks and mating with
these ‘genetically fit’ men would most likely result in pregnancy (Barber, 1995; Gangestad et al.,
2007; Garver-Apgar, Gangestad & Thornhill, 2008; Puts, 2005). More generally, say evolutionary
psychologists, women are drawn to men whose intelligence, maturity, ambition and earning power
demonstrate the ability to amass resources and mark them as ‘good providers’ who will help raise
children and ensure their survival (see the Snapshot ‘Evolution at work’).
It takes some time to assess these resource-related characteristics (He drives an expensive car,
but can he afford it?), which is why, according to the evolutionary view, women are more likely
than men to prefer a period of courtship prior to mating. Men tend to be less selective and to want
to begin a sexual relationship sooner than women (Buss, 2004b; Buss & Schmitt, 1993) because
compared with their female partners, they have little to lose from doing so. On the contrary, their
eagerness to engage in sex early in a relationship is seen as reflecting their evolutionary ancestors’
tendency towards opportunistic sex as a means of maximising their genetic contribution to the
next generation. Evolutionary psychologists suggest that the desire to produce as many children as
possible motivates males’ attraction to women whose fertility and good health are signalled by factors
generally associated with physical beauty, such as clear skin and a low waist-to-hip ratio (Buss, 2009).
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10.1 Concepts and theories of motivation
These ideas have received some support. For instance, preference ratings from several thousand
people in more than three dozen cultures reveal that males generally prefer physical attractiveness
and good health in prospective mates and that females generally prefer mates with higher levels
of social status and financial resources (Shackelford, Schmitt & Buss, 2005). This sex difference is
reflected, too, in the fact that men are far more likely than women to specify body type preferences
in Internet personals ads (Glasser et al., 2009).
Cultural considerations
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Critics argue that such preferences stem from cultural traditions, not genetic predispositions. The
traditional roles of Australian Aboriginal women are evident in early pictures depicting foodgathering tasks, as opposed to the roles of Aboriginal men, who hunted larger animals. It was the
role of women to collect vegetables and fruits, grind seeds, dig for roots and cook damper (Berndt &
Berndt, 1996). Similarly, Māori women were responsible for food preparation and handling tasks
like weaving (Heuer, 1969). The fact that women have been systematically denied economic
and political power in many cultures may account for their tendency to rely on the security and
economic power provided by men (Eagly, Wood & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2004; Silverstein, 1996).
Indeed, an analysis of data from 37 cultures showed that women valued potential mates’ access to
resources far more in cultures that sharply limited women’s reproductive freedom and educational
opportunities (Kasser & Sharma, 1999). Evolutionary theorists acknowledge the role of cultural
forces and traditions in shaping behaviour (as discussed in Chapter 16, ‘Culture and psychology’),
but they ask whether evolutionary factors might contribute to the appearance of these forces
and traditions, including the relative ease with which certain gender roles and mate preferences
emerge (Geher, Camargo & O’Rourke, 2008; Hrdy, 1997, 2003; Swami & Furnham, 2008).
Drive reduction theory
Like the instinct doctrine, drive reduction theory emphasises internal factors, but it is based on the
concept of homeostasis. Homeostasis is the tendency to keep physiological systems at a steady level, or
equilibrium, by constantly making adjustments in response to change – much as a thermostat functions
to maintain a constant temperature in a house. We describe a version of this concept in Chapter 3,
‘Biological aspects of psychology’, in relation to feedback loops that keep hormones at desirable levels.
According to drive reduction theory, any imbalances in homeostasis create needs, which are
biological requirements for wellbeing. The brain responds to needs by creating a psychological
state called a drive – a feeling of arousal that prompts an organism to take action, restore the
balance, and as a result, reduce the drive (Hull, 1943). For example, if you have had no water for
some time, the chemical balance of your body fluids is disturbed, creating a biological need for
water. One consequence of this need is a drive – thirst – that motivates you to find and drink
water. After you drink, the need for water is met, so the drive to drink is reduced. In other
words, drives push people to satisfy needs, thereby reducing the drives and the arousal they
create (see Figure 10.2).
Early drive reduction theorists made a distinction between two types of drives. The first kind,
called primary drives, stems from inborn physiological needs, such as for food or water, that people
do not have to learn (Hull, 1951). The second kind, known as secondary drives, is learned through
experience. They motivate us to act as if we have unmet basic needs. For example, as people learn to
associate money with the ability to buy things to satisfy primary drives for food, shelter and so on,
having money becomes a secondary drive. Having too little money then motivates many behaviours –
from hard work to stealing – to obtain more funds.
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drive reduction theory a
theory of motivation stating
that motivation arises from
imbalances in homeostasis
homeostasis the tendency
for organisms to keep
their physiological systems
at a stable, steady level
by constantly adjusting
themselves in response to
change
needs biological
requirements for wellbeing
that are created by an
imbalance in homeostasis
drive a psychological state
of arousal created by an
imbalance in homeostasis
that prompts an organism
to take action to restore
the balance and reduce the
drive
primary drives drives that
arise from basic biological
needs
secondary drives drives
that arise through learning
and can be as motivating as
primary drives
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
FIGURE 10.2 Drive reduction theory and
homeostasis
The mechanisms of homeostasis, such as
the regulation of body temperature or food
and water intake, are often compared to
thermostats. If the temperature in a house
drops below the thermostat setting, the
heating comes on and brings the temperature
up to that preset level, achieving homeostasis.
When the temperature reaches the preset
point, the heating shuts off.
Need
(biological
disturbance)
Unbalanced
equilibrium
Drive
(psychological
state that provides
motivation to
satisfy need)
Equilibrium
restored
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Arousal theory
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Behaviour that
satisfies need and
reduces drive
physiological arousal a
general level of activation
that is reflected in several
physiological systems
arousal theory a theory
of motivation stating that
people are motivated
to behave in ways that
maintain what is for them an
optimal level of arousal
Drive reduction theory can account for a wide range of motivated behaviours. But humans and
other animals are also motivated to do things that don’t appear to reduce drives. Consider curiosity.
People, rats, monkeys, dogs and many other creatures explore and manipulate their surroundings,
even though these activities do not lead to drive reduction (Bergman & Kitchen, 2009; Hughes, 2007;
Kaulfuss & Mills, 2008). They will also exert considerable effort simply to enter a new environment,
especially if it is complex and full of new or unusual objects (Loewenstein, 1994). We go to a new
shopping centre, watch builders work, surf the Internet and travel the world just to see what there
is to see. Some of us also go out of our way to ride roller-coasters, skydive, drive race cars and do
countless other things that, like curiosity-motivated behaviours, do not reduce any known drive. In
fact, these behaviours cause an increase in physiological arousal, a general level of activation that is
reflected in the state of several physiological systems, including the brain, heart, lungs and muscles
(Plutchik & Conte, 1997).
The realisation that we sometimes act in ways that increase arousal and sometimes act in ways
that decrease it has led some psychologists to argue that people are motivated to regulate arousal so
that it stays at roughly the same level most of the time. Specifically, according to arousal theory,
we are motivated to behave in ways that maintain or restore an ideal, or optimal, level of arousal
(Hebb, 1955). In other words, we try to increase arousal when it is too low and decrease it when it
is too high. So after a day of boring chores, you may want to see an exciting movie, but if your day
was spent playing football, debating a political issue or helping a friend move, an evening of quiet
relaxation may seem ideal.
What level of arousal is enough?
Where is the optimal level of arousal? In general, people perform best, and may feel best, when arousal
is moderate (Teigen, 1994; see Figure 10.3). Too much arousal can hurt performance, as when test
anxiety interferes with some students’ ability to recall what they have studied, or when some athletes
‘choke’ so badly that they miss an easy catch or a simple shot at goal (Mesagno & Marchant, 2013).
Underarousal, too, can cause problems, as you probably know if you have ever tried to work, drive or
study when you are sleepy. So the optimal level of arousal lies somewhere between these extremes,
but exactly where that level is can vary from person to person. People whose optimal arousal is
relatively high try to keep it there, so they are more likely than other people to smoke, drink alcohol,
engage in frequent sexual activity, listen to loud music, eat spicy foods and do things that are novel
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10.1 Concepts and theories of motivation
and risky (Farley, 1986; Zuckerman, 1979, 1996); see the Snapshot ‘Arousal and personality’. The
resulting increase in arousal activates brain regions associated with reward (Joseph et al., 2009).Those
with relatively low optimal arousal try to keep it low, so they tend to take fewer risks and behave
in ways that are not overly stimulating. Most of these differences in optimal arousal have a strong
biological basis and, as discussed in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’, may help shape other characteristics,
such as whether we tend to be introverted or extraverted (Eysenck, 1990).
According to arousal
theory, boldness,
shyness and other
personality traits
and behavioural
tendencies reflect
individual differences
in the level of arousal
that people find
ideal for them. As
described in
Chapter 13,
‘Personality’,
differences in arousal
arise largely from
inherited differences
in the nervous system
(Eysenck, 1990).
Deep
sleep
Increasing emotional
disturbances, anxiety
Point of waking
Level of arousal
Easy
task
Difficult
task
Shutterstock.com/Henrique Daniel Araujo
Optimal level
Increasing
alertness, interest,
positive emotion
Efficiency of performance
Efficiency of performance
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Notice in part A that performance is poorest when arousal is very low or very high, and best when arousal
is at a moderate level. When you are either sleepy or overly excited, for example, it may be difficult to
think clearly or to be physically coordinated. In general, optimal performance comes at a lower level of
arousal on difficult or complex tasks and at a higher level of arousal on easy tasks, as shown in part B.
Even a relatively small amount of overarousal can cause students to perform far below their potential on
difficult tests (Sarason, 1984). Because animal research early in this century by Robert Yerkes and his
colleagues provided supportive evidence, this arousal–performance relationship is sometimes referred
to as the Yerkes–Dodson law, even though Yerkes never actually discussed performance as a function of
arousal (Teigen, 1994).
Snapshot
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FIGURE 10.3 The arousal–performance relationship
Arousal
and
personality
Level of arousal
General relationship
between performance
and arousal level
Relationship between
performance and arousal level
on difficult vs easy tasks
(A)
(B)
Incentive theory
Instinct, drive reduction and arousal theories of motivation all focus on internal processes that
prompt people to behave in certain ways. By contrast, incentive theory is a theory of motivation
stating that behaviour is directed towards attaining desirable stimuli and avoiding unwanted stimuli.
Incentive theory emphasises the role of external stimuli that can motivate behaviour by pulling us
towards them or pushing us away from them. More specifically, people are said to behave in order to
get positive incentives and avoid negative incentives. According to incentive theory, then, differences
in behaviour from one person to another, or in the same person from one situation to another, can
be traced to the incentives available and the value a person places on them at the time. If you expect
that some behaviour (such as buying a lottery ticket or apologising for a mistake) will lead to a valued
outcome (winning money or reducing guilt), you will be motivated to engage in that behaviour
(Bastian, Jetten, & Fasoli, 2011; Cooke et al., 2011).
The value of an incentive is influenced by physiological as well as cognitive and social factors – or
as drive reduction theorists might put it, by both primary and secondary drives. For example, food is
a more motivating incentive when you are hungry than when you are full (Chein et al., 2011; DeVoe
& Iyengar, 2010). As for cognitive and social influences, notice that the value of some things we eat
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incentive theory a
theory of motivation stating
that behaviour is directed
towards attaining desirable
stimuli and avoiding
unwanted stimuli
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and drink – such as communion wafers or protein shakes – isn’t determined by hunger but by what
we have learned in our culture about spirituality, health or attractiveness.
Wanting and liking
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It may seem obvious that people are motivated to approach things they like and to avoid things they
don’t like, but the story of incentive theory is not quite that simple. Psychologists have found that
people sometimes work hard for some incentives only to find that they don’t enjoy having them
nearly as much as they thought they would (Gilbert, 2006). Furthermore, motivation theorists have
highlighted the distinction between wanting and liking. Wanting is the process of being attracted
to incentives, whereas liking is the immediate evaluation of how pleasurable a stimulus is (Berridge
& Kringelbach, 2008). Studies with laboratory animals have shown that these two systems involve
activity in different parts of the brain, and they involve different neurotransmitters (Peciña,
2008). For example, the wanting system appears to be activated by dopamine, a neurotransmitter
associated with experiencing the pleasure of sex, drugs and gambling. Some evidence for this
idea comes from a study that found an unusual increase in compulsive gambling among people
who had begun taking dopamine-enhancing drugs for Parkinson’s disease (Dodd et al., 2005).
It appears, too, that the wanting system can compel behaviour to a far greater extent than the
liking system does. For instance, the drug-seeking efforts made by addicted people are often far
more intense than the actual pleasure of drug use (Robinson & Berridge, 2003). Furthermore,
the operation of the wanting system, in particular, varies according to whether an individual has
been deprived (Nader, Bechara & Van der Kooy, 1997). So although you might like pizza, your
motivation to eat some would be affected by different brain regions, depending on whether the
pizza is served at the start of a meal, when you are hungry, or at the end of a big meal, when you
are full (Jiang et al., 2008).
The theories of motivation we have outlined (see the section ‘In review: Concepts and theories
of motivation’) complement one another. Each emphasises different sources of motivation, and each
has helped guide research into motivated behaviours, including eating, sex and achievement-related
activities, which are the topics of the next three sections.
IN REVIEW
Concepts and theories of motivation
PHYSIOLOGICAL FACTORS
DESCRIPTION
Needs
Food, water or sleep
Emotional factors
Feelings, such as happiness, sadness, fear, anger, surprise or disgust
Cognitive factors
Perceptions and beliefs about yourself and the consequences of your
actions
Social and environmental factors
Influence of other people or situations
THEORY
MAIN POINTS
Instinct doctrine
Innate biology produces instinctive behaviour.
Drive reduction theory
Behaviour is guided by biological needs and learned ways of reducing drives
arising from those needs.
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10.2 Hunger and eating
THEORY
MAIN POINTS
Arousal theory
People seek to maintain an optimal level of physiological arousal, which
differs from person to person. Maximum performance occurs at optimal
arousal levels.
Incentive theory
Behaviour is guided by the lure of positive incentives and the avoidance of
negative incentives. Cognitive factors influence expectations of the value
of various rewards and the likelihood of attaining them.
Check your understanding
1
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The fact that some people like roller-coasters and other scary amusement park rides has been cited as evidence
theory of motivation.
for the
.
2 Evolutionary theories of motivation are modern outgrowths of theories based on
,
and
factors.
3 The value of incentives can be affected by
10.2 HUNGER AND EATING
At first glance, hunger and eating seem to be a simple example of drive reduction. You get hungry
when you haven’t eaten for a while. Much as a car needs petrol, you need fuel from food. But what
bodily mechanism acts as a ‘petrol gauge’ to signal your need for fuel? What determines which foods
you eat, and how do you know when to stop? The answers to these questions involve interactions
between the brain and the rest of the body, but they also involve learning, social and environmental
factors (Hill & Peters, 1998; Pinel, Lehman & Assand, 2002).
Biological signals for hunger and satiation
A variety of mechanisms underlie hunger, the general state of wanting to eat, and satiation, the
satisfaction of a need such as hunger. Satiation leads to satiety, the state in which we no longer
want to eat. In order to maintain body weight, we must have ways of regulating food intake over the
short term (a question of how often we eat and when we stop eating a given meal) and to regulate
the body’s stored energy reserves (fat) over the long term.
Signals from the stomach
The stomach would seem to be a logical source of signals for hunger and satiety. After all, people say
they feel ‘hunger pangs’ from an ‘empty’ stomach, and they complain of a ‘full stomach’ after
overeating.
It is true that the stomach does contract during hunger pangs, and that increased
pressure in the stomach can reduce appetite (Cannon & Washburn, 1912; Houpt, 1994). But people
who have lost their stomachs due to illness still get hungry when they don’t eat, and they still eat
normal amounts of food (Janowitz, 1967). So stomach cues affect eating, but they do not play a major
role in the normal control of eating.These cues appear to operate mainly when you are very hungry
or very full. The small intestine, too, is involved in the regulation of eating (Maljaars et al., 2008). It
is lined with cells that detect the presence of nutrients and send neural signals to the brain about the
need to eat (Capasso & Izzo, 2008).
Part of the signalling process even involves bacteria that normally live in a healthy gastrointestinal
system. These ‘gut’ microorganisms generate chemicals in response to the food they encounter
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 485
hunger the general state of
wanting to eat
satiation the satisfaction
of a need such as hunger
satiety the condition of no
longer wanting to eat
LINKAGES
How does your
brain know when
you are hungry?
(a link to Chapter 3,
‘Biological aspects
of psychology’)
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
(Stilling, Dinan & Cryan, 2014). Psychologists are just starting to study this chemical signalling, but
the process appears to have far-reaching consequences, affecting digestion and a desire to eat or stop
eating, as well as influencing emotions, learning and stress responses (Cryan & Dinan, 2012; Li et al.,
2009; Ridaura et al., 2013).
Signals from the blood
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Still, most important signals about the body’s fuel level and nutrient needs are sent to the brain from
the blood. The brain’s ability to ‘read’ bloodborne signals about the body’s nutritional needs was
shown years ago when researchers deprived rats of food and then injected them with blood from
rats that had just eaten. When offered food, the injected rats ate little or nothing (Davis et al., 1969);
something in the injected blood of the well-fed animals apparently signalled the hungry rats’ brains
that there was no need to eat. What sent that satiety signal? More recent research has shown that the
brain constantly monitors both the level of food nutrients absorbed into the bloodstream from the
stomach and the level of hormones released into the blood in response to those nutrients and from
stored fat (Burdakov, Karnani, & Gonzalez, 2013; Parker & Bloom, 2012).
The nutrients that the brain monitors include glucose (the main form of sugar used by body cells),
fatty acids (from fats) and amino acids (from proteins). When the level of blood glucose drops, eating
increases sharply (Chaput & Tremblay, 2009; Mogenson, 1976). The brain also monitors hormone
levels to regulate hunger and satiety. For example, when a lack of nutrients is detected by the stomach,
the hormone ghrelin is released into the bloodstream and acts as a ‘start eating’ signal when it reaches
the brain (Pradhan, Samson & Sun, 2013). When glucose levels rise, the pancreas releases insulin, a
hormone that most body cells need in order to use the glucose they receive. Insulin itself may also
provide a satiety signal by acting directly on brain cells (Brüning et al., 2000; Lakhi, Snow & Fry, 2013).
The hormone leptin (from the Greek word for ‘thin’) appears to be a key satiety signal to the
brain (Feve & Bastard, 2012). Unlike glucose and insulin, whose satiety signals help us know when
to end a particular meal, leptin appears to be involved mainly in the long-term regulation of body
fat (Huang & Li, 2000). The process works like this: cells that store fat normally have genes that
produce leptin. As the fat supply in these cells increases, leptin enters the blood and reduces food
intake (Tamashiro & Bello, 2008). Mice with defects in these genes make no leptin and are obese
(Bouret, Draper, & Simerly, 2004). When these animals are given leptin injections, though, they
rapidly lose weight and body fat but not muscle tissue (Forbes et al., 2001). Leptin injections can
also produce the same changes in normal animals (Priego et al., 2010). Some cases of human obesity
are due to leptin dysregulation (for example, Müller et al., 2009), but for most of us, leptin is not a
‘magic bullet’ against obesity. Although leptin injections help those rare people whose fat cells make
no leptin (Kelesidis et al., 2010), this treatment is far less effective in people who are obese due to
eating a high-fat diet (Heymsfield et al., 1999). In these far more common cases of obesity, the brain
appears to have become less sensitive to leptin’s satiety signals (for example, Lustig et al., 2004).
Hunger and the brain
Many parts of the brain contribute to the control of hunger and eating, but research has focused on
several regions of the hypothalamus that may play primary roles in detecting and reacting to the blood’s
signals about the need to eat. Some regions of the hypothalamus detect leptin and insulin; these regions
generate signals that either increase hunger and reduce energy expenditure or else reduce hunger and
increase energy expenditure (Créptin et al., 2014; Kanoski et al., 2013). At least 20 neurotransmitters
and neuromodulators – substances that modify the action of neurotransmitters – convey these signals to
networks in other parts of the hypothalamus and in the rest of the brain (Cota et al., 2006).
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10.2 Hunger and eating
Activity in a part of the network that passes through the ventromedial nucleus of the hypothalamus
tells an animal that there is no need to eat. So if a rat’s ventromedial nucleus is electrically or
chemically stimulated, the animal will stop eating (Kent et al., 1994). However, if the ventromedial
nucleus is destroyed, the animal will eat continuously, increasing its weight up to threefold (see the
Snapshot ‘One fat mouse’).
The lateral hypothalamus contains networks that stimulate eating. When the lateral hypothalamus is
electrically or chemically stimulated, rats eat huge quantities, even if they just had a large meal (Stanley
et al., 1993). When the lateral hypothalamus is destroyed, however, rats stop eating almost entirely.
Set point theory
Snapshot
After surgical
destruction of
its ventromedial
nucleus, this mouse
ate enough to triple
its body weight.
Such animals
become picky eaters,
choosing only foods
that taste good and
ignoring all others.
Richard Howard
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Decades ago, these findings suggested that activity in the ventromedial and lateral areas of the
hypothalamus interact to maintain some homeostatic level, or set point, based on food intake, body
weight or other eating-related signals (Powley & Keesey, 1970). According to this application of drive
reduction theory, normal animals eat until their set point is reached, then stop eating until desirable
intake falls below the set point and hunger appears again (Cabanac & Morrissette, 1992).
This theory turned out to be too simplistic. More recent research shows that the brain’s control
of eating involves more than just the interaction of a pair of ‘stop-eating’ and ‘start-eating’ areas in the
brain (Winn, 1995). For example, the paraventricular nucleus in the hypothalamus also plays an important
role. As with the ventromedial nucleus, stimulating the paraventricular nucleus results in reduced
food intake. Damaging it causes animals to become obese (Leibowitz, 1992). In addition, hunger –
and the eating of particular types of food – is related to the effects of various neurotransmitters
on certain neurons in the brain. One of these neurotransmitters, called neuropeptide Y, stimulates
increased eating of carbohydrates (Kishi & Elmquist, 2005; Kuo et al., 2007). Another one, serotonin,
suppresses carbohydrate intake. Galanin motivates the eating of high-fat food (Krykouli et al., 1990),
whereas enteristatin reduces it (Lin et al., 1998). Endocannabinoids stimulate eating in general, especially
the eating of tasty foods (DiPatrizio et al., 2011). They affect the same hypothalamic receptors as
the active ingredient in marijuana, which may account for the ‘munchies’, a sudden hunger that
marijuana use often creates (Cota et al., 2003; Di Marzo et al., 2001). Peptide YY3-36 causes a feeling
of fullness and reduces food intake (Batterham et al., 2002, 2003).
In other words, several brain regions and many chemicals help regulate hunger and food selection.
These internal regulatory processes are not set in stone, however. They are themselves shaped, and
sometimes overridden, by social, cultural and other factors.
One fat
mouse
Flavour, sociocultural experience and food selection
One factor that can override a set point is the flavour of food – the combination of its taste and smell.
In one experiment, some animals were offered just a single type of food, whereas others were offered
foods of several different flavours. The group getting the varied menu ate nearly four times more
than the one-food group. As each new food appeared, the animals began to eat voraciously, regardless
of how much they had already eaten (Peck, 1978). Humans behave in similar ways. All things being
equal, people eat more food during a multicourse meal than when only one food is served (Remick,
Polivy & Pliner, 2009). Apparently, the flavour of any particular food becomes less enjoyable as more
of it is eaten (Swithers & Hall, 1994). In one study, for example, people rated how much they liked
four kinds of food. Then they ate one of the foods and rated all four again. The food they had just
eaten now got a lower rating, whereas liking increased for all the rest (Johnson & Vickers, 1993).
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Appetite
Specific hunger
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Another factor that can override bloodborne signals about satiety is appetite, the motivation to seek food’s
pleasures (Zheng et al., 2009). For example, the appearance and aroma of certain foods create conditioned
physiological responses – such as secretion of saliva, gastric juices and insulin – in anticipation of eating
those foods. (The process is based on the principles of classical conditioning described in Chapter 5,
‘Learning’.) These responses then increase appetite. So merely seeing a pizza on television may prompt
you to order one – even if you hadn’t been feeling hungry – and if you see a delicious-looking biscuit,
you do not have to be hungry to start eating it. As described in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’,
brain-damaged patients who can’t remember anything for more than a minute will eat a full meal
10–30 minutes after finishing one just like it. They may even start a third meal 10–30 minutes later,
simply because the food looks good (Rozin et al., 1998). In other words, people eat not only to satisfy
nutritional needs but also to experience enjoyment (Lundy, 2008; Stroebe, Papies & Aarts, 2008).
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Alamy Stock Photo/steven roe
Eating can also be influenced by specific hungers, or desires for particular foods at particular times.
These hungers appear to reflect the biological need for the nutrients contained in certain foods. In
one study, for example, rats were given three bowls of tasty, protein-free food and one bowl of food
that tasted bad but was rich in protein. The rats learned to eat enough of the bad-tasting food to get
a proper supply of dietary protein (Galef & Wright, 1995).
These results are remarkable in part because protein and many other nutrients such as vitamins
and minerals have no taste or odour. So how can these nutrients guide food choices? As with appetite,
learning is probably involved.The taste and odour of food appears to become associated with the food’s
Snapshot nutritional value. Evidence for this kind of learning comes from experiments in which rats received
Food
infusions of liquid directly into their stomachs. Some of these infusions consisted of plain water; others
tourism
included nutritious oil or carbohydrate. Each kind of infusion was paired with a different flavour in
How has the increase
the animals’ normal supply of drinking water. Later, water of both flavours was made available. When
in food-based shows
like MasterChef and
the animals got hungry, they drank more of the water whose flavour had been associated with the
television channels
nutritious infusions (Yiin, Ackroff & Sclafani, 2004). Related research shows that children come to
dedicated to food
prefer flavours that have been associated with high-fat ingredients (Johnson, McPhee & Birch, 1991).
affected how we
think about food?
Many people
now have a more
sophisticated way
of talking about and
describing food.
Food shows even
target children, and
so we see a greater
focus on the kinds
of food children are
now exposed to.
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 488
Learning
The role of learning is also seen when we start to eat in response to sights, sounds and places that
have been associated with eating in the past (Epstein et al., 2009). If you usually eat when reading or
watching television, for example, you may find yourself wanting a snack as soon as you sit down with a
book or to watch your favourite show.The same phenomenon has been demonstrated in a laboratory
study in which, for several days in a row, hungry rats heard a buzzer just before they were fed. The
buzzer eventually became so strongly associated with eating that the rats would start eating when it
sounded, even if they had just eaten their fill (Weingarten, 1983). Similarly, even after finishing a big
meal, children have been found to resume eating if they enter a room where they have previously had
snacks (Birch et al., 1989). Such food-related cues tend to have an especially strong effect on people
who are concerned about their weight (Coelho et al., 2009). The food industry has applied research
on learning to increase demand for its products (see the Snapshot ‘Food tourism’). For example, the
flavourings that fast-food chains routinely add to French fries and hamburger buns have little or no
nutritional value, but after becoming associated with those items, these flavourings can trigger strong
and distracting cravings for them (Kemps, Tiggemann & Grigg, 2008; Schlosser, 2001).
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10.2 Hunger and eating
Social and cultural influences
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The definition of ‘delicacy’ differs from culture to culture. At this
elegant restaurant in Cairns, Queensland diners pay to feast on
salt-and-pepper prawns and crocodile, grilled kangaroo with
quandong chilli glaze, wattleseed pavlova and other dishes that
some people from other cultures would not eat even if the
restaurant paid them. TRY THIS
To appreciate your own food
culture, make a list of foods that are traditionally valued by your
family or cultural group but that people from other groups do not
eat or might even be unwilling to taste.
o people tend to
D
eat less or more
depending on how
the people around
them are eating?
Snapshot
Ochre Restaurant
Bon appétit!
APPLYING
PSYCHOLOGY
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People also learn social rules and cultural traditions that influence eating. Eating popcorn at the
movies and pies at football games are examples from Australian culture (see the snapshot ‘Bon appétit!’)
of how certain social situations can stimulate appetite for particular food items. Similarly, how much
you eat may depend on what others do.
Courtesy or custom may lead you to eat foods you would
otherwise avoid. The mere presence of other people, even strangers, tends to increase our food
consumption (Redd & de Castro, 1992). Most people consume 60–75 per cent more food when they
are with others than when eating alone (Clendenen, Herman & Polivy, 1995); the same effect has
been observed in other species, from monkeys to chickens (Galloway et al., 2005; Keeling & Hurink,
1996). Furthermore, if others stop eating, we may do the same even if we are still hungry – especially
if we want to impress them with our self-control (Herman, Roth & Polivy, 2003).
Eating and food selection are central to the way people function within their cultures. Celebrations,
holidays, vacations and even daily family interactions often revolve around food and what has been called
a food culture (Rozin, 2007). As any world traveller knows, there are wide cultural variations in foods
and food selection. For example, Indian mothers will often feed their small children hot (chilli- and
curry-based) foods, whereas this is not as popular in Western cultures. In China, people in urban areas
eat a high-cholesterol diet rich in animal meat, whereas those in rural areas eat so little meat as to be
cholesterol-deficient (Tian et al., 1995). Insects known as palm weevils are a popular food for people in
Papua New Guinea (Paoletti, 1995) but are regarded as disgusting to eat by many Westerners (Springer &
Belk, 1994). Meanwhile, the beef that Westerners enjoy is morally repugnant to devout Hindus in India.
Even within the same culture, different groups may have sharply contrasting food traditions. Bush tucker
(for example, wattle seeds, native berries, emu meat, grubs) might not be found on most dinner tables in
Australia, but it was long a staple part of the Australian Aboriginal diet and is still considered a delicacy
by some today. This is not the case, however, with the kumara, or sweet potato, which is a traditional
Māori food and is also eaten all over New Zealand – and, in fact, the rest of the world.
Culture also plays a role in the amount of food we eat. For example, portion sizes in restaurants,
fruit and vegetable shops, and even cookbook recipes tend to be smaller in France, Britain and other
European countries than in other Western countries (Rozin et al., 2003). Europeans also tend to eat
more slowly, which allows satiety signals to reach their brains before they have overindulged. Some
of these differences between ‘slow-food’ and ‘fast-food’ cultures might account for why residents of
some countries eat less than those in other countries but feel equally satisfied (Geier, Rozin & Doros,
2006; Slow Food Movement, 2001).
In summary, eating serves functions that go well beyond nutrition – functions that remind us of
who we are and with whom we identify.
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Unhealthy eating
Problems in the processes regulating hunger and eating may cause eating disorders such as anorexia
nervosa or bulimia nervosa, or a level of food intake that leads to obesity.
obesity a condition in
The World Health Organization defines obesity as a condition in which a person’s body mass index, or
BMI, is greater than 30. BMI is determined by taking a person’s weight in kilograms and dividing that
number by the square of the person’s height in metres. So someone who is 1.6 metres tall and weighs
85 kilograms would be classified as obese. People whose BMI is between 25 and 29.9 are considered
overweight. (Keep in mind, though, that a given volume of muscle weighs more than the same volume
of fat, so very muscular individuals may have an elevated BMI without being overweight.) BMI
calculators appear on various websites; for example, the Australian Government’s Healthy Weight site
(www.healthyactive.gov.au/internet/healthyactive/publishing.nsf/Content/your-bmi).
In Australia in 2014, it was reported that, according to the BMI criterion, some 35 per cent of
adults were classified as overweight and 28 per cent of adults were classified as obese. In addition,
around 25 per cent of Australian children aged 5–18 years were considered to be either overweight
or obese. The percentages are even higher for those exposed to greater disadvantage – Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander Australians are nearly twice as likely as non-Indigenous Australians to
suffer from obesity (Australian National Preventive Health Agency Report, 2014). These trends are
mirrored in New Zealand (New Zealand Ministry of Health, 2015). Obesity has become so common
in some parts of the globe that commercial jets now have to burn excess fuel to carry heavier loads,
parents of obese young children have trouble finding car safety seats to fit them, and the funeral
industry has to offer larger-than-normal coffins and buy wider hearses (Dannenberg, Burton &
Jackson, 2004; Saint John, 2003;Trifiletti et al., 2006).The problem is especially severe in much of the
Western world. An analysis of data from 106 countries in Asia, Europe, South America and Africa –
comprising about 88 per cent of the world’s population – found that 23.2 per cent of adults are
overweight and another 10 per cent are obese. Projections based on present trends suggest that by
2030, there will be over one billion obese people living in these countries (Kelly et al., 2008).
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which a person is severely
overweight, as measured by
a body mass index greater
than 30
Obesity
Obesity and health
Obesity increases the risk of death (Flegal et al., 2013), with life expectancy reduced by an average of
six to seven years (Haslam & James, 2005), in part by creating more risk of Type 2 diabetes, respiratory
disorders, high blood pressure, cancer, heart attack and stroke (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, 2014). In Australia, it’s believed that obesity soon will be responsible for more deaths than
smoking. If the current trend continues, it’s predicted that by the age of 20, Australian children will
have a shorter life expectancy than previous generations. Especially in adolescence, obesity is associated
with the development of anxiety and depression (Anderson et al., 2007; Baumeister & Härter, 2007;
BeLue, Francis & Colaco, 2009; Gariepy, Nitka & Schmitz, 2010; Kasen et al., 2008; Zhao et al., 2009),
although it is not yet clear whether the relationship is causal and, if it is, which condition might be
causing which problem (Atlantis & Baker, 2008; Kivimäki et al., 2009; Scott et al., 2008). A recent
review of numerous longitudinal studies suggests that the relationship may be bidirectional; that is,
obesity can lead to depression, and depression can lead to obesity (Luppino et al., 2010).
Possible causes of the obesity epidemic
The precise reasons for this obesity epidemic are unknown, but possible causes include big portion
sizes at fast-food outlets, greater prevalence of high-fat foods, and less physical activity associated
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10.2 Hunger and eating
A radical
approach to
obesity
Snapshot
The popularity of
bariatric surgery
in Australia has
been fuelled to a
certain extent by
the example of
celebrities such
as Mikel Mason
‘Mikey’ Robins, a
media personality,
comedian and writer
who is best known
for his performances
on the satirical
TV game show
Good News Week.
Robins underwent
the procedure
and experienced
dramatic weight
loss. The surgery
is not risk-free,
though, and so
is recommended
mainly for extreme
and life-threatening
cases of obesity.
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with both work and recreation (for example, Adachi-Mejia et al., 2007; Slentz et al., 2004). These
are important factors because the body maintains a given weight through a combination of food
intake and energy output (Keesey & Powley, 1986). Obese people get more energy from food
than their body metabolises, or ‘burns up’; the excess energy, measured in kilojoules, is stored as fat.
Metabolism declines during sleep and rises with physical activity. Because women tend to have a
lower metabolic rate than men, even when equally active, they tend to gain weight more easily
than men with similar diets (Ferraro et al., 1992). Most obese people have normal resting metabolic
rates, but they tend to eat too much high-kilojoule, tasty foods and too little low-kilojoule foods
(Kauffman, Herman & Polivy, 1995). Furthermore, some obese people are less active than lean
people, a pattern that often begins in childhood (Jago et al., 2005; Marshall et al., 2004; Strauss &
Pollack, 2001). Spending long hours watching television or playing video games is a major cause
of the inactivity seen in overweight children (for example, Bickham et al., 2013), which may partly
explain why children who have a TV in their bedrooms are more likely to be overweight than those
who don’t (Gilbert-Diamond et al., 2014).
In short, inadequate physical activity combined with overeating – especially of the high-fat
foods so prevalent in most Western cultures – has a lot to do with obesity (Arsenault et al., 2010).
But not everyone who is inactive and eats a high-fat diet becomes obese, and some obese people
are as active as lean people, so other factors must also be involved (Blundell & Cooling, 2000;
Parsons, Power & Manor, 2005). Some people probably have a genetic predisposition toward
obesity (for example, Frayling et al., 2007; Llewellyn et al., 2014). For example, although most
obese people have the genes to make leptin, they may not be sensitive to its weight-suppressing
effects, perhaps because of genetic codes in leptin receptors in the hypothalamus. Brain-imaging
studies also suggest that obese people’s brains may be slower to ‘read’ satiety signals coming
from their blood, thus causing them to continue eating when leaner people would have stopped
(Morton et al., 2006; Thorens, 2008). These genetic factors, along with the presence in the body
of viruses associated with the common cold and other infectious diseases (Dhurandhar et al.,
2000;Vasilakopoulou & LeRoux, 2007), may help explain obese people’s tendency to eat more, to
accumulate fat, and to feel more hunger than lean people.
For most people, and especially for people who are obese, it is a lot easier to gain weight than
to lose it and keep it off. The problem arises partly because our evolutionary ancestors – like nonhuman animals in the wild today – could not always be sure that food would be available. Those
who survived lean times were the ones whose genes created tendencies to build and maintain fat
reserves (for example, King, 2013; Wells, 2009). These ‘thrifty genes’ are adaptive in famine-plagued
environments, but they can be harmful and even deadly in affluent societies in which overeating is
unnecessary and in which bakeries and fast-food restaurants are easily accessible (DiLeone, 2009).
Furthermore, if people starve themselves to lose weight, their bodies may burn kilojoules more slowly.
This drop in metabolism saves energy and fat reserves and slows weight loss (Leibel, Rosenbaum
& Hirsch, 1995). As restricted eating enhances activation of the brain’s ‘pleasure centres’, when a
hungry person merely looks at energy-rich foods (Siep et al., 2009), restraint becomes even more
difficult. That is why health and nutrition experts warn that obese people (and others) should not
try to lose a great deal of weight quickly by dramatically cutting food intake (Carels et al., 2008).
Given the complexity of factors leading to obesity and the seriousness of its health consequences, it
is not surprising that many treatment approaches have been developed. The most radical of these is
bariatric surgery (Hamad, 2004), which restructures the stomach and intestines so that less food energy
is absorbed and stored (Vetter et al., 2009). Despite its costs and risks – postoperative mortality
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Possible solutions to the obesity epidemic
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
APPLYING
PSYCHOLOGY
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Is changing lifestyle
factors such as eating
habits and exercise
patterns useful in
effectively losing
weight?
rates are between 0.1–2 per cent (Longitudinal Assessment of Bariatric Surgery Consortium, 2009;
Morino et al., 2007) – bariatric surgery is performed on thousands of people a year in Australia, with
many who really need assistance unable to afford it (Korda et al., 2012); see the Snapshot ‘A radical
approach to obesity’. Millions of other people are taking medications designed either to suppress
appetite or to increase the ‘burning’ of fat (Fernstrom & Choi, 2008; Kolonin et al., 2004; Neovius
& Narbro, 2008).
Though they may seem to offer relatively quick and easy options, neither medication nor surgery
alone is likely to solve the problem of obesity. In fact, no single anti-obesity treatment is likely to be
a safe, effective solution that works for everyone.
To achieve the kind of gradual weight loss that
is most likely to last, obese people are advised to make lifestyle changes instead of, or in addition to,
seeking medical solutions.The weight-loss programs that are most effective in the long term include
components designed to reduce food intake, change eating habits and attitudes towards food, and
increase energy expenditure through regular exercise (Bray & Tartaglia, 2000; Dombrowski et al.,
2014; Stice & Shaw, 2004; Wadden et al., 2001). These changes can be as simple as limiting the
number of available foods, eating from smaller plates, buying lower-fat foods in smaller packages, and
fasting one day a week (Levitsky, Iyer & Pacanowski, 2012).
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Prevention of obesity
Of course, the ultimate remedy for the obesity epidemic is prevention. To accomplish that goal,
parents and other caregivers must begin to promote exercise and healthy eating habits in their
children from an early age (Karnik & Kanekar, 2015). The social ecological environment is being
targeted in many studies to determine the best time to intervene in the life of children. Some
studies are now looking at school curricula as prime areas to target the broad population (Skouteris
et al., 2014). We have a long way to go, but Australia and New Zealand can take the lead in this area
(Swinburn & Wood, 2013). Changing these habits and preferences will not be easy, but the need to
do so is obvious and urgent.
anorexia nervosa an
eating disorder characterised
by self-starvation and
dramatic weight loss
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Anorexia nervosa
In stark contrast to the problem of obesity is the eating disorder called anorexia nervosa. It is
characterised by a combination of self-starvation, self-induced vomiting, excessive exercise and laxative
use that results in a body weight that is below 85 per cent of normal (Kaye et al., 2000). According
to the Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists (2004), anorexia affects about
0.5 per cent of young females and 0.1 per cent of young males in Australia and New Zealand, and it
is a significant problem in many other industrialised nations as well. About 95 per cent of people with
anorexia are young females. These individuals often feel hungry, and many are obsessed with food
and its preparation, yet they refuse to eat. Anorexic self-starvation causes serious and often irreversible
physical damage, including a reduction in bone density that enhances the risk of fractures (Grinspoon
et al., 2000).The health dangers may be especially high in dancers, gymnasts and other female athletes
with anorexia because the combination of self-starvation and excessive exercise increases the risk of
stress fractures and heart problems (Davis & Kapstein, 2006; Sherman & Thompson, 2004).
It has been estimated that 20 per cent of those who suffer severe anorexia eventually die of
starvation, biochemical imbalances or suicide. Their death rate is 12 times higher than that of
other young women (Suokas et al., 2013). After obesity and asthma, anorexia is the third most
common chronic illness for young women, and as many as one in 200 young girls and women
will be affected (Garvan Institute, 2012). In New Zealand, approximately 68 000 people, or
1.7 per cent of the population, will suffer in their lifetime from an eating disorder (Oakley-Brown,
Wells & Scott, 2006).
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10.2 Hunger and eating
Possible causes of anorexia
In Western cultures today, thinness is a much-sought-after ideal, especially among young
women who are dissatisfied with their appearance. That ideal is seen in fashion models and
some celebrities, whose BMI has decreased from the ‘normal’ range of 20–25 in the 1920s
to an ‘undernourished’ 18.5 more recently (Rubinstein & Caballero, 2000; Voracek &
Fisher, 2002). In Australia, nearly 80 per cent of teenage girls diet (Garvan Institute, 2012).
Correlational studies suggest that many of these children’s efforts to lose weight may have
occurred in response to criticism from family members (Barr Taylor et al., 2006a); for some,
the result is anorexia nervosa. To help combat the problem, some fashion shows have now
established a minimum BMI for all models.
iStock.com/egorr
Snapshot
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Thin is in
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Anorexia has been attributed to many factors, including genetic predispositions, hormonal and
other biochemical imbalances, social influences (see the Snapshot ‘Thin is in’) and psychological
problems (for example, Kaye et al., 2013; Treat & Viken, 2010; Wasylkiw, MacKinnon & MacLellan,
2012). Psychological factors that may contribute to the problem include a self-punishing,
perfectionistic personality and a culturally reinforced obsession with thinness and attractiveness
(APA Task Force on the Sexualisation of Girls, 2007; Cooley et al., 2008; Dittmar, Halliwell & Ive,
2006; Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2006; Grabe, Ward & Hyde, 2008; Wilksch & Wade, 2010). There is
also some research to suggest that genetic factors are shared between anorexia, major depression
and suicide attempts (Thornton et al., 2016). Individuals with anorexia appear to develop a fear
of being fat, which they take to dangerous extremes; many continue to view themselves as fat or
misshapen even as they are wasting away.
Treatment of anorexia
Drugs, hospitalisation and psychotherapy are all used to treat anorexia. In many cases, treatment
brings recovery and maintenance of normal weight (Brewerton & Costin, 2011a, 2011b; Steinglass
et al., 2012), but more effective treatment and early intervention methods are still needed. Prevention
programs being tested with women at high risk of developing anorexia are showing mixed results
(Black Becker et al., 2008; Loucas et al., 2014).
Bulimia
Like anorexia, bulimia involves an intense fear of being fat, but the person may be thin, normal in
weight, or even overweight. Bulimia (also referred to as bulimia nervosa) involves eating huge amounts
of food (say, several boxes of biscuits, a litre of ice-cream and burgers) and then getting rid of the food
through self-induced vomiting or strong laxatives. These ‘binge-purge’ episodes may occur as often
as twice a day (Weltzin et al., 1995).
Bulimia shares many features with anorexia (Fairburn et al., 2008). For instance, most people with
bulimia are female, and like anorexia, bulimia usually begins with a desire to be slender. However,
bulimia and anorexia are quite different disorders (Eddy et al., 2008). For one thing, most people
with bulimia see their eating habits as problematic, whereas most individuals with anorexia do not.
In addition, bulimia nervosa is usually not life-threatening (Thompson, 1996). There are health
consequences, however, including dehydration, nutritional problems and intestinal damage. Many
people with bulimia develop dental problems from the acids associated with vomiting. Frequent
vomiting and the insertion of objects to trigger it can also cause damage to the throat.
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 493
bulimia an eating disorder
that involves eating massive
amounts of food and then
eliminating the food by
self-induced vomiting or
the use of strong laxatives
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
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It has been estimated that 3–5 per cent of the Australian and New Zealand populations are
affected by bulimia (Eating Disorders Victoria, 2016), but others have suggested that many cases in
the community remain undetected. Furthermore, the incidence of bulimia is actually higher – at one
in five – in the general student population (Centre of Excellence in Eating Disorders, 2011). The
combinations of factors that contribute to bulimia include perfectionism, low self-esteem, stress, a
culturally encouraged preoccupation with being thin, and depression and other emotional problems.
Problems in the brain’s satiety mechanisms may also be involved (Crowther et al., 2001; Smith
et al., 2007; Stice & Fairburn, 2003; Zalta & Keel, 2006). Treatment for bulimia typically includes
individual or group therapy and sometimes antidepressant drugs. These treatments help about
72 per cent of people with bulimia eat more normally; more refined approaches are still needed to
help those who do not improve (Herzog et al., 1999; Le Grange et al., 2007; Steinhausen & Weber,
2009). A recent study suggests that we need to regulate information that represents a ‘pro’ eating
disorder environment as this may be detrimental to parts of the population (Rodgers et al., 2016).
For a summary of the processes involved in hunger and eating, see the section ‘In review: Hunger
and eating’.
IN REVIEW
Hunger and eating
STIMULATE EATING
INHIBIT EATING
Biological
factors
Glucose and insulin in the blood provide signals that
stimulate eating; neurotransmitters affecting neurons
in the hypothalamus also stimulate eating and influence
hungers for specific kinds of foods. Stomach contractions
are associated with subjective feelings of hunger but
don’t play a major role in the stimulation of eating.
Hormones released into the bloodstream produce
signals that inhibit eating; hormones such as
leptin, CCK and insulin act as neurotransmitters
or neuromodulators and affect neurons in the
hypothalamus and inhibit eating. The ventromedial
nucleus of the hypothalamus may be a ‘satiety
centre’ that monitors these hormones.
Nonbiological
factors
The sights and smells of particular foods elicit eating
because of prior associations; family customs and social
occasions include norms for eating in particular ways.
Stress also is often associated with eating more.
Values in contemporary society encourage thinness
and thus can inhibit eating.
Check your understanding
1 People may continue eating when they are full, suggesting that eating is not controlled by
alone.
know that they have a problem; those with an eating disorder
2 People with an eating disorder called
tend not to.
called
as well as improved eating habits.
3 The best strategy for lasting weight loss includes regular
10.3 SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR
Unlike food, sex is not necessary for an individual’s survival, but it is obviously vital for improving
the chances that an individual’s genes will be represented in the next generation. The various factors
shaping sexual motivation and behaviour differ in strength across species, but they often include a
combination of the individual’s physiology, learned behaviour, and the physical and social environment.
For example, one species of desert bird requires adequate sex hormones, a suitable mate and a particular
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10.3 Sexual behaviour
sexual arousal
physiological responses that
arise from sexual contact or
erotic thoughts
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environment before it begins sexual behaviour. During the dry season, it shows no interest in sex, but
within 10 minutes of the first rain shower, the birds vigorously court and then copulate.
Rainfall is obviously much less influential as a sexual trigger for humans. People show an amazing
diversity of sexual scripts, or patterns of behaviour that lead to sex. Surveys of university-age men and
women identified 122 specific acts and 34 different tactics used for promoting sexual encounters
(Greer & Buss, 1994; Meston & Buss, 2007).What actually happens during sex? The matter is difficult
to address scientifically because most people are reluctant to respond to specific questions about
their sexual practices, let alone to allow researchers to observe their sexual behaviour. Yet having
valid information about the nature of human sexual behaviour is a vital first step for psychologists
and other scientists who study such topics as individual differences in sexuality, gender differences
in sexual motivation and behaviour, sources of sexual orientation, types of sexual dysfunctions, and
the pathways through which HIV and other sexually transmitted infections reach new victims. This
information can also help people to think about their own sexual behaviour in relation to trends in
the general population.
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FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS
A survey of human sexual behaviour
The first extensive studies of sexual behaviour in the
United States were done by Alfred Kinsey during the late
1940s and early 1950s (Kinsey, Pomeroy & Martin, 1948;
Kinsey et al., 1953). These were followed in the 1960s
by the work of William Masters and Virginia Johnson
(1966). Kinsey conducted surveys of people’s sex lives;
Masters and Johnson actually recorded volunteers’ sexual
arousal, their physiological responses to erotic stimuli
that arose during natural or artificial stimulation in a
laboratory. Together, these studies broke new ground in
the exploration of human sexuality, but the people who
volunteered for them were probably not a representative
sample of the adult population. Accordingly, the results –
and any conclusions drawn from them – may not apply
to people in general. Furthermore, the data are now so
old that they may not reflect sexual practices today.
Unfortunately, the results of more recent surveys, such
as reader polls in Cosmopolitan and other magazines, are
also flawed by the use of unrepresentative samples (for
example, Davis & Smith, 1990).
What was the researchers’ question?
Is it possible to gather data on sexual behaviour that are
more representative and therefore more revealing about
people in general? Researchers at the University of Chicago
believe it is, so they undertook the National Health and
Social Life Survey, the first extensive survey of sexual
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behaviour in the United States since the Kinsey studies
(Laumann et al., 1994).
How did the researchers answer the question?
This survey included important design features that had
been neglected in most other surveys of sexual behaviour.
First, the study did not depend on self-selected volunteers.
The researchers sought out a carefully constructed sample
of 3432 people, ranging in age from 18 to 59. Second,
the sample reflected the sociocultural diversity of the US
population in terms of gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic
status, geographical location and the like. Third, unlike
previous mail-in surveys, the Chicago study was based
on face-to-face interviews. This approach made it easier
to ensure that the participants understood each question
and had the opportunity to explain their responses. To
encourage honesty, the researchers allowed participants
to answer some questions anonymously by placing written
responses in a sealed envelope.
What did the researchers find?
The researchers found that people in the United States
have sex less often and with fewer people than had been
assumed. For most, sex occurs about once a week and
only between partners in a stable relationship. About
a third of the participants reported having sex only a
few times, or not at all, in the past year. In contrast
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
to certain celebrities’ splashy tales of dozens or even
hundreds of sexual partners per year, the average male
survey participant had only six sexual partners in his
entire life. The average female respondent reported
a lifetime total of two. Furthermore, the survey data
suggested that people in committed, one-partner
relationships had the most frequent and the most
satisfying sex. Although a wide variety of specific sexual
practices were reported, the overwhelming majority of
heterosexual couples said they tend to engage mainly
in penis–vagina intercourse. Many of these findings
are consistent with the results of more recent surveys
conducted by other researchers (for example, National
Center for Health Statistics, 2007).
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What do the results mean?
around the world (Youm & Laumann, 2002). They have
found, for example, that nearly one-quarter of US women
prefer to achieve sexual satisfaction without partners of
either sex. And although people in the United States tend
to engage in a wider variety of sexual behaviours than
those in Britain, there is less tolerance in the United States
of disapproved sexual practices (Laumann & Michael,
2000; Michael et al., 1998). They have found, too, that
although sexual activity declines with advancing age, it by
no means disappears. About 26 per cent of people in the
75–85 age group – especially men – reported that they
were still sexually active (Lindau & Gavrilova, 2010; Lindau
et al., 2007).
Other researchers have found a number of consistent
gender differences in sexuality (Basson, 2001; Schmitt &
Kistemaker, 2015). For example, men are more likely than
women to mistake another person’s friendliness for sexual
interest (Perilloux, Easton & Buss, 2012). This may be
because men tend to have a stronger interest in and desire
for sex than women, whereas women are more likely than
men to associate sexual activity with love and to be affected
by cultural and situational influences on sexual attitudes and
behaviour (for example, Diamond, 2008; Petersen & Hyde,
2010). Many such differences are actually quite small, and,
according to some studies, not necessarily significant (Conley
et al., 2011).
The results of even the best survey methods – like
the results of all research methods – usually raise
as many questions as they answer. When do people
become interested in sex, and why? How do they choose
to express these desires, and why? What determines
their sexual likes and dislikes? How do learning and
sociocultural factors modify the biological forces that
seem to provide the raw material of human sexual
motivation? These are some of the questions about human
sexual behaviour that a survey cannot easily or accurately
explore (Benson, 2003).
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The Chicago survey challenges some of the cultural
and media images of sexuality in the United States. In
particular, it suggests that people in the United States
may be more sexually conservative than one might think
on the basis of magazine reader polls and discussions on
daytime talk shows.
What do we still need to know?
Many questions remain. The Chicago survey did not ask
about some of the more controversial aspects of human
sexuality, such as the effects of pornography, the prevalence
of paedophilia (sexual attraction to children), and the role
in sexual activity of sexual fetishes such as shoes or other
clothing. Had the researchers asked about such topics,
their results might have painted a less conservative picture.
Furthermore, because the original Chicago survey focused
on people in the United States, it told us little or nothing
about the sexual practices, traditions and values of people in
the rest of the world.
The Chicago team has continued to conduct
interviews, and the results are beginning to fill in the
picture of sexual behaviour in the United States and
sexual response cycle
the pattern of physiological
arousal during and after
sexual activity
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The biology of sex
Observations in Masters and Johnson’s laboratory led to important findings about the sexual
response cycle, the pattern of physiological arousal during and after sexual activity (see
Figure 10.4).
People’s motivation to engage in sexual activity has biological roots in sex hormones.The female
sex hormones include oestrogens and progestational hormones (also called progestins; the main
ones are oestradiol and progesterone). The male hormones are androgens; the main one is testosterone.
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10.3 Sexual behaviour
FIGURE 10.4 The sexual response cycle
As shown in the left-hand graph, Masters and Johnson (1966) found that men display one main pattern of sexual response. Women
display at least three different patterns from time to time; these are labelled A, B and C in the right-hand graph. For both men and
women, the excitement phase begins with sexual stimulation from the environment or one’s own thoughts. Continued stimulation
leads to intensified excitement in the plateau phase, and if stimulation continues, to the intensely pleasurable release of tension in the
orgasmic stage. During the resolution phase, both men and women experience a state of relaxation. Following resolution, men enter a
refractory phase, during which they are unresponsive to sexual stimulation. Women are capable of immediately repeating the cycle.
Orgasm
Plateau
Excitement
Excitement
B
Resolution
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A
C
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Orgasm
Refractory
period
Resolution
Cycle in men
Resolution
Resolution
Resolution
Cycle in women
Adapted from Masters, W. H., & Johnson, V. E. (1996). Human Sexual Response. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.
Each sex hormone flows in the blood of both sexes, but the average man has more male than female
hormones, and the average woman has more female than male hormones.
Sex hormones have both organisational and activational effects on the brain:
The organisational effects are permanent changes that alter the brain’s response to hormones.
The activational effects are temporary behavioural changes that last only as long as a hormone
level remains elevated, such as during puberty or in the ovulation phase of the monthly
menstrual cycle.
In mammals, including humans, the organisational effects of hormones occur around the time of
birth, when certain brain areas are sculpted into a ‘malelike’ or ‘femalelike’ pattern. These areas are
described as sexually dimorphic. In rodents, for example, a sexually dimorphic area of the hypothalamus
appears to underlie specific sexual behaviours. When these areas are destroyed in male gerbils, the
animals can no longer copulate; yet damage to other nearby brain regions does not affect sexual
behaviour (Yahr & Jacobsen, 1994).
Sexually dimorphic areas also exist in the human hypothalamus and elsewhere in the brain
(Breedlove, 1994; Kimura, 1999). For example, an area of the hypothalamus called the bed nucleus
of the stria terminalis (BnST) is generally smaller in women than in men. Its possible role in some
aspects of human sexuality was suggested by a study of transsexual men – genetic males who feel
like women and who may request surgery and hormone treatments in order to appear more female.
The BnST in these men was smaller than in other men; in fact, it was about the size usually seen in
women (Zhou et al., 1995).
Rising levels of sex hormones during puberty have activational effects, resulting in increased
sexual desire and interest in sexual behaviour. Generally, oestrogens and androgens stimulate females’
sexual interest (Burleson, Gregory & Trevarthen, 1995; Sherwin & Gelfand, 1987). Androgens raise
males’ sexual interest (Davidson, Camargo & Smith, 1979). The activational effects of hormones are
also seen in reduced sexual motivation and behaviour among people whose hormone-secreting
ovaries or testes have been removed for medical reasons. Injections of hormones help restore these
people’s sexual interest and activity.
●●
●●
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 497
sex hormones chemicals
in the blood of males
and females that have
both organisational and
activational effects on
sexual behaviour
oestrogens sex hormones
that circulate in the
bloodstream of both
men and women; more
oestrogens circulate in
women than in men
progestational hormones
sex hormones that circulate
in the bloodstream of
both men and women,
also known as progestins;
more progestins circulate in
women than in men
androgens sex hormones
that circulate in the
bloodstream of both sexes;
more androgens circulate in
men than in women
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Snapshot
Social
influences on
sexual behaviour
In humans, sexuality is shaped by a lifetime of learning and thinking that modifies the biological
‘raw materials’ provided by hormones. For example, children learn some of their sexual attitudes
and behaviours as part of the development of gender roles, which we discuss in Chapter 11, ‘Human
development’. The specific attitudes and behaviours learned depend partly on the nature of those
gender roles in a particular culture (Baumeister, 2000; Hyde & Durik, 2000; Peplau, 2003; Petersen
& Hyde, 2010). Over 19 000 Australians were surveyed about their sexual experiences by La Trobe
University (Smith et al., 2002) in one of the largest surveys conducted in the country. The results
indicated that there had been a change in behaviour and experiences since the 1950s. For example,
the age of first intercourse declined from 19 to 16 years, while the use of contraception at first
intercourse increased from less than 30 per cent of men and women to over 90 per cent.
Gender and culture
There are gender differences, too, in what people find sexually appealing. For example, in many
cultures, men are far more interested in and responsive to pornographic films and other erotic stimuli
than women are (Herz & Cahill, 1997; Petersen & Hyde, 2010; Symons, 1979). The difference in
responsiveness was demonstrated in an MRI study that scanned the brain activity of males and
females while they looked at erotic photographs (Hamann et al., 2004). As expected, the males
showed greater activity in the amygdala and hypothalamus than the females. But even though there
were gender differences in brain activity, the male and female participants rated the photos as equally
appealing and arousing. In another study, when men reported sexual arousal in response to erotic
films, they also showed signs of physiological arousal. For women, self-reports of arousal were not
strongly correlated with signs of physiological arousal (Chivers et al., 2004). Furthermore, though
men and women both show more sexual arousal to more intensely erotic films, the level of women’s
arousal may not depend as much as men’s does on whether the actors are males or females (Chivers,
Seto & Blanchard, 2007). A third study found that women were aroused by a wider range of sexual
stories than men were (Suschinsky & Lalumière, 2011).
These are just a few examples of the fact that sexuality is a product of a complex mixture of
factors (see the Snapshot ‘Social influences on sexual behaviour’). Each person’s learning history,
cultural background and perceptions of the world interact so deeply with such a wide range of
physiological processes that – as in many other aspects of human behaviour and mental processes – it
is impossible to separate their influence on sexuality. Nowhere is this point clearer than in the case
of sexual orientation.
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Newspix/Ross Swanborough
Sexual behaviour
is shaped by many
sociocultural forces.
For example,
concern over teenage
pregnancy and
sexually transmitted
diseases, including
HIV/AIDS, has
prompted schoolbased educational
programs to
encourage premarital
sexual abstinence
or ‘safe sex’ using
condoms. These
efforts have helped
change young people’s
sexual attitudes
and practices (for
example, Jemmott,
Jemmott & Fong,
2010).
Social and cultural factors in sexuality
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sexual orientation
the nature of a person’s
enduring emotional,
romantic or sexual
attraction to others
heterosexuality sexual
motivation that is focused
on members of the other sex
homosexuality sexual
motivation that is focused on
members of one’s own sex
bisexuality sexual
motivation that is focused
on members of both sexes
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 498
Sexual orientation
Sexual orientation refers to the nature of a person’s enduring emotional, romantic or sexual attraction
to others (American Psychological Association, 2002; Ellis & Mitchell, 2000).The most common sexual
orientation is heterosexuality, in which the attraction is to members of the other sex.When attraction
focuses on members of one’s own sex, the orientation is called homosexuality; male homosexuals are
referred to as gay men and female homosexuals as lesbians. Bisexuality refers to people who are attracted
to members of both sexes. Sexual orientation involves feelings that may or may not be translated into
corresponding patterns of sexual behaviour (Diamond, 2008; Pathela et al., 2006). For example, some
people whose orientation is gay, lesbian or bisexual may have sex only with opposite-sex partners.
Similarly, people whose orientation is heterosexual may have had one or more same-sex encounters.
In many cultures, heterosexuality has long been regarded as a moral norm, and homosexuality
has been cast as a disease, a mental disorder, or even a crime (Hooker, 1993). Yet attempts to alter
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10.3 Sexual behaviour
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the sexual orientation of gay men and lesbians – using psychotherapy, brain surgery or electric
shock – have usually been ineffective (American Psychiatric Association, 1999; Smith, Bartlett
& King, 2004). In 1973, the American Psychiatric Association dropped homosexuality from the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, thus ending its official status as a form of
psychopathology. The same change was made by the World Health Organization in its International
Classification of Diseases in 1993, by Japan’s psychiatric organisation in 1995, and by the Chinese
Psychiatric Association in 2001.
Nevertheless, some people still disapprove of homosexuality. Many gays, lesbians and bisexuals
are often the victims of discrimination and even hate crimes, and are reluctant to let their sexual
orientation be known (Bernat et al., 2001; Meyer, 2003). It is difficult, therefore, to paint an accurate
picture of the mix of heterosexual, homosexual and bisexual orientations in a population. In the
Chicago sex survey mentioned earlier, 1.4 per cent of women and 2.8 per cent of men identified
themselves as exclusively homosexual (Laumann et al., 1994), figures much lower than the 10 per
cent found in Kinsey’s studies. However, the Chicago survey’s face-to-face interviews did not allow
respondents to give anonymous answers to questions about sexual orientation. Some researchers
suggest that if anonymous responses to those questions had been permitted, the prevalence figures
for gay, lesbian and bisexual orientations would have been higher (Bullough, 1995). In fact, studies
that have allowed anonymous responding estimate that gay, lesbian and bisexual people may make up
to 21 per cent of the populations in Australia, the United States, Canada and Western Europe (Aaron
et al., 2003; Hayes et al., 2012; Savin-Williams, 2006).
THINKING CRITICALLY
What shapes sexual orientation?
The question of where sexual orientation comes from is a
topic of intense debate in scientific circles, on talk shows, on
the Internet, and in everyday conversations.
What am I being asked to believe or accept?
Some people believe that genes exert a major influence on
our sexual orientation. According to this view, we do not
learn a sexual orientation but rather are born with a strong
predisposition to develop a particular orientation.
What evidence is available to support the assertion?
In 1995, a report by a respected research group suggested
that one kind of sexual orientation – namely, that of
gay men – is associated with a particular gene on the
X chromosome (Hu et al., 1995). This finding was not
supported by later studies (Rice et al., 1999), but a growing
body of evidence from research in behavioural genetics
suggests that genes may indeed influence sexual orientation
(Kendler et al., 2000; Pillard & Bailey, 1998). One study
examined pairs of monozygotic male twins (whose genes
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are identical), non-identical twin pairs (whose genes are no
more alike than those of any brothers) and pairs of adopted
brothers (who are genetically unrelated). To participate in
this study, at least one brother in each pair had to be gay. As
it turned out, the other brother was also gay or bisexual in
52 per cent of the identical-twin pairs. This was the case in
only 22 per cent of the non-identical twin pairs and in just 11
per cent of the pairs of adopted brothers (Bailey & Pillard,
1991). Similar findings have been reported for male identical
twins raised apart, whose shared sexual orientation cannot be
attributed to the effects of a shared environment (Whitam,
Diamond & Martin, 1993). The few available studies of
female sexual orientation have yielded similar results
(Bailey & Benishay, 1993; Bailey, Dunne & Martin, 2000).
Other evidence for the role of biological factors in
sexual orientation comes from research on the impact of
sex hormones. In adults, differences in the levels of these
hormones are not generally associated with differences in
sexual orientation. However, hormonal differences during
prenatal development may be involved in the shaping of
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Snapshot
A committed relationship, with children
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2007). We don’t yet know exactly how prenatal hormonal
influences might operate to affect sexual orientation,
but studies of non-human animals have found that such
influences alter the structure of the hypothalamus, a
brain region known to underlie some aspects of sexual
functioning (Swaab & Hofman, 1995).
Finally, a biological basis for sexual orientation is
suggested by the fact that sexual orientation is not
predicted by environmental factors. Several studies have
shown, for example, that the sexual orientation of children’s
caregivers has little or no effect on those children’s own
sexual orientation (see the Snapshot ‘A committed
relationship, with children’). Several studies have shown that
children adopted by gay or lesbian parents are no more or
less likely to have a homosexual orientation than children
raised by heterosexual parents (Anderssen, Amlie &
Ytteroy, 2002; Bailey et al., 1995; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001;
Tasker & Golombok, 1995).
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sexual orientation (Lalumière, Blanchard & Zucker, 2000;
Lippa, 2003; Williams et al., 2000), and the influences
may differ for men and women (Mustanski, Chivers &
Bailey, 2002). For example, one study found that
women – but not men – who had been exposed to high
levels of androgens during their foetal development
were much more likely to report bisexual or homosexual
behaviours or fantasies than relatives of the same sex who
had not been exposed (Hines, Brook & Conway, 2004;
Meyer-Bahlburg et al., 2008).
Another line of research focuses on the possibility that
previous pregnancies may permanently affect a woman’s
hormones in ways that influence the sexual orientation
of her next child (Blanchard, 2001). Some evidence for
this hypothesis comes from a study showing that the
more older biological brothers a man has, the higher the
probability that he will have a homosexual orientation
(Blanchard & Lippa, 2007; Bogaert, Blanchard &
Crosthwait, 2007). These results appear to reflect mainly
hormonal rather than mainly environmental influences
because the number of non-biological (adopted) brothers
that the men had was not predictive of their sexual
orientation. Furthermore, because sexual orientation
in women was not predicted by the number and gender
of their older biological siblings, it was thought that the
hormonal consequences of carrying male foetuses might
influence only males’ sexual orientation. The picture is not
that simple. Other researchers have found that women’s
sexual orientation, too, is related to the number of older
biological brothers they have (McConaghy et al., 2006),
and still others have reported a relationship between men’s
sexual orientation and the number of older biological
sisters they have (Francis, 2008; Vasey & VanderLaan,
ONOKY – Fabrice LEROUGE/Brand X
Pictures/Getty Images
Like heterosexual relationships, gay and lesbian relationships
can be brief and stormy or stable and permanent (Kurdek,
2005). These gay men are committed to each other for
the long haul, as can be seen in their decision to adopt two
children together. The strong role of biological factors in
sexual orientation is supported by research showing that
their children’s orientation will not be influenced much,
if at all, by that of their adoptive parents (for example,
Anderssen, Amlie & Ytteroy, 2002; Patterson, 2004;
Stacey & Biblarz, 2001).
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Are there alternative ways of interpreting
the evidence?
Like all correlational data, correlations between
genetics and sexual orientation are open to alternative
interpretations. As discussed in Chapter 2, ‘Research
in psychology’, a correlation describes the strength and
direction of a relationship between variables, but it does
not guarantee that one variable is actually influencing the
other. Consider again the data showing that brothers who
shared the most genes (identical twins) were also most
likely to share a gay sexual orientation. It is possible that
what the brothers shared was not a ‘gay gene’ but rather
a set of genes that influenced the boys’ activity levels,
emotionality, aggressiveness and the like. One example is
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various sexual orientations. In studying these topics,
researchers will want to know more not only about the
genetic characteristics of people with different sexual
orientations, but also about their mental and behavioural
styles. Are there personality characteristics associated
with different sexual orientations? If so, do those
characteristics have a strong genetic component? To what
extent are gay men, lesbians, bisexuals and heterosexuals
similar – and different – in terms of cognitive styles,
biases, coping skills, developmental histories and the like?
Are there any differences in how sexual orientation is
shaped in males versus females (Bailey, Dunn & Martin,
2000)?
The more we learn about sexual orientation in general,
the easier it will be to interpret data relating to its
origins. But even defining sexual orientation is not simple
because people do not always fall into discrete categories
(American Psychological Association, 2002; Diamond,
2008; Savin-Williams, 2006; Thompson & Morgan,
2008; Worthington et al., 2008). Should a man who
identifies himself as gay be considered bisexual because
he occasionally has heterosexual daydreams? What sexual
orientation label would be appropriate for a 40-year-old
woman who experienced a few lesbian encounters in her
teens but has engaged in exclusively heterosexual sex
since then? Progress in understanding the origins of sexual
orientation would be enhanced by a generally accepted
system for describing and defining exactly what is meant
by the term sexual orientation.
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gender conformity or non-conformity in childhood – the
tendency for children to either conform or not conform
to the behaviours, interests and appearance that are
typical for their gender in their culture (Bailey, Dunn &
Martin, 2000; Knafo, Iervolino & Plomin, 2005). These
general aspects of their temperaments or personalities in
childhood – and other people’s reactions to them – could
influence the likelihood of a particular sexual orientation
(Bem, 2000). In other words, sexual orientation
could arise as a reaction to the way people respond
to a genetically determined but non-sexual aspect of
personality. Prenatal hormone levels, too, could influence
sexual orientation by shaping aggressiveness or other nonsexual aspects of behaviour.
It is also important to look at behavioural genetics
evidence for what it can tell us about the role of
environmental factors in sexual orientation. When we read
that both members of identical twin pairs have a gay sexual
orientation 52 per cent of the time, it is easy to ignore
the fact that the orientation of the twin-pair members
was different in 48 per cent of the cases. Viewed in this
way, the results suggest that genes do not tell the entire
story of sexual orientation. Indeed, evidence that sexual
orientation has its roots in biology does not mean that
it is determined by unlearned genetic forces alone. As
described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’,
the brains and bodies we inherit are quite responsive to
environmental influences. The behaviours we engage in
and the environmental experiences we have often result in
physical changes in the brain and elsewhere (Wang et al.,
1995). Every time we form a new memory, for example,
changes occur in the brain’s synapses. So differences in
the brains of people with differing sexual orientations
could be the effect, not the cause, of their behaviour or
experiences.
What additional evidence would help evaluate
the alternatives?
Much more evidence is needed about the role of genes
in shaping sexual orientation. We also have much to learn
about the extent to which genes and hormones shape
physical and psychological characteristics that lead to
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What conclusions are most reasonable?
The evidence available so far suggests that genetic factors,
probably operating through prenatal hormones, create
differences in the brains of people with different sexual
orientations. However, the manner in which a person
expresses a genetically influenced sexual orientation will
be profoundly shaped by what that person learns through
social and cultural experiences (Bancroft, 1994). In short,
as is true of so many other psychological phenomena, sexual
orientation most likely results from the complex interplay
of both genetic and non-genetic mechanisms – both nature
and nurture.
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IN REVIEW
Sexual behaviour
ASPECTS
DESCRIPTION
Sex is not necessary for an individual’s survival, but it is vital for improving the chances that an
individual’s genes will be represented in the next generation.
Sexual scripts
Sexual scripts are patterns of behaviour that lead to sex.
Social and cultural factors
in sexuality
Sexual attitudes and behaviours are part of the development of gender roles.
There are gender differences in what people find sexually appealing.
Biology of sex
Sex hormones are chemicals in the blood of males and females:
Oestrogens – sex hormones that circulate in the bloodstream of both men and women; more
oestrogens circulate in women than in men
Progestational hormones – sex hormones that circulate in the bloodstream of both men and
women, also known as progestins; more progestins circulate in women than in men
Androgens – sex hormones that circulate in the bloodstream in both sexes; more androgens
circulate in men than in women. Testosterone is the main one.
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Role of sex
The nature of a person’s enduring emotional, romantic or sexual attraction to others:
Heterosexuality – sexual motivation that is focused on members of the other sex.
Homosexuality – sexual motivation that is focused on members of one’s own sex.
Bisexuality – sexual motivation that is focused on members of both sexes.
Sexual orientation
Check your understanding
1 Each person’s learning history, cultural background and perceptions of the world interact to influence
and
effects on the brain.
2 Sex hormones have
3 Some studies indicate that estimates of gay, lesbian and bisexual people in some populations are at
.
per cent.
10.4 ACHIEVEMENT MOTIVATION
This sentence was written at 6 a.m. on a beautiful Sunday morning. Why would someone get up
that early to work on a weekend? Why do people take their work seriously and try to do the best
that they can? People work hard partly due to extrinsic motivation, a desire for external rewards such
as money.Work and other human behaviours also reflect intrinsic motivation, a desire to attain internal
satisfaction (Deci, Koestner & Ryan, 2001), including the kind that has been described by some
psychologists as flow (Hektner, Schmidt & Csikszentmihalyi, 2007). If you have ever lost track of time
while utterly absorbed in some intensely engaging work or recreation or athletics or creative activity,
you have experienced flow, or what some people call being ‘in the zone’.
The next time you visit someone’s home or office, look at the mementos displayed there.
You may see framed degrees and awards, trophies and ribbons, and photos of children and
grandchildren. These badges of achievement affirm that a person has accomplished tasks that
merit approval or establish worth. Much of our behaviour is motivated by a desire for approval,
admiration and achievement – in short, for esteem – from others and from ourselves. In this
section, we examine two of the most common avenues to esteem: achievement in general and a
job in particular.
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10.4 Achievement motivation
Need for achievement
Many athletes who already hold world records still train intensely; many people who built
multimillion-dollar businesses still work 14-hour days. What motivates these people?
Some psychologists suggest that the answer is a desire for mastery or effectance (Kusyszyn, 1990;
Surtees et al., 2006; White, 1959), the motivation to behave competently. These terms are similar
to an earlier concept described by Henry Murray (1938) as need achievement. People with a high
achievement motivation seek to master tasks – be they sports, business ventures, intellectual puzzles
or artistic creations – and obtain intense satisfaction from doing so. They strive for excellence, enjoy
themselves in the process, and take great pride in achieving at a high level.
Individual differences
which a person establishes
specific goals, cares about
meeting those goals, and
experiences feelings of
satisfaction by doing so
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How do people with strong achievement motivation differ from others? To find out, researchers gave
children a test to measure their need for achievement and then asked them to play a ring-toss game.
Children scoring low on the need achievement test usually stood either so close to the ring-toss
target that they couldn’t fail or so far away that they couldn’t succeed. In contrast, children scoring
high on the need achievement test stood at a moderate distance from the target, making the game
challenging but not impossible (McClelland, 1958).
These and other experiments suggest that people with high achievement motivation tend to set
challenging but realistic goals for themselves. They are interested in their work, actively seek success,
take risks when necessary, and are intensely satisfied when they succeed (Eisenberger et al., 2005). If
they feel they have tried their best, people with high achievement motivation are not too upset by
failure. Those with low achievement motivation also like to succeed, but instead of joy, success tends
to bring them relief at having avoided failure (Winter, 1996).There is some evidence that the differing
emotions – such as anticipation versus worry – that accompany the efforts of people with high and low
achievement motivation can affect how successful those efforts will be (Pekrun, Elliot & Maier, 2009).
achievement
motivation the degree to
Learning goals
Differences in achievement motivation also appear in the kinds of goals people seek in achievementrelated situations (Corker & Donnellan, 2012). Some people tend to adopt learning goals. When they
play golf, take piano lessons, work at puzzles and problems, go to school and get involved in other
achievement-oriented activities, they do so mainly to get better at those activities. Realising that they
may not yet have the skills necessary to achieve at a high level, they tend to learn by watching others
and to struggle with problems on their own rather than asking for help (Mayer & Sutton, 1996).When
they do seek help, people with learning goals are likely to ask for explanations, hints and other forms
of task-related information, not for quick, easy answers that remove the challenge from the situation.
Performance goals
In contrast, people who adopt performance goals are usually more concerned with demonstrating
the skill they believe they already possess. They tend to seek information about how well they have
performed compared with others rather than about how to improve their performance (Butler,
1998). When they seek help, it is usually to ask for the right answer rather than for tips on how to
find that answer themselves. As their primary goal is to demonstrate their competence, people with
performance goals tend to avoid new challenges if they are not confident that they will be successful,
and they tend to quit in response to failure (Grant & Dweck, 2003). Those with learning goals tend
to be more persistent and less upset when they don’t immediately perform well (Niiya, Crocker &
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Bartmess, 2004); having learning goals also predicts better adjustment among students who are going
to school in an unfamiliar culture (Gong & Fan, 2006).
Development of achievement motivation
Achievement motivation develops in early childhood, under the influence of both genetic and
environmental forces.
Parental influence
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Is it possible to
enhance people’s
achievement
motivation through
childhood training
and even later in
life?
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APPLYING
PSYCHOLOGY
As described in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’, children inherit general behavioural tendencies, such as
impulsiveness and emotionality, and these tendencies may support or undermine the development
of achievement motivation. The motivation to achieve is also shaped by what children learn from
watching and listening to others, especially their parents.
Evidence for the influence of parental
teachings about achievement comes from a study in which young boys were given a difficult task
at which they were sure to fail. Fathers whose sons scored low on achievement motivation tests
often became annoyed as they watched their boys struggle.They discouraged them from continuing,
interfered or even completed the task themselves (Rosen & D’Andrade, 1959). A different pattern
of behaviour appeared among parents of children who scored high on tests of achievement
motivation. Those parents tended to encourage the child to try difficult tasks, especially new ones;
give praise and other rewards for success; encourage the child to find ways to succeed rather than
merely complaining about failure; and prompt the child to go on to the next, more difficult
challenge (McClelland, 1985). Research with adults shows that even the slightest cues that bring
a parent to mind can boost people’s efforts to achieve a goal (Shah, 2003), and that university
students – especially those who have learning goals – feel closer to their parents while taking exams
(Moller, Elliot & Friedman, 2008).
Cultural influences
More general cultural influences also affect the development of achievement motivation. For example,
subtle messages about a culture’s view of how achievement occurs often appear in the books children
read and the stories they hear. Does the story’s main character work hard and overcome obstacles,
thus creating expectations of a pay-off for persistence? Or does a lazy main character drift aimlessly
and then win the lottery, suggesting that rewards come randomly, regardless of effort? If the main
character succeeds, is it the result of personal initiative, as is typical of stories in individualist cultures?
Or is success based on ties to a cooperative and supportive group, as is typical of stories in collectivist
cultures? Is the role of parents important to the academic achievement of Indigenous Australians?
These themes appear to act as blueprints for reaching culturally approved goals. It should not be
surprising, then, that ideas about how people achieve differ from culture to culture. In a study by
Boon (2008), the role of parenting variables was significant for protecting against future problem
behaviours and achieving academically in Indigenous adolescents.
Achievement motivation is also influenced by how much a particular culture values and rewards
achievement. For example, the motivation to excel is likely to be especially strong in cultures in
which demanding standards lead students to fear rejection if they fail to attain high grades (Eaton &
Dembo, 1997).
In short, achievement motivation is strongly influenced by social and cultural learning
experiences, as well as by the beliefs about oneself that these experiences help create (see the
Snapshot ‘Helping them do their best’). People who come to believe in their ability to achieve are
more likely to do so than those who expect to fail (Dweck, 1998; Greven et al., 2009; Tuckman,
2003; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000).
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10.4 Achievement motivation
Snapshot
Helping them do their best
Newspix/Bryan Lynch
Learning-oriented goals are especially appropriate in classrooms, where students typically have
little knowledge of the subject matter. This is why most teachers tolerate errors and reward
gradual improvement. They do not usually encourage performance goals, which emphasise doing
better than others and demonstrating immediate competence (Reeve, 1996). Still, to help
students do their best in the long run, teachers sometimes promote performance goals too.
The proper combination of both kinds of goals may be more motivating than either kind alone
(Barron & Harackiewicz, 2001).
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Goal setting and achievement motivation
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Why are you reading this chapter instead of watching television or hanging out with your friends? Your
motivation to study is probably based on your goal of doing well in a psychology course, which relates to
broader goals, such as earning a degree, having a career and the like. Psychologists have found that we set
goals when we recognise a discrepancy between our current situation and how we want that situation to
be (Oettingen, Pak & Schnetter, 2001). Establishing a goal motivates us to engage in behaviours designed
to reduce the discrepancy we have identified. The kinds of goals we set can influence the amount of
effort, persistence, attention and planning we devote to a task (Morisano et al., 2010).
In general, the more difficult the goal, the harder people will try to reach it (see the Snapshot
‘“Maybe they didn’t try hard enough”’). This rule assumes, of course, that the goal is seen as realistic.
Goals that are impossibly difficult may not motivate us to exert maximum effort.The rule also assumes
that we value the goal. If a difficult goal is set by someone else – as when a parent assigns a teenager to
keep a large lawn and garden trimmed and weeded – people may not accept it as their own and may not
work very hard to attain it. Setting goals that are clear and specific tends to increase people’s motivation
to persist at a task (Locke & Latham, 2002). For example, you are more likely to keep reading this
chapter if your goal is to ‘read the motivation section of the motivation and emotion chapter today’
than if it is to ‘do some studying’. Clarifying your goal makes it easier to know when you have reached
it and when it is time to stop. Without clear goals, a person can be more easily distracted by fatigue,
boredom or frustration, and more likely to give up before completing a task. Clear goals also tend to
focus people’s attention on creating plans for pursuing them, on the activities they believe will lead to
goal attainment, and on evaluating their progress. In short, the process of goal setting is more than just
wishful thinking. It is an important first step in motivating all kinds of behaviour.
Snapshot
‘Maybe they didn’t try hard enough’
Al Ross/The New Yorker Collection/
www.cartoonbank.com
Children raised in environments that support the
development of strong achievement motivation
tend not to give up on difficult tasks – even if all
the king’s horses and all the king’s men do!
'Maybe they didn't try hard enough.'
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Success
in the
workplace
Snapshot
In the workplace, there is usually less concern with employees’ general level of achievement
motivation than with their motivation to work hard during business hours. In fact, employers
tend to set up jobs in accordance with their ideas about how intrinsic motivation and extrinsic
motivation combine to shape their employees’ performance (Riggio, 1989). Employers
who see workers as lazy, dishonest and lacking in ambition tend to offer highly structured,
heavily supervised jobs that give employees little say in deciding what to do or how to do it.
These employers assume that workers are motivated mainly by extrinsic rewards – money in
particular. So they tend to be surprised when, despite good wages, employees sometimes express
dissatisfaction with their jobs and show little motivation to work hard (Diener & Seligman,
2004; Igalens & Roussel, 1999).
Influences on job satisfaction
If good pay alone doesn’t bring job satisfaction and the desire to excel on the job, what does? In
Western cultures, low worker motivation comes largely from the feeling of having little or no control
over the work environment (Rosen, 1991). Compared with those in rigidly structured jobs, workers
tend to be more satisfied and productive if they are encouraged to participate in decisions about how
work should be done; given problems to solve, without being told how to solve them; taught more
than one skill; given individual responsibility; and given public recognition, not just money, for good
performance (Fisher, 2000).
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iStock.com/Drazen Lovric
Some Australian
companies
recognise individual
contributions to
the success of
the company. The
goal is to increase
productivity and
job satisfaction by
rewarding employees
who solve problems
and make decisions
about how best to do
their jobs. Individuals
are publicly
recognised for
outstanding work and
often their picture
is placed in a public
domain.
Achievement and success in the workplace
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Goal setting
Allowing people to set and achieve clear goals is one way of increasing both job performance and job
satisfaction (Maynard, Joseph & Maynard, 2006). As suggested by our earlier discussion, some goals are
especially effective at maintaining work motivation (Katzell & Thompson, 1990). First, effective goals
are personally meaningful. When a letter from a remote administrator tells employees that they should
increase production, the employees tend to feel manipulated and not particularly motivated to meet
the goal. Before assigning difficult goals, good managers try to ensure that employees accept those goals
(Klein et al., 1999). They include employees in the goal-setting process, make sure that the employees
have the skills and resources to reach the goal, and emphasise the benefits to be gained from success –
perhaps including financial incentives (Locke & Latham, 1990). Second, effective goals are specific and
concrete (Locke & Latham, 2002).The goal of ‘doing better’ is usually not a strong motivator because it
provides no direction about how to proceed and fails to specify when the goal has been met. A specific
target, such as increasing sales by 10 per cent, is a far more motivating goal. It can be measured objectively,
allowing feedback on progress, and it tells workers whether the goal has been reached. Finally, goals are
most effective if management supports the workers’ own goal setting, offers special rewards for reaching
goals, and gives encouragement for renewed efforts after failure (Kluger & DeNisi, 1998).
In summary, motivating jobs offer personal challenges, independence, and both intrinsic and extrinsic
rewards (see the Snapshot ‘Success in the workplace’). They provide enough satisfaction for people to
feel excitement and pleasure in working hard (Burke & Fiksenbaum, 2009). For employers, the rewards
are more productivity, less absenteeism and greater employee loyalty (Ilgen & Pulakos, 1999).
Achievement and wellbeing
Some people believe that the more they achieve at work and elsewhere, and the more money and
other material goods they amass as a result, the happier they will be. Are they right? Researchers in
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10.4 Achievement motivation
the field of positive psychology have become increasingly interested in the systematic study of what
it actually takes to achieve happiness, or more formally, wellbeing (Seligman et al., 2005; Sheldon &
King, 2001). Wellbeing (also known as subjective wellbeing) is a combination of a cognitive judgement
of satisfaction with life and the frequent experiencing of positive moods and emotions (Samuel,
Bergman & Hupka-Brunner, 2013).
Impact of events
wellbeing a combination
of a cognitive judgement
of satisfaction with life and
the frequent experiencing
of positive moods and
emotions: also known as
subjective wellbeing
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Research on wellbeing indicates that, as you might expect, people living in extreme poverty or in
war-torn or politically chaotic countries are not as happy as people in better circumstances (Diener
et al., 2010). People everywhere react to good or bad events with corresponding changes in mood.
As described in Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’, for example, severe or long-lasting stressors –
such as the death of a loved one – can lead to psychological and physical problems. Although events
do have an impact, the depressing or elevating effects of major changes, such as being promoted or
fired, or even being imprisoned, seriously injured or disabled, tend not to last as long as we might
think they would (Abrantes-Pais et al., 2007; Gilbert et al., 2004). In other words, how happy you are
may have less to do with what happens to you than you might expect (Bartels, 2015).
Most event-related changes in mood subside within days or weeks, and most people then
return to their previous level of happiness (Suh, Diener & Fujita, 1996). Even when events create
permanent changes in circumstances, most people adapt by changing their expectancies and goals,
not by radically and permanently changing their baseline level of happiness (for example, Smith
et al., 2009). For example, people may be thrilled after getting a big salary increase, but as they get
used to having it, the thrill fades, and they may eventually feel just as underpaid as before. In fact,
although there are exceptions (Fujita & Diener, 2005; Lucas, 2007), most people’s level of subjective
wellbeing tends to be remarkably stable throughout their lives. This baseline level may be related to
temperament or personality, and it has been likened to a set point for body weight (Lykken, 1999).
507
Influence of genetics
Like many other aspects of temperament, our baseline level of happiness may be influenced by
genetics. Twin studies have shown, for example, that individual differences in happiness are more
strongly associated with inherited personality characteristics than with environmental factors such as
money, popularity or physical attractiveness (Lykken, 1999; Tellegen et al., 1988).
Other influences on wellbeing
Beyond inherited tendencies, the things that appear to matter most in generating happiness are close
social ties (including friends and a satisfying marriage or partnership), religious faith, and having the
resources necessary to allow progress towards one’s goals (Diener, 2000; Mehl et al., 2010; Myers,
2000). So you don’t have to be a rich, physically attractive high achiever to be happy, and it turns out
that most people in Western cultures are relatively happy (Stone et al., 2010).
These results are consistent with the views expressed over many centuries by philosophers,
psychologists and wise people in all cultures (Ekman et al., 2005). As discussed in Chapter 13,
‘Personality’, for example, Abraham Maslow (1970) noted that when people in Western cultures
experience unhappiness and psychological problems, those problems can often be traced to a deficiency
orientation. He said that these people seek happiness by trying to acquire the goods and reach the
status they don’t currently have – but think they need – rather than by appreciating life itself and
the material and non-material riches they already have. Others have amplified this point, suggesting
that efforts to get more of the things we think will bring happiness may actually contribute to
unhappiness if what we get is never ‘enough’ (Diener & Seligman, 2004; Luthar & Latendresse, 2005;
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Nickerson et al., 2003; Quoidbach et al., 2010). Indeed, the old saying that ‘life is a journey, not a
destination’ suggests that we are more likely to find happiness by experiencing full engagement in
what we are doing rather than by focusing on what we are or are not getting.
Relations and conflicts among motives
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Maslow’s ideas about deficiency motivation were part of his more general view of human behaviour
as reflecting a hierarchy of needs, or motives (see Figure 10.5). Needs at the lowest level of the
hierarchy, he said, must be at least partially satisfied before people can be motivated by higher-level
goals. From the bottom to the top of Maslow’s hierarchy, these five needs are as follows:
1 physiological, such as the need for food, water, oxygen and sleep
2 safety, such as the need to be cared for as a child and have a secure income as an adult
3 belongingness and love, such as the need to be part of groups and to participate in affectionate
sexual and non-sexual relationships
4 esteem, such as the need to be respected as a useful, honourable individual
5 self-actualisation, which means reaching one’s fullest potential – people motivated by this need
explore and enhance relationships with others; follow interests for intrinsic pleasure rather than
for money, status or esteem; and are concerned with issues affecting all people, not just themselves.
FIGURE 10.5 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs
Abraham Maslow (1970) saw human needs or motives
as organised in a hierarchy in which those at lower
levels take precedence over those at higher levels.
According to this view, self-actualisation is the
essence of mental health, but Maslow recognised that
only rare individuals, such as Mother Teresa or Martin
Luther King Jr, approach full self-actualisation.
TRY THIS
Take a moment to consider which level
of Maslow’s hierarchy you are focused on at this point
in your life. Which level do you ultimately hope to
reach?
Self-actualisation
(i.e., maximising one's potential)
Esteem
(e.g., respect)
Belongingness and love
(e.g., acceptance, affection)
Safety
(e.g., nurturance, money)
Physiological
(e.g., food, water, oxygen)
Adapted from Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50, 370–396.
Maslow’s hierarchy has been very influential over the years, partly because the needs associated with
basic survival and security do generally take precedence over those related to self-enhancement or personal
growth (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Critics, however, see the hierarchy as far too simplistic (Hall, Lindzey
& Campbell, 1998; Neher, 1991). It does not predict or explain, for example, the motivation of people
who starve themselves to death to draw attention to political or moral causes. Furthermore, people may
not have to satisfy one kind of need before addressing others; we can seek several needs at once. Finally, the
ordering of needs within the survival and security category and the enhancement and growth category
differs from culture to culture, suggesting that there may not be a single, universal hierarchy of needs.
Alternatives to Maslow’s theory
To address some of the problems in Maslow’s theory, Clayton Alderfer (1969) proposed existence,
relatedness and growth theory (ERG theory), which places human needs into just three categories:
existence needs (such as for food and water), relatedness needs (for example, for social interactions and
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10.4 Achievement motivation
LINKAGES
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Conflicting motives and stress
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attachments) and growth needs (such as for developing one’s capabilities). Unlike Maslow, Alderfer
doesn’t assume that these needs must be satisfied in a particular order. Instead, he sees needs in each
category as rising and falling from time to time and from situation to situation. When a need in one
area is fulfilled, or even if it is frustrated, a person will be motivated to pursue some other needs.
For example, if a break-up frustrates relatedness needs, a person might focus on existence or growth
needs by eating more or volunteering to work late.
More recently, Douglas Kenrick and his colleagues (2010) have proposed that Maslow’s original
hierarchy should be expanded and adjusted rather than discarded. They offer a revised hierarchy
based on evolutionary theory in which the need for self-actualisation is replaced by three others: the
need to find a mate, the need to keep a mate, and the need to become a parent.
As in the case of hunger strikes, in which the desire to
promote a cause is pitted against the desire to eat, human
motives can sometimes conflict. The usual result is some
degree of discomfort. For example, imagine that you are
alone and bored on a Saturday night, and you think about
going to the local shop to buy some snacks. What are your
motives? Hunger might prompt you to go out, as might the
prospect of increased arousal that a change of scene will
provide. Even sexual motivation might be involved as you
fantasise about meeting someone exciting in the snack food
aisle. However, safety-related motives may also kick in: Is
your neighbourhood safe enough for you to go out alone at
night? An esteem motive might come into play, too, making
you hesitate to be seen on your own on a weekend night.
These are just a few motives that may shape a trivial
decision. When the decision is more important, the number
and strength of motivational pushes and pulls are often
greater, creating far more internal conflict. Four basic types
of motivational conflict have been identified (Elliot, 2008;
Miller, 1959):
1 Approach–approach conflicts. When a person must
choose only one of two desirable activities – say, going
with friends to a movie or to a party – an approach–
approach conflict exists.
2 Avoidance–avoidance conflicts. An avoidance–avoidance
conflict arises when a person must pick one of two
undesirable alternatives. Someone forced either to
sell the family home or to declare bankruptcy faces an
avoidance–avoidance conflict.
3 Approach–avoidance conflicts. If someone you dislike
had tickets to your favourite group’s sold-out concert
and invited you to come
LINKAGES
along, what would you do?
When a single event or
Can motivational
activity has both attractive
conflicts cause
stress? (a link to
and unattractive features,
Chapter 12, ‘Health,
an approach–avoidance
stress and coping’)
conflict is created.
4 Multiple approach–avoidance
conflicts. Suppose that you must choose between
two jobs. One offers a good salary with a well-known
company, but it requires long hours and relocation to a
less preferable climate. The other boasts advancement
opportunities, fringe benefits and a better climate, but
also lower pay and an unpredictable work schedule.
This is an example of a multiple approach–avoidance
conflict, in which two or more alternatives each have
both positive and negative features. Such conflicts are
difficult to resolve partly because it may be hard to
compare the features of each option. For example, how
much more money per year does it take to compensate
you for living in a climate you hate?
In fact, all of these conflicts can be difficult to resolve
and can create significant emotional arousal and other signs
of stress, a topic described in Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress
and coping’ (also see the Snapshot ‘A stressful conflict’).
Most people in the midst of motivational conflicts are
tense, irritable and more vulnerable than usual to physical
and psychological problems. These reactions are especially
likely when none of the choices available is obviously
‘right’, when conflicting motives have approximately equal
strength, and when the final choice can have serious
>>>
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
consequences (as in decisions about marrying, splitting up
or placing an elderly parent in a nursing home). People may
take a long time to resolve these conflicts, or they may act
impulsively and thoughtlessly, if only to end the discomfort
of uncertainty. Even after resolving a conflict on the basis
of careful thought, people may continue to experience
stress responses such as worrying about whether they made
the right decision or blaming themselves for bad choices.
These and other consequences of conflicting motives can
even lead to depression or other serious disorders.
Snapshot
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TRY THIS
Think back to the time when you were deciding
about which university to attend, or whether you could or
should go to university at all. Was the decision easy and
obvious, or did it create a motivational conflict? If there was
a conflict, was it an approach–approach, approach–
avoidance, avoidance–avoidance or multiple approach–
avoidance conflict? What factors were most important in
deciding how to resolve the conflict, and what emotions and
signs of stress did you experience during and after the
decision-making process?
Alamy Stock Photo/Marmaduke St. John
A stressful conflict
Opponent processes, motivation and emotion
Resolving approach–avoidance conflicts is often complicated by the fact that some behaviours have
more than one emotional effect, and those effects may be opposite to one another. People who ride
roller-coasters or skydive, for example, often say that the experience is scary but also thrilling. How
do they decide whether or not to repeat these behaviours? One answer lies in the changing value of
incentives and the regulation of arousal described in Richard Solomon’s opponent-process theory, which
is discussed in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’. Opponent-process theory is based on two assumptions. The
first is that any reaction to a stimulus is followed by an opposite reaction, called the opponent process.
For example, being startled by a sudden sound is typically followed by relaxation and relief. Second,
after repeated exposure to the same stimulus, the initial reaction weakens and the opponent process
becomes quicker and stronger.
Research on opponent-process theory has revealed a predictable pattern of emotional changes
that helps explain some people’s motivation to repeatedly engage in arousing but fearsome activities,
such as skydiving. Before each of their first few jumps, people usually experience stark terror, followed
by intense relief when they reach the ground. With more experience, however, the terror becomes
mild anxiety, and what had been relief grows to a sense of elation that may start to appear during the
activity (Solomon, 1980). As a result, said Solomon, some people’s motivation to pursue skydiving and
other ‘extreme sports’ can become a virtual addiction. Opponent-process theory has also been used
to improve our understanding of the effects of pain-relieving drugs (Leknes et al., 2008;Vargas-Perez
et al., 2007).
The emotions associated with motivational conflicts and with the operation of opponent
processes provide just two examples of the close ties between motivation and emotion. Motivation
can intensify emotion, as when a normally calm but extremely hungry person makes an angry phone
call about a late pizza delivery. Emotions can also create motivation (Brehm, Miron & Miller, 2009).
So let’s take a closer look at emotions.
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10.5 The nature of emotion
IN REVIEW
Achievement motivation
ASPECTS
DESCRIPTION
Definition and
development
Achievement motivation is the degree to which a person establishes specific goals, cares about
meeting those goals, and experiences feelings of satisfaction by doing so.
Achievement motivation develops in early childhood, under the influence of both genetic and
environmental (parental and cultural) forces.
Goal setting and
achievement motivation
Differences in achievement motivation appear in the kinds of goals people seek in achievementrelated situations.
ly
Achievement and success Factors include the importance of job satisfaction and extrinsic rewards such as money.
in the workplace
Clear goals are one way of increasing both job performance and job satisfaction.
Relations and conflicts
among motives
Maslow’s Hierarchy of needs are as follows:
physiological, such as the need for food, water, oxygen and sleep
safety, such as the need to be cared for as a child and have a secure income as an adult
belongingness and love, such as the need to be part of groups and to participate in affectionate
sexual and non-sexual relationships
esteem, such as the need to be respected as a useful, honourable individual
self-actualisation, which means reaching one’s fullest potential.
Opponent processes
Any reaction to a stimulus is followed by an opposite reaction; for example, being startled by a
sudden sound is typically followed by relaxation and relief.
After repeated exposure to the same stimulus, the initial reaction weakens and the opponent
process becomes quicker and stronger.
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Achievement and
wellbeing
Wellbeing is a combination of a cognitive judgement of satisfaction with life and the frequent
experiencing of positive moods and emotions (also called subjective wellbeing).
Events impact on wellbeing – we react to good or bad events with corresponding changes in
mood – as do genetics, in terms of temperament.
Also important are social ties (including friends and a satisfying marriage or partnership), religious
faith and having the resources necessary to allow progress towards one’s goals.
Check your understanding
1
There is some evidence that differing emotions such as
and
can affect how successful our efforts are
in relation to achievement motivation levels.
when we recognise a discrepancy between our current situation and how we
2 Psychologists have found that we
want that situation to be.
can be replaced by three other needs: the need to find a mate, the need to keep a
3 In revising Maslow’s model,
mate, and the need to become a parent.
10.5 THE NATURE OF EMOTION
Everyone seems to agree that joy, sorrow, anger, fear, love and hate are emotions, but it is hard to
identify exactly what it is that makes these experiences emotions rather than, say, thoughts or impulses.
In fact, some cultures see emotion and thought as the same thing. The Chewong of Malaysia, for
example, consider the liver the seat of both what we call thoughts and feelings (Russell, 1991).
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Winners
and losers
Snapshot
Most psychologists in Western cultures see emotions as organised psychological and physiological
reactions to changes in our relationship to the world. These reactions are partly private, or subjective,
experiences and partly objective, measurable patterns of behaviour and physiological arousal. The
subjective experience of emotion has several characteristics:
1 Emotion is usually temporary; it tends to have a relatively clear beginning and end, as well as a
relatively short duration. Moods, by contrast, tend to last longer.
2 Emotional experience can be positive, as in joy, or negative, as in sadness. It can also be a mixture
of both, as in the bittersweet feelings parents experience when watching their child leave for
the first day of kindergarten.
3 Emotional experience alters thought processes, often by directing attention towards some things
and away from others. Negative emotions, such as fear, tend to narrow attention. So anxiety
about terrorism, for example, might lead you to focus your attention on potential threats in
airports and other public places (Nobata, Hakoda & Ninose, 2010;Yovel & Mineka, 2005).
Positive emotions tend to widen our attention, which makes it easier to take in a broader
range of visual information and perhaps to think more broadly too (Fredrickson et al., 2008).
4 Emotional experience triggers an action tendency, the motivation to behave in certain ways.
Positive emotions, such as joy, contentment and pride, often lead to playfulness, creativity and
exploration of the environment (Cacioppo, Gardner & Berntson, 1999; Fredrickson, 2001).
These behaviours, in turn, can generate further positive emotions by creating stronger social ties,
greater skill at problem solving, and the like. The result may be an ‘upward spiral’ of positivity
(Burns et al., 2008). Negative emotions, such as sadness and fear, often promote withdrawal from
threatening situations, whereas anger might lead to actions aimed at revenge or constructive
change. Grieving parents’ anger, for example, might motivate them to harm their child’s killer.
For John Walsh, whose son was kidnapped and murdered, grief led him to help prevent such
crimes by creating America’s Most Wanted, a TV show dedicated to bringing criminals to justice.
5 Emotional experiences are passions that you feel, usually whether you want to or not.You can
exert at least some control over emotions in the sense that they depend partly on how you
interpret situations (Gross, 2001). For example, your emotional reaction might be less extreme
after a car accident if you remind yourself that no-one was hurt and that you are insured. Still,
such control is limited.You cannot decide to experience joy or sorrow; instead, you ‘fall in love’
or ‘explode in anger’ or are ‘overcome by grief ’.
In other words, the subjective aspects of emotions are both triggered by the thinking self and felt
as happening to the self. They reveal each of us as both agent and object, both I and me, both the
controller of thoughts and the recipient of passions. The extent to which we are ‘victims’ of our
passions versus rational designers of our emotions is a central dilemma of human existence, as much
a subject of philosophy and literature as of psychology.
The objective aspects of emotion include learned and innate expressive displays and physiological
responses. Expressive displays – such as a smile or a frown – communicate feelings to others. Physiological
responses – such as changes in heart rate – are the biological adjustments needed to perform the action
tendencies generated by emotional experience. If you throw a tantrum or jump for joy, your heart
must deliver additional oxygen and fuel to your muscles (see the Snapshot ‘Winners and losers’).
In summary, emotions are temporary experiences with either positive, negative or mixed
qualities. People experience emotion with varying intensity, as happening to them, as generated
in part by a mental assessment of situations, and accompanied by both learned and innate physical
responses.Through emotion, whether they mean to or not, people communicate their internal states
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Getty Images/Stringer
Emotional
experiences depend
in part on our
interpretation of
situations and how
those situations
relate to our goals.
A single event – the
announcement of
the results of this
match – triggered
drastically different
emotional reactions
in the contestants,
depending on whether
it made them the
winner or the loser.
Similarly, an exam
score of 75 per cent
may thrill you if your
best previous score
had been 50 per cent,
but it may upset you if
you had never before
scored below 90 per
cent.
Defining characteristics
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512
emotions transitory
positive or negative
experiences that are felt
as happening to the self,
are generated in part
by cognitive appraisal
of a situation, and are
accompanied by both
learned and innate physical
responses
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10.5 The nature of emotion
513
and intentions to others. Emotion often disrupts thinking and behaviour, but it also triggers and
guides thinking, and organises, motivates and sustains behaviour and social relations (Izard, 2007).
The biology of emotion
The role of biology in emotion can be seen in mechanisms of the central nervous system and the
autonomic nervous system. In the central nervous system, several brain areas are involved in the generation
of emotions, as well as in our experience of those emotions (Barrett & Wager, 2006). The autonomic
nervous system gives rise to many of the physiological changes associated with emotional arousal.
Brain mechanisms
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Although many questions remain, researchers have described three main aspects of how emotion is
processed in the brain. These are in the limbic system, through facial expressions, and involving the
cerebral cortex.
Response in the limbic system
First, it appears that activity in the limbic system, especially in the amygdala, is central to emotion
(Kensinger & Corkin, 2004; Phelps & LeDoux, 2005; see Figure 10.6). Normal functioning in the
amygdala appears critical to learning emotional associations, recognising emotional expressions,
and perceiving emotionally charged words (for example, Anderson & Phelps, 2001; Suslow et al.,
2006). In one brain-imaging study, when researchers paired an uncomfortably loud noise with
pictures of faces, the participants’ brains showed activation of the amygdala while the noise–
picture association was being learned (LaBar et al., 1998). In another study, victims of a disease
that destroys only the amygdala were found to be unable to judge other people’s emotional states
by looking at their faces (Adolphs et al., 1994). Faces that normal people rated as expressing
strong negative emotions were rated by the amygdala-damaged individuals as approachable and
trustworthy (Adolphs, Tranel & Damasio, 1998).
FIGURE 10.6 Brain regions involved
in emotions
Incoming sensory information alerts
the brain to an emotion-evoking
situation. Most of the information goes
through the thalamus. The cingulate
cortex and hippocampus are involved
in the interpretation of this sensory
input. Output from these areas goes
to the amygdala and hypothalamus,
which control the autonomic nervous
system via brain-stem connections.
There are also connections from the
thalamus directly to the amygdala.
The locus coeruleus is an area of the
brain stem that causes both widespread
arousal of cortical areas and changes in
autonomic activity.
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Frontal cortex
Basal ganglia
Thalamus
Hypothalamus
Pituitary
Cingulate cortex
Hippocampus
Amygdala
Sensory input
Locus coeruleus
Spinal cord
Activation of
autonomic
nervous system
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
Facial expressions
The cerebral cortex
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A second aspect of the brain’s involvement in emotion is its control over emotional and nonemotional facial expressions. TRY THIS
Take a moment to look in a mirror and put on your best
fake smile.The voluntary facial movements you just made, like all voluntary movements, are controlled
by the pyramidal motor system, a brain system that includes the motor cortex (see Figure 3.12 and
Figure 3.13 in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’). However, a smile that expresses genuine
happiness is involuntary.That kind of smile, like the other facial movements associated with emotions,
is governed by the extrapyramidal motor system, which depends on areas beneath the cortex. Brain
damage can disrupt either system. People with pyramidal motor system damage show normal facial
expressions during genuine emotion, but they cannot fake a smile. In contrast, people with damage
to the extrapyramidal system can pose facial expressions at will, but they remain expressionless even
when feeling joy or sadness (Hopf, Muller & Hopf, 1992).
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A third aspect of the brain’s role in emotion is revealed by research on the cerebral cortex and
particularly on differences in the activity of its two hemispheres in relation to emotional experience.
For example, after suffering damage to the right but not the left hemisphere, people no
longer laugh at jokes, even though they can still understand the jokes’ words, their logic (or
illogicality) and their punchlines (Critchley, 1991). Brain-imaging studies of sports fans watching
their favourite team in action have revealed greater activation in the left hemisphere when their
team is ahead and more activation in the right hemisphere when their team is behind (Park et al.,
2009).There is also evidence that the experience of anger and depression is associated with greater
brain activity on the right side than on the left (Carver & Harmon-Jones, 2009; Herrington
et al., 2010).
So the brain’s two hemispheres appear to make somewhat different contributions to the
perception, experience and expression of emotion (Davidson, 2000; Davidson, Shackman & Maxwell,
2004). Furthermore, different brain areas can be involved in displaying and experiencing positive and
negative emotions (Harmon-Jones, 2004; Harmon-Jones & Sigelman, 2001; Heller, 1993). As a result,
it is extremely challenging for neuroscientists to map the brain’s role in emotion (Bourne, 2010;
Root, Wong & Kinsbourne, 2006;Vingerhoets, Berckmoes & Stroobant, 2003).
Mechanisms of the autonomic nervous system
sympathetic nervous
system the subsystem
of the autonomic nervous
system that usually prepares
the organism for vigorous
activity
parasympathetic
nervous system the
subsystem of the autonomic
nervous system that
typically influences activity
related to the protection,
nourishment and growth of
the body
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The autonomic nervous system (ANS) is involved in many of the physiological changes that
accompany emotions (see Figure 10.7). If your hands get cold and clammy when you are nervous, it
is because the ANS has increased perspiration and decreased the blood flow in your hands.
As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, the ANS carries information
between the brain and most organs of the body – the heart and blood vessels, the digestive system
and so on. Each of these organs has its own ongoing activity, but ANS input increases or decreases
this activity. By doing so, the ANS coordinates the functioning of these organs to meet the body’s
general needs and to prepare it for change. If you are aroused to take action – to run to catch a bus,
say – you need more glucose to fuel your muscles. The ANS frees needed energy by stimulating
secretion of glucose-generating hormones and promoting blood flow to the muscles.
Organisation of the ANS
As shown in Figure 10.7, the autonomic nervous system is organised into two divisions: the
sympathetic nervous system and the parasympathetic nervous system. Emotions can activate
either of these divisions, both of which send axon fibres to each organ in the body. Generally,
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10.5 The nature of emotion
FIGURE 10.7 The autonomic nervous system
Emotional responses involve activation of the autonomic nervous system, which includes sympathetic and parasympathetic
subsystems. TRY THIS
Look at the bodily responses depicted here and make a list of the ones that you associate with
emotional experiences.
Dilates pupil
Stimulates salivation
Inhibits salivation
Sympathetic
ganglion
Slows respiration
Increases respiration
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Noradrenaline
released
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Constricts pupil
Target organ
Acetylcholine
released
Parasympathetic
ganglion
Slows heartbeat
Accelerates heartbeat
Stimulates
gallbladder
Stimulates
glucose release
Stimulates digestion
Inhibits digestion
Secretes adrenaline
and noradrenaline
Contracts bladder
Relaxes bladder
Stimulates genitals
Inhibits genitals
the sympathetic and parasympathetic fibres have opposite effects on these target organs. Axons from
the parasympathetic system release acetylcholine onto target organs, leading to activity related to the
protection, nourishment and growth of the body. For example, parasympathetic activity increases
digestion by stimulating movement of the intestinal system so that more nutrients are taken from
food.Axons from the sympathetic system release a different neurotransmitter, noradrenaline, onto target
organs, helping prepare the body for vigorous activity. When one part of the sympathetic system is
stimulated, other parts are activated ‘in sympathy’ with it. For example, input from sympathetic
neurons to the adrenal medulla causes that gland to release noradrenaline and adrenaline into the
bloodstream, thereby activating all sympathetic target organs (see Figure 12.3 in Chapter 12, ‘Health,
stress and coping’).The result is the fight–flight syndrome (also called the fight-or-flight reaction),
a pattern of increased heart rate and blood pressure, rapid or irregular breathing, dilated pupils,
perspiration, dry mouth, increased blood sugar, piloerection (‘goosebumps’) and other changes that
help prepare the body to combat or run from a threat.
The ANS is not directly connected to brain areas involved in consciousness, so sensations about
organ activity reach the brain at a non-conscious level.You may hear your stomach grumble, but you
can’t actually feel it secrete acids. Similarly, you can’t consciously experience the brain mechanisms
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fight–flight syndrome
(fight-or-flight
reaction) a physical
reaction triggered by the
sympathetic nervous system
that prepares the body
to fight or to run from a
threatening situation
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that alter the activity of your autonomic nervous system. This is why most people don’t have direct,
conscious control over blood pressure or other aspects of ANS activity. However, there are things you
can do to indirectly affect the ANS. For example, to create autonomic stimulation of your sex organs,
you might imagine an erotic situation. To raise your blood pressure, you might hold your breath or
strain your muscles; to lower it, you can lie down, relax and think calming thoughts, or engage in
various forms of meditation (Greeson, 2009; see Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’).
IN REVIEW
ASPECTS
The subjective experience of emotion has several characteristics:
emotion is usually temporary
emotional experience can be positive or negative
emotional experience alters thought processes
emotional experience triggers an action tendency
emotional experiences are passions that you feel.
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Defining
characteristics
DESCRIPTION
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The nature of emotion
The biology of
emotion
Brain mechanisms:
the amygdala is central to emotion
control over emotional and non-emotional facial expressions
differences in the activity of the two hemispheres of the cerebral cortex in relation to emotional experience
Autonomic nervous system mechanisms:
sympathetic nervous system usually prepares the organism for vigorous activity
parasympathetic nervous system typically influences activity related to the protection, nourishment and
growth of the body
Check your understanding
1
2 The
3 The
are temporary experiences with positive, negative or mixed qualities.
is involved in many of the physiological changes that accompany emotions.
helps prepare the body to combat or run from a threat.
10.6 THEORIES OF EMOTION
How does activity in the brain and the autonomic nervous system relate to the emotions we
experience? Are autonomic responses to events enough to create the experience of emotion, or are
those responses the result of emotional experiences that begin in the brain? And how are emotional
reactions affected by the way we think about events? For over a century, psychologists have searched
for the answers to these questions. In the process, they have developed a number of theories that
explain emotion primarily in terms of biological or cognitive factors. The main biological theories
are those of William James and Walter Cannon. The most prominent cognitive theories are those of
Stanley Schachter and Richard Lazarus. In this section, we review these theories, along with some
research designed to evaluate them.
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517
James’ peripheral theory
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When you go camping and find a snake in your tent, you would probably be afraid and run away. But
would you run because you are afraid, or would you be afraid because you ran? The example and the
question come from William James, who in the late 1800s offered one of the first formal accounts of
how physiological responses relate to emotional experience. James argued that you are afraid because
you run.Your running and the physiological responses associated with it, he said, follow directly from
your perception of the snake.Without these physiological responses, you would feel no fear, because,
said James, recognition of physiological responses is fear. James saw activity in the peripheral nervous
system as the cause of emotional experience, and his theory is known as a peripheral theory of emotion.
At first, James’ theory might seem ridiculous; it doesn’t make sense to run from something unless
you already fear it. James (1890) concluded otherwise after examining his own mental processes. He
decided that once you strip away all physiological responses, nothing remains of the experience of
an emotion. Emotion, he reasoned, must therefore be the result of experiencing a particular set of
physiological responses. A similar argument was offered by Carl Lange, a Danish physician, so James’
view is sometimes called the James–Lange theory of emotion.
Observing peripheral responses
Figure 10.8 outlines the components of emotional experience, including those emphasised by James.
First, a perception affects the cerebral cortex, said James; ‘then quick as a flash, reflex currents pass
down through their pre-ordained channels, alter the condition of muscle, skin and viscus; and these
alterations, perceived, like the original object, in as many portions of the cortex, combine with it in
consciousness and transform it from an object-simply-apprehended into an object-emotionally-felt’
(James, 1890, p. 759). In other words, the brain interprets a situation and automatically directs a particular
set of peripheral physiological changes – a racing heart, sinking stomach, facial grimace, perspiration and
certain patterns of blood flow.We are not conscious of the process, said James, until we become aware of
these bodily changes; at that point, we experience an emotion. One implication of this view is that each
particular emotion is created by a particular pattern of physiological responses. For example, fear would
follow from one pattern of bodily responses, and anger would follow from a different pattern.
Notice that according to James’ view, emotional experience is not generated by activity in the brain
alone. There is no special ‘emotion centre’ in the brain where the firing of neurons creates a direct
experience of emotion. If this theory is accurate, it might account for the difficulty we sometimes
have in knowing our true feelings: we must figure out what emotions we feel by perceiving slight
differences in specific physiological response patterns (Katkin, Wiens & Öhman, 2001).
Evaluating James’ theory
The English language includes more than 500 labels for emotions (Averill, 1980). Does a different
pattern of physiological activity precede each of these specific emotions? Probably not, but research
shows that certain emotional states are indeed associated with certain patterns of autonomic activity
(Christie & Friedman, 2004; Craig, 2002; Damasio et al., 2000). For example, blood flow to the
hands and feet increases in association with anger and declines in association with fear (Levenson,
Ekman & Friesen, 1990). So fear involves ‘cold feet’; anger does not. A pattern of activity associated
with disgust includes increased muscle activity but no change in heart rate. Even when people
mentally relive different kinds of emotional experiences, they show patterns of autonomic activity
associated with those emotions (Ekman, Levenson & Friesen, 1983).These emotion-specific patterns
of physiological activity have been found in widely different cultures (Levenson et al., 1992). It has
even been suggested that the ‘gut feelings’ that cause us to approach or avoid certain situations might
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
FIGURE 10.8 Components of emotion
Emotion is associated with activity in the central nervous system (the brain and spinal cord), as well as with responses elsewhere in the
body (called peripheral responses), and with cognitive interpretations of events. Emotion theorists have differed about which of these
components is essential for emotion. William James focused on the perception of peripheral responses, such as changes in heart rate.
Walter Cannon said that emotion could occur entirely within the brain. Stanley Schachter emphasised cognitive factors, including how
we interpret events and how we label our peripheral responses to them.
2. Cognitive interpretation
(That snake can kill me!)
3. Activation of CNS
and peripheral
nervous system
(Cannon)
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1. Sensation/perception
(It's a snake!)
5. Perception of
peripheral responses
(James)
6. Cognitive
interpretation of
peripheral responses
(Schachter)
4. Peripheral responses
(e.g., increase in
heart rate, change in
facial expression)
be the result of physiological changes that are perceived without conscious awareness (Bechara et al.,
1997; Damasio, 1994; Katkin, Wiens & Öhman, 2001; Winkielman & Berridge, 2004).
Autonomic activity and facial expressions
Different patterns of autonomic activity are closely tied to specific emotional facial expressions. In
one study, when participants were asked to make certain facial movements, autonomic changes
occurred that resembled those normally accompanying emotion (Ekman, Levenson & Friesen, 1983;
see Figure 10.9). Almost all these participants also reported feeling the emotion – such as fear, anger,
disgust, sadness or happiness – associated with the expression they had created, even though they
could not see their own expressions and did not realise that they had portrayed a specific emotion.
To get an idea of how facial expressions can alter – as well as express – emotion, look at
TRY THIS
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10.6 Theories of emotion
0.3
0.2
4
Change
Change
5
3
0
2
–0.1
1
Heart rate
Finger temperature
(A)
(B)
0.6
0.012
0.5
0.008
0.4
0.004
Change
Change
0.1
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In this experiment, facial
movements characteristic of
different emotions produced
different patterns of change in
(A) heart rate; (B) peripheral
blood flow, as measured by
finger temperature; (C) skin
conductance; and (D) muscle
activity (Levenson, Ekman &
Friesen, 1990). For example,
making an angry face caused
heart rate and finger temperature
to rise, whereas making a fearful
face raised heart rate but lowered
finger temperature.
6
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FIGURE 10.9 Physiological
changes associated with different
emotions
519
0.3
0
0.2
–0.004
0.1
–0.008
Skin conductance
Muscle activity
(D)
(C)
Anger
Sadness
Happiness
Fear
Disgust
Surprise
From Levenson, R. W., Ekman, P., & Friesen, W. V. (1990). Voluntary facial action generates emotion-specific autonomic nervous system activity. Psychophysiology, 27, 363–384.
a photograph of someone whose face is expressing a strong emotion and try your best to imitate it.
Did this create in you the same feelings that the other person appears to be experiencing? The
emotional effects of this kind of ‘face making’ appear strongest in people who are the most sensitive
to internal bodily cues.
Physiology and emotion
James’ theory implies that the experience of emotion would be blocked if a person were unable to
detect physiological changes occurring in the body’s periphery. So spinal cord injuries that reduce
feedback from peripheral responses should reduce the intensity of emotional experiences. Indeed,
some people with such injuries have reported reductions in the intensity of their emotions, especially
if the injuries are at higher points in the spinal cord, which cuts off feedback from more areas of the
body (Hohmann, 1966). Brain-imaging studies, too, show differences in the processing of emotional
stimuli by people with spinal cord injuries (Nicotra et al., 2006). However, most studies show that when
people with spinal injuries continue to pursue their life goals, they experience a full range of emotions,
including as much happiness as non-injured people (for example, Bermond et al., 1991; Cobos et al.,
2004).These people report that their emotional experiences are just as intense as before their injuries,
even though they notice less intense physiological changes associated with their emotions.
Lie detection
James’ view that different patterns of physiological activity are associated with different emotions
forms the basis for the lie detection industry. If people experience anxiety or guilt when they lie,
specific patterns of physiological activity accompanying these emotions should be detectable on
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instruments, called polygraphs, that record heart rate, breathing, perspiration and other autonomic
responses (Granhag & Stromwall, 2004; Iacono & Patrick, 2006).
To examine a criminal suspect using the control question test, a polygraph operator would ask
questions specific to the crime, such as, ‘Did you stab anyone on 6 November 2016?’ Responses to
such relevant questions are then compared with responses to control questions, such as, ‘Have you ever
lied to get out of trouble?’ Innocent people may have lied at some time in the past and might feel
guilty when asked about it, but they should have no reason to feel guilty about what they did on
6 November 2016. So an innocent person should have a stronger emotional response to control
questions than to relevant questions (Rosenfeld, 1995). Another approach, called the directed lie test,
compares a person’s physiological reactions when asked to lie about something and when telling
what is known to be the truth. Finally, the guilty knowledge test seeks to determine if a person reacts
in a notable way to information about a crime that only the criminal would know (Ben-Shakhar,
Bar-Hillel & Kremnitzer, 2002).
Most people do have emotional responses when they lie, but statistics about the accuracy of polygraphs
are difficult to obtain. Estimates vary widely, from those suggesting that polygraphs detect 90 per
cent of guilty, lying individuals (Gamer et al., 2006; Honts & Quick, 1995; Kircher, Horowitz &
Raskin, 1988; Raskin, 1986) to those suggesting that polygraphs mislabel as many as 40 per cent of
truthful, innocent people as guilty liars (Ben-Shakhar & Furedy, 1990; Saxe & Ben-Shakhar, 1999).
Obviously, the results of a polygraph test are not determined entirely by whether a person is telling
the truth.What people think about the act of lying and about the value of the test can also influence
the accuracy of its results. For example, people who consider lying acceptable –and who do not
believe in the power of polygraphs – are unlikely to display emotion-related physiological responses
while lying during the test. However, an innocent person who believes in such tests and who thinks
that ‘everything always goes wrong’ might show a large fear response when asked about a crime, thus
wrongly suggesting guilt (Lykken, 1998b).
Fooling the polygraph
Polygraphs can catch some liars, but most researchers agree that a guilty person can ‘fool’ a polygraph
and that some innocent people can be mislabelled as guilty (Ruscio, 2005). After reviewing the
relevant research literature, a panel of distinguished psychologists and other scientists in the United
States expressed serious reservations about the value of polygraph tests in detecting deception and
argued against their use as evidence in court or in employee screening and selection (Committee to
Review the Scientific Evidence on the Polygraph, 2003); in Australia and New Zealand, meanwhile,
the use of polygraphs has not been tested within each country’s high court. Scientists are now working
on other lie-detecting techniques that focus on brain activity and brief facial ‘microexpressions’ to
assist in areas of law and security (Yan et al., 2013).
Cannon’s central theory
James said the experience of emotion depends on feedback from physiological responses occurring
outside the brain, but Walter Cannon disagreed. According to Cannon (1927), you feel fear at the
sight of a snake even before you start to run. He said that emotional experience starts in the central
nervous system – specifically, in the thalamus, the brain structure that relays information from most
sense organs to the cortex.
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According to Cannon’s central theory (also known as the Cannon–Bard theory, in recognition of
Philip Bard’s contribution), when the thalamus receives sensory information about emotional events
and situations, it sends signals to the autonomic nervous system and – at the same time – to the
cerebral cortex, where the emotion becomes conscious. So when you see a snake, the brain receives
sensory information about it, perceives it as a snake, and directly creates the experience of fear while
at the same time sending messages to the heart, lungs and muscles to do what it takes to run away.
In other words, Cannon said that the experience of emotion appears directly in the brain, with or
without feedback from peripheral responses (see Figure 10.8).
Updating Cannon’s theory
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Research conducted since Cannon proposed his theory indicates that the thalamus is actually
not the ‘seat’ of emotion, but that through its connections to the amygdala (see Figure 10.6), the
thalamus does participate in some aspects of emotional processing (Lang, 1995). For example,
studies of laboratory animals and humans show that the emotion of fear is generated by
connections from the thalamus to the amygdala (Anderson & Phelps, 2000; LeDoux, 1995). The
implication is that strong emotions can sometimes bypass the cortex without requiring conscious
thought to activate them (Feinstein, Duff & Tranel, 2010). One study showed, for example, that
people presented with stimuli such as angry faces display physiological signs of arousal even if
they are not conscious of seeing those stimuli (Morris et al., 1998). The same processes might
explain why people find it so difficult to overcome an intense fear, or phobia, even though they
may consciously know the fear is irrational.
An updated version of Cannon’s theory suggests that in humans and other animals, activity
in specific brain areas is experienced as either enjoyable or aversive and produces the feelings
of pleasure or discomfort associated with emotion. In humans, these areas have extensive
connections throughout the brain (Fossati et al., 2003). As a result, the representation of emotions
in the brain probably involves activity in widely distributed neural circuits, not just in a narrowly
localised emotion ‘centre’ (Derryberry & Tucker, 1992). Still, there is evidence to support the
main thrust of Cannon’s theory: that emotion occurs through the activation of specific circuits
in the central nervous system. What Cannon did not foresee is that different parts of the central
nervous system may be activated for different emotions and for different aspects of the total
emotional experience.
Cognitive theories of emotion
Suppose that you are about to be interviewed for your first job or go out on a blind date or take your
first ride in a hot-air balloon. In situations such as these, it is not always easy to know exactly what
you are feeling. Is it fear, excitement, anticipation, worry, happiness, dread or what? Stanley Schachter
suggested that the emotions we experience every day are shaped partly by how we interpret the
arousal we feel. His cognitive theory of emotion, known as the Schachter–Singer theory in recognition
of the contributions of Jerome Singer, took shape in the early 1960s, when many psychologists were
raising questions about the validity of James’ theory of emotion. Schachter argued that the theory
was essentially correct – but required a few modifications (Cornelius, 1996).
Schachter–Singer theory
In Schachter’s view, feedback about physiological changes may not vary enough to create the many
shades of emotion that people can experience. He argued instead that emotions emerge from a
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
combination of feedback from peripheral responses and our cognitive interpretation of the nature
and cause of those responses (Schachter & Singer, 1962). Cognitive interpretation first comes into
play, said Schachter, when you perceive the stimulus that leads to bodily responses (‘It’s a snake!’).
Interpretation occurs again when you identify feedback from those responses as a particular emotion
(see Figure 10.8). The same physiological responses might be given many different labels, depending
on how you interpret those responses. So, according to Schachter, when that snake approaches your
tent, the emotion you experience might be fear, excitement, astonishment or surprise, depending on
how you label your bodily reactions.
Attribution
Schachter also said that the labelling of arousal depends on attribution, the process of identifying
the cause of an event. Physiological arousal might be attributed to one of several emotions,
depending on the information available about the situation. If you are watching the final seconds
of a close Rugby match, you might attribute your racing heart, rapid breathing and perspiration
to excitement.You might attribute the same physiological reactions to anxiety if you are waiting
for a big exam to begin. Schachter predicted that our emotional experiences will be less intense
if we attribute arousal to a non-emotional cause. So if you notice your heart pounding before
an exam but say to yourself, ‘Sure my heart’s racing – I just drank five cups of coffee!’ then you
should feel ‘wired’ from caffeine rather than afraid or worried. This prediction has received
some support (Mezzacappa, Katkin & Palmer, 1999; Sinclair et al., 1994), but other aspects of
Schachter’s theory have not.
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of explaining the causes of
an event
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attribution the process
Excitation transfer theory
excitation transfer
theory the theory that
physiological arousal
stemming from one
situation is carried
over to and enhances
emotional experience in an
independent situation
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The Schachter–Singer theory stimulated an enormous amount of valuable research, including
studies of excitation transfer theory, the theory that physiological arousal stemming from one
situation is carried over to and enhances emotional experience in an independent situation
(Reisenzein, 1983; Zillmann, 1998). For example, people who have been aroused by physical
exercise become more angry when provoked or experience more intense sexual feelings when in
the company of an attractive person than people who have been less physically active (Allen et al.,
1989). Arousal from fear, like arousal from exercise, can also enhance emotions, including sexual
feelings. One study of this transfer took place in Canada, near a deep river gorge. The gorge could
be crossed either by a shaky swinging bridge or by a more stable wooden one. A female researcher
asked men who had just crossed each bridge to respond to a questionnaire that included pictures
from the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), a projective test where the strength of a person’s
achievement motivation is inferred from the stories they tell about TAT pictures. The amount
of sexual content in the stories these men wrote about the pictures was much higher among
those who met the woman after crossing the more dangerous bridge than among those who had
crossed the stable bridge. Furthermore, they were more likely to rate the researcher as attractive
and to attempt to contact her afterwards (Dutton & Aron, 1974). When the person giving out the
questionnaire was a male, however, the type of bridge crossed had no effect on sexual imagery. To
test the possibility that the men who crossed the dangerous bridge were simply more adventurous
in both bridge crossing and heterosexual encounters, the researcher repeated the study, but with
one change. This time, the woman approached the men farther down the trail, long after arousal
from the bridge crossing had subsided. Now the apparently adventurous men were no more likely
than others to rate the woman as attractive. So it was probably excitation transfer, not just differing
amounts of adventurousness that produced the original result.
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Other theories
Labelling arousal
Schachter’s cognitive theory of emotion predicts that these people will
attribute their physiological arousal to the game they are watching and will
label their emotion ‘excitement’. Furthermore, as described in Chapter
12, ‘Health, stress and coping’, the emotions they experience will also
depend partly on their cognitive interpretation of the outcome (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984). If their team loses, those who see the defeat as a disaster
will experience more negative emotions than those who think of it as a
challenge to improve.
Snapshot
Getty Images/Chris Jackson
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Schachter focused on the cognitive interpretation of our bodily responses to events, but other
theorists have argued that it is our cognitive interpretation of events themselves that is most
important in shaping emotional experiences (see the Snapshot ‘Labelling arousal’). For example,
as we mentioned earlier, a person’s emotional reaction to receiving exam results can depend
partly on whether the score is seen as a sign of improvement or a grade worthy of shame.
According to Richard Lazarus’ cognitive appraisal theory of emotion, these differing reactions can
be best explained by how we think exam scores, job interviews, blind dates, snake sightings and
other events will affect our personal wellbeing. According to Lazarus (1966, 1991), the process
of cognitive appraisal, or evaluation, begins when we decide whether or not an event is relevant
to our wellbeing. That is, do we even care about it? If we don’t, as might be the case if an
exam doesn’t count towards our grade, we are unlikely to have an emotional experience when
we get the results. If the event is relevant to our wellbeing, we will experience an emotional
reaction to it. That reaction will be positive or negative, said Lazarus, depending on whether
we see the event as advancing our personal goals or obstructing them. The specific emotion we
experience depends on our individual goals, needs, standards, expectations and past experiences.
As a result, a particular exam score can create contentment in one person, elation in another, mild
disappointment in a third person, and despair in someone else. Individual differences in goals
and standards are at work, too, when a second-place finisher in a marathon experiences bitter
disappointment at having ‘lost’, while someone at the back of the pack may be thrilled just to have
completed the race (Larsen et al., 2004).
The section ‘In review: Theories of emotion’ summarises key elements of the theories we have
discussed. In short, emotion is probably both in the heart and in the head (including the face).
The most basic emotions probably occur directly within the brain, whereas the many shades of
emotions probably arise from attributions, categorisation and other cognitive interpretations of
physiological responses and environmental events (Barrett et al., 2007). No theory has completely
resolved the issue of which component of emotion, if any, is primary. However, the theories we
have discussed have helped psychologists better understand how these components interact to
produce emotional experience. Cognitive appraisal theories, in particular, have been especially
useful in studying and treating stress-related emotional problems (see Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress
and coping’, and Chapter 14, ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’).
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
IN REVIEW
Theories of emotion
THEORY
SOURCE OF EMOTIONS
EXAMPLE
Emotions are created by awareness of specific
patterns of peripheral (autonomic) responses.
Anger is associated with increased blood flow in the
hands and feet; fear is associated with decreased
blood flow in these areas.
Cannon–Bard
The brain generates direct experiences of
emotion.
Stimulation of certain brain areas can create pleasant
or unpleasant emotions.
Cognitive
(Schachter–Singer;
Lazarus)
Cognitive interpretation of events and of
physiological reactions to them shapes
emotional experiences.
Autonomic arousal can be experienced as anxiety or
excitement, depending on how it is labelled. A single
event can lead to different emotions, depending on
whether it is perceived as threatening or challenging.
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James–Lange
Check your understanding
1 Research showing that there are pleasure centres in the brain has been cited in support of the
theory of emotions.
2 The use of polygraphs in lie detection is based on the
theories of emotions.
3 The process of attribution is most important to
theory of emotions.
10.7 COMMUNICATING EMOTION
So far, we have described emotion from the inside, as people experience their own emotions. Let’s
now consider how people communicate emotions to one another. One way they do this is through
words. Some people describe their feelings relatively simply, mainly in terms of pleasantness or
unpleasantness. Others include information about the intensity of their emotions (Barrett, 1995;
Barrett et al., 2001). In general, women are more likely than men to talk about their emotions
and the complexity of their feelings (Barrett et al., 2000; Kring & Gordon, 1998). Humans also
communicate emotion through the movement and posture of their bodies (de Gelder et al., 2004;
Hadjikhani & de Gelder, 2003), through their tone of voice (Simon-Thomas et al., 2009), and
especially through their facial movements and expressions.
Imagine a woman watching television.You can see her face but not what she sees on the screen. She
might be engaged in complex thought, perhaps comparing her investments with those of the experts on
a business channel. Or she might be thinking of nothing at all as she loses herself in a rerun of Friends. In
other words, you won’t be able to tell much about what the woman is thinking. But if the TV program
creates an emotional experience, you will be able to make a reasonably accurate guess about what she is
feeling simply by looking at the expression on her face.The human face can create thousands of different
expressions, and people – especially females – are good at detecting them (McClure, 2000; Zajonc, 1998).
Observers can notice even tiny facial movements – a twitch of the mouth or eyebrow can carry a lot of
information (Ambadar, Schooler & Cohn, 2005; Ekman, 2009). Are emotional facial expressions innate,
or are they learned? And how are they used in communicating emotion?
Innate expressions of emotion
Charles Darwin (1872) observed that some facial expressions seem to be universal. He proposed
that these expressions are genetically determined, passed on biologically from one generation to the
next. The facial expressions seen today, said Darwin, are those that have been most effective at telling
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10.7 Communicating emotion
What
are they
feeling?
Snapshot
People’s emotions
are usually ‘written
on their faces’.
Jot down
TRY THIS
the emotions you
think these people
are feeling, and then
look at the footnote
at the bottom of
this page to see how
well you ‘read’ their
emotions.
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others something about how a person is feeling. If someone is scowling with teeth clenched, for
example, you will probably assume that he or she is angry, and you will be unlikely to choose that
particular moment to ask for a loan (Marsh, Ambady & Kleck, 2005).
Infants provide one source of evidence that some facial expressions are innate. Newborns do not
need to be taught to grimace in pain or to smile in pleasure or to blink when startled (Balaban, 1995).
Even blind infants, who cannot imitate adults’ expressions, show the same emotional expressions as
sighted infants (Goodenough, 1932).
A second line of evidence for innate facial expressions comes from studies showing that for the most
basic emotions, people in all cultures show similar facial responses to similar emotional stimuli (Hejmadi,
Davidson & Rozin, 2000; Matsumoto & Willingham, 2006; Zajonc, 1998). Participants in these studies
look at photographs of people’s faces and then try to name the emotion each person is feeling (see the
Snapshot ‘What are they feeling?’).Though there may be some subtle differences from culture to culture
(Marsh, Elfenbein & Ambady, 2003), the overall pattern of facial movements we call a smile, for example,
is universally related to positive emotions. Sadness is almost always accompanied by slackened muscle tone
and a ‘long’ face. Likewise, in almost all cultures, people contort their faces in a similar way when shown
something they find disgusting. A furrowed brow is frequently associated with frustration, and pride is
often associated with a slight smile accompanied by a slight backwards tilt of the head (Ekman, 1994;
Tracy & Robins, 2008). Anger is also linked with a facial expression recognised by almost all cultures.
Expression of emotion
People learn how to express certain emotions in particular ways, as specified by cultural rules.
Suppose you say, ‘I just bought a new car’, and all your friends stick their tongues out at you. In
Australia, this would mean that they are envious or resentful. However, in some regions of China,
Traditional
Ta Moko
tattoos
Snapshot
The Māori in New
Zealand apply the
Ta Moko as a form
of facial processing.
It may also connect
to a person’s
whānau (family and
community).
Alamy Stock Photo/age fotostock
Not all emotional expressions are innate or universal, however (Ekman, 1993). Some are learned
through contact with a particular culture, and all of them, even innate expressions, are flexible enough
to change as necessary in the social situations in which they occur (Fernández-Dols & Ruiz-Belda,
1995). For example, facial expressions become more intense and change more frequently while
people are imagining social scenes as opposed to solitary scenes (Fridlund et al., 1990). Similarly,
facial expressions in response to odours tend to be more intense when others are watching than
when people are alone (Jancke & Kaufmann, 1994).
Furthermore, although some basic emotional facial expressions are recognised by all cultures
(Hejmadi, Davidson & Rozin, 2000), even these can be interpreted differently, depending on
body language and environmental cues. For example, research participants interpreted a particular
expression as disgust when it appeared on the face of a person who was holding a dirty nappy, but
that same expression was seen as anger when it was digitally superimposed on a person in a fighting
stance (Aviezer et al., 2008). There is even a certain degree of cultural variation when it comes to
recognising some emotions (Russell, 1995). In one study, for example, Japanese and North American
people agreed about which facial expressions signalled happiness, surprise and sadness, but they
frequently disagreed about which faces showed anger, disgust and fear (Matsumoto & Ekman, 1989).
Members of preliterate cultures, such as the Fore of New Guinea, agree even less with people in
Western cultures on the labelling of facial expressions (Russell, 1994). In addition, there are variations
in how people in different cultures interpret emotions expressed by tone of voice (Mesquita & Frijda,
1992). For instance, Taiwanese participants were best at recognising a sad tone of voice, whereas
Dutch participants were best at recognising happy tones (Van Bezooijen, Otto & Heenan, 1983).
Shutterstock.com/Ilike
Social and cultural influences on emotional expression
Did you identify frustration, anger, stress, annoyance, hurt, pain, sadness, disappointment?
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
The
universal
smile
Snapshot such a display expresses surprise. An integral part of Māori society in New Zealand is the Ta
Learning about emotions
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Tom Cockrem/Lonely Planet Images/Getty Image
The idea that
some emotional
expressions are
innate is supported
by the fact that the
facial movement
pattern we call a
smile is related to
happiness, pleasure
and other positive
emotions
in cultures
throughout the
world.
Moko (see the Snapshot ‘Traditional Ta Moko tattoos’), a traditional tattoo worn by both males
and females as a way of communicating information. Males wear it on the face and buttocks,
while females wear it on the chin and the lips. The Ta Moko impacts on identity, gender and facial
processing.
Even smiles can vary as people learn to use them to communicate certain feelings (see the
Snapshot ‘The universal smile’). Paul Ekman and his colleagues categorised 17 types of smiles,
including ‘false smiles’, which fake enjoyment, and ‘masking smiles’, which hide unhappiness. They
called the smile that occurs with real happiness the Duchenne smile, after the French researcher who
first noticed a difference between spontaneous, happy smiles and posed smiles. A genuine Duchenne
smile includes contractions of the muscles around the eyes (creating a distinctive wrinkling of the
skin in these areas), as well as of the muscles that raise the lips and cheeks. Most people are not able to
contract the muscles around the eyes during a posed smile, so this feature can be used to distinguish
‘lying smiles’ from genuine ones (Frank, Ekman & Friesen, 1993).
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The effects of learning are seen in a child’s growing range of emotional expressions. Although
infants begin with an innate set of emotional responses, they soon learn to imitate facial expressions
and use them for more and more emotions. In time, these expressions become more precise and
personalised, so that a particular expression conveys a clear emotional message to anyone who
knows that person well. Operant shaping (described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’) probably helps keep
emotional expressions within certain limits. If you could not see other people’s facial expressions
or observe their responses to yours, you might show fewer, or less intense, facial signs of emotion.
In fact, there is some evidence that among people blind from birth, those who are older tend to
show less animated facial expressions than those who are younger (Izard, 1977; Matsumoto &
Willingham, 2009).
Craig Lovell/Photoshot
Emotion culture
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 526
As children grow, they learn an emotion culture – rules that govern what emotions are appropriate
in what circumstances and what emotional expressions are allowed. These rules can vary between
genders and from culture to culture (LaFrance, Hecht & Paluck, 2003; Tsai, Levenson & McCoy,
2006). For example, Australian TV news cameras have shown that soldiers leaving for duty in a war
zone tend to keep their emotions in check as they say goodbye to wives, girlfriends and parents.
However, in Italy – where mother–son ties are particularly strong – many male soldiers wail with
dismay and weep openly as they leave. Emotion cultures shape how people describe and categorise
feelings, resulting in both similarities and differences across cultures (Russell, 1991). At least five of
the seven basic emotions listed in an ancient Chinese book called the Li Chi – joy, anger, sadness,
fear, love, liking and dislike – are considered primary emotions by most Western theorists. Yet even
though English has more than 500 emotion-related words, some emotion words in other languages
have no English equivalent.
Similarly, other cultures have no equivalent for some English emotion words. Many cultures do
not see anger and sadness as different, for example. The Ilongot tribe in the Philippines have only
one word, liget, for both anger and grief (Russell, 1991). Tahitians have words for 46 different types
of anger but no word for sadness and, apparently, no concept of it.
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527
Social referencing
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Facial expressions, tone of voice, body postures and gestures can do more than communicate
emotion. They can also influence others’ behaviour, especially the behaviour of people who
are not sure what to do. An inexperienced chess player, for instance, might reach out to move
the queen, catch sight of a spectator’s grimace, and infer that another move would be better.
The process of letting another person’s emotional state guide our own behaviour is called social
referencing (Campos, 1980).
The visual-cliff studies described in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, have been used
to create an uncertain situation for infants. To reach its mother, an infant in these experiments
must cross the visual cliff. If the apparent drop-off is very small or very large, there is no question
about what to do: a 1-year-old knows to crawl across in the first case and to stay put in the
second case. However, if the apparent drop-off is just large enough (say, half a metre) to create
uncertainty, the infant relies on its mother’s facial expression to decide what to do. In one study,
mothers were asked to make either a fearful or a happy face. When the mothers made a fearful
face, no infant crossed the glass floor. But when they posed a happy face, most infants crossed
(Sorce et al., 1981). Here is yet another example of the adaptive value of sending and receiving
emotional communications.
IN REVIEW
Communicating emotion
EXPRESSION OF EMOTION
Innate expressions of emotions
Social and cultural influences on
emotional expression
THEORY
KEY FINDINGS
Darwin argues for universality of facial
expression; that is, that emotional
expressions are genetically determined
and passed on biologically from one
generation to the next.
Infants show evidence of emotions in
facial expressions.
Cultural evidence also suggests
that there are basic facial emotional
expressions across different groups of
people.
It is argued that not all emotional
expressions are innate or universal.
Some are learned and some change
depending on social situations and
interactions.
While some emotional expressions are
the same across cultures, they can be
interpreted differently.
People learn about cultural rules of
emotional expression.
As we develop, we learn and observe
others’ emotional expression and this
shapes our own expression. We learn
what our emotion culture is.
Check your understanding
1
The emotions of sadness, anger and happiness have all been shown to have
facial responses to
emotional stimuli.
.
2 The process of letting another person’s emotional state guide our own behaviour is referred to as
to assist them in evaluating their response.
3 The visual-cliff studies provided evidence that babies use their
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 527
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CHAPTER REVIEW
LINKAGES
stress and coping’). The ‘Linkages’ diagram shows ties
to two other subfields as well, and there are many more
ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among
subfields will help you see how they all fit together
and help you better appreciate the big picture that is
psychology.
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As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, all of
psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our
discussion of conflicting motives and stress illustrates just
one way in which the topic of this chapter, motivation
and emotion, is linked to the subfield of health
psychology (which is discussed in Chapter 12, ‘Health,
CHAPTER 10 Motivation and emotion
LINKAGES
How does your brain know
when you are hungry?
Can motivational conflicts
cause stress?
What role does arousal
play in aggression?
CHAPTER 3
Biological aspects of
psychology
CHAPTER 12
Health, stress
and coping
CHAPTER 15
Social cognition
and influence
ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES
Express
Express
Visit http://login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access
to the resources and study tools for this chapter.
The CourseMateExpress website contains:
●●
●●
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revision quizzes
concept maps
graduate attribute information
videos
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●●
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web links
flashcards
and more.
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529
Summary
SUMMARY
Motivation refers to factors that influence the initiation, direction, intensity and persistence of behaviour. Emotion and motivation are
often linked: motivation can influence emotion, and people are often motivated to seek certain emotions.
CONCEPTS AND THEORIES OF MOTIVATION
●●
●●
●●
●●
●●
evolutionary accounts of helping, aggression, mate selection
and other aspects of social behaviour.
Drive reduction theory is based on homeostasis, a tendency to
maintain equilibrium in a physical or behavioural process.
Primary drives are unlearned; secondary drives are learned.
According to arousal theory, people are motivated to behave
in ways that maintain a level of physiological arousal that is
optimal for their functioning.
Incentive theory highlights behaviours that are motivated
by attaining desired stimuli (positive incentives) and avoiding
undesirable ones (negative incentives).
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●●
Focusing on a motive often reveals a single theme within
apparently diverse behaviours. Motivation is said to be an
intervening variable, a way of linking various stimuli to the
behaviours that follow them.
The many sources of motivation fall into four categories:
biological factors, emotional factors, cognitive factors and
social factors.
An early argument held that motivation follows from
instinctive behaviours, which are automatic, involuntary and
unlearned action patterns consistently ‘released’ by particular
stimuli. Modern versions of the instinct doctrine are seen in
ly
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HUNGER AND EATING
●●
●●
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Eating is controlled by a complex mixture of learning, culture
and biology.
The desire to eat (hunger) and the satisfaction (satiation)
of that desire (satiety) that leads us to stop eating depends
primarily on signals from bloodborne substances such as
cholecystokinin (CCK), glucose, insulin and leptin.
Activity in the ventromedial nucleus of the hypothalamus
results in satiety, whereas activity in the lateral hypothalamus
results in hunger. These brain regions act together to maintain
●●
●●
a set point of body weight, but control of eating is more
complex than that.
Eating may also be influenced by the flavour of food and by
appetite for the pleasure of food.
Obesity has been linked to overconsumption of certain kinds
of foods, to low energy metabolism, and to genetic factors.
People with anorexia nervosa starve themselves. Those with
bulimia engage in binge eating, followed by purging through
self-induced vomiting or laxatives.
SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR
●●
●●
Sexual motivation and behaviour result from a rich interplay of
biology and culture.
Sexual stimulation generally produces sexual arousal, which
appears in a stereotyped sexual response cycle of physiological
arousal during and after sexual activity. Sex hormones, which
include androgens, oestrogens and progestational hormones,
occur in different relative amounts in both sexes.
●●
●●
Gender-role learning and educational experiences are
examples of cultural factors that can bring about variations in
sexual attitudes and behaviours.
Sexual orientation – heterosexuality, homosexuality or
bisexuality – is increasingly viewed as a sociocultural variable that
affects many other aspects of behaviour and mental processes.
Though undoubtedly shaped by a lifetime of learning, sexual
orientation appears to have strong biological roots.
ACHIEVEMENT MOTIVATION
●●
●●
●●
People gain esteem from achievement in many areas,
including the workplace.
The motive to succeed has been called mastery,
effectance and need for achievement. Individuals with high
achievement motivation strive for excellence, persist despite
failures, and set challenging but realistic goals.
Goals influence motivation, especially the amount of effort,
persistence, attention and planning we devote to a task.
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 529
●●
●●
Workers are most satisfied when they are working towards
their own goals and are getting concrete feedback. Jobs that
offer clear and specific goals, a variety of tasks, individual
responsibility and other intrinsic rewards are the most
motivating.
People tend to have a characteristic level of happiness, or
wellbeing, which is not necessarily related to the attainment
of money, status or other material goals.
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●●
Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
actualisation. Needs at the lowest levels, according to
Maslow, must be at least partly satisfied before people can be
motivated by higher-level goals.
Human behaviour reflects many motives, some of which
may be in conflict. Abraham Maslow proposed a hierarchy
of five classes of human motives or needs, from meeting
basic biological requirements to attaining a state of self-
THE NATURE OF EMOTION
●●
various aspects of emotion. The expression of emotion
through involuntary facial movement is controlled by the
extrapyramidal motor system. Voluntary facial movements
are controlled by the pyramidal motor system. The brain’s
right and left hemispheres play somewhat different roles in
emotion.
Emotions are temporary experiences with positive or negative
qualities that are felt with some intensity as happening to
the self, are generated in part by a cognitive appraisal of a
situation, and are accompanied by both learned and innate
physical responses.
Several brain mechanisms are involved in emotion. The
amygdala, in the limbic system, is deeply involved in
ly
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THEORIES OF EMOTION
William James’ theory of emotion holds that peripheral
physiological responses are the primary source of emotion,
and that awareness of these responses constitutes emotional
experience. James’ theory is supported by evidence that,
at least for several basic emotions, physiological responses
are distinguishable enough for emotions to be generated in
this way. Distinct facial expressions are linked to particular
patterns of physiological change.
Walter Cannon’s theory of emotion proposes that emotional
experience occurs independently of peripheral physiological
responses, and that there is a direct experience of emotion
●●
based on activity of the central nervous system. Updated
versions of this theory suggest that various parts of the
central nervous system may be involved in different emotions
and different aspects of emotional experience. And specific
parts of the brain appear to be responsible for the feelings of
pleasure or pain in emotion.
Stanley Schachter’s modification of James’ theory proposes
that physiological responses are primary sources of emotion,
but that the cognitive labelling of those responses – a process
that depends partly on attribution – strongly influences the
emotions we experience.
COMMUNICATING EMOTION
●●
●●
Humans communicate emotions mainly through facial
movement and expressions, but also through voice tones and
bodily movements.
Charles Darwin suggested that certain facial expressions of
emotion are innate and universal, and that these expressions
evolved because they effectively communicate one creature’s
emotional condition to other creatures. Some facial
●●
expressions of basic emotions, such as happiness, do appear to
be innate.
Many emotional expressions are learned, and even innate
expressions are modified by learning and social contexts. As
children grow, they learn an emotion culture – the rules of
emotional expression appropriate to their culture.
TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE
Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘Answer key’ at the end of the book.
1
Although most researchers do not believe in instinct theories
of motivation, psychologists who advocate
theory
argue that many aspects of human behaviour are motivated by
efforts to pass on our genes to the next generation.
a
drive reduction
b evolutionary
c
arousal
d incentive
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 530
2 Steve is cold, so he turns on the heating. As soon as it starts
to get too warm, the thermostat shuts off the heater. This
process is similar to the biological concept of
.
a
homeostasis
b secondary drive
c
incentive
d arousal
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531
Talking points
a
drive reduction
b incentive
c
evolutionary
d arousal
4 Ahmed is desperate to lose weight. To keep from eating, he
buys an electrical device that allows him to stimulate various
areas of his brain. Which areas should he stimulate if he wants
his brain to help him reduce food intake?
a
Ventromedial nucleus and paraventricular nucleus
b Lateral hypothalamus and ventromedial nucleus
Lateral hypothalamus and paraventricular nucleus
Eve wants her son, Eddie, to develop high achievement
motivation and to be successful in life. According to research
on the need for achievement, Eve should do all of the
following except
.
a
encourage Eddie to try difficult tasks
b encourage Eddie to avoid failure at all costs
c
give praise and rewards for success
d read achievement-oriented stories to him
8 Which of the following is not a characteristic associated with
.
emotions? They
a
tend to last a relatively short time
b can be triggered by thoughts
c
are always intense
d can motivate behaviour
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7
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3 Monica wants her daughter to get high grades, so she offers
her $10 for each A that she earns and $5 for each B. Monica
appears to believe in the
theory of motivation.
d Thalamus and pineal gland
5 Tonia is on a diet – again! She is most likely to eat less food
.
if she
a
eats only with friends, never alone
b eats only one or two kinds of food at each meal
c
changes her food culture
d focuses on the flavour of what she eats
6 Dr Stefan is working in the emergency room when a very
dehydrated young woman comes in. She is of normal weight,
but a medical exam reveals nutritional imbalances and
intestinal damage. The woman is most likely suffering
from
.
a
anorexia nervosa
9 After she finished a vigorous workout, Lee saw Ryan walk
into the gym and instantly fell in love. This is an example
, which is consistent with
theory
of
of emotion.
a
social referencing; James’
b social referencing; Schachter’s
c
excitation transfer; James’
d excitation transfer; Schachter’s
10 Suppose that some friendly space aliens landed in your
backyard. They tell you they want to learn how to
communicate their emotions so that humans will understand
them. What should you focus on teaching them?
a
Body postures
b bulimia
b Facial movements
c
c
binge eating disorder
d ventromedial disorder
Hand gestures
d Voice inflections
TALKING POINTS
Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture.
1
You can’t actually see motives such as love or hatred or greed,
but you can use them to help understand the reasons for
people’s behaviour.
2 Motivation and emotion are linked. Hunger can make you
irritable, and being in love can motivate you to do almost
anything for a loved one.
3 The arousal theory of motivation has been used to help explain
why some people are introverts and others are extroverts.
4 Crash diets are not the best way to lose weight and keep it off.
The key is to increase fat-burning through regular exercise
while also reducing food intake.
10_bernstein_sb_86302_txt.indd 531
5 Sexual orientation is shaped by biological factors as well as
social influences.
6 Achieving success in school, at work and elsewhere is more
likely if we have a sense of control and a set of clear and
challenging but not impossible goals.
7 The emotions we experience in a particular situation depend
partly on how we think about that situation; adjusting our view
of an event can change our emotional reaction to it.
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Chapter 10: Motivation and emotion
FURTHER READING
Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most
interesting. Here are some places to start.
RECOMMENDED BOOKS
Antonio R. Damasio, Descartes’ Error: Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain (Penguin,
2005) – an exploration of the biology of emotion and reason and how they’re
intertwined in the brain.
Gelsey Kirkland, Dancing on My Grave (Doubleday, 1987) – eating disorders.
Dalai Lama and Paul Ekman, Emotional Awareness: Overcoming the Obstacles to Psychological
Balance and Compassion (Times Books, 2008) – conversations between Paul Ekman and
the Dalai Lama about the experiences and meanings of emotions and human interaction.
Steven Pinker, The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature (Viking Press, 2002) –
wide-ranging description of evolutionary and genetic explanations of motivation.
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