2AC – Answers To Capitalism Kritik 1) PERM: Do Both Do the affirmative plan and the negative alternative. There is no reason why we cannot do both when the affirmative is a form of negative state action. In the world of the affirmative, we can engage in the negative’s perspective of rejecting capitalist exploitation and stir away funding from the police departments that using the funding to militarize communities. Our Boehm evidence from the 1AC proves that defunding allows for increased accountability in terms of police budges on the state and local levels as spending as skyrocketed. This proves that the plan is key while using this reform to reject status quo forms of exploitation where we police departments used bloated spending budgets justified through over-consumption, which intensifies the prison-industrial complex to justify their form of over-policing to the communities on which they serve. 2) PERM Solvency Combining the Alt with actions to improve quality of minority lives is key Socialist Revolution Editorial Board, 20 (Socialist Revolution Editorial Board, In Defence of Marxism, USA: how can the working class end police terror?, 6-12-2020, accessed 7-13-2020, https://www.marxist.com/usa-how-can-the-working-class-end-policeterror.htm) Kuchimanchi Racism and the reactionary ideology of white supremacy have been an abhorrent problem in the US since before the country was formally founded. This poison was consciously fomented to support and justify chattel slavery, then perpetuated and evolved for the maintenance of the capitalist system as a whole. Capitalism has racism in its very foundations. The working class can only trust its own forces to sweep away this garbage. A mass working-class socialist party, once it comes into being, will represent a historic leap forward in the class struggle. A genuine political vehicle of the working class would lead and coordinate even larger demonstrations. It would reach out to the workers on the street and those observing the movement from their workplaces or homes. It would combine the demand for a workers’ government with action—such as a general strike. The process of building for a successful nationwide strike would itself build working-class confidence and unity in the fight against racism. However, the demand for a workers’ government and for the replacement of the capitalist police with neighborhood self-defense committees must be combined with the broader struggle for improvements in the majority’s quality of life. After all, the fight against the daily threat of police violence is a most basic democratic demand—the right to go about our lives without being singled out for spurious reasons to be harassed, tortured, or even murdered. The capitalist system threatens black lives in countless ways—it is not only through direct police violence that it makes life impossible for millions of people every day. That is why the movement must fight for socialism—a society of full employment, higher wages with a dramatically shorter workweek, quality housing for all, as well as free universal healthcare, education 3) Framework - We get to weigh the aff – the political truth behind the plan is only discovered through trials and experiments. Every change in society begins with the introduction of a new policy that was passed because it outweighed the potential consequences Dean 17 Dean [professor of Political Science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges and Erasmus Professor of the Humanities in the Faculty of Philosophy at Erasmus University. Author of Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies: Communicative Politics and Left Politics], 2017, "Four Theses on the Comrade," e-flux, https://www.eflux.com/journal/86/160585/four-theses-on-the-comrade/ November )//mb The idea that comrades are those fighting on the same side of a political struggle opens up into the fourth thesis. The “same side” points to the truth comrades are faithful to, the political truth that unites them. “Fighting” indexes the practices through which comrades enact their fidelity and work to materialize truth in the world. The notions of truth and fidelity at work here come from Alain Badiou. In brief, Badiou rejects the idea that truth is a proposition or judgment to argue that truth is a process. The process begins with the eruption of something new, an event. Because an event changes the situation, breaks the confines of the given, it is undecidable in terms of the given; after all, it is something entirely new. Badiou argues that this undecidability “induces the appearance of a subject of the event.” This subject isn’t the cause of the event. It’s an effect of or response to the event, “the decision to say that the event has taken place.” Grammar might seduce us into rendering this subject as “I.” We should avoid that temptation and recognize “subject” here as designating an inflection point, a response that extends the event. The decision that a truth has appeared, that an event has occurred, incites a process of verification, the “infinite procedure of verification of the true.” Badiou calls this procedure an “exercise of fidelity.” Fidelity is a working-out and working-through of the truth, an engagement with truth that extends out into and changes the world. Peter Hallward draws out some of the implications of Badiou’s conception of truth. First, it is subjective. Only those faithful to an evental truth, only those involved in its working out, recognize it as true. Second, fidelity is not blind faith; it is rigorous engagement unconcerned with individual personality and incorporated into the body of truth that fidelity generates. Hallward writes: Fidelity is, by definition, ex-centric, directed outward, beyond the limits of a merely personal integrity. To be faithful to an evental implication always means to abandon oneself, rigorously, to the unfolding of its consequences. Fidelity implies that, if there is truth, it can be only cruelly indifferent to the private as such. Every truth involves a kind of anti-privatization, a subjective collectivization. In truth, “I” matter only insofar as I am subsumed by the impersonal vector of truth—say, the political organization, or the scientific research program. The truth process builds a new body. This body of truth is a collective formed to “work for the consequences of the new,” and this work, this collective, disciplines and subsumes the faithful. Third, collectivity does not imply uniformity. The infinite procedure of verification incorporates multiple experiments, enactments, and effects. As a figure of political relation, the comrade is a faithful response to the evental rupture of crowds and movements, to the egalitarian discharge that erupts from the force of the many where they don’t belong. Comrades demonstrate fidelity through political work, through their radical action and militant engagement. This practical political work extends the truth of the emancipatory egalitarian struggle of the oppressed into the world, holding open the gap it inscribes in its setting and building a new body of truth. In the socialist and communist tradition, this body has been the party, understood in both its historical and formal sense. In Ninotchka, Nina Ivanova Yakushova can’t tell who her comrades are by looking at them. The Party has told her who to look for, but she has to ask. After Iranoff identifies himself, Yakushova tells him her name and the name and position of the party comrade who authorized her visit. Iranoff introduces Buljanoff and Kopalski. Yakushova addresses each as comrade. But it’s not the address that makes them all comrades. They are comrades because they are members of the same party. The party is the organized body of truth that mediates their relationship. This mediation makes clear what is expected of comrades—work. Iranoff, Buljanoff, and Kopalski have not been doing the work expected of comrades, which is why Moscow sent Yakushova to oversee them in Paris. That Kopalski says they would have greeted her with flowers demonstrates their “embourgeoisement,” the degeneration of their sense of comradeship. They are all there for work. Gendered identity and hierarchy don’t mediate relations between comrades. The practices of fidelity to a political truth, work toward building this truth in the world, do. Comradeship is a disciplining relation: expectations, and the responsibility to meet these expectations, constrain individual action and generate collective capacity. Raphael Samuel describes the life of comrades in the Communist Party of Great Britain in the 1930s and ’40s. The Party held meetings, rallies, and membership drives. It published and distributed a wide array of literature. It organized demonstrations, mobilized strike support, carried out emergency protests. Samuel treats communist organizational passion as the discipline of the faithful—efficiency in the use of time, solemnity in the conduct of meetings, rhythm and symmetry in street marches, statistical precision in the preparation of reports. He writes, “To be organized was to be the master rather than the creature of events. In one register it signified regularity, in another strength, in yet another control.” Truth has effects in the world; comrade work realizes these effects. 4) ALT FAILS - Critiquing reforms lets more oppressive systems fill in Lancaster, 17 (Roger Lancaster, Roger Lancaster is a professor of anthropology and cultural studies at George Mason University and author of Sex Panic and the Punitive State., 8-18-2017, accessed on 7-28-2020, Jacobinmag, "How to End Mass Incarceration", https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/08/mass-incarceration-prison-abolitionpolicing)AGabay Ironically, the Left was helping to prepare the way for a decisive turn to the Right. Leftist activists from the civil rights, black power, and antiwar movements were leveling heavy criticism against the criminal justice system, and rightly so. Patterns of police brutality had been readily discernible triggers of urban unrest and race riots in the late 1960s, and minorities were overrepresented in the prison population (although not as much as today). Summing up New Left critiques, the American Friends Service Committee’s 1971 report, Struggle for Justice, blasted the US prison system not only for repressing youth, the poor, and minorities but also for paternalistically emphasizing individual rehabilitation. Rehabilitate the system, not the individual, the report urged — but the point got lost in the rancorous debates that followed. As David Garland carefully shows, the ensuing “nothing works” consensus among progressive scholars and experts discouraged prison reform — and ultimately lent weight to the arguments of conservatives, whose approach to crime has always been a simple one: Punish the bad man. Put lawbreakers behind bars and keep them there. In 1974, Robert Martinson’s influential article “What Works?” marked a definitive turning point. Examining rehabilitative penal systems’ efficacy, Martinson articulated the emerging consensus — “nothing works,” and rehabilitation was a hopelessly misconceived goal. Tapping into the zeitgeist, Hollywood released Death Wish that same year, followed by a host of other vigilante revenge films. Exploitation movies enlisted a familiar Victorian spectacle — sexual outrages against girls and women — in the service of right-wing populism. Their plotlines invariably connected liberals, civil libertarians, and high-minded elites with the criminals who tormented the ordinary citizen. Notably, however, such films carefully muted the racial backlash that had inaugurated the punitive turn: they depicted the vicious criminal as white, allowing audiences to enjoy the visceral thrill of vengeance without troubling their racial consciences.
