Children's Conceptions of Death Author(s): Edward White, Bill Elsom and Richard Prawat Reviewed work(s): Source: Child Development, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Jun., 1978), pp. 307-310 Published by: Wiley-Blackwell on behalf of the Society for Research in Child Development Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1128691 . Accessed: 17/10/2012 06:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Wiley-Blackwell and Society for Research in Child Development are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Child Development. http://www.jstor.org Children's Conceptions of Death Edward White OklahomaCity Public Schools Bill Elsom and Richard Prawat Oklahoma State University WHITE, EDWARD; ELSOM,BILL; and PRAWAT, RICHARD. Children's of Death.CHILD Conceptions 1978, 49, 307-310. This study investigated children's conceptions of death from a developmentalperspective. Kindergartenthrough fourth graders (N = 170) were tested for conservation and then interviewed following the presentation of a story about an elderly woman's death, in an attempt to assess children's understanding of 3 concepts: irrevocability, cessation of bodily processes, and universality. 2 story versions were used, 1 depicting the woman as a nice person, the other as an unkind person. In the majorfinding, understandingof universality, but not understanding of the irrevocabilityof death and cessation of bodily processes, was significantly related to the child's level of cognitive development. The variable relating to the attractiveness of the story character significantly affected children's responses regarding cause of death. DEVELOPMENT, Thirty years ago, Nagy (1948) commented on the fact that little attention had been directed toward one important phase of the child's life-the child's conception of death. Since then, little additional research has been done on this subject. However, two studies are worth mentioning. One, done by Melear (1973), found a gradual, age-related increase in children's understanding of two concepts related to death-the irrevocability of death, and the fact that it involves a cessation of bodily functions. A second study (Childers & Wimmer 1971), which assessed children's cognitive awareness of the universality and irrevocability of death, also obtained a gradual increase with age in children's understanding of irrevocability; however, a dramatic increase was observed between the ages of 6 and 7 in the child's understanding of death's universality, the fact that death happens to everyone. Such an abrupt increase in understanding might be attributable to a developmental transformation in the thought process. According to Vygotsky (1962), certain concepts develop spontaneously, through the child's own mental effort, while others are acquired through tuition. Kohlberg makes use of this distinction in observing that concepts of life, death, and birth develop naturally through Piaget-type stages, "regardless of preschool 'scientific' informational input" (1968, p. 1035). On the basis of Childers and Wim[Child Development, 1978, 49, 307-310. 0009-3920/78/4902-0004$00.751 @ mer's study and on the basis of Piagetian theory, one might expect the universality concept to be closely tied to cognitive development. In an area which has been successfully related to cognitive development, that of moral judgment, Piaget (1948) notes an important change in children's views with the advent of concreteoperational thought. Children begin to apply the same rules in games to all players; that is, there is a universality of rules. Comparably, it might be hypothesized that children at the concrete-operational stage of development will understand that death must come to all people. They may be a little fuzzy concerning the details (i.e., irrevocability and cessation of bodily functions), but they should realize that whatever happens happens to everyone alike. This hypothesis was tested in the present study. Specifically, children who utilize concrete modes of thought (i.e., conservers) were expected to demonstrate a greater frequency of understanding of universality than children who utilize preoperational modes of thought (i.e., nonconservers). It was thought that understanding of the other two concepts related to death would increase with age, but not in such a way as to indicate that understanding of these concepts is tied to concrete-operational structures. A word about methodology: One problem with previous research is that abstract, openended questions were used to assess the child's 1978 by the Sqoiety for Research in Child Development, Inc. 308 Child Development understandingof death (i.e., "Does everybody die?"). It may be that a more accurate estimate of children'sviews regarding death tan be attained by using a less abstract format. Thus, in this study, a story about an elderly woman's death was read to children prior to the interview, and questions which dealt specifically with the woman's death were used to obtain responses. Use of concrete stories also enabled the experimenters to manipulate a variable which may be of importanceto subjects when asked to comment about a person's death-the attractiveness of the individual's personality (i.e., kindness or unkindness toward others). Previous research has shown that personal attributesof story characterscan affect children's moral judgments (Damon 1975). Method Subjects.-Subjects were 170 children ranging in age at each grade level as follows: kindergarten,5-3 to 6-9; first, 6-4 to 7-8; second, 7-3 to 8-3; third, 8-5 to 10-3; fourth, 9-4 to 10-8. The sample consisted of 40 subjects randomly selected from kindergartenand 40 from first grade, with 30 each from second, third, and fourth grade. Subjects were drawn from three public schools in a suburbancommunityof 33,000 in upper-,lower-, and middleclass areas. Only subjects receiving parental permission were used; thus, the sample included a higher percentage of females than males (56%vs. 44%). This sex ratio was taken into account in randomly assigning subjects to story conditions (see below). Instruments and procedures.-Individual interviews were conducted with each of the 170 subjects. The students were first presented with three conservation tasks dealing with conservationof substance,of continuousquantity, and of discontinuousquantity. The tasks were taken from the concept assessment kit devised by Goldschmid and Bentler (1968). The child was labeled a conserverif both response and justificationof response were correct for at least two of the three tasks. Following presentation of the conservation tasks, the child was sent to another part of the testing room to continue the interview with a second experimenter.A very short illustrated story was read to each child. Illustrations for the story were selected from a children'sbook entitled Maxie (Kantrowitz1970). In the story, an elderly woman, Mrs. Wilson, dies. In one version Mrs. Wilson is a nice and likable person. She evidences kindness toward her pets, a bird and a kitten;she enjoys reading the funnies in the newspaper;and she always says "hello" to all the children. In the other version, Mrs. Wilson is an unkind and unlikable person. She is mean to her pets, never laughs, and yells at children. Each version of the story was read to half of the students in each grade. The same illustrationswere used for both versions. Following the story presentation, general questions were used to elicit responses-for example, "Do you think that everybody will die someday?"The format for follow-up questions was planned in advance. Thus, if the child responded"yes"to the above question, he was asked for an explanation;if the child answered"no,"he was asked to name some people who will not die and some who will die. A child was said to understand the concepts being assessed only if a correct judgment and a logical justificationwere provided (Strauss 1974-1975). Accordingly,scoring criteria were establishedprior to testing for each response.Two judges independentlyrated each subject's response, which was tape-recorded and transcribed, comparing the subject's answer to a list of acceptable responsesfor each concept. The two judges were in agreement 90% of the time as to the adequacy of the children'sjustificationresponses. Results Subjectswere groupedtwo ways, by grade (i.e., age) and by level of cognitive development. Contingency tables were prepared and the data were tested using x2 analysis in order to determinethe relationbetween each of these factors and an understandingof the concepts of death describedearlier. Table 1 presents data showing the perTABLE 1 PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS WHO HAVE AN UNDERSTANDING OF IRREVOCABILITY OF DEATH, CESSATION OF CORPOREAL LIFE AT DEATH, AND UNIVERSALITY OF DEATH Grade K. ....... 1........ 2 ........ 3 ........ 4 ........ Irrevocability Corporeal Life Universality 17.50 22.50 30.00 40.00 40.00 15.00 32.50 20.00 36.67 43.33 35.00 37.50 66.67 60.00 73.33 White, Elsom, and Prawat 309 centage of subjects at each grade level which understood each concept. Two concepts, the irrevocability of death and cessation of corporeal life at death, were understood by less than half the subjectsat the fourth-gradelevel. Universality was easier to grasp, with nearly three-fourthsof the fourth graders exhibiting an understandingof this concept. Chi-square analysesrevealed that children'sunderstanding of irrevocability, x2(4) = 6.00, p > .05, and of cessation, x2(4) = 9.11, p > .05, was independent of the child's grade level. However, a significant relationship between an understanding of the universalityof death and grade level, x2(4)=- 15.52, p < .01, was found to exist. As table 1 reveals, a sizable increase in the percentage of subjects understandinguniversality occurredbetween the first and second grade (from 38%to 67%). This supports our hypothesis. An abrupt shift of this type in the child's ability to comprehend an important concept is thought by Piaget to reflect structural transformations in the child's mental process. Although it is impossible in our study to separate age and cognitive-developmental factors because of the correlationbetween the two, a comparison of responses to questions about the universalityof death made by conservers and nonconservers does support the contention that a cognitive-developmental frameworkis more useful than age in classifying responses of this type. As table 2 reveals, nearly equal percentages of conservers and nonconserversunderstoodthe concepts of irrevocability and of cessation; this was not true for universality.The differencesbetween children at the two levels of cognitive development are dramaticfor this concept. Thus, 62% of the conserversdemonstratedan understanding of the universalityconcept, while an equal percentage of nonconserversfailed to demonstrate any understanding.Comparisonof differences between the two groups on this concept yields a highly significant x2 statistic, AND NONCONSERVERS UNDERSTANDING CESSATION, Conserver . Nonconserver... Two additional analyses were done. The first examined possible sex differences in understanding concepts of death. Surprisingly, more males than females understood the concept of cessation, X2(1) = 5.19, p < .05. The authors have no handy theoretical interpretation of this finding. The second analysis was more important. Two story versions were used so that half the children were asked to comment about the death of an unkind woman and half about the death of a kind woman. In addition to questions relating to concepts discussedabove, each child was asked the following question concerning the cause of death: "Do you have any idea why Mrs.Wilson died?"Although x2 analysis failed to detect any relationshipbetween the type of story presented to children and their understandingof what happens at death (i.e., irrevocability, etc.), the story variable did influence children's views regarding the cause of death. Twenty-two percent of the childrenwho heard the story about the unkind woman attributed her death to some unkind act she committed. Some children, for example, claimed she died because she yelled at the schoolchildren and some because she would never laugh. Of the children who heard the story about the nice woman, only one subject out of 85 attributed the woman'sdeath to her own behavior, claiming, perhaps whimsically, that she died because she laughed too much. There was, then, a significantrelationshipbetween a child'sperceptionof the attractiveness of the story character and a child's understanding of the cause of that character'sdeath, x2(1) = 18.36, p < .001. Discussion TABLE 2 PERCENTAGE OF CONSERVERS X2(1) = 8.62, p < .005. On the other hand, an insignificantrelationshipwas found to obtain between level of cognitive development and an understandingof irrevocability,x2(1) = 2.64, p > .05, and of cessation, x2(1)-1.61, p > .05. IRREVOCABILITY, AND UNIVERSALITY Irrevocability Cessation Universality 33.33 21.79 32.10 23.08 61.73 38.46 In this study, an attempt was made to examine the development of three important concepts relating to death: the irrevocability of death, the universality of death, and the fact that bodily functions cease with death. As hypothesized, the experimentersfound that an increase in the child's understanding of death's universality was attributable to cognitive development. Moreover, as predicted, 310 Child Development comprehensionof the other two concepts did not relate to cognitive development. These results can perhaps best be interpreted in light of Vygotsky's (1962) distinction between "spontaneous"and "scientific"concepts. According to Vygotsky, the former are based on everyday experience, while the latter are acquired throughtuition. Piaget's (1948) research on the development of moral judgment provides evidence to support the contention that universality is a spontaneous concept. He has found a relationship between concrete-operational thinkingin children and their belief that rules are absolute and universal,a belief which resembles the concept examined in this study relating to the universalityof death. Just as the formerdevelops naturallyas a function of cognitive growth, so might the latter. Finally, one result obtained in this study is troubling. This is the child's willingness to view death as a form of punishmentfor wrongdoing. Thus, 22%of the subjects felt that the unkind woman's death was caused by her bad behavior. Adults may need to assure children forced to deal with death that death results from physical and not "psychological"causes. References Childers, P., & Wimmer, M. The concept of death in early childhood. Child Development, 1971, 42, 1299-1301. Damon,W. Early conceptions of positive justice as related to the development of logical operations. Child Development, 1975, 46, 301-312. Goldschmid, M. L., & Bentler, P. M. Dimensions and measurement of conservation. Child Development, 1968, 39, 787-802. Kantrowitz, M. Maxie. New York: Parents Magazine, 1970. Kohlberg, L. Early education: a cognitive-developmental view. Child Development, 1968, 39, 1013-1062. Melear, J. D. Children'sconceptionsof death. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1973, 123, 359360. Nagy, M. The child's theoriesconcerningdeath. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1948, 73, 3-27. Piaget, J. The moral judgment of the child. Glen- coe, Ill.: Free Press,1948. Strauss, S. A reply to Brainerd. Cognition, 19741975, 3, 155-185. Vygotsky, L. S. Thought and language. New York: M.I.T. Press, 1962.