•
for Cambridge
International
AS &A Level
Craig Roberts
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INTRODUCTION
This book has been \vritten as a companion to support you throughout your
Psychology International AS and A Level course.
The book is divided into two parts: one for the AS Level and one for the
A Level 1 he AS part \Viii guide you through all 20 Core Studies and the
A level part \Viii guide you th rough the t\vO options you have chosen to
study (fro1n the five available). 111ere are a range of activities throughout
the book Lo get you thinking psychologically which is ideal preparation for
the exanlinations. 111ere are also san1ple exa1nination questions for you to
answer.
There is an acco1npanying Revision Guide '"hich \Vil! cover marked student
exainples so you can practice anS\\tering exan1-style questions to the best of
your abilities. This '"ill be a separate book.
r
Craig is a freelance tutor and author of psychology tex'tbooks. He has been
teaching for over 20 years and is an experienced examiner \vith a number of
National and International examination boards.
I sin1ply have to thank everyone \\tho has made an impact on my life and
'"ho support nie through every venture I take on. 111is indudes my family,
closest friends and cat! I could and \vould not be doing this \Vithout any of
you. A special thank you has to go to all the teachers I trained in Florida in
February 2014 for niaking niy first training event brilliant
r \VOuld also like to thank Matt Jarvis for his kind permission to use his
material from OCR AS Psychology.
I
To Mum & Dad. Ahvays love you.
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CONTENTS
Approaches and perspectives in psychology .......................................... v
Ho'v psychologists research ....................................................... J
issues and debates 'vithjn psychological research ........................ 7
0
Cognitive psychology .............................................................. I 3
Social psychology ................................................................... 29
Developn1ental psychology ...................................................... 47
0
Physiological psychology ......................................................... 65
The psychology of individual differences .................................. 87
AS-.Le·vel Exam Centre .. ......... .......... .... ....... ....... ...... ..... ...... ..... .. .... ... l 07
Psychology and education ..................................................... 111
0
Psychology and health ........................................................... 147
Psychology and environment ................................................. 177
Psychology ru1d models of abnormality ................................... 207
CD
Psychology and organisations ................................................ 239
A-Le·vel Exan1 Centre ....................................................................... 275
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APPROACHES
AND PERSPECTIVES
IN PSYCHOLOGY
There are n1any different ways in 1vhich psychologists try to explain
human and animal behaviour. 'These approaches and perspectives in
psychology forn1 the whole discipline of "psychology''. However, they
are all very diflerent and this chapter will cover ho1v these different types
of psychologist try to explain behaviour. TI1ere are five approaches and
two perspectives that CIE expect you to kno1v about. We will look at
each in turn highlighting their general assu n1ptions, the n1ain research
meLhodology they use and 1vhich studies from AS-level fit into each one.
Cognitive psychology
Cognitive psychologists are interested in ho1v 1ve process information. They
look into ho1v 1ve input information, then ho1v 1ve process that information
and finally ho1v 1ve retrieve and/or use that information. Some cognitive
psychologists believe that the brain 1vorks like a computer follo1ving the
procedure of input-process/storage-output. Areas of interest include
memory and forget ting, perception, language and attention.
The AS-level studies listed in the Cambridge syllabus under this section are:
1. Mann, Vrij & Bull (2002)
2. Loftus & Pickrell (I 995)
3. Baron-Cohen et al (200 I)
4. Held & 1-iein ( 1963).
The niain research 111ethod used in this approach is laboratory experin1ents.
Many findings are based on
research conducted 1n a laboratory.
As variables are controlled it means
that findings are more likely to be
reliable. Therefore, it can be seen
as being a sc1ent1fic approach.
As cognitive psychologists are
investigating processed information
that cannot be seen directly, there
is still an element of guesswork
and inferences.
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Comparing the human information
processing system to that of
a computer 1s reduct1on1st. It
ignores the role of emotional and
social factors on how we process
information.
The approach is useful 1n terms
of being able to help improve
everyday life 1n humans by. for
example. improving memory or
improving eyewitness testimony
-·--·
Social psychologists are interested in ho1v we '\vork" in the social 1vorld.
They look at ho1v individuals interact 1vith each other and ho1v 1ve interact
in "groups". Therefore, they look at the individual as an individual but also
as a group men1ber and see ho1v this affects behaviour. 'I hey also exan1ine
ho1v the role of culture and society aftects our behaviour. Areas of interest
include prejudice, obedience and confonnity.
The AS-level studies listed in the Cambridge syllabus under this section are:
1. Milgran1 (1963)
2. Haney, Banks & Zimbardo (1973)
3. Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin (1969)
4. Tajfel ( 1970).
The main research methods used in this approach are questionnaires
and interviews.
The approach does tend
to look at the individual "as
a whole" to try to explain
behaviour across situations.
Therefore. it is more holistic
rather than reductionist.
A lot of evidence from this approach
is from studies that have used
questionnaires and 1nterV1ews. Therefore,
the validity may be reduced as what
people say they will do and what they
actually do can be very different
The approach is useful in
terms of being able to help
improve everyday life 1n
humans by, for example,
reducing prejudice or
explaining atrocities.
It can be very difficult sometimes to
distinguish between what is influenced
by the 1nd1v1dual and what is Influenced
by the situation people find themselves
in. This can make designing studies
difficult and then drawing the correct
conclusion may be difficult.
Development sychol
Development psychologists are interested in ho1v 1ve "develop" as a
person fron1 birth to death. Nlany development psychologists focus on
"child development" and what sorts of things affect ho1v a child develops
psychologically and socially. They also look at ho1v physical development
might affect psychological development. Ho"•ever, there are other
psychologists 1vho 1vill examine development over a lifespan. Therefore,
they may examine development from adolescence through early adulthood
•
into late adulthood. Areas of interest include moral development, cognitive
development and social developn1ent.
The AS-level studies listed in the Can1bridge syllabus under this section are:
1. Bandura, Ross & Ross (1961)
2. Freud ( 1909)
3. Langlois el al ( 1991)
4. Nelson (I 980).
The main research methods used in this approach are observations and
longitudinal studies.
Longitudinal studies can be
Longitudinal studies are
very time consuming and costly
an excellent way to assess
and participants wHI drop out
development over time with
(participant attrition can be high).
participant variables being
controlled for. This makes findings
As a resu lt, findings may be
from these types or study more
difficult to generalise to outside
valid as the same people are being of the participants who are left as
there may only be a few and they
followed over a period or time.
Also, as we are following the same could be unique.
people over time, we can examine
what is down to nature and what
is down to nurture in terms of
how these influence people's
developmental pathways as
humans.
There may be ethical issues with
studying children over time. This
is because before they are 16
years old their parents have to give
informed consent. Therefore, the
children are not giving their own
informed consent and may never
want to take part in tests and studies.
Physiological psychology
Physiological psyd1ologists are interested in ho\v our biology affects
our psychology. TI1ey look at the role of things like genetics, brain
function, horn1ones and neurotransn1itters have on our behaviour. Many
physiological psychologists believe that our behaviour can be explained via
biological mechanisms more so than psychological mechanisn1s. However,
others believe that it niay be an interaction between the t\vo. Areas of
interest include origins of n1ental disorders, treatments of mental disorders,
sleep, circadian rhythms and localisation of brain function (\vhich parts of
the brain are responsible for di ffercnt behaviours).
The AS-level studies listed in the Cain bridge syllabus under this section are:
1. Schachter & Singer ( 1962)
2. Dement & Kleitman ( 1957)
3. Maguire, Fracko,viak & Frith ( 1997)
4. Den1atte, Osterbauer & Spence (2007).
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'fhe main research method used in this approach is laboratory experiments.
Strengths
Weaknesses
The approach can be seen as
The approach is very scientific as
1t uses methods such as laboratory being reduc1ion1st as it ignores
the roles of social and emotional
expenments, blood tests. brain
factors 1n our development.
scanning, etc. These are highly
controlled methods that can easily As many studies take place under
be tested for reliability. We can
controlled laboratory cond1llons.
draw cause-effect conclusions
many studies lack ecological
more easily as a resull
validity and mundane realism.
Therefore, some b1olog1cal
As we are dealing with biological
mechanisms, it 1s an excellent way reactions may be tnggered
to assess which of our behaviours because of being In a controlled
environment and may not
are due to nature and which are
due to nurture.
necessarily be the same in a realworld setting.
"--~~~~~~~~~~~~--'-~
The psychology of individual
er_
This approach looks at ho'"· as individuals, '"e differ fron1 one another.
Instead of looking for explanations that could explain hO\V lots of people
1nay behave, psychologists \vho research into this area look at \Vhat makes
the individual unique. Therefore, there are differences between people
that may be part of the san1e group. Rather than looking for general laws,
psychologists \Vho research into this area may focus more on \Vhat makes
the individual different from the others around him or her.
The AS-level studies listed in the Cambridge syllabus under this section are:
1.
Rosenhan(l973)
2. Thigpen & Cleckley ( 1954)
3. Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright (2007)
4. Veale&Riley(2001)
•
This approach can be useful in
explaining differences between
individuals in the cause of
behaviours. These can be useful
during, for example, therapy so
the treatment can be tailored lo
the individual rather than following
general laws of behaviour.
•
Findings from studies may have
limited generalisability as they are
focusing on the individual rather
than a group or people. The people
being studied may be unique in
some way and therefore findings
have limited use.
This approach can be seen as
being reductionist as it ignores
the way we behave in groups and
follow group laws or behaviour.
The behaviourist perspective
Behaviourist psychologists are interested in \vays in \vhich both humans
and animals learn. They look into general la\vs that can apply to all species
and ho\v the experiences \Ve have mould our behaviour over time. There are
Lhree main areas \Vithin this perspective:
~
learning by the consequences of our behaviour (operant conditioning)
~
learning through association (classical conditioning)
~
learning through observation, imitation and modelling (social
learning).
Strict behaviour ism follO\VS the idea that \Ve should "observe the observable"
and no t examine mental processes as they cannot be directly seen.
Behaviours can be directly seen so we have objective measures of behaviour.
Areas of interest include behaviour modification, therapies for mental
health disorders or for prisoners, etc. and develo pment of behaviours such
as aggression.
There are no nan1ed studies for this perspective but Bandura,
Ross & Ross ( 1961 ) can be used as an exan1ple of social learning.
The main research methods used in this perspective are laboratory
experin1ents and observations.
Strengths
Weaknesses
The perspective 1s very
objective as 1t "observes the
observable" - this means
that data is scientific and
quantitative and likely not to be
biased. This makes f1nd1ngs
from studies reliable.
Parts of this perspective ignore the
role or social. cognitive and emotional
aspects or behaviour. Therefore it can
be seen as being reductionist in just
focusing on observable aspects and
1gnonng internal mechanisms such as
biology too.
The approach is useful 1n terms
or being able to help improve
everyday life 1n humans by, for
example, reducing phobias or
modifying a child's behaviour for
the better.
Some psychologists disagree that
there are general laws that govern
animal and human behaviour humans are more complex than
rats, pigeons, dogs and cats so
generalising findings from animal
research to humans may not be valid.
The psychodynamic perspective
Psychodynan1ic psychologists are interested in bow our early lives and
our unconscious mind affect our behaviour. They look at the role of early
childhood development and hO\Vtrau1nas that occur at various stages may
affect adult personality. They also look at ho'v our unconscious mind (the
part of the n1ind that \ VC are una\vare of) affects our everyday behaviour. We
have structures of personality such as the id (driven by pleasure), tile ego
(driven by reality) and the superego (driven by morality). AU of these have
an influence on our behaviour. Areas of interest include development of
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mental health d isorders (e.g. phobias), dreami ng and the trcatn1ent
of mental health disorders.
There are no named studies fo r this perspective but Freud ( 1909) is a
psychodynamic case study. The main research methods used in this
perspective are case studies and intervie\vS.
Strengths
Weaknesses
The approach is useful 1n terms
of being able to help improve
every day life in humans such as
helping to understand why we
have a mental health disorder and
then helping to overcome it.
Ideas such as those relaling to the
unconscious mind cannot be directly
tested and are therefore unscientific.
How can you assess something
that cannot be directly seen or
manipulated? It is an abstract
concept that might not even exist.
Supporting evidence tends to
come from case studies which are
very detailed collecting qualitative
data. This should improve the
validity of findings as the whole
person Is examined rather than
just one aspect of them.
Many findings from this perspective
are based on case studies.
These findings may be difficult to
generalise to a larger group of
people as the case studies may be
unique in some way.
.....
~~~
•
~
~~~~~~~~
HOW
PSYCHOLOGISTS
RESEARCH
There are 1nany different ways in \vhich psychologists
can collect information for their study. These are called
research n1ethods and it is up to psychologists to choose
the one they think is the n1ost appropriate for their
study. The 111ain ones are:
experiments (laboratory and field)
self-reports (questionnaires and interviews)
case studies
observations (naturalistic, controlled, participant).
As \veil as choosing the most appropriate research
nlethod, psychologists have to decide:
\vho the participants are (the sample) and ho\v they
are going to recruit (the san1pling technique)
if they are using an experiment, \vhich design of
study lo use (e.g. repeated measures, independent
groups or matched pairs)
v•bat the procedure of the study 1vill be for
participants including what apparatus is needed
the type of data they want to collect
(e.g. quantitative or qualitative).
RESEARCH METHODS
These take place in a situation or environment that
is artificial to participants in the study. There are nvo
main types of variable that need to be considered when
running any experiment:
Tndependent variable (IV)- the variable that
psychologists choose to manipulate or change.
This represents the different conditions that are
being compared in any study. So, for example, if a
psychologist wants t.o investigate 1ne1nory in school
children, then the variable that requires "changing"
is age. Therefore, age is the IV. However, the IV
requires some form of operationalisation. To do
this, the psychologist must clearly define \vhat the
different conditions are. For the example of memory
in school children the operationalised lV could be:
le,·el I = 5-6 years old and level 2 = 7- 8 years old.
Depe11de11t variable (DV) - the variable that
psychologists choose to measure. It is ahvays
hoped that the IV is directly affecting the DV in
an experi111ent. Also, the DV needs son1e form
of operationalisation. To do this, psychologists
must dearly define ho\v they will nieasure. For
the example of men1ory in school children the
operationalised DV could be the an1ount ofiten1s
that a child remembers fron1 a tray of objects
(n1axiJnum 25).
The psychologist 1\!iJI atten1pt to control as many
other variables as possible to try to ensure that it is
the IV directly affecting the DV. There are different
types of variable that can affect the DV that have to be
controlled if possible. One of these is called participant
variables. These are the traits and behaviours that
participants bring to the study that may affect
the DV (e.g. level of intelligence, prejudices or
any previous experiences).
....
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•
QUESTIONNAIRES
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Laboratory experiments
have high levels of
control and so can be
replicated to test for
reliability.
As laboratory experiments
have high levels of
control, researchers can
be more confident 1l is
the IV directly affecting
the DV.
As laboratory
experiments lake place
1n an artificial setting, it
is said that they can lack
ecological validity.
Many laboratory
experiments can make
participants take part 1n
tasks that are nothing
like real-life ones so they
lack what is known as
·mundane realism".
FIELD EXPERIMENTS
These are experin1enls that take place in participants'
own natural environrnent rather than in an artificial
laboratory. The researcher still tries to n1anipulate
or change an JV while n1easuring the DV in an
attempt to see ho\v the IV affects the DV. There is an
attempt to control other variables that could affect
the DV. One of these is called situational variables.
These are variables from the setting that
might affect the OV, such as the \veatber
. Field
or time of day.
When a study uses a questionnaire, it is asking
participants to ans\ver a series of questions in the
\VTitten forn1. There are various types of
Quant
question that a psychologist can use in a
questionnaire-based study:
Likert scales: these are statements that participants
read and then stale \vhether they strongly agree,
disagree, etc. For exa1nple, the statement might
be "0\vning a pet is good for your psychological
health~
Rating scales: these are questions or state1nents
where participants give an ans1ver in the form of
a nu1nber. For example: " On a scale of 0- J0, ho1v
happy are you today?"
Open-ended: these are questions that allow
participants to develop an answer and 1vrite it in
their 01vn words. 111ey write sentences to ans1ver
the question. For example: "Can you tell me about a
happy childhood n1emory?"
Closed: these are questions where there are a set
amount of anS\vers and participants choose which
ans1ver best fits hO\V they 1vant to respond. For
example: " Pick the emotion that best describes ho1v
you feel today: happy, sad, cheerful, moody''.
•
As field experiments
take place In a
realistic setting, it 1s
said that they have
ecological validity.
As the participants
wil l not know they
are taking part in a
study, there will be
few or no demand
characteristics so
behaviour is more
likely to be natural
and valid.
•
Situational variables can
be difficult to control so
sometimes 1t is difficult to
know if it is lhe IV affecting
the DV. It could be an
uncontrolled variable causing
the DV to change.
As the participants will not
know they are taking part In
a study, there are issues with
breaking ethical guidelines
including informed consent
and deception.
Participants may be
more likely to reveal
truthful answers in a
questionnaire as it does
not involve talking face
lo face with someone.
A large sample of
participants can answer
the questionnaire
in a short time. This
should increase the
representativeness and
generalisability of the
findings.
Participants may give
socially desirable
answers as they want
to look good rather than
giving truthful answers.
This lowers the validity
of findings.
If the questionnaire has
a lot of closed questions
then partic ipants might
be forced into choosing
an answer that does not
reflect their true opinion.
INTERVIEWS
m'{'i·iliB •
These are similar to questionnaires but answers are in
the spoken not \Vritten form. lntervie\vers ask a series
of questions using the types listed above. They may
record the intervie\V so they can go back and transcribe
exactly \vhat participants said. Depending on \vhat the
psychologist is studying, there are three main types of
iJ1tervie\v:
Structured: thi~ is when a set order of questions is
used. Each participant \viii be asked the questions in
that order.
Semi-structured: there are certain questions that
must be asked. Ho1vever, the intervie1ver can
ask then1 in a different order and/or ask other
questions to help clarify a participant's response.
Unstructured: this is 1vhen the intervie1.ver has
a theme or topic that needs to be discussed.
The intervie1.ver may have an initial question
to begin the interview but each
Interview subsequent question is based on the
response given by the participant.
If the interview has a lot
of open questions then
participants will reveal
more of the reasons why
they behave 1n such a
way or have a certain
opinion
Participants might be
less likely to give truthful
answers (maybe due to
social desirability) as
they are actually face to
face with the interviewer
and might not want to be
judged negatively.
CASE STUDIES
This is not a "true" research 111ethod as it utilises other
methods to collect the data. A case study examines
a single person or a unit of people (e.g. a
Case
family) in depth. There may be so1nething
unusual about the "case" (e.g. a trauma
or a mental health issue). ·n1e psychologist \vill use
questionnaires, intervie\.vs and observations to collect
the data.
•
As psychologists
As psychologists using
using case studies
are focusing on one
individual (or unit of
individuals) they can
collect rich, in-depth
data that have details
case studies are focusing
on one 1nd1vidual (or unit
or individuals), the case
may be unique. This
makes generalisations
quite difficult.
This makes the f1nd1ngs
more valid.
Participants are usually
studied as part of their
everyday life which
means that the whole
process tends lo
have some ecological
validity.
As these partic1 pants
are studied in depth, an
attachment could form
between them and the
psychologist which could
reduce the objectivity of
the data collection and
analysis of data. This
could reduce the validity
or the findings.
OBSERVATIONS
This research method involves \Vatching and
observing people or animals and their behaviours.
There are many different types of observation, as
highlighted belo"'· Ho1vever, some elements are core
to observations in general. Prior to observing, the
psychologist must create a belravioural clrecklist (calJed
an etlrogra111 if observing non-humans). This checklist
must name each behaviour that the psychologist is
expecting see. Jn addition, a picture of the behaviour
happening and a brief description of it is useful. This
makes sure that if there is more than one observer,
they are looking for the san1e behaviours. The
behavioural checklist or ethogran1 nlust be "tested"
before the main observation to ensure that all potential
behaviours are covered tind the observers can use the
checklist or ethogn1n1 successfully. 111is is called a piJot
observation. Additional behaviours may be added to
the checklist or ethogram after this process.
These are observations that take place in a person's or
anin1al's O\Vn natural environment.
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•
These are observations that take place in a controlled
setting. An example could be in a laboratory roon1 '"ith
the observers being behind a one-\vay mirror so they
cannot be seen observing.
.
..
These are observations in \vhich psychologists become a
part of the group they '"ish lo observe. This can be overt
(the group of participants kno'" \vho the psychologist
is and that they are being observed) or covert
(the group do not kno\v that a psychologist is
~ in the group observing 1hen1).
1!11
'
'
If participants are
unaware that they
are being observed
they should behave
"naturally". This
increases the
ecological vahd1ty of the
observation.
As behaviours are
·counted" and are
hence quantitative, the
process 1s objective
and the data can be
analysed statistically
with minimal bias.
•
I
If participants are aware
that they are being
observed they may not
act "naturally" and may
show more socially
desirable behaviours.
This reduces the validity
of the findings.
It may be difficult to
replicate a naturalistic
study as many variables
cannot be controlled.
This reduces the
reliability of the study.
PARTICIPANTS AND
SAMPLING
Participants are the people who choose to take part
in a study. The researcher nn1st decide on a target
population (TP). This is the group of people that the
psychologist \van ts to study in the hope that the findings
can generalise to and be representative of that TP. For
example, if a psychologist \Vants to investigate memory
in school children then the TP might be children aged
5- 8 years old. There are different sanipling techniques
•
that a psychologist can use to help recruit participants
from the TP. The main ones are highlighted belo\v.
•
This technique involves researchers recruiting
participants \vho happen to be around at the time
they need participants. Once the correct number have
been chosen and have con1pleted the study, no more
participants are asked.
Self-selected or
i
This technique involves researchers advertising for
participants. It is frequently used in universities to
recruit participants for a range of studies. Therefore.
participants choose whether they \Vant to participate
or not.
This technique involves every participant in the TP
having an equal chance of being chosen. If the TP is
sn1all then potential participants can be numbered
and chosen fro1n a hat. If the TP is large, all potential
participants can be numbered but a random number
generator can be used to select the sample.
-
•
This technique involves recruiting a sample that is a
mini version of the TP. Therefore, researchers recruit
pa1ticipants fron1 each nlajor stratun1 in
Sample
the TP (e.g. age groups, gender and
ethnicity). Each stratun1 nlust reflect the
TP - for example, if the TP has 65 per cent fe1nales
then the san1ple should be 65 per cent female.
v\lhen evaluating these techniques 1ve can split
them into representative sa111pling and nonrepresentative san1pling. Rane.lorn and stratified
san1pling are representative \Vhereas opportunity
and self-selected or volunteer san1pling are nonrepresentative.
varying conditions of your experiment.
There are three different designs.
•
•
•
The researcher can
generalise to the TP
with more confidence.
This is because the
sample is more likely
to be representative of
the TP.
Large numbers of
participants can be
obtained relatively
quickly and easily.
People are more
likely to participate
if they have already
volunteered so the
drop-out rate should
be lower.
Obta1n1ng details of the
TP to use to select the
sample may be difficult
(e.g. lists of people in the
TP or proportions of each
stratum).
Researchers cannot
guarantee a representative
sample (as with random
sampling) - for instance,
alt those chosen could
be of one gender - and
w ith both techniques
researchers may have
a "perfect" sample b ut
participants still might not
take part.
Researchers are unlikely
to gain a wide variety
of participants to allow
for generalisation (for
opportunity sampling they
wilt go for one type or person
in the main whereas for
volunteer sampling only a
certain type of person \Viii
volunteer for a particular
study).
DESIGN OF STUDY
(EXPERIMENTAL OR
PARTICIPANT DESIGN)
ff psychologists choose to use an experiment, then they
have to decide on an e..xperimental (participant) design.
This refers to ho\v you allocate your participants to the
Design
This is \Vhen a participant only takes part in one
level of the IV. lf the I V is naturally occurr ing (e.g.
gender) then an experin1enter 11111st use this type of
design. Other examples of naturally occurring IVs are
gender and age. In a true independent groups design,
participants are randornly allocated to one level of the
IV (so they get an equal chance of being placed in any
level of your IV).
As participants only take
part in one condition
they are less likely to
guess the aim of the
study therefore reducing
the potential effects of
demand characteristics.
As participants only take
part in one condition
there are no order
effects that can reduce
the validity of findings.
There may be a problem
with participant variables
affecting the DV rather
than the IV - even by
chance, all people of
a certain personality
might form one condition
and all people with a
different personality
might form the other
condition - it could be
personality affecting the
DV rather than the IV.
More participants are
required for this type
of design compared to
repeated measures.
t
This is when a participant takes part in nil of the levels of
the JV. This can 110/ be used if the IV is naturally occurring
(e.g. you cannot be a male and a fe111ale at the same
ti1ne!). Researchers musl use co1111terbala11cing, which is
sometin1es called an ABBA design. For example, 50 per
cent of participants do level A then level B of the IV and
the other 50 per cent do level B then A.
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•
.- .
•
:
~
•
-..,...
;
This design
eliminates
any effect of
participant
variables as
all parllci pants
take part in
all conditions;
therefore, they
are controlled.
As all participants take
part 1n all conditions, there
1s a chance of demand
characteristics affecting
the study - participants
might work out the aim
of the study and behave
in a way to fulfil that
rather then showing their
true behaviour.
This type
of design
requires fewer
participants than
independent
groups.
Other effects can affect the
findings of lhe study and
reduce its validity. Examples
of these effects are: practice
effect (participants getting
better al a task when they
complete a similar one for
the second time), fatigue
effect (the more tasks they
do the more tired they might
become) and boredom effect
(repeating similar tasks can
bore participants).
This is \Vhen participanls are matched on a variable
researchers \Vish to control for in 1he study. Exrunples
of variables they may match participanls on include
gender, age and ethnicity. A good source of participants
for this type of design is identical I wins (monozygotic
hvins) as many variables are already matched
genetically. Once participants are matched, each
member of the pair takes part in one level of the IV.
•
•
•
Participant vanables
are controlled for
and eliminated
as the pairs of
participants have
been matched on
them; therefore the
psychologist can
be more confident
it is the IV affecting
the DV rather
than participant
variables.
It can be a study in itself
to find participants who
are matched on all of the
variables the psychologist
has chosen. This is very time
consuming.
There may be one or two
participant variables that are
overlooked with the initial
matching and these could
affect the DV rather than the
IV - we cannot control for
every participant variable .
ISSUES AND
DEBATES WITHIN:
PSYCHOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
This chapter will outline the different issues and debates
that you need Lo kno\v for the exan1. The icons by each
issue \vilJ turn up, when relevant, in the 20 core studies
for the AS qualification. You can then apply the relevant
issues and debates to the study as required in son1e
exan1 questions.
THE APPLICATION
OF PSYCHOLOGY TO
EVERYDAY LIFE (ITS
USEFULNESS)
ECOLOGICAL VALIDITY
This refers to the extent that the setting a study has been
conducted in can be relevant to everyday life. A study
conducted in a laboratory using hurnan participants
may be lo\v in ecological validity as it is not a setting
that humans are used to. Sometimes the task given to
participants might also not be son1ethi ng that happens
in everyday life - the term "n1undane realism" describes
this. If a task involves something that could happen in
everyday life then \Ve say it has high mundane realism.
~~~~~~~~~~~
Some people argue that if studies and ideas from
psychology cannot be used in everyday life then they
are not useful. All psychologists have to consider
this before they complete a study. Once a study has
been published, other psychologists niay evaluate its
usefulness. This can be positive or negative. A study
may only have been conducted on one sex so it n1ay not
be useful in explaining the behaviour of the opposite
sex. 111e extent to which son1ethjng is useful
Useful
is debating how the findings can be used (or
not used) in everyday life.
ETHICS
The British Psychological Society has strict guidelines
on \vhat can and cannot be done to human
participants in the nan1e of psychological
Ethics
research. So111e of the 111ain guidelines are
listed belo\v:
1. informed consent. Tius is when participants are
fully aware of \vhat the study is about and they
then give their permission to be used in the study.
Psychologists n1ay not give the full ain1s of a study
•
'
The main advantage 1s that 1t 1s can be used to
improve human behaviour in some way. For example.
1f we find a better way to treat a mental Illness then it
is useful to society as a whole.
I I
•
Studies might be unethical to gain more valid results.
Studies need to be high in ecological validity to be of
more use to society but this can be quite difficult if
they are conducted 111 a laboratory. for instance.
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•
in order to reduce demand characteristics. This is
\vhen features of a study hint to participants \vhat
the aims are so they behave or ans\ver relating to
the hint rather than ho\v they \vould truly behave
or ans\ver.
2. Deception. Participants should not be deceived
about aspects of a study unless the study
\\'OuJd other\vise be useless due to demand
characteristics.
3. Debriefing. Psychologists must explain the ful l
aim of the study (especially if they had to deceive
participants) at the end of the study. They should
answer any questions participants have and check
that participants are still happy to have their data
used. Son1e psychologists follow up participants at
a later date to check again that everything is
all right.
4. Right to withdraw. Participants should kno\v that
they can leave the study at any tin1e and that their
data \viJI not be used in the published study.
5. Confidentiality. Psychologists must tell participants
that their responses \viii not be identifiable as their
O\vn and that all data "'ill be pooled \vhen analysed
(except \vhen it is a case study).
6. Protection. Psychologists must ensure that
participants leave the study in the sa.n1e physical and
psychological state in which they entered it.
7. Observations. These can only take place where any
n1e1nber of the public can see the behaviour.
ETHNOCENTRIC BIAS
This is \vhen psychologists vie'v the results, behaviours
or responses of a study that used participants notfro111
their ow11 ethnic group through the eyes of
Ethno
their own ethnic experiences. As a result,
the psychologists may feel that their own
ethnic group is superior to the one(s) they are studying
and nlay n1isinterpret behaviours and dra\v the v1rong
conclusions about the behaviour being studied.
•
RELIABILITY AND
VALIDITY
Reliability refers to \vhether researchers can test
something again to see if they gain similar results.
Laboratory experiments, \vi th all of their
controls, are said to be reliable as they can Reliable
be replicated quite easily to see if similar
results are obtained.
Validity refers to ho"' accurate lhe findings
are from a study (e.g. see ecological validity
above).
, EcoV
'
INDIVIDUAL VERSUS
SITUATIONAL
EXPLANATIONS
Individual explanations account for behaviours using
factors from \Vithin the person (called dispositional
factors, such as personality). Situational explanations
account for behaviours using factors from
the external environment (situations that Ind vs sit
people find the1nselves in).
•
•
•
•
• •
The findings can be
very useful to society
as a whole. If we find
out which behaviours
are down to individuals
and which are down to
the situations we find
ourselves 1n, then we
can help explain human
behaviour more clearly.
If psychologists find lhal
there is an interaction
between both sides or
the debate then this Is
useful too .
It is not always easy to
separate out individual
and situational factors.
Studies might be
unethical to gain more
valid resul ts.
Studies need high
ecological validity to
be or more use to this
debate but this can
be difficult if they take
place in a laboratory, for
instance.
NATURE AND NURTURE
Nature refers to behaviours that are thought to be
hard-\vired into people pre-birth (innate or genetic).
Nurture refers to behaviours that are thought to
develop through the lifetime of the person. Therefore,
nature tends to be based on biological fac tors 1vhereas
nurture tends to be based on sociaJ and
psychological factors.
•
••
The findings can be
very useful to society
as a whole. If we find
out which behaviours
come from nature
and which from
nurture, we can help
to explain behaviour
more clearly.
If there is an
interaction between
both sides of the
debate this is
useful too.
It 1s not always easy to
separate out what is nature
and what is nurture.
If behaviour is seen to
be purely down to nature
(genetics) this can be very
socially sensitive. Sections
of society could use this
to undertake a "eugenic''
movement to gel rid of
people with "inferior genes".
This is clearly unacceptable.
Studies might be unethical
in order to gain more valid
results.
people. they can be
seen as being more
ob1ecttve and sc1enttf1c.
Comparisons can be
useful as people's
results are compared
on the same,
standardised scale.
behaviour II is supposed
to measure? (e.g. Some
psychologists beheve
that an IQ test does not
measure intelligence.
but instead measures
someone's ablhty to
complete an IQ test).
As they are
standardised. they are
reliable measures - we
can use them again and
again to see 1f we get
similar results.
If tests measure specilic
cultural knowledge rather
than the behaviour they
are supposed to measure.
they will be seen as
ethnocentric.
QUANTITATIVE AND
QUALITATIVE DATA
Anything in the form of a number is quantitative data.
You can analyse this data statistically. Qualitative data
take the form of descriptions in \\'Ords, sentences and
paragraphs. They are rich in detail and allo1"
Quant
participants to explain their ans,vers to
questions.
•
PSYCHOMETRICS
These are usually paper-and-pen tasks that literally nlean
"measurement of the mind". Examples are an intelligence
quotient {IQ) test, an aptitude test or a test to help with
educational needs. They are standardised, so peoples
results can be compared lo a "norm" to see
Psychom
ho\v intelligent they are or ho1v much of a
certain personality they have.
As they are
standardised on a
large sample of
There may be issues with
validity. Is the test actually
measuring the
As the data are
numerical, this allows
easier comparison and
statistical analysis (e.g.
the average score of
two different groups of
participants can easily
be compared).
Numerical data
are objective and
scientific - there is only
minimal chance of
miscalculating the data
and drawing invalid
conclusions.
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••
As the data are
numerical, they miss out
on valuable 1nlormat1on
If the answer 1s simply
yes/no or on a rating
scale we do not know
why participants chose
the answers they did.
It can be seen as
reductionist as complex
ideas and behaviours
are simply reduced to a
number or percentage.
•
The data collected are
nch and In-depth
responses, 1n
Qual
the words of
participants, so
they represent what
participants believe.
Therefore, it can be
argued that they are not
reductionist.
As the data come
directly from participants
we can understand why
participants think, feel
and act in a certain way.
o
I
Interpretation of the data
could be subjective a psychologist could
misinterpret what a
participant 1neant to say
or be biased against
some of the person's
views.
There may be researcher
bias. Psychologists might
only select data that fits
their hypothesis or aim
of the study. This cannot
be done with quantitative
data.
GENERALISATIONS
'[his term refers to hO\v much the findings from a study
can be applied to/is representative of people \vho never
directly took part in the study (those from the target
population - TP - but not the san1ple studied). This is not
ahvays directly linked to sample size (e.g. a srnall san1ple
size does not automatically mean we cannot generalise).
If behaviour is biological in nature (e.g. sleep and daily
rhythn1s) and auhumans have the same biological
mechanisms then finding something out using less than
ten participants may be generalisable to a lot of other
humans. When assessing studies in terms of
generalisations, consider \vhat the findings of
the study are and then decide \vhether \Ve can or
•
cannot generalise the findings to the TP.
SNAPSHOT AND
LONGITUDINAL DATA
Both of these terms refer to the tin1e frame in \vhich a
study takes place:
Snapshot: this is \Vhen data are collected at
one point in time using a group of participants
performing a task, being intervie\ved, etc.
•
Longitudinal: this is when the same set of participants
is follo\,red over a longer period of time to examine
things such as developmental changes.
Snap
They may repeat sin1ilar tasks once per
year, for exan1ple.
I
These can be a
time-efficient way of
collecting a lot of data.
A study might only take
a few weeks to complete
and for results to be
analysed.
These can be useful
for conducting "pilot
research" to see whether
a study 1s feasible
(before you run a largescale study and find it
does not work).
These studies do not
follow people over a
period of time. so they
are not useful 1n tracking
how behaviour develops
or the long-term effects
of something.
They only represent
participants showing
a behaviour or opinion
at one point in time.
Generalisation may
therefore be limited.
•
These studies allow
analysis of how
behaviour develops over
time (e.g. throughout
childhood) and longterm effects (e.g. of life
events on development).
lnd1v1dual differences
between people 1n the
study are controlled
as the same people
are tracked over a
set amount of time.
Therefore, findings are
more I ikely to be valid.
••
Not all participants will
want to be followed for
the length of the
Long
study and wi II
drop out (called
"participant attrition").
This can reduce the
sample srze and then
the generalisability and/
or validity of the study as
time progresses.
Psychologists could
become attached
to participants and
be subjective Jn their
analysis of the data.
THE USE OF CHILDREN
IN PSYCHOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
We have already covered ethics above but there are
extra rules about using children in psychological
research:
Children aged under 16 cannot give their 0\¥11
informed consent to take part in a study.
Children aged under 16 must get parental
permission to participate in studies or loco
Child parentis permission (e.g. someone \vho looks
after them in a nursery or school).
THE USE OF ANIMALS
IN PSYCHOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
-
Animal
There are ethical guidelines and rules for
using animals in psychological research.
The 111ain ones are as follows:
The la\v - psychologists must \Vork \vithin the la\v
about protecting animals.
Nun1ber of anin1als - this should be a kept to the
nlinin1un1 an1ount to make statistical analysis
n1eaningfltl.
Social environment - social species should be
kept together and non-social species kept apart.
Caging - housing in cages should not lead to
overcrowding and increased stress levels.
We can conduct
research on
animals that
we cannot do
on humans for
ethical reasons.
Due to the differences in
physiological and psychological
'make-ups' of animals and
humans it can be difficult lo
generalise from animal studies to
human behaviour.
REDUCTIONISM
This is when a psychologist believes that a con1plex
behaviour can be explained by reducing it to one single
cause or a series of component parts. For
exan1ple, a researcher n1ight state that
fteduct
son1e aspect of personality is caused only
by biological mechanism. This could easily
overlook social and psychological factors that could also
be affecting personality.
It allows research lo
be conducted that can
analyse a specific area
or behaviour in depth, so
how 11 affects humans
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II averlooks other factors
that c ould be affec ting
the behaviour of people.
COGNITIVE
PSYCHOLOGY
METHOD
CORE STUDY 3.1
Design
Mann, Vrij & 8111/ (2002)
CONTEXT
Early research into the field of lying behaviour bad
shown mixed results in terms of what people actually do
\Vben lying. Son1e people avert their gaze and become
fidgety \vbile others become very still and hardly move
at aU. Ho,vever, the designs of these studies meant that
the findings \Vere not truly generalisable to real-life
lying. They \\•ere experimental studies asking people to
lie or teU the truth about various issues, perhaps causing
unnatural behaviour. Very few participants '"ould
feel guilty about deceiving someone as there "'ere no
consequences. Therefore, they \Vere sirnply lying for the
sake of the experirnent. Very little research had been
conducted in field settings using people 'vho could and
\vould Lie spontaneously if the stakes 1vere high. Mann,
Vrij & Bull found the perfect set of participants for this:
suspects in police custody.
ASK YOURSELF
Can you spot a liar? Do you know how people
behave when they are lying lo you? List some
behaviours that you feel people show when they are lying.
AIM
Detectives fron1 Ken t Constabulary in the Uniled
Kingdorn \Vere asked if they could recollect any
videotaped interviews where the suspect had definitely
lied but also told the truth. The relevant case files \Vere
requested. A researcher looked through these to find
forensic evidence or independent 1vitness statements
that could easily corroborate the lie and truth in the
intervie\v. For example, a videotape might sho'" the
suspect lying about any involvement then being
presented \Vith clear forensic evidence and confessing.
Any case that did not have corroboration \Vas not
used. The cases chosen for the study "'ere then rerecorded onto another videotape. Overall, this became
a one-hour video \Vith clips from all 16 suspects. For a
better comparison, the truths had to be comparable in
nature to the lies for inclusion (e.g. a
Control
suspect's truthful response to confirn1
narne and age is not co111parable to a lie
abou t 1vhether the suspect had cornrnitted a murder).
A total of 65 clips were used (27 truths and 38 lies).
Each participant had a nii nirnum of l\vo clips (one
truth and one lie) and the maxJ1nu1n \Vas eight clips.
The length of clips ranged from 41.4 seconds to 368.4
seconds. Previous studies had shown that length of
time telling the truth or lying has little effect on the
behaviour of those telling the truth or lying.
To investigate the lying behaviours of suspects in police
custody - a high-stake situation that is real life so 'vould
generate real lying.
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
'
Eight behaviours \vere looked for in the clips:
Behaviour
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two of the behaviours that the observers
were looking lor. How were they coded?
Coded by:
Gaze aversion the number of seconds that the suspect
looked away from the interviewer
Blinking
frequency of eye blinks
Participants
Head
movement
frequency of head nods (upward and
do\vnward \vere counted separately); head
shakes (side to ~ide) \Vere also counted
Participants \Vere 16 police suspects {13 males and
3 females). Four of these \Vere juveniles (lhree 'vere
aged 13 years and one 15 years). One \Vas Asian and
15 "·ere Caucasian. The crimes the participants \Vere
being interviewed about were theft (n =9), arson (n = 2),
attempted rape (n = I) and 1nurder (n = 4). At least 10 of
the J 6 were already kno\vn to the police for previous offences.
Selffrequency of head scratching,
rnanipulations scratching the \vrist
Illustrators
Reliable
frequency of arm and hand movements
(that either rnodified or con1plemented
what the suspect \vas talking about)
I-land/finger
movements
any movements of the hands or
fingers without moving the arms
Speech
disturbances
frequency of saying things Like "ah"
or "m1n1n" bet1veen \VOrds, frequency
of 1vord and/or sentence repetition,
sentence change, sentences not
con1pleted, stutters, etc. - any deviation
fron1 the official English language as
\veil as the use of slang \Vas not counted
Pauses
the number of seconds where there
\vas a noticeable pause in the suspects
monologue, \vhen the suspect stopped
talking for more than 0.5 seconds '"hen
the conversation \Vas free flo,ving.
Each of the eight coded behaviours
Control
\vas changed into a format in which
suspects' truths and lies could be directly
con1parcd. For gaze aversion and pauses \Vhen telling
the tru th or lying, the total length oftin1e recorded for
these coded behaviours \vas divided by the total length
oftirne of the truthful clips, Lhen n1u ltiplied by 60 to
give a total length per rninute. ·n1is was repeated for
\Vhen l he suspect was lying. The frequency of blinks,
head, arn1 or hand movements while telling the truth
or lying \Vas divided by the total length of time for
each truthful or lying clip and 1nultiplied by 60 to give
a frequency per minute score. The total
Quant
nun1ber of speech disturbances during the
truthful and lying clips " 'as divided by the
total number of words spoken during the truthful and
lying clips then multiplied by 100 to give a "per 100
"'ords" frequency score.
Procedure
T\vo observers independently coded the eight behaviours
under investigation. 111ey did not know which clips
sho\ved suspects telling the truth and \vhicli sho,ved Lies.
They were not told the purpose of the study
or any hypotheses so they never knew \vhen Reliable
a suspect was telling the truth or lying. The
first observer coded every clip. 'l he second observer coded
a random sample of 36 clips covering all 16 suspects so
inter-rater reliability could be measured. Partially due
to the sensitive nature of the dips, the fe\ver people \vho
sa1v them other than the police the better. The inter-rater
agreement was high for au eight coded behaviours.
RESULTS
Table 3.1 shows the scores for six of the coded
behaviours split by truth and lying.
Truthful
Behaviour
M
Deceptive
SD
M
SD
Gaze aversion
27.82
9.25
27.78
11.76
Blinks
23.56
10.28
18.50
8.44
Head movements
26.57
12.34
27.53
20.93
Hand/arm
movements
15.31
14.35
10.80
9.99
Pauses
3.73
5.14
5.31
4.94
Speech
5.22
3.79
5.34
4.93
disturbances
A Table 3.1 Scores - truthful and deceptive
Quant
These 1vere the significant differences
SO per cent moved their head up1vards and SO per cent
bet\veen the truthful dips and lying in terms
moved it do1vn1vards when lying.
of behaviour:
I>
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two main findings from this study How
reliable are these findings? WIT-/?
Lying 1vas accompanied by a decrease in blinking
(81 per cent of suspects).
I>
Lying 1vas accompanied by an increase in pauses
(81 per cent of suspects).
CONCLUSION
There 1vere individual differences as there was not one
behaviour that all liars sh01ved. 1l1e only other coded
behaviour that came dose to significance was hand and
The most reliable indicators of lying in a high-stake
arn1 nioven1ents 1vhich decreased n1arkedly for 69 per cent
situation are a decrease in blinking and an increase in
of the suspects 1vhen they 1vere lying. Regardi11g head
pauses 1vhen talking.
movement, behaviour 1vas evenly split in that
EVALUATION
Since Mann, Vrij & Bull used naturalistic observations as part of
their design, 1ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter I,
pages 3-4 and apply them directly to the study:
Evaluation
General evaluation (observations)
Related to Mann, Vrij & Bull
Strength
If participants are unaware they
are being observed they should
behave ·naturally". This increases
the ecological validity of the
observation.
The suspects did not know that the recordings were to be
used for lhe analysis of lying behaviours. Therefore. they
were much more likely to be displaying real behaviours
making the findings of the study more vahd
Strength
As behaviours are "counted" and
so quantitative, the process is
ob1ect1ve. The data can be analysed
statistically with minimal bias.
All of the behaviours were coded quantitatively which made
the whole recording process objective and more scientific
(see the examples above on how the data was converted).
The inter-rater rehab11ity exercise confirmed this.
Weakness
It may be difficult to replicate the
study 1f ti 1s naturahstic as many
variables cannot be controlled.
This reduces its reliability.
This study may be difficult to replicate due to the
observation techniques used: if the police know that
tapes may be used for analysis they may change the way
they interview suspects. This cou ld reduce the validity of
these findings.
Other points to consider include the follo1ving:
validity of the study: we can argue that
I>
they \Vere also accurately coded and
Ethics: suspects did not give infonned consent for
their footage to be used in a psychological study.
Ethics
I>
Reliable
analysed.
Some 1vould argue that this breaks ethical
guidelines.
Reliability: as they conducted a successful interrater reliability task, the behaviours recorded 1vere
those sho1vn by the suspects. This can also affect the
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study in terms of individual versus
srtuattonal explanations and that quantitative data
were collected. You may want to use a table like that used
for the observation evaluatton.
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
Exam centre
Try the following exa1n-style questions.
Paper 1
1. ln the t.1ann, Vrij & Bull study, \Vho \Vere the
participants?
(2 marks)
2. Outline two controls that Mann, Vrij & Bull used
in their study.
(4 marks)
3. Identify two of llie behaviours that \Vere coded in
the Mann, Vrij & Bull study.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Mann, Vrij & Bull study in terms of
ho1v useful the study is.
(I 0 marks)
Paper 2
1. Outline what quantitative data 1vere collected in
the Mann, Vrij & Bull study.
(3 marks)
2. Redesign the t.lann, Vrij & Bull study using an
experiment as the research method.
(I 0 marks)
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses
of conducting observational research
using the t.-Iann, Vrij & Bull study as
an example.
(10 marks)
5 years old. These could not be traumatic events or
fan1ily events that could easily be recalled. Also, the
relative had to provide inforn1ation about a shopping
trip to a mall or departn1ent store that could have easily
happened. Relatives \Vere asked:
CORE STUDY 3.2
Loftus & Pickrell ( 1995)
CONTEXT
Psychologists have conducted many studies on ho\v
our memories can be disrupted by things that \Ve
did earlier (proactive interference) or things that
\Ve experience after\vards (retroactive interference).
Recent studies have begun to focus rnore and more on
retroactive interference effects. New information that is
processed after an initial memory is forn1ed can become
incorporated into the recollection of the original event
to forin a "ne,v" n1en1ory that is not correct, but that a
person believes is real (kno,vn as false n1emories).
ASK YOURSELF
Do you think people can create false memories
and then believe them as if they are real?
AIM
~
where the family \vould have shopped
when the participant \vas 5 years old
~
\vhich family members used to go on
shopping trips
~
what type(s) of store(s) rnight have been appealing
to the participant \vhen he or she was a child
~
to verify that the participant had never been lost in
a shopping mall or department store \vhen he or she
v.•as 5 years old.
Control
The lost event involving getting lost always follo\ved
the same format: participants \vcre lost for an extended
period of ti1ne, they cried, they were lost in a shopping
nlall or department store when they were 5 years old,
they \Vere found and helped by an elderly \VOn1a11 and
then they \Vere reuni ted \Vilh their fan1ily.
Participants
To investigate whether it is possible to make people form
a false me111ory of an event that never happened to them.
METHOD
Design
Participants \vere sent a five-page booklet along \vith
a letter explaining how to con1plete the booklet. The
booklet contained four stories - three that
Quest were true about the participant and provided
by a relative. ·1he fourth story was a false
event about getting lost in a shopping rnall. The order
of events (and the subsequent interviews below) were
ahvays in the sa1ne order: true event l, true event 2,
false event of getting lost, true event 3. Each event was
a single paragraph at the top of the page. The rest of the
page was blank so participants could write do\vn any
men1ories of that event.
lntervie\vS \Vith each relative took place to obtain the
three true events that happened to the
Interview
participant \Vhen he or she 'vas around
The study \Vas completed by 24 participants
(3 males and 21 females) aged 18- 53 years. They \vere
recruited via students of the University of
Sample
\Vashington. Each student gave details of
a pair of individuals (a participant and a
relative of that participant). The pairs '"ere usually parent
and child or sibling pairs. To be included in the study, the
relative of the participant had to be knowledgeable about
the participant's childhood. The sampling technique
could be described as being opportunity sampling.
TEST YOURSELF
How were participants recruited for this study?
Why was it a good way to recruit? What problems
might be linked to recruiting participants in lhis way?
Procedure
Participants \Vere told that they \vere taking part in a
study about childhood memory \Vith a focus on looking
at why people ren1en1ber some things and not others.
initially they \vere asked to complete the booklet by
reading the account from their relative and then \\•riting
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
do\vn all they could remen1ber about that event. If they
could not remember anyt hing they had to state this
too. They mailed the completed booklet back to the
researchers.
T\vo intervie\vs \Vere then scheduled, the first usually one
Lo t\vo \\leeks after completing lhe booklel then another
one to L\\IO \veeks after the first. T\VO intervie\\lers, both
female, conducted and recorded each intervie\\I.
111e first interview: Participants \Vere reminded of the
four events they had \Vritten about in the booklet They
\vere asked to recall as much infonnation
Qual
abou t each event as possible (even if it \Vas
infor111ation they had not remembered while
completing the initial booklet). They were told that the
intervie\vers were interested in ho\v 111uch they could
recall about childhood events and how this co111pared
with the relative's recollection. The events \vere not
read to then1 ve rbathn, onl y certain elen1ents were
used as retrieval cues. Once participants said they
had rem en1bered as much as possible they had to rate
the clarity of that men1ory on a scale of
Quant
1- 10 with I being not clear and 10 being
extremely clear. Additionally, they had to
rate on a scale of l - 5 ho\" confident they \Vould be
that if given more time to think about the event they
\,rould remember more details (I was not confident and
5 \Vas extren1ely confident). Once the intervie\v \Vas
co111pleted, participants \vere thanked for their time and
effort and asked to think about the events to recall more
details at the second intervie\v.
111e second interview. This \\laS the same as the first
intervie1v but at the end participants \Vere debriefed.
They \vere lold that the study had atten1pted to create a
memory for an event that had never actually happened.
Participants \vere asked to pick 1vhicb event they
thought \ Vas the false one. 111en they were given an
apology for the deceptive nature of the study.
RESULTS
""O
Cl>
.._
Cl>
.c
E
Cl>
E
Cl>
.._
Cl>
C>
-"'c
Cl>
u
.._
~
100
90
80 70 - 49n2 49n2 49n2
60 50 40
30 20
10 0
-
-
0 Booklet
D Interview 1
D Interview 2
7124
True
6124
6124
False
Event type
A Figure 3.1 True and raise events recalled per session
The figure shO\VS that the an1ount of true events recalled
rema.ined constant across the three recall sessions. Also,
the rate of recalling false events remained virtually
constant with 7/24 re n1en1 bered at the booklet stage
dropping to 6 in both of the interviews.
In addition, participants used n1ore words \Vhen
recalling the true events than lhe false event (on
average). The mean \vord length for true events \vas
138.0 while for the false events it was 49.9.
During tbe first intervie\\I, l 7 of the participants
maintained that they had no recollection of the false
event. One participant who had claimed
some recollection in the booklet, denied any Quant
recollection at the first interview. Therefore,
75 per cent "resisted" the suggestion of the false event
and this continued at the second intervie\'i.
Figure 3.2 shO\\IS the average clarity rati ngs for true
and false evenls al both intervie\VS for those participants
who clailn ed they could reme1nber details of the
false event.
The figure shO\VS that the clarity rati ngs for the true
events remai ned the san1e across the two interviews.
However, the clarity ratings for the false event did
increase fron1 2.8 to 3.6 from intervic\v 1 Lo intervie1v 2.
ln terms of confidence, the 1nean score for lrue events
Combined, the 24 participants \Vere asked to
remember 72 true events per recall session (booklet,
intervie\" l and intervie\11 2). They
Quant
remembered 49 of these (68 per cent).
Figure 3.1 shO\VS the amount of true and
faJse events remembered per recall session.
2.7 at first intervie\V then 2.2 at second intervie\v. For
the false events these scores \Vere 1.8 al first interview
then l.4 at second intervie\v. At debrief, \vhen
Quant
participants chose the event they thought \Vas
the false one, 19/ 24 chose the correct event.
\V3S
10
98
0 Interview 1
D Interview 2
-
C>
7-
~
65-
-
£
l';-
·c
c:;
"'c:
"'
:E
CD
4
6.3
6.3
3.6
2.8
321
0
True
False
However, some \Vere still dubious it was a false event
despite choosing it at debrief!
CONCLUSION
Some people can be misled into believing a false event
happened to them in their childhood through the
suggestion that it was a true event. Therefore, in some
people, me1nories can be altered by suggestion.
TEST YOURSELF
OuUine four main findings from this study. How
useful are these findings?
Event type
.._ Figure 3.2 Clanty ratings
EVALUATION
Since Loftus & Pickrell collected quantitative data, vie can use the
general evaluations from Chapter 2, pages 9- 10 and apply them directly
to the study:
Evaluation
General evaluation (quantitative)
Related to Loftus & Pickrell
Strength
The data are ob1ective and can
be analysed stallshcally to draw
conclusions.
The data such as the confidence ratings, word length
of recollections and clanty ratings were numencal and
could be analysed by calculating the mean scores
for true and false events. From these obiect1ve data,
suitable conclusions could be drawn.
-
Strength
As the data are numerical,
comparison and statistical analysis
are easier (e.g. the average score of
two different groups of participants
can easily be compared so there is
very little bias or misinterpretation).
Loftus & Pickrell could calculate the number of true
and false events people recalled as being "factual" so
comparisons could be made - there could be very little
mis1nterpretat1on as it was based on participants' initial
recall in the booklet. Comparisons between the true
and false events could give a factual conclusion.
Weakness
Numerical data miss out on valuable
information. If the answer is simply
yes/no or on a rating scale we do
not know why participants chose the
answer they did.
The confidence ratings were numerical. While they
appeared low for true and raise events at both
interviews, we do not know why participants fell
unconfident. The same applies to the clarity ratings.
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
'
Other points that can be used lo evaluate this study
include the following:
>-
Ethics: deception. Some psychologists could argue
that this study breaks the ethical guideline of
deception as participants \\lere dearly deceived in
the attempt to make then1 believe that they bad been
lost in a shopping mall or department store
Ethics
\\•hen they \\lere 5 years old. HO\\lever, Loftus
& Pickrell could argue that the deception
\\las crucial for their study to have any validity and
that they did debrief participants at the end and
explain the deception.
>-
Ethics: protection. Some psychologists could argue
that this study breaks the ethical guideline of
deception as participants did not leave the study in
the same psychological state as \Vhen they started it.
Remember that some participants did not pick out
the false event and n1ay nO\\I believe that they \Vere
indeed lost in a shopping maJJ department store
\Vhen they \Vere 5 years old.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study 1n terms of 1t being a smallscale long1tud1nal study and on tis usefulness.
You may want to use a table similar to that used for the
quantitative data evaluation.
Exam centre
Try the following exam-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the Loftus & PickrelJ study, outline ho\v the
sample \\las recruited.
(2 marks)
2. Outline two aspects of the first interview in the
Loftus & Pickrell study.
( 4 marks)
3. Outline how confidence or clarity \Vas measured in
(2 nlarks)
the Loftus & Pickrell study.
4. Evaluate the Loftus & Pickrell study in terms of
two strengths.
(10 marks)
Paper2
1. Outline \\/hat quantitative data were colJected in
the Loftus & Pickrell study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline how the interview method \\la5 used in the
Loftus & Pickrell study.
3. Discuss the strengths and \\'eaknesses
of ethical guidelines in research using
Loftus & Pickrell as an example.
(3 n1arks)
(10 marks)
CORE STUDY 3.3
Baron-Cohen et al (200 I)
CONTEXT
Back in 1997, a "Reading the mind in the eyes" test\vas
developed to assess a concept called theory of mind. This
refers to the ability to attribute mental states to oneself
and other people. The test appeared to discriminate
bet,veen adults \Vilh Asperger syndrornc (AS) and high
functioning autistic (HFA) adults from control adults.
The AS and H FA groups scored significantly worse than
others in the test, \vhich asked participants to look at a
pair of eyes on a screen and choose \Vh ich en1otion the
eyes best conveyed, fro1n a forced choice of en1otions.
Ho\vever, the research tean1 were not happy \vith
elements of the original version and \Vanted to "upgrade"
their nieasure to 1nake it better (these problenis and
solutions are outlined in the design section).
Forced choice between
two response options
meant 1ust a narrow
range of 17-25 correct
responses (out of 25)
to be statistically above
chance. The range of
scores for parents of
those with AS were lower
than normal but again
there was a narrow
range of scores to detect
any real differences.
Forced choice remained
but there were four
response options.
There were 36 pairs
of eyes used rather
than 25 - this gives a
range of 13-36 correct
responses (out of 36)
to be statistically above
chance. These means
individual differences
can be examined better
In terms of statistics.
There were basic and
complex mental sta tes
so some or the pairs of
eyes were "too easy"
(e.g. happy, sad) and
others "loo hard" making
comparisons difficult.
Only complex mental
states were used.
There were some pairs
of eyes that could be
"solved" easily because
of eye direction (e.g.
not1c1ng or ignoring).
These were deleted.
There were more female
pairs of eyes used in the
original test.
An equal amount of
male and female pairs
of eyes was used
The choice of two
responses were always
"semantic opposites"
(e.g. happy/sad) which
made 11 too easy.
"Semantic opposites"
were removed and the
"foil choices· (those that
were incorrect) were to
be more similar to the
correct answer.
There may have
been comprehension
problems with the choice
of words used as the
forced c hoice responses.
A glossary of all terms
used as the c hoices
on the eyes test
was available to all
participants at all times.
ASK YOURSELF
How do you read the emotion that is conveyed by
another person's face? What do you look for?
AIM
1.
To test a group of adults \vith AS or HFA on the
revised scale of the eyes test. This \\•as to check
\Vhether the same deficits seen in the original study
could be replicated.
2.
To test a san1ple of normal adults to see whether there
\Vas a negative correlation between the scores on the
eyes test and theirautisn1 spectrum quotient (AQ).
3. To test whether fe1nales scored better on the eyes
test than 1nales.
METHOD
Design
A Table 3.2 Problems and attempts to solve them
The researchers redesigned the questionnaire to
overcome proble1ns \Vith the original test (see Core
study table 3.2).
The "correct" word and the "foils" were chosen by
two authors of the study and \vere piloted on eight
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
judges (equal sex). For the correct \vord
'
and its foils to be used in the ne\v eyes
test, five judges had to agree 1vith the
original choice. Also, if more than hvo judges picked a
foil over the correct 1vord, the iten1 had a ne\v correct
1vord generated \Vith suitable foils and 1vas retested.
The data fron1 groups 2 and 3 (see belo\\•) 1vere merged
as they did not differ in perforrnance. This \Vas also a
check that the "correct" \vords had some
Reliable
consensus - at least 50% of the group had
to get the correct 1vord and no more than
25% had to select a foil for it to be included in the ne1v
eyes lest. From the original 40 pairs of eyes, 36 passed
these tests and 1vere used.
Control
and 4 completed a questionnaire to measure their
AQ. All participants 1vere asked to read through a
glossary and indicate any 1vords 1vere unsure of and they could revisit the glossary at any time during
the test.
• Figure 3.3 Example or male pair of eyes used 1n the test
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two problems with the original version of
the eyes test and then describe how the research
team attempted to overcome them.
Participants
RESULTS
Core study table 3.3 shows the mean and
standard deviation scores for the new eyes
test and AQ by group.
Quant
There 1vere four groups of participants:
1. One group consisted of 15 males formally diagnosed
1vith either AS or HFA. 1 hey 1vere recruited via a
UK National Autistic Society nlagazine or support
group. Therefore, these participants 1vere volunteers.
2. ln this group there 1vere 122 normal adults recruited
from adult community and education classes in
Sample Exeter or a public library in Cambridge - a
broad range of people.
3. This group consisted of I03 normal adults
(53 male and 50 female) 1vho 1vere undergraduates at
Cambridge University (7 1 in sciences and 32 in other
subjects). All were assu1ncd to have a high IQ.
4. This group 1vas forn1ed fron1 14 randomly selected
adults who were 1natched for IQ with group 1.
Procedure
All participants, irrespective of group, completed the
revised version of the eyes test. Eacll
Control
participant co1npleted it individually in a
quiet room. Participants in group l 1vere
asked to judge the gender of each image. Groups l, 3
Group
Eyes test
AQ
AS HFA adults
21 9 (6.6)
34.4 (6.0)
General population
26.2 (3.6)
NIA
Students
28.0 (3.5)
18.3 (6.6)
Matched
30.9 (3.0)
18.9 (2.9)
• Table 3.3 Mean and standard deV1at10n (in parentheses)
scores for the new eyes test and AQ by group
The AS/HFA group performed significantly worse
than the other three groups on the eyes test. In
general, fen1ales scored belier on the eyes test than
n1ales. Unsurprisingly, the AS/ HFA group scored
significantly higher on AQ than the other groups. The
correlation between the eyes test and AQ was negative.
The distribution of scores for the eyes test (all groups
n1erged) formed a normal bell curve.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two differences between the different sets
of participants used in this study in terms or their
performance on the eyes test.
CONCLUSION
The revised version of the eyes test could still
discriminate bet\veen AS/HFA adults and controls from
different sections of society as it replicated previous
findings. The ne\v eyes test appeared to overcon1e the
initial problems of the original version and the research
terun stated"... this therefore validates it as a useful test
\Vith \Vhich to identify subtle in1pairn1ents in social
intelligence in otherwise normally intelligent adults"
Baron-Cohen et al (200 I: 246).
EVALUATION
As Baron-Cohen et al used a psychon1etric nleasure, \ve can use the
general evaluations from Chapter 2, page I 0 and apply them directly
to the study:
Evaluation
General evaluation (psychometrics)
Related lo Baron-Cohen et al
Strength
Comparisons can be useful as people's
results are being compared on the
same, standardised scale.
The revised eyes test was used In all participants this means that all comparisons between the groups
have some validity as we are companng on the same
set scale using the same questions, etc.
Strength
P<s they are standardised, they are
The revised eyes test can be used by other research
teams to see if they can replicate findings and test
for reliability. This study did find reliable results in
terms of performance or ASIHFA (low scores in both
studies).
reliable measures - we can use them
again and again to see 1f we get similar
results.
Weakness
There may be issues with validity. Is the
test actually measuring the behaviour 1t
1s supposed to be measuring?
There could be sorne evaluations based around
usefu I ness:
~
~
The main advantage is that it is can be used to
i1nprove human behaviour in some way. As it is
showing that AS/l-1PA adults appear to lack theory
of mind, psychologists could 110\V create therapies
(or training) to help these people i111prove their
social communication and social emotional skills to
help them integrate better into society.
Ho,vever, tile eyes test does not take into account
the "full picture" of understanding emotions - in
reality there are subtle cues such as body
Useful
language alongside other facial cues
Some psychologists could query whether the
revised eyes test 1s still actually measunng theory
of mind traits or just the ability to complete the
eyes test
that can help people to understand the emotions of
others. A study that assessed the sa111e as the eyes
test but using a full face or a nioving in1age \vith
verbalisation n1ight be even n1ore useful to assess
theory of n1ind.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study In terms of il being a snapshot
study and also in terms of reductionism . You may
want to use a table hke that used for the psychometrics
evaluations.
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
Exam centre
Try the follO\ving exa1n-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the Baron-Cohen et al study, identify two of the
groups of participants used.
(2 marks)
2. Outline ho1v the eyes test 1vas used in the BaronCohen et al study.
(4 n1arks)
3. Outline two reasons 1vhy the Baron-Cohen et al
study was conducted.
(4 marks)
4. Evaluate the Baron-Cohen et al study in terms of
one strength and one weakness.
(LO marks)
Paper 2
1. Outline ho1v quantitative data 1vere collected in the
Baron-Cohen et al study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline one finding from the Baron-Cohen
et al study.
(3 marks)
3. Discuss the strengths and \\•eaknesses of using
psychometric tests using Baron-Cohen et al study
as an exan1ple.
(10 n1ack.s)
1valk freely (\vith its neck in a holding device)
1vhereas kitten P got moved by the rnotion of
kitten A. Kitten P could rnove its legs 1vithin the
device but 1vas never in control of its O\Vn rnovements.
•
CORE STUDY 3.4
Held & Hein (1963)
CONTEXT
Psychologists have debated for a very long time over
nature and nurture. Previous studies had examined
the role of exposure to stimuli and movenlent around
stimuli as a \vay of developing part of our perceptual
systen1. Both may be necessary to enable an organism
to perceive its \vorld correctly and cornfortably. Riesen
proposed an idea of sensory-sensory associations as
vital for the optin1al devclopnlcnt of an organis1n's
perceptual system. That is, one sense alone is not
enough to develop perceptual skil ls, so in th.is case
visual and kinaesthetic associations rnight be necessary.
What happens 1vhen an organisrn is deprived of these
associations was the crux of this study.
ASK YOURSELF
How do you perc eive the world around you? How
much have you been taught and how much was
natural lo you?
AIM
To investigate \vhether kittens have to see and move to
be able to develop skills such as depth perception.
METHOD
A Figure 3.4 The killen ca rousel
Control
The kittens undertook three niain tasks:
1. VisuaJJy-guided paw placernent. Each kitten 1vas
held in a researcher's hands by the body so that the
head and forelegs \vere free. The kitten \va5 slo1vly
moved for1vards and down\vard tO\vards the edge of
a table (horizontal surface). If its perceptual system
has developed in the usual \vay, then the kitten
should reach \Vith its pa\VS to touch the surface.
2. Avoidance of a visual cliff. 'Ihe apparatus has a "deep
side" which is a patterned surface about 30 inches
beJo,v a large plate of glass and a "shaJJo,v side" \vhere
the patterned surface is attached to the underside
of the glass. It was lit from beJo,v to make the glass
almost invisible. The kittens' behaviours \Vere noted.
3. Blinking to an approaching object. Each kitten \vas
Design
Held & Hein created a "kitten carousel" for their study as
shown in figure 3.4. Each kitten had a distinct role. The
one labelled A (active) was aJ101ved to \Valk
Control around the carousel to explore. The one
labelled I? (passive) \vas placed i.n a device
1vhere its paws could not touch the ground, preventing
kitten P fron1 \valking. HO\vever, the device that
connected the two kittens nleant that kitten P rnoved
in a]] of the sarne directions as kitten A but 1vithout
engaging in any \valking. The distance betv1een the
kittens 1vas 36 inches. 111erefore, kitten A could move
placed in a device si1nilar to that used by the A kitten.
A large sheet of Plexiglass was placed in front of the
kitten. A hand would be moved quickly tO\Vards the
kitten, stopping just before the Ple:dglass.
Tilere were other tests perforrned on the kittens:
pupillary reflex to 1ight being shone in Lo it, ho\v they
reacted lo having their pa\vS placed on the top of a
table and vis ual pursui t of a nloving object.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two of the tasks that the killens had to
perform in this s tudy.
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
Participants
RESULTS
The participants \Vere kittens. There \Vere 10 pairs of
kittens used (so a total of20) and each pair came from
a different litter. They \Vere all aged bet\veen 8 and
12 \veeks.
Table 3.4. shO\\IS findings fron1 the visual cliff
task.
Quant
Pair
number
Age in
weeks•
Ratio of descents
shallow/deep
Procedure
The ten pairs of kittens were split into groups X and Y:
~
The X group (eight oflh c pairs) \Vere reared in
darkness from birth until the kitten
Illeliable
assigned as A '"as at the minin1um size to
be used in
the kitten carousel (age varied from
8 to 12 weeks). lbe)' were then exposed to the
apparatus for three hours per day.
~
TI1e Y group (two of the pairs) had three hours
of exposure to the patterned interior of the
carousel from about two \veeks old until ten \veeks
old. After this they began a three hour per day
exposure to the kitten carousel. When not on the
apparatus they 1vere kept in "lightless" cages with
their mother and litter mates.
>-
There \Vere six pa\v-placement assessments each day
after the exposures noted above.
~
As soon as one of the pairs of kittens sho'"ed tile
ability to "pa\\1-place" botll of tile pair \Vere tested
on the visual cliff (placed in the central part and
observed). They " 'ere then both retested on the
follo,\ling day. Then, the P kitten of each pair \\fas
placed in a continuously lit room for 48 hours.
They were then retested. This applied to tile
X group.
>-
The Y group did sornething slightly different.
On the first day tha t the A kitten sho\V'ed pawplace1nent skills, it was tested on the visual cliff
and then retested the day after. Ho1vever, the P
kitten si1nply kept getting exposed to the carousel
for 3 hours per day until it reached 126 hours.
Only then \Vas it tested for paw-placement and on
the visual cliff.
A
p
1X
8
12/0
616
2X
8
12/0
418
3X
8
12/0
715
4X
9
12/0
6/6
5X
10
12/0
6X
10
12/0
7X
12
12/0
7/5
715
517
ax
12
12/0
8/4
1Y
10
12/0
6/6
2Y
10
12/0
8/4
•At the beginning of exposure In the experimental apparatus
•
Table 3.4 Results or the visual cliff task
All the A kittens went to the shallow side but it '"as
almost "random" for the P kittens '"hich side tlley
preferred. This indicates that the P kittens had not
developed deptll perception even in the Y group.
As soon as tile A kitten could sho1v pa\v-placement, tile
paired P kitten's ability '"as noted. None of them passed
this test. The A kittens could also pass the remaining
tests but the P kittens all failed. Follo,ving the 48 hours of
continually lit living arrangements for the P kittens, \vhen
retested on the visual cliff tlley all went to the shallo\v
side and they could all pass the paw-placement test.
CONCLUSION
To develop "typical" perceptual development, kittens
need to be able to move around by thcn1selves witll
simultaneous visual feedback.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two key results From this study. How
ethical was this study?
EVALUATION
Since Held & Hein used a laboratory experiment, \Ve can use the general
evaluations from Chapter I, pages 1- 2 and apply them directly to the study:
Strength
Laboratory expenments have high
levels of control and so can be
replicated to test for reliabillty.
The amount or time the kittens got exposed to the
apparatus. the tasks the kittens had to do and the kitten
carousel were all solid controls 1n this study. Therefore, a
different set or researchers could replicate this study to
test for reliability (however. whether this should be done Is
arguable - see animal ethics below).
Strength
As laboratory experiments have
high levels of control, researchers
can be more confident it is the IV
directly affecting the DV.
With the controls 1n place (e.g. the kitten pairings, the
conditions In which they were raised and the kitten
carousel) Held & Hein could conclude with confidence
that the use or vision and movement affects the
perceptual development or kittens.
Weakness
As laboratory experiments take
place 1n an artificial setting, some
say they lack ecological validity.
Group X kittens were brought up in darkness and all
kittens spent time in a kitten carousel which are not usual
environments tor kittens. Therefore, it could be said that
the study lacked ecological validity
Weakness
Many laboratory experiments can
make participants take part in tasks
that are nothing like real-life ones so
they lack mundane reahsm.
The tasks that the kittens had lo perform (e.g. the visual
cliff and the paw-placement) are not tasks that kittens
in the natural environment would have to perform.
Therefore. it could be said that the study lacked
mundane realism.
This is the only AS-Level study that used animals as participants;
therefore we can assess the study on animal ethics:
General evaluation (animal ethics)
Related to Held & Hein
Number of animals this should be a
kept to the minimum amount to make
statistical analysis meaningful.
Only 20 kittens were used for the entire study which allows for
statistical analyses but 1s also a small number or kittens overall.
Caging - housing in cages should not
lead to overcrowding and increased
stress levels.
Eight pairs of kittens were reared In darkness and two In lighlless
cages which are not usual conditions. This could have Increased the
stress levels of the entire litter (not just the kittens used in the study)
and the mother.
There should be general protection
from psychological and physical harm.
The findings did show impaired perceptual development in the P
kittens which can be seen as being harmful Also. being raised in
darkness could be seen as not protecting the kittens. The kitten
carousel could have been stressful tor the P kittens as they had no
control; the neckbrace ror the A kittens could have been stressful
too However. some psychologists might argue that the stress was
transient (short-lived) as the P kittens began to overcome their
perceptual deficiencies once placed 1n lit conditions.
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CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study in terms of collecting
quantitative data and on the nature-nurture
debate. You may want to use a table similar to those used
for the laboratory expenment and ethics evaluations.
Exam centre
Try the follo1ving exam-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the Held & I lein study, name two ofLhe Lests
the kittens had to perform after being in the kitten
carousel.
(2 marks)
2. Outline two controls that Held & Hein used in
their study.
(4 marks)
3. Outline how group X kittens were raised in the
Held & Hein study.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate tl1e 1--leld & 1-!ein study in tern1s of one
strength and one 1veakness.
( 10 marks)
Paper 2
1. Outline one finding fron1 the Held & Hein
study.
(3 n1arks)
2. Outline how qualitative data could have been
collected in the Held & Hein study.
(3 marks)
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of using
animals in psychological research using
the Held & Hein study as an exa1nple. (10 n1arks)
SOCIAL
PSYCHOLOGY
individuals involved, is called the situational hypothesis.
In his early work Nlilgran1 1vorked \vith another social
psychologist, Solomon Asch. Together they studied
people's tendency to conform to group pressure.
Milgran1(1963)
ASK YOURSELF
Why do you think the Holocaust hap pened?
Can you think or any modern-day examples or
such atrocities?
CONTEXT
~lost
of the time '"e are told that obedience is a good thing.
But '"hat if you '"ere ordered to do something that caused
harn1 or distress to another person? 1his type of obedience
is called destructive obedience. Social psychologists such
as Stanley Milgran1 have been particularly interested in
<lest ructive obedience.
As a mernber of a European }e\vish family that had left
Europe for the United States, Milgram '"as profoundly
affected by the atrocities committed by Nazi Germany.
A key feature of these atrocities \Vas the extent to which
ordinary people obeyed destructive orders that led to the
systen1atic mass murder of minority groups. including Je'vs,
Romanies. Communists, trade unionists and people 'vith
disabilities.
Early psychological research into the Holocaust focused
on the idea that son1ething distinctive about Gern1an
culture or personality led to the high levels of conforrnity
and obedience necessary for genocide to take place. This is
kno\vn as the dispositional hypothesis. While Ivlilgram \Vas
interested in this idea, he was also interested in the social
processes that take place bet\veen individuals and \\rithin
groups. The idea that '"e can explain events such as the
Holocaust by reference to the social processes operating
in the situation, rather than the characteristics of the
AIM
To investigate how obedient people wou Id be lo orders
fron1 a person in aut hority that \vould result in pain
and harm to someone. Specifically, the aim 1vas to see
ho1v large an electric shock participants \l'Ould give
lo a helpless man \vhen ordered to by a scientist in a
laboratory.
METHOD
•
Milgram described his original study as a
..
laboratory experiment. Technically it might
more accurately be called a pre-experiment,
.,..
because it had only one condition. The results
frorn this condition then served as a baseline for a
nun1ber of varialions in foU01v-up studies. Obedience 1vas
operationalised as the n1axin1um voltage given in response
to the orders.
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•
A ne\vspaper advertisement \Vas used to recruit 40 men
aged 20- 50. The advertisement \Vas asking for people to
take part in a study on memory. The
S•mple
sample was therefore mostly a volunteer or
self-selecting san1ple. Respondents \\/ere
from a range of backgrounds and jobs: 37.5 per cent
\vere n1anual labourers, 40 per cent \vere \vhite-collar
\vorkers, 22.5 per cent were professionals. All \vere fron1
Ne\v Haven, Connecticut, USA.
Participants \vere recruited using a ne\vspaper
advertisement, so \vere a volunteer or self-selecting
sample. They \vere promised $4.50 for turning up to the
study; payment \vas not conditional on completing it
words \Vent together. Each time the confederate-learner
n1ade a mistake, the experimenter ordered the teacherparticipant to give a shock. The shock got larger by 15V
for each mistake. The confederate-learner did not really
receive shocks, but there \Vas no \vay for the teacherparticipan t to kno1v this.
Up to 300V the confederate-learner did not signal any
response Lo the shocks. Ho\vever, at 300V and 315V, he
pounded on the \vall. He \\•as then silent and did not
respond to further questions. This suggested that he \vas
hurt, perhaps unconscious, or even dead. When teachers
turned to the experimenter for guidance, they \Vere told
to treat this as an incorrect response and to continue to
give the shocks. When they protested, they \Vere given a
series of verbal prods to encourage them to continue:
Prod I - say 'Please continue' or 'Please go on'.
Prod 2 - say 'The experimenter requires you to continue'.
When each participant arrived at Yale University he was
introduced to a man he believed to be another
participant. The l\vo men were then
llloli•ble
briefed on the supposed purpose of the
experiment, \Vhich \Vas described to them
as to investigate the effect of punishment on learning.
In fact Lhe other man \Vas working for Nlilgram. He was
a 47-year-old Irish-American accountant, selected for
the role because he was 1nild-n1annered and likeable.
People who help with experi n1ents in this way are
knO\VO as confederates or stooges.
The na"ive participant and the confederate were told
that one of them \vould play the role of teacher and the
other the learner. They dre\v slips of paper fron1 a hat to
allocate the roles, but this \vas fiddled so that the naive
participant \vas aJ\,•ays the teacher and the confederate
\Vas always the learner. They were then immediately
taken to another room where the learner was strapped
into a chair and electrodes \\'ere attached to him. Tuey
were shown the electric shock generator. lhis had
S\vitches labeUed \vith a voltage, rising in 15-volt intervals
from 15 V up to 450V. Teachers \vere told that the shocks
could be extremely painful but not dangerous; they were
each given a 45V shock to de1nonstrate.
•
There \Vas a \Vall beh\'een the teacher and learner, so
that the teacher could hear but not see the learner. The
procedure \vas administered by an
Control
experimenter, played by a 31-year-old male
biology teacher. The participant (in the role
of teacher) read out \\'Ord pairs to Lest the confederate
(in the role of learner) on his recognition of which
Prod 3 - say 'll is absolutely essential that you continue'.
Prod 4 - 'You have no other choice, you must go on'.
Teachers were considered to have con1pleted the
procedure \vhen they refused to give any more shocks,
or '"hen they reached the maximum of 4SOV. They
\Vere then interviewed and asked to rate on a scale of
0-14 ho1v painful the last few shocks \Vere. Then they
were told that the shocks were not real, the learner \Vas
unhanned, and the real purpose of the study was to
investigate obedience.
~
V
TEST YOURSELF
Try to get the procedure down to eight "vital
parts" that are essential for you to understand
what the participants had to do.
RESULTS
Quantitative and qualitative data \vere gathered. ·1 he
"headline figures" were quantitative, in the form of the
average voltage that participants \vent up to,
and the nun1ber of participants giving each
Qu•nt
voltage. 111e average voltage given by
participants \Vas 368V; 100 per cent of
participants gave 300V or more; 65 per cent gave the
full 450V. Psychology students had estilnated that only
3 per cent of participants 1vould do this. In their
post-experiment intervie1vs, participants' average rating
of ho1v painful the shocks were was 13.42 out of a
rnaximun1of14.
Qualitative data \Vere gathered in the form of the
comments and protests participants made during the
procedure, and in the form of observations oflheir
body language. Most participants sho\ved signs of
tension, including groaning, s\vealing, biting Lips and
stuttering. Fourteen giggled nervously. One had a
seizure and the procedure \Vas stopped. One
observer noled:
TEST YOURSELF
How generahsabte are the results? How easy
would it be to replicate this study? Why?
CONCLUSION
Milgram dre\v nvo main conclusions from this study:
"I observed a mature and initially poised business
man enter lhe laboratory smiling and confident
Within 20 minutes he \vas reduced to a twitching,
stuttering \vreck, who 'vas rapidJy
Qua I
approaching the point of nervous collapse"
(Milgram, 1963: 377).
1. People are much more obedient to destructive
orders than we might expect. In fact, the n1ajority of
people are quite \Yilling to obey destructive orders.
2. People find receiving and obeying des tructive
orders highly stressful. They obey in spite
of their en1otional responses. The situation triggers
a conflict between hvo deeply ingrained tendencies:
to obey those in authority, and not to harn1 people.
Most participants protested against the procedure,
although the verbal prods \Vere in most cases sufl1cient
to get lhen1 to continue giving the shocks.
Results supported the situational hypothesis rather than
the dispositional hypothesis.
EVALUATION
Since Milgram used a laboratory experiment, \Ye can
use the general evaluations frorn Chapter l, pages 1-2 and apply them directly to the study:
.
.. .
•
~
Strength
Laboratory experiments have high
levels of control and so can be
replicated to test ror rehab1lity.
The drawing or tots, the timing of when the scripted
responses were heard and the 15V increments were
all examples of controls. Thererore, lh1s study could
be replicated to test it for reliability (assuming ethical
guidelines did not prevent this).
Strength
As laboratory experiments have high
levels or control, researchers can
be more confident it is th e IV d irecUy
artecting the DV
As there were so many controls (e.g. having a "test"
shock, receiving prods at a certain time and the shock
generator being the same for everyone), Milgram could
be confident that it was the situation that participants
were placed in that caused the obedience levels.
Weakness
As laboratory experiments take
place In an artificial setting. it is said
that they can lack ecological valid ity.
Sitting in a laboratory in front of a shock generator is
not an everyday setting th at people rind themselves in.
Therefore, the study lacks ecological validity.
Weakness
Many laboratory experiments make
participants take part in tasks that
are nothing like real-life ones, so they
lack mundane realism.
Having to shock somebody who gets a word-pair wrong
is not a task that people come across In everyday lire.
Therefore, the study is low in mundane realism.
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•
CHAPTER
4:
PSVC~OLOGY
.
- s6CIAL
.
.
'
-
---------
Milgram can also be evaluated in terms of ethics:
Deception
The teachers thought that they were giving learners a real electnc shock. Also, they were
told that it was a study about memory and not obedience.
Debriefing
At the end of the study all was revealed to teachers so they left knowing that they had not
harmed learners. Milgram followed them up six months later to check if they were having
any psychological issues.
Right to withdraw
The prods given by the experimenter did mean it was d1ff1cult for teachers to withdraw from
the study - some kept being convinced to continue even though they wanted to leave.
This is another point that can be used to evaluate the
study:
I
,
Usefulness: the study did highlight that the situation
n1ay make people behave in the way they do rather
than it being individual (dispositional}. This
Useful
is useful as Milgra1n was atte1npting to see if
"Germans were different" and he did not
find this. All of this could begin to help explain
things such as genocide so \Ve can then find \\lays to
stop then1 happening.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate lhis study In terms or 11 being a
snapshot study, ethnocentric and using
quantilalive or qualitative data collection. You may want
to use a table similar to that used for the laboratory
experiment evaluation.
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Paper 1
1. Identify h vo fea tures of the sample used in the
Milgrarn stud y.
(2 marks)
2. Outline hO\\I the teacher and learner \vere assigned
conditions in the Milgrarn study.
3 . ldentify four controls in the
Milgram study.
(2 marks)
1. Outline \vhat qualitative data \Vere collected in the
Milgram study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline ho\v participants \Vere recruited in the
Milgram study.
(3 nlarks)
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Milgran1 study in tenns of ethical
issues in psychological research.
(10 marks)
•
Paper 2
of ethical guidelines using Milgran1 as
an example.
(10 nlarks)
grounds" housed the recording equipn1ent and several
observers.
Haney, Banks & Zi111bardo ( 1973)
CONTEXT
A lot of people have a stereotypical vie"' of prison Hfe
and prisoners. This may include thinking that prisoners
are simply "bad" people and this is \Vhat makes prisons
"bad''. An alternative vie\v is that the situation of being
in prison turns these prisoners "bad" and not some
characteristic \vithin the1n. ·1his is all focused around
the individual (dispositional) versus situational debate.
Ho\v niuch of our behaviour is \Vi thin us and hov,r niuch
comes from the situations we find ourselves in? The US
Navy sponsored th is study.
ASK YOURSELF
Do you reel that pnsoners are always bad
people? Do prisons make them even worse once
they are serving their sentence?
AIM
To investigate \vhether the behaviour of non-prisoners
in a simulated prison environment is more affected by
their disposition (individual factors) than the situation
they are in.
The design centred on participant~ in the role of
prisoners being in the simulated prison 24 hours per day
for the duration of the study. They \Vere placed tJ1ree in a
cell. Participants in the role of guards \vorked in threeperson shifts for eight hours per shift. During a shift they
had to remain in the prison but at other times tJiey \Vere
allo\ved to go about their usual lives.
111e unifor111s: The research tean1 \Vanted to promote a
feeling of anony1nity in both groups and the uniform
helped to do this. For the guards it was a
Control
plain khaki shirt and trousers, a \Vhistle, a
wooden baton and reOecting sunglasses (so
it made it inipossible to niake known eye contact \Vith a
prisoner). The idea for the guards' uniforn1 \vas lo
convey a 1nilitary altitude \vhile being deindividuated
Oosing tJ1eir sense of identity). The prisoners' uniform
was a loose fitting 111uslin s1nock with their ID number
on the front and back, no underclothes, a light chain and
lock on one ankle, sandals made fron1 rubber and a cap
made from a stocking. They \Vere allowed no personal
belongings. The idea for the prisoners' lmiform was to
deindividuate, humiliate and make them feel subservient.
The ankle chain was lo remind them ho\v oppressive the
environment \Vas and the ill-fitting smocks \\•ere to make
tJiem feel a\vk""\vard at all times. The smocks \Vere worn
\vith no underpants, \Yhich made the prisoners assume
more female postures \Yhen sitting; tJi is \Vas an atten1pt
to emasculate them.
TEST YOURSELF
METHOD
Wtry were participants in the roles or prisoners
and prison guards all given the same uniforms?
A sin1ulated prison was built in a base1nenl corridor at
Stanford University. Three s1nall cells (6 x 9 feet) were
1nade fron1 converted laboratory rooms.
Control
There \vas one entrance door to the \vhole
prison. A cot with a 1nattress, sheet and
pillo\v \Vas the only furniture in each cell (one per
prisoner - three prisoners to a cell). The solitary
confinement facility was an unlit room of only
2 x 2 x 7 feet. Several roon1s in an adjacent 'ving \Vere
used to accommodate participants in the role of guards,
plus there was a bedroom each for those in the roles of
\Varden and superintendent. There \Vas also an
intervie\\•-testing room. Another room in the "prison
r
•
•
There were 22 participants \vho took pa rt in tJ1e prison
sin1ulation. They were chosen fron1 an initial pool of 75
people 1¥ho had answered a newspaper
advertisement asking for rnale volunteers
Sample
to take part in a study about "prison life':
for \Vhich they would be paid $15 per day.
Every potential participant completed an extensive
questionnaire about family background, physical and
mental health history, prior experiences and attitudes
tO\vards psychopathology (including involvement in
crime). lnitially, 24 \Vere selected. They \Vere judged to
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•
CHAPTER 4: SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
be the most stable physically and mentaUy, 1nost mature
and least involved in any anti-social behaviour. They
\Vere randomly given the role of either guard or
prisoner.
All of the final 24 \\'ere healthy male college students from
Stanford, and strangers to each other. 1\venty-three \\'ere
Caucasian and one \VM Asian. Prior to the simulation, all
participants \vere given a battery of psychological tests
but none \Vere scored until after the simulation. T\vO
participants \vere used as "stand-by" prisoners. One of the
guards decided not to participate just before the simulation
so in total there \Vere 10 prisoners and 11 guards.
They all signed a contract guaranteeing them a
minin1ally adequate diet, enough clothing, appropriate
housing and medical care plus the payment of$15 per
day. Those who were prisoners were told to expect
little privacy and th;1t they 1nay have so1ne basic rights
suspended but no physical abuse \vouJd occur.
Guards: Those \vho had been assigned as guards n1et
one day prior to the induction procedure for prisoners
(see belo\v). They were introduced to the research teain,
\Vho were called superintendent (auilior
Reliable
of ilie study) and \Varden (a research
assistant). lhey \Vere told that ilie team
\vanted to recreate a prison environment, ethicaUy. The
guards' main task \vas to "maintain a reasonable degree
of order \Vithin the prison necessary for its effective
functioning" (1 laney, Banks & Zin1bardo, 1973: 7).
The \Varden ran through the administrative duties of
completing things such as shift logs, reporting any
criminal incidents and the administration of meals
to prisoners. They were then all involved in placing
the cots in the cells. They \Vere only given minimal
guidelines on how to "act" in order to capture genuine
reactions to the si111ulation. The only thing they were
prohibited to do was use ph)'Sical punishment or
aggressive behaviours towards the prisoners.
Prisoners: Those \vho had been assigned as prisoners
followed a differen t procedure before they entered the
prison. The Palo Alto City Police Department helped out
\vith the initial stage. Each prisoner \Vas "arrested" from
his home (\vithout prior \Varning). A real
Reliable
police officer cllarged these participants
on suspicion of either burglary or anned
•
robbery, told then1 their legal rights, handcuffed them,
searclled then1 and took them to the police station.
Once there, participants were fingerprinted and had a
file prepared about them then \vere placed in a detention
cell. The police officers acted as they usually \VOuld
with a real criminal throughout. They did not ans\ver
any questions about ilie study. Once they had been
transferred to the simulated prison, ilie prisoners \Vere
stripped, sprayed \Vith a delousing deodorant spray and
made to stand alone (naked). They \Vere then given their
uniform and had an ID picture taken. Finally, they were
put into a cell and ordered to remain silent.
Prison routine: Once all of the prisoners had completed
their induction and were in their cells, the guards read
out the rules of the prison (devised by the guards \vi th tile
warden). They were told to memorise then1. They \Vere
also told that tlley would be referred to only by the nun1ber
on their unifonn. Initially, each day, prisoners \Vere given
tllree basic 1neals, allowed three supervised toilet visits and
given t\vo hours for privileges such as reading or \Vriting
a letter. Work assignn1ents \Vere given to prisoners so
they could earn their S15 per day. There \Vere two visiting
periods per week (scheduled). Three times per day the
prisoners \\'ere lined up for a count, \vhich consisted of
checking all prisoners \Vere present and that they bad
learned their ID numbers and the prison rules.
~ TEST
V
OURSEL
Outline the pnson routine that was
the participants i n the study
expected from
RESULTS
Below are the results.based on Haney, Banks &
Zimbardo (1973).
Overview: Overall, both sets of participants beca1ne
n1ore and niore negative about the situation and their
own en1otional state. Prisoners reported they wanted to
harn1 others 1norc and niore as the
Qual
simulation progres.5ed. Self-evaluations
indicated that all participants \Vere
beginning to internalise the situation.
Interactions ben,•een the l\vo groups tended to be
negative and hostile. Prisoners becan1e passive very
quickly while !,'llards became more and more active.
Commands \Vere the n1ost frequent verbal
communications from the prison guards and iliey were
also impersonal (e.g. ID nun1ber). A total of five
"prisoners" had to be released because of"extre.me
emotional depression" \vhich included crying. rage and
high anxiety. Some of these symptoms \Vere seen on
day 2 ofthesinlulation in four of the prisoners. The
fifth prisoner had to be released after being treated for a
psycl1osomatic rash that had developed Of the
remainder, only t\vo \VOuld not give up their $15 per
day to be "paroled~ The sinlulat ion had to be
terminated on day 6 and the remaining prisoners \Vere
"delighted by their unexpected good fortune" (Haney,
Banks & Zimbardo, 1973: IO). The guards ho\vever
were the complete opposite. They were enjoying the
extreme control and power and did not \vant to give it
up so soon. One of them did state that he felt upset
about ho\v the prisoners were being treated and \vas
going to ask to swap roles. I-le never did. All guards
can1e to work on ti nie and on nu nierous occasions they
worked extra hours after their assigned shift had ended.
There 1vere some individual differences reported in the
behaviours of people in each group. Half of the
prisoners did endure the situation and not all guards
were hostile. Some of the guards stuck within the rules
they had created \Vh ile others \Vent beyond them.
Reality of the sin1ulation: So ho1v "real" \vas the
simulation? There 1vere aspects that had to be absent
from this for ethical and legal reasons such as
involuntary homosexuality, racism, physical beatings
and threats to life. Also, the prisoners had been given a
nvo-\\1eek sentence (which 1vould not happen in reality).
The 1narked psychological effects the simulation had on
participants was clear, especially as some of these
developed after just two days (see above). The research
team were clear in 1vanting to report behaviours and
incidences that occurred 1vhen participants believed
they were not being observed (to decrease the potential
effects of den1and characteristics). One example was
the private conversations bet1veen prisoners.
Quant
Of these conversations 90 per cent centred
on prison life (e.g. food, punishments and
harassn1ents). This, of course, meant participants '"ere
truly "caught up" in the situation as they rarely did not
talk about it. The same happened \\lith the guards
during relaxation breaks - they spent the majority of
their time talking about prison life. From data analysed
post-sin1ulation, when the guards 1vere out of view of
recording equipment the harassment of prisoners 1vas
greater than in the yard, 1vhich \vas monitored. The
amount of aggression from guards continued to
increase even 1vhen prisoners had stopped resisting the
demands placed on then1 - this was seen as a
consequence of sinlply being put in a uniform of
po,ver. One guard placed a prisoner in solitary
confinement and kept him in there overnight (against
the rules) as he felt the researchers 1vere being too soft!
\Vhen questioned about their behaviours after the
study 1vas stopped, guards stated that they became
increasingly aggressive because they 1vere sinlply
playing their role. A Catholic priest visited the
simulation and even then tJ1e prisoners referred to
themselves by nun1ber rather than name. When some
were interviewed by a public defender, many of the
remaining prisoners demanded to be bailed out. Some
prisoners would have given up the$ IS per day to be
released. When they \\•ere told that this \vould have to
be discussed they sin1ply allo,ved the111selves to be
escorted back to their cells with no atten1pt at arguing.
The prison consultant, priest and public defender all
stated that the simulation 1vas pretty "real".
Pathology ofpower: Those assigned to the guard role
held high social status in the prison, had a group
identity of the uniform and had the freedom to control
prisoners. The aggression appeared to get stronger '"hen
prisoners becan1e a perceived threat (initially). Those
who \Vere the most hostile tended to become the leaders
of the guards. E\'en though guards spent 16 hours
a1vay from the prison every day, the level of aggression
intensified and the different ways of sho\ving aggression
increased. It 11•as seen as a sign of a guard's \\•eakness not
to show hostility to prisoners. After day I guards had
changed prisoners' rights into privileges that had to be
earned for being obedient.
111e pathological prisoner sy11dro1ne: Initially, prisoners
could not believe what was happening, ho1v they had
lost their privacy, ho1v they \vere being constantly
watched and the oppressiveness oft he \Vhole
simulation. This soon passed and their next response
was rebellion. This direct force cllanged to subtle
inethods including setting up a grievance co1nmittee.
vVhen all of this failed to change anything, prisoners
turned to self-interests at the expense of any group
behaviour. It did not take long for any prisoner cohesion
to dissolve. Prisoners see1ned to choose one of nvo
\vays to cope: beco1ne sick or beco1ne obedient. For
example, the obedient ones sided with the guards \Vhen
one prisoner 1vent on hunger strike and labelled him a
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CHAPTER 4: SOC.IAL PSVC~OLO(:;Y
"trouble-maker''. Three elen1ents to Lhis syndron1e that
\\lere seen in the prisoners:
1. Loss of personal identity. Prisoners '"ore the same
uniforms, rarely spoke about life outside the simulation
and all referred to each other by their ID number not
name. They had become deindividuated.
2 . Arbitrary control. Prisoners found it increasingly
difficult to cope '\lith the increasing stronger control
by guards, especially via the often "1nixed message"
approach (e.g., smiling at a joke could initiate as
n1uch punishment as ignoring a joke). As the prison
became more and 1nore unpredictable, prisoners just
\Vent along \Vith everything (sin1ilar to a behaviour
called learned helplessness. See section 8.4, page 130
and section l 1.3, page 218).
3. Dependency and en1asculation. Prisoners had to
depend on guards for virtually everything from toilet
breaks (they were handcuffed and blindfolded), to
lighting a cigarette and cleaning their teeth. All of
these \\lere "privileges" and required pennission. In
terms of emasculation, the smocks rese1nbled dresses
and guards \vould often call prisoners "sissies" or
"girls". Without under\vear, prisoners had to sit like
females \Vhich increased their en1asculation.
~ TEST YOU SELF
V
Outline four key findings from this study.
CONCLUSION
The situation that people find themselves in has
a stronger eft:ect on behaviour than individual
(dispositional) factors. In a novel situation, people adapt
to ' "hat they think they should do in that situation
rather than acting on internal factors.
EVALUATION
As Haney, Banks & Zimbardo used observations as the research
method, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter 1, pages 3-4
and apply them directly to the i.tudy:
••
•
•
I
a a
'
.
Strength
If participants are unaware that they
are being observed they should
behave "naturally". This increases the
ecological validity of the observation.
Although all part1c1pants knew they were 1n a
simulation, many appeared, rather quickly, to produce
"natural" behaviour depending on their role. Remember
that the prison consultant noted how "real" the situation
was as well as the behaviour of pnsoners and guards.
Therefore, the study could be argued to have some
ecological validity.
Strength
As behaviours are "counted" and
are hence quantitative, the process
is objective and the data can be
analysed statistically with minimal bias.
The observers could easily count the number of limes
certain behaviours occurred and double-check with
the recorded footage of the simulation. The data are
objective and can be analysed statistically so there is
minimal chance of misinterpretation.
Weakness
If participants are aware that they are
being observed then they may not act
"naturally" but instead show socially
desirable behaviours. This reduces the
validity or findings.
Even though the prison consultant said the situation
felt "real'', all participants were aware they were being
observed by cameras and a research team. Some
participants were acting in a way so as not to be
judged by the research team. Therefore, they were not
displaying true behaviour.
Belo'v are other points that could be used for
evaluation:
Ethics: protection of participants. Even though the
study 1vas stopped early, participants assigned as
prisoners were subjected to harassment,
Ethics
mental abuse and having to earn basic
rights (e.g. food and a bed) for five days.
It \vas very clear fro1n all of the qualitative data
collected that participants did not leave in the same
psychological and physical state as they started. The
sin1ulated arrest alone at the begilming of the study
1vould have also stressed participants assigned to the
prisoner role.
Individual versus situational explanations: the idea
was to see whether "bad" people make prisons "badn
(e.g. it is dispositional). lbis study supports the idea
that the situation we find ourseh·es in
can dramatically affect our behaviour Ind vs sit
as all participants had been found to
be psychologically stable.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study 1n terms of 1nd1v1dual versus
situational explanaltons and 11 being useful. You
may want to use a table similar to the one used for the
observation evaluation
1ry the follow ing exa1n-style questions.
Paper 1
Paper 2
1. Outline the induction procedure for either the
(4 marks)
prisoners or the prison guards.
1. Outline hO\V observations 1vere used in the Haney.
Banks & Zimbardo study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline one advantage of using observations in the
(2 nlarks)
Haney, Banks & Zimbardo study.
2. Outline one finding from the Haney, Banks &
Zimbardo study.
(3 marks)
3. Outline one qualitative result from the Haney,
Banks & Zimbardo study.
(2 n1arks)
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of
individual and situational explanations of
behaviour using Haney, Banks & Zimbardo
as an exanlple.
(I 0 marks)
4. Evaluate the Haney, Banks & Zimbardo study ill
terms of two \veaknesses.
(I 0 marks)
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CHAPTER 4: SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
Pilinvin, Rodin & Piliavin ( J969)
CONTEXT
This study is concerned \vith bystander behaviour.
Bystanders are people \vho \Vi tness events and have
to choose \vhether to intervene or not. Recently there
has been a lot of debate over "have-a-go heroesM \\•ho
put themselves at risk to intervene and attempt to
Thirty-Eight Who Saw Murder Didn't Call the Police
by Martin Gansberg
For more than half an hour 38 respectable, law-abiding
citizens in Queens watched a killer stalk and stab a
woman 1n three separate attacks in Kew Gardens. Twice
their chatter and the sudden glow or their bedroom lights
interrupted him and fnghtened him off Each time he
returned, sought her out, and stabbed her again. Nol
one person telephoned the police during the assault; one
witness called after the woman was dead.
That was two weeks ago today Still shocked 1s
Assistant Chief Inspector Frederick M. Lussen. in charge
of the borough's detectives and a veteran or 25 years
or hom1c1de inwstigations. He can grve a matter-of.fact
recitation on many murders. But the Kew Gardens slaying
baffles him - not because 1t 1s a murder. but because the
·good people' failed to call the police.
This is what the police say happened at 3:20 AM. in
the staid. middle-class, tree-lined Ausbn Street area: Twentyeight-year-old Catherine Genowse, who was called Kitty by
almost everyone 1n the neighborhood, was returning home
from her JOb as manager of a bar in Hollis. She parked her
red Flat 1n a lot ad1acent to the Kew Gardens Long Island
Railroad Station, facing Mowbray Place.
Miss Genovese noticed a man at the far end of the
lot, near a seven-story apartment house al 82-40 Austin
Street. She hailed. Then, nervously. she headed up
Austin Street toward Lcfferts Boulevard. where there Is a
call box to the 102nd Police Precinct in nearby Richmond
Hill. She got as far as a street light in front of a bookstore
before the man grabbed her. She screamed. Lights
went on in the 10-story apartment house at 82-67 Austin
Street, which races the bookstore. Windows slid open
and voices punctuated the early-morning stillness.
Miss Genovese screamed. 'Oh, my God, he stabbed
me! Please help met Please help me!' From one of the
•
stop crimes taking place. Most of the tin1e, bystanders
can help '"ithout putting the1nselves at risk. Ho\vever,
surprising!)' often \Ve do not choose to act to help
people in need.
ACTIVITY $
The Kitty Genovese murder
Psychological research into bystander behaviour
was triggered by a murder that took place in Ne\v
York in 1964. Read the excerpts from the New York
Times article describing the incident.
upper windows in the apartment house. a man called
down: 'Let that girl aloneI' The assailant looked up at him,
shrugged, and walked down Austin Street toward a white
sedan parked a short distance away. Miss Genovese
struggled to her feet. Lights went out. The killer returned
to Miss Genovese. now trying to make her way around
the side or the budding by the parking lot to get to her
apartment. The assailant stabbed her again. 'I'm dying!'
she shrieked. 'I'm dying!'
Windows were opened again, and hghts went on in
many apartments. The assailant got Into his car and drove
away. Miss Genovese staggered to her feet. A city bus,
~10, the Lefferts Boulevard line to Kennedy International
Airport. passed. It was 3:35 A.M. The assailant returned.
By then, Miss Genovese had crawled to the back of the
bu1k:l1ng, where the freshly painted brown doors to the
apartment house held out hope for safety. The killer tried
the first door; she wasn't there At the second door. 82-62
Auslln Street, he saw her slumped on the floor at the foot
of the stairs. He stabbed her a third t1m~atally.
Some of the details of the story as it was reported at
the time have since been challenged. Given the layout of
the block, it would not have been possible for anyone to
have seen the whole incident, so each person would have
seen just fragments of the event. Also, the area was not
actually as quiet as the article implies - one neighbour
said that rows between couples leaving a local bar were
common late at night. Given these facts, we cannot be
sure that 38 people really saw, correctly interpreted.
and chose lo ignore the murder. However, the Genovese
murder captured the public imagination and stimulated
psychological research Into bystander behaviour.
Source: New York Times. March 27, 1964
1. How could you explain these events according
to the individual and dlsposittonat hypotheses?
2. Wiat do you think you wouk:l have done?
onsibilit}
Latane & Darley ( 1968) proposed that the key issue
in deciding \vhether we help or not is whether \Ve see
it as our personal responsibility to do so. One reason
\vhy groups of people do not help individuals in need
is that responsibility is shared equally arnong the
group so that each person has only a sn1all portion of
responsibility. Latane & Darley called this idea diffusion
of responsibility. 1n a series of laboratory experiments
they demonstrated that the more people \Vho are present
in an emergency, the less likely people are to help.
ASK YOURSELF
What factors would make you more or less likely
to help someone who Is obviously rn trouble and
asking for help?
experimenter faked collapse on a train bet\vcen stops. in
order to see \vhcther he \va5 helped by other passengers.
One particular stretch of track was targeted where there
was a 7.5-n1inute gap bet\veen two stations.
Experin1enters 1vorked in teams of four, t>vo fen1ales to
record tbe results and two n1ales who \vould play Lhe
roles of victim and model helper. There
Control
were four teams, one containing a Black
n1ale. There were t\VO conditions for the
victim: drunk and ill. Each male taking the role of
victim took part in both drunk and ill conditions. The
victim \vould stagger and fall 70 seconds after the train
left a station. He then lay still on his back \Vith eyes
open, not moving until helped. Bet\\Teen six and eight
trials \Vere run each day, behveen 11 a.111. and 3 p.m.
Four IVs \>,1ere n1anipulated in the procedure:
the victiJ11's responsibility: operationalised as
carrying a cane (ill - low responsibility) or sn1elling
of alcohol and carrying a bottle 1vrapped in a paper
bag (drunk - high responsibility}
AIM
To extend early studies of bystander behaviour in
several key \vays. First, the researchers \vanted to
study bystander behaviour outside the laboratory, in a
realistic setting where participants \VOuld have a dear
vie\v of the victim. Second, they \vanted to sec vJhether
helping behaviour was affected by four variables: the
victin1's responsibility for being in a situation '"here the
person needed help, the race of the victin1, the effect of
modelli ng helping behaviour and the size of the group.
METHOD
the victim's race: operationalised as Black or \.Vhite
the presence of a model: operationalised as 1vhether
a 1naJe confederate; either dose to or distant fron1
the victim; helped after 70 or 150 seconds
the number of bystanders: operationalised as
ho\vever many people 1vere present in the vicinity.
Four n1ales, aged 24-29, and identically dressed in
casual clothes, took the role of models of
helping behaviour. Four model conditions Reliable
were applied to both apparently drunk
and ill victims. The n1odel stood:
in the critical area and helped after 70 seconds
•
in the critical area and helped after 150 seconds
An estimated total of around 4,550 passengers travelled in
the trains targeted by the researchers. These '"ere all
regarded by the researdlers as "unsolicited
Sa1nple
participants''. An average of 43 1vere present in
each carriage in which the procedure was
conducted and an average of eight 1vere in the immediate or
"critical" area. The racial mix of passengers 1vas estimated as
45 per cent Black and 55 per cent \>Vhitc.
D
Field
•
r
in the adjacent area and helped after 70 seconds
in the adjacent area and helped after 150 seconds.
The DY - helping - \Vas measured in the foUO\v ing ways:
time taken for first passenger to help
Quant
total number of passengers who helped.
In addition, the gender, race and position of
each helper \vas noted. Qualitative data \Vas
also gathered in the form of comments from
passengers.
Qua I
The study \YaS a field experi n1ent carried out
on trains on the New York subway. A n1ale
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CHAPTER 4: SOC.IAL PSVC~OLO(:;Y
TEST YOURSELF
Outline four controls used 1n this study. How were
the participants recruited? What ethical issues
are problems for this study?
Number of bystanders - there " 'as no evidence for
diffusion of responsibility. There 1vas a mild effect in
RESULTS
Overall, a higher proportion of people hdped than \Vas
the case in previous laboratory experiments: 78 per cent
of victims received spontaneous help from
quant passengers, and in 60 per cent of cases \Vhere
the victim \vas helped it was by more than
one person. Most helpers '"ere male. Table 4.1 sho\vs the
rnain result of helping behaviour by group.
•
o/o helped
one intervening after l 50 seconds (three cases).
Ho\vever, the researchers noted that because
passengers helped spontaneously in the vast
n1ajority of trials, there 1vere too few cases of
helping after modelling to analyse in detail.
j
95
'
50
the opposite direction - \vhen n1ore passengers \vere
present, people '"ere slightly more likely to receive help.
Other observations - in a significant minority of
trials (21 of 103), son1e passengers rnoved a\vay
from the critical area. More comrnents \vcre niade
in drunk trials, and rnore when no passenger
spontaneously helped. The researchers interpreted
this as n1eaning the conirnents \vere in response to
passengers feeling uncon1fortable about the situation.
CONCLUSIONS
spontaneously
% helped in under
83
17
70 seconds
Table 4.1 Main result of helptng behaviour by group
Ill versus drunk conditions - in the cane condition,
the victin1 received help 95 per cent of the time
\vithout intervention from a model; in the drunk
condition, this \YaS reduced to 50 per cent. People
took longer to help the drunk victim than the ill
victim: over 70 seconds in 83 per cent of the drunk
trials, but in only 17 per cent of the cane trials.
Ho\vever, the proportion of cases in \vhich more
than one person helped was the same.
Race of victin1 - in the cane condition, Black and
White victims were equally likely to be helped;
however, in the drunk condition, Black victims \Vere
less likely to receive help. Also, in the drunk condition,
there \Vas a slight same-race effect- people \Vere a
little n1ore likely to help a drunk of the srune race as
themsdves. The proportion of cases in \vhich help
can1e frorn more than one person did not vary by race.
The effect of modelling - the model intervening
after 70 seconds \Vas more likely to lead to help
from other passengers (in nine cases) than the
•
Piliavin and his colleagues adn1illed that the situation
they set up '"as unusual in thal their participants were
trapped in a carriage with a collapsed person and
therefore could not sin1ply \Valk a\vay as they could
normally. The follO\\ling can be observed in this situation:
An ill person is more likely to receive help than a
drunk person.
Men are more likely to help another man than
\vomen are.
People are slightly rnore likely to help someone of
their O\VO ethnic group, especially when the person
appears drunk.
There is no strong relationship behveen size
of group and likelihood of helping. The small
correlation between group size and helping
behaviour is positive rather t·han negative. Therefore
there is no support for dilfusion of responsibility.
The longer an incident goes on, tl1e less likely people
are to help (even if help is rnodelled), the rnore
likely people are to leave the area, and the more
likely they are to discuss the incident.
EVALUATION
Since Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin used a field experiment, \Ve can use the
general evaluations from Chapter I, page 2 and apply them directly to the study:
a •
I I
•
a
Strength
As held experiments take place in a
reahst1c setting, 11 1s said that they have
ecological validity.
The setting was a subway train which is a real situation
that many urban dwellers find themselves 1n dally. Even
the event is something that could easily happen so the
study does have ecological validity.
Strength
As participants will not know they are
taking part in a study, there will be
few or no demand characteristics so
behaviour is more likely to be natural
and valid.
As the setting is natural and no one was aware that the
whole situation was staged, there was very little chance
that anyone would have shown behaviour to fit the aim
of the study. The behaviour shown by participants was
natural and therefore valid.
Weakness
Situational variables can be difficult
to control so sometimes it is difficult
to know if it is the IV affecting the D\/.
It could be an uncontrolled variable
causing the DV to change.
The positioning or people in the carriages could not
be controlled for (this is just one example). Therefore,
they may not have noticed the incident or Ignored it
(e.g. because they were reading) so it may not have
been the type of victim that affected helping levels.
Weakness
As participants did not know they are
taking part in a study, there are issues
with breaking ethical guidelines relating
to informed consent and deception.
Participants in the train did not know it was a study so were
deceived and obviously inf()(med consent was not taken.
This goes against ethical guidelines (although formal
guidelines were not around at the time or the study).
These are other points that can be used to evaluate the study:
'
Usefulness: the study told us that type of victim can
affect ho\v long people take to help or whether they
help at all. This could be used to educate
Useful
people that in an ernergency we should help
others quickly no matter \vho they are: the
longer it takes to help. the more the victim may
suffer more in long tern1 (especially if medical
attention is needed).
Generalisation: it \VOuld be difficult to generalise past
the sample itself as participants were all urban
d\vellers \vho \Vere (presumably) used to
•
travelling on a sub\vay train. People in
urban areas are more used to deindividuating
(losing their sense of identity) and feeling
"anonymous" whereas people 1vho live in rural areas
or even a different city might act differently.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate the Pillavin, Rodin & Pillavin study 1n
terms of ethical guidelines and individual versus
silualional explanations. You may want to use a table
similar lo that used for the field experiment evaluation.
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Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Paper1
Paper2
1. Outline two controls used in the Piliavin, Rodin &
1. Outline what quantitative data \Vere collected in
Pili~nsru~
(4mar~
(3 n1arks)
2. Outline one of the "victin1s" used in the Piliavin,
Rodin & Piliavin study.
(2 marks)
2. Outline hO\V the Piliavio, Rodin & Piliavin stu dy
was high in ecological validity.
(3 marks)
3. Identify t\vo features of the sample used in the
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of field
Piliavio, Rodin & Piliavin study.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin
study in terms of one strength and
one \veakness .
•
the Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin study.
(10 marks)
experiments using Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin as an
example.
(I 0 n1arks)
•
STUDY 4.4
CONTEXT
Psychologists have long been interested in why and
ho\v people develop prejudiced thoughts and then
discriminate against people. One idea is that \Ve
develop a n1entallty of"us and them" (called in-group
and out-group nientality) and \VCgroup people into
an in group and an out group. Those in the out group
have different "features" from us and \Ve then develop
prejudicial thoughts and then may act negatively towards
them (discrimination). ln addition, if resources are
lin1ited and both groups want the san1e resource, this
heightens the prejudice and discrin1ina1lon shown.
Based on lhis, ho'" easy is it to get people lo discrilninate
against members of an out group?
'OURSELF
What makes people prejudiced aga1ns1 others?
Are the causes the same for everyone?
AIM
To investigate whether in-group favou ritisn1 and
out-group discrimination can happen in a group of
people who already kno1v ead1 other.
METHOD
•
I
•
Participants in this study 1vere 64 boys aged 14-15
years. They \Vere all fron1 a comprehensive school in
Bristol, UK. They \Vere all from the same
Sample
"house" in the same form at this school.
Taj/el (1970)
AS
I
I
I
ld
This was the procedure for both parts of the study:
Boys \vorked in groups of eight. lhey entered a lecture
room and 1vere told that the study \vas about visual
judgments. They had to look at 40 clusters of dots and
estimate ho1v many dots \vere in each cluster.
In one of the conditions, boys 1vere
then told that people consistently
overesti1nate or underestilnate the
nurnber of dots in a cluster.
In another condition, boys \Vere told that some
people are consistently more accurate at judging
than others.
All boys \Vere then told that the researchers \Vere
also inte rested in decision making too and that, as
the boys \Vere Lhere, they \vould like the1n to take
part in this phase too.
Boys \vere told that they 1vould be split into
groups based on their performance on the dot
cluster visual judgn1ent task. Some were in
the "overcstirnators" group and some in the
"underestimators" group (in the second condition
they "'ere "better" or ",vorse" accuracy groups).
Boys 1vere actually randomly assigned lo a group:
it '"as 1101 based on their visual judgments. This
created the in group and out group.
I
There 1vere hvo parts to the study. lhe first part \Vanted
to establish two groups. The second part 1vanted to
test whether the members of these groups "'ould then
discrirninate against the out group.
First pnrl: The research team silnply created 40 clusters
of dots that could be projected onto a screen for
participants to see and n1ake a judgment on.
Second part: A booklet of"matrices" was created to
allocate points to members of participants' in group or
out group in a variety of different \Vays.
Boys 1vere then told they would fill in a book
of"n1atrices" to give rewards and punishn1ents.
These \VOuld be converted into real nioney at the
end of the study. Boys did not k.i101v tl1e identity
of the individual they l\'ere giving rewards and
punishn1ents to, just the group they were in.
Boys 'vorked in their o\\rn cubicles to con1plete
the booklet. They \Vere told that they \vould never
be giving themselves a re1vard or punishment. An
example of a matrix is sho,vn in table 4.2. The top
row repre~ents the re1vard participants could give
and the bottom row is the "default" punishment they
would be giving as a result of their award choice.
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r - 1:
-16
5
-13
4
-10
3
-7
2
-4
1
1
2
3
4
5
0
- 7 Gjo' 13 - 16
-1 -4
Table 4.2 Reward and punishment matrix
Quant
-1
0
6
- 19
Six n1atrices \Vere used. Each each appeared
three times in the booklet, representing
three different assessn1ents:
1. In-group choices: the top and bottom rO\VS \vere to
be a\varded to members of the in group only.
There \Vere hvo parts to the study. The first part \vanted
to establish l\vo groups. TI1e second part \vanted to
test \Vhether the n1embers of these groups \vould then
discrin1jnate against the out group.
First part: The research team simply showed 12 pieces of
art, six reported to be by Paul Klee and the other six by
Wassily Kandinsky (none had a signature). Boys 1verc
asked which ones they liked.
Second part: A booklet of"matrices" \Vas created to
allocate points to members of the in group or out group
in a variety of different \vays.
2. Out-group choices: the top and bo1101n rows were
to be awarded to n1en1bers of the out group only.
3. lnterE,rroup choices: the top rO\'/ represented the
reward to a fello\v in-group n1en1ber whi le the
bottom row represented the punish1nent given to an
out group member.
Once all boys had completed their booklets,
they were brought back together and given the
nionetary value of the re\vards that had been
allocated to them in the 1natrices.
TEST YOURSELF
Who were the participants in lhis study? How
were they recruited? How generalisable is
lhls sample? Why?
RESULTS (STUDY 1)
The result from each matrix choice \vas scored on a
scale of I to 14. A score of l represented giving a fello\v
in-group member the minimun1 an1ount
of points possible; 14 represented giving
Quant
the ma..ximum amount to a fello\v in-group
niember.
For the intergroup matrices, the large niajo rity of
choices gave the fello'v in-group 111en1ber more poi nts
than the out-group nlember. For the in-group choices
and out-group choices matrices, the vast 1najority
gave out points that represented fairness across the
t\VO members being given points.
•
-
,_...._
,.
Study 2 had the same characteristics as study 1 but
different boys, and only 48 boys in total, participated.
I
This \Vas the same as for study l but the boys \Vere
randomly split into a Klee and a Kandinsky group. lhe
matrices used \Vere different (four in total) to test:
Maxin1un1 joint profit - this represented lhe largest
a1nount they could give both people.
Maximu1n in group profit - this represented the
largest amount that could be given to a 1nen1ber of
the in group.
Maximum difference - this represented the largest
difference that could be given behveen a member
of the in group and the out group. An example of a
matrix is sho,vn in Table 4.3.
l
23 22
5] 7
16
15
19
21
l
21
9
20
11
19
13
18
15
14
131
12
11
23
25
27
l
17
17
Member of
Klee
29 Memberof
Kandinsky
Table 4.3 Example of a matrix to be completed by a
member of the Klee group.
RESULTS (STUDY 2)
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two key results from this study. How
reliable are these findings? Why?
-------
When the data for the maximum in-group profit and
maximum difference \vere combined and compared
to the maximum joint profit. the results
Quant
\vere highly s tatistically significant That is.
'\vhen the subjects had a choice ben,•een
maxintlzing the profit for all and maximizing the profit
for members of their O\\ID group, they acted on behalf of
their own group" (Taijel, 1970: I0 I).
CONCLUSION
-
Even \vhen based on non-existent differences (in
this case dot cluster estimation and art preference),
people '\Yill create in-group favouritism and out-group
discrimination when resources are limited and sought
after by both groups (in this case points that could be
converted into n1oney). People will favour 1nen1bers of
their in group con1pared to n1cmbers of an out group.
Also, the matrices \vith maxi1num difference sho\ved
the strongest results in terms of discrimination - boys
chose a score that maxim ised their O\VD in-group
1ne1nber and m i ni1nised the out-group n1ember.
EVALUATION
As Tajfel collected quantitative data, we can use the general evaluations
from Chapter 2, pages 9- 10 and apply them directly to the study:
•
Strength
•
•
As the data are numerical, comparison
and statistical analysis are easier
(e.g. the average sc0<e of two
different groups can easily be
compared so there is very little bias or
misinterpretation).
Strength
Weakness
The data are objective and can
be analysed statistically to draw
conclusions.
Numerical data miss out on valuable
information . If the answer is simply yes/
no or on a rating scale we do not know
why participants chose the answer
they did.
•
The matrices were quanlltabve in nature (there was
simply a choice of two numbers - a reward and a
punishment). Points given to the in group were easily
compared to points given to the out group (as they
were p re-set matrices). No 1nterpreta1Jon was needed.
As the matrices were based on number pairs, the
amount of points awarded to each boy (as part of an
in group) could be analysed statistically - add up the
points or find the average - so it was easy to conclude
that boys were supporting In-group members much
more than members of the out group).
The boys were never asked why they were allocating
points in the way they did (for both studies). This is
missing out on the reasoning behind their choices we cannot be certain that they were allocating points
based in the idea of in groups and out groups.
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•
CHAPTER 4: SOC.IAL PSVC~OLO(:;Y
-
These are other points that could be used for e\'aluation:
Generalisations: it may be difficult to generalise
these findings beyond the sample. The reason for
. . this is that the boys \Vere from the same house
. . . . . in the san1e form from the same school in
Bristol, UK. There n1ay be son1ething unique
about these boys and ho\v they allocated points on
the matrices \vhich other people may not do.
Snapshot study: it \Vas a study at one point in time
so \Ve do not kno'v \vhether the allocation of points
-----
---
was due to the boys being al that age or
Snap
some other factor. We do not knO\V if
the boys continued to favour in groups
throughout the rest of their adolescent years.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study 1n terms of ethnocentnsm
and that it used a non-representative sampling
technique. You may want lo use a table Similar to that used
in the quanbtalive evalual10n above.
Try the follo,vlng exan1-style questions.
Paper 1
1. How \Vere the participants in study 1 recruited in
the Tajfel study?
(2 marks)
2 . Outline ho'" Tajfel split the boys into different
groups for either of his studies.
(3 1narks)
2. Outline one finding fron1 the Tajfel study. (3 1narks)
3. Outline how the Tajfel study was looking into the
(3 n1arks)
social approach to psychology.
(2 n1arks)
4. Discuss the strengths and 1veaknesses of the social
4. Evaluate the Tajfel study in terms of one strength
•
Tajfe1 study.
(2 marks)
3 . Outline l\VO results from the Tajfel study.
and one \\•eakness.
Paper 2
1. Outline how questionnaires 1vere used in the
(10 marks)
approach using the Tajfel srudy as an example.
(10 marks)
DEVELOPMENTAL
PSYCHOLOGY
AIM
Overall, to investigate observational learning of
aggression. Specifically, the study aimed to see whether
children \vould reproduce aggressive behaviour 1vhen
the model was no longer present, and to look for gender
differences in learning of aggression.
Bandura, Ross & Ross (1961 )
CONTEXT
This study is concerned \vith the tendency of chjldren
to imitate adult social behaviour, specifically aggression.
Leaming behaviour by imitating others is called
observalional learning. Several earlier studies had
den1onstrated that children are influenced by witnessing
adult behaviour, but had tended to sho\v children
repeating adult behaviour in the sanie situation and in
the presence of the adult \vbo 1nodelled the behaviow-.
One purpose of the study, therefore, was to te~t \Vhether
children \Viii reproduce observed behaviour in a new
situation and in the absence of the model.
This study is also concerned \vith the learning of
gender-specific behaviour. Previous sturues had
shown that children are sensitive to gender-specific
behaviour. For example, they see their parents as
preferring gender-stereotyped behaviour. Aggression is
a good exa1nple of a gendered social behaviour, being
associated \vith masculinity.
The study also investigated \vhelher boys \vere niore
likely to in1itate aggression than girls, and \Vhether the y
1vere more likely to inlltate male than female models.
ASK YOURSELF
Do you think that watching aggressive media
makes someone aggressive? Are there other
factors that might make someone aggressive?
METHOD
I
nts
TI1ere were 72 participants: 36 male and 36 fe1nale.
All 1vere selected fro111 the nursery school ofStanford
Uruversily. Ages ranged from 37 n1onths Oust over 3 years)
to 69 months (5 years and 9 months). The mean age 'vas
52 months (4 years and 4 months).
This \vas a laboratory experiment, using a
matched pairs design. The effect of three
IVs \Vas tested:
~
Design
lhe behaviour of the rnodel - aggressive or
non-aggressive
the sex of the model
the sex of the children.
There 1vere eight conditions in all. Children in each
condition 1vere 1nalched for their aggression levels, so that
this did not becon1e a confounding variable.
Reliable
This was achieved by lhe experimenter and
a nursery leacher independently rating 51
of the children on a scale ofO to 5. Very good agreement
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attractive toys. Children played \Vilh these for around
two minutes, then told they were not allo1ved to play
with them any more as they were "the very best" toys
and had been reserved for other children.
bet,veen the two raters was achieved (0.89). The conditions
'vere as follo,vs:
An aggressive model \Vas sho1vn to 12 boys and
12 girls. Six boys and sLx girls saw aggression
n1odelled by a same-sex model, while the rest saw it
modelled by an opposite-se.x 1nodel.
3. Testing for delayed imitation. Children \\'ere observed
playing for the next 20 minutes. The experimenter
was in the room occupied 1vith paper1vork. T\\'O more
observers \\'lltched through a t\\IO·l"3Y nlirror. The
roon1 contained a range of toys indudi ng a smaller doll
To help eliminate bias, the observers 1vere una\vare,
1vhile observing, \Yhich condition the child \vaS in.
A non-aggressive model 1vas sho\vn to 12 boys and
12 girls. Six boys and six girls sa1v non-aggression
n1odelled by a same-sex model, \vhile the rest sa\v it
modelled by an opposite-sex model.
A control group of 12 boys and 12 girls did not see a
1nodel display any behaviour, aggressive or otherwise.
p
Three types of aggression 1vere recorded by observers:
imitative aggression - physical and verbal
aggression identical to that 1nodelled in stage I
ure
~
partially imitative aggression - similar behaviour to
that carried out by the model
•
non-i1nitative aggression - new aggressive acts not
de1nonstrated by the nlodel.
The procedure consisted of Lh ree sl'ages.
1. tvfodelllng the behaviour. Children were brought
individ ually into a play roon1 to play a gan1e. This
lasted for ten n1inutes. In the first two
Control
conditions there was an additional adult
in the room. In the aggressive condition,
this adult \Vas aggressive tO\vards a five-foot tall
inflatable doll, kicking and hitting it, including 1vith
a han1mer. The adult also said aggressive things,
such as "kick hin1 ... po\v ... sock hin1 on the nose':
In the non-aggressive condition, the adult assembled
toys and did not interact 1vith the doll. In the control
condition, no additional adult was in the room.
2. Aggression arousal. To annoy the children and
increase the chances of aggressive behaviour, they
1\'ere taken to a different play roon1 1vith some very
•
• •
RESULTS
Quantitative data were recorded. 'They sho,ved significant
differences in levels of imitative physical and
Quant
verbal aggression bet1veen the group that
witnessed aggression and the other l\vo groups.
To a lesser extent this \\'llS also true of partial imitation and
non-imitative aggression. Significantly more non-aggressive
play 1m recorded in the non-aggressive 1nodel condition.
Table 5.1 gives results sho1ving the different aggressive and
non-aggressive behaviours.
••
!
Male imitative physical
aggression
Female Imitative p hysical
aggression
Male Imitative verbal aggression
Female imitative verbal
aggression
Male non-imitative aggression
Female non-imitative aggression
25.4
12.8
7.2
5.5
12.7
4.3
2.0
13.7
36.7
17.2
8.4
21.3
Table 5.1 Mean aggression scores recorded by observers
•
1.5
I
l
0.2
2.0
2.5
1.2
1. 1
1. 7
0.0
0 .3
0.7
22.3
26.1
24.6
7.2
6.1
0.0
0.0
1.4
I
l
CONCLUSION
The overall results were as fo llows:
Children \vho had \vitnessed an aggressive niodel
were significantly more aggressive themselves.
Witnessing aggression in a model can be enough to
produce aggression by an observer. Children selectively
imitate gender-specific behaviour. Thus boys are more
likely to imitate physical aggression, \vhile girls are
more likely to imitate verbal aggression. As the boys
but not girls \vere 1nore likely to imitate aggression in a
same-sex model, it could be concluded only cautiously
that children selectively imitate same-sex models.
There \vas very little difference between aggression
in the control group and in the non-aggressive
modelling condition.
Boys \vere significantly more likely to imitate
aggressive male 1nodels. The difference for girls \vas
much smaller.
Boys \Vere ~ignificantly more physically aggressive.
Girls \vere slightly 111ore verbally aggressive.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline the sample used in the study and get
someone lo ask you for specific results.
EVALUATION
Since Bandura, Ross & Ross use d a laborator y experiment
as part of their design, we can use the general evaluations from
Chapter l , pages 1- 2 and apply them directly to the study:
•
·
•
•
ili'E!lffil. [Ri}:.~. ~·n
• @.!:
Strength
Laboratory expenments have
high levels or control and so
can be replicated to test for
reliabi hty.
A lot of controls were 1n place 1n this study (e.g. the time
children watched a model for. the layout or the room and
which toys were available) Therefore, other researchers
could easily replicate this study to test 1t ror reliability
Strength
As laboratory experiments
have high levels of control,
researchers can be more
confident it 1s the IV directly
affecting the DV.
As the controls were high for both parts of the study (time
watching the model, priming before entering the observation
room, etc.), the researchers could be confident that it was the
actions of the model that caused the children's aggressive
and non-aggressive behaviour.
Weakness
As laboratory experiments
take place in an artificial
setting. it Is said that they
can lack ecological validity.
The set-up was artificial because the children (especially the
first stage) were in a setting not really familiar to them. As a
resu lt, the findings could be argued to be low in ecological
validity.
Weakness
Many laboratory experiments
make participants take part
in tasks that are nothing like
rea I-life ones so they lack
mundane realism.
Some of the tasks expected or the child were not usual (e.g.
simply sitting there and watching an adult p lay with some toys
and not get involved in lhe play). Therefore, aspects of the
study could be low in mundane realism.
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c·HAPTER 5: oE:Vi:LOPtJIENTAL PSYCHOLOGY
- -- - - -
-
---
Other points that can be used to evaluate the study
include:
Quantitative data: this enabled clear comparisons
to happen bel\\leen all groups to see the effect the
niodel " 'as having on behaviour. Therefore.
Quant
conclusions could easily be dra\\IO. HO\\lever,
'"e do not kno'" why the children \\'ere
acting in the '"ays they did as no qualitative data
'"ere collected to explore Lh is.
Ethics: protection. 111e children
Children
displayed aggressive behaviour and this
may have continued after the study had
ended. The children did not leave the study in the
san1e physical or psychological state in which they
entered.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study 1n terms of ii being a snapshot
study and 11 using matched pairs. You may
want to use a table Stmilar to that used for the laboratory
experiment.
1'ry the follo\\ling exam-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the Bandura, lloss & Ross study, ho'" \Vere the
children matched for aggression?
(2 marks)
2. Outline two controls that Bandura, Ross & Ross
used in their study.
(4 nlarks)
3 . Ho'" did Bandura, Ross & Ross get the children to
(2 marks)
be aggressively aroused?
4. Evaluate the Bandura, Ross & Ross study in terms of
using children in psychological research. ( 10 marks)
•
Paper2
1. Outline how independent groups were used in the
Bandura, Ross & Ross study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline how the Bandura, Ross & Ross study
is looking into the behaviourist perspective in
(3 marks)
psychology.
3. Redesign the Bandura, Ross & Ross study
as a case study.
(I 0 marks)
4. Discuss the strengths and \Veaknesses of
laboratory experiments using Bandura.
Ross & Ross as an example.
(I 0 marks)
ASK YOURSELF
STUDY 5.2
Why do you think people develop things such
as phobias? Could 1t be because of childhood
experiences or are there other fac tors 1n110lved?
Freud ( 1909)
CONTEXT
AIM
Sigmund Freud remains the most famous psychologist,
even more than 70 years after his death. Freud
\\rrote fron1 the 1890s until the 1930s. His approach
to psychological theory and therapy - called
psychoanalysis - forms the basis of the psychodynamic
perspective to psychology. Freud had a number of
important ideas, so1ne 1nore controversial than others.
Most controversially of all he proposed that childhood
can be seen as a series of psyd1osexual stages. Each
stage is characterised by a fixa tion on an area of the
body and a distinct pattern of relationships to parents.
The oral stage takes place in the first year of life. The
mouth is the n1:1in focus of pleasure at this stage, as
children are suckling and \\/Caning. At this stage, they
are totally dependent on their main carer, and they
acquire the ability to accept nurture and have dose
relationships. From around I to 3 years of age, a child
goes through the anal stage. Here the focus of pleasure
is the anus, as the child learns to retain and expel faeces
at \\•ill. This is also the time at \11hich the parents start to
exert control over the child's behaviour through pottytraining, and this is \11hen the child acquires a pattern of
relating to authority.
The third and most crucial Freudian stage of
development is the phallic stage (from the word
phallus, nleaning penis), \11hich lasts from around
age 3 to 6 years. In the phallic stage, children go through
the Oedipus complex. This involves the development
of a strong attachment to the opposite-sex parent,
and a sense of the san1e-sex parent as a rival for their
affection. Freud came to this conclusion after a period
of self-analysis. I le revealed his O\vn Oedipus cotnplex
in a letter to a friend:
"! have found in nly own case loo being in love \vitb n1y
mother and Jealous of n1y father, and now 1 consider it a
universal event in early childhood."
One of Freud's most famous cases is that of Little Hans,
a young boy Freud believed to be going through the
Oedipus complex.
To give an account of a boy \11ho \11as suffering from a
phobia of horses and a range of other symptoms, and to
use this case to illustrate the existence of the Oedipus
complex.
METHOD
Desi
The study \\las a clinical case study. This n1eans that the
participant is a patient undergoing therapy. In this case,
Freud's direct input in the therapy was very limited.
Accounts of ho'" often Freud sa'" Little Hans
vary a little, but it almost certainly \11as not
more than hvice. Hans' father conducted
regular discussions \vith Hans and passed
these on to Freud, \Vho analysed them in line \vith his
theory. The results consist of Freud's analysis.
The participant '"as a je\11ish boy from Vienna, Austria.
He \Vas 5 years old at the start of the study, although
so1ue events \Vere recorded fron1 a couple of years
earlier. He was called Lillie Hans in the study; ho,vever,
his real name, Herbert Graf, \11as " 'ell kno\<Vn. Little
Hans '"as suffering froni a phobia of horses. His father,
a fan of Freud's '"ork, referred the case to Freud and
went on to provide 111uch of the case infonnation.
y
From around 3 years of age, Hans developed a great
interest in his penis - his '\viddler" as he called it and it was reported that he played with it regularly.
Eventually, his mother became so cross that she
threatened to cut it off if he didn't stop. Hans was very
disturbed by this and developed a fear of castration. At
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around the same time. Hans Sa\v a horse collapse and
die in the street, and he \Vas very upset as a result When
Hans was 3 and a half years old, his baby sister \Vas born
and he \vas separated from her for a \vhile \vhen she \vas
hospitalised.
lhe anxiety Hans fe lt was really
Qual
castration anxiety triggered by his
mother's threat to cut off his "widdler"
and fear of his father caused by his banishing Hans
from the parental bed.
Shortly after this, \vhen Hans \Vas 4 years old, he
developed a phobia of horses. Specifically, be \Vas afraid
that a \vhite horse would bite him. \>Vhen
Qua I
reporting this to Freud, Hans' father noted
that the fear of horses seemed to relate to their
large penises. At around the same time as the phobia of
horses developed, a conOict developed benveen Hans
and his father. Hans had been in the habit for some time
of getting into his parents' bed in the niorni11g and
cuddling his mother. Ho\vever, his father began to
object to this. Hans' phobia worsened to the extent that
he 1votrld not leave the fan1ily house. At this point, he
also suffered attacks of generalised anxiety.
The giraffes in Hans' dream represent his parents.
The large giraffe that cried out represented
Hans' father objecting to Hans. The crumpled
giraffe represented Hans' mother, the crumpling
representing her genitals. The large giraffe, \Vith its
erect neck, could have been a penis sy1nbol.
In addition, he reported the following dream: "In the
night there 1v:1s a big giraffe in tJ1e room and a crun1pled
one: and the big one called out because I took the
crumpled one away from it. Then it stopped calling out:
and I sat do1vn on top of the crun1pled one."
By the time Hans \Vas 5 years old his phobia of horses
lessened, initially becon1ing limited to fear of \vhite
horses \vith black nosebands, then disappearing
altogether. The end of the phobia '"as marked by
t \\'O fantasies:
Hans fantasised that he had several children.
When his father asked \\•ho tlieir mother \Vas Hans
replied "Why Nlummy, and you're the Granddaddy''
(Freud, 1909: 238).
The next day, Hans fantasised that a plumber had
con1e and removed his bottom and penis, replacing
thern with ne\v and larger ones.
RESULTS
Freud interpreted the case as an exan1ple of the Oedipus
Complex. More specifically, he noted these points:
Horses represented Hans' father. White horses \Vith
black nosebands were the most feared because
they resembled the moustached father. Horses also
make good father symbols because they have large
peruses.
•
The children fantasy represents a relatively friendly
resolution of tJie Oedipus complex in \vhich Hai1s
replaces bis father as his n1other's rnain love object,
but the father still has a role as grandfather.
The plumber fantasy represents identification with
the fath er. By this \Ve mean that Hans could see
himself growing a large penis like his father's and
becoming like him.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline a few resulls that appear lo confirm
that Lillie Hans was going through the Oedipus
complex How reliable are lhe results?
CONCLUSION
Hans suffered a phobia of horses because he \Vas
suffering from castration anxiety and going through
the Oedjpus complex. Dreams and fantasies helped
express this conflict and eventually he resolved his
Oedipus complex by fantasising hin1self taking on
his father's role and placing his father in the role of
grandfather.
EVALUATION
Since Freud used a case study, \ve can use the general
evaluations from Chapter I, page 3 and apply them
directly to the study:
Strength
The focus of the study was on Little Hans. Data were
one individual (or unit or individuals) collected though letters from Hans' rather which were
he or she can collect nch. in-depth
detailed and contained a lot of 1nformat1on from Little
Hans himself. Therefore. the findings could be valid as
data that have details. This makes
they are based on looking at the whole situation In depth.
the findings more valid.
Strength
Participants are usually studied as
part or their everyday life which
means that the whole process tends
lo have some ecological validity.
Little Hans continued to be a little boy throughout the
study and lived his life "as normal". His father would
ask him questions about things such as his dreams and
feelings and many parents would do that 1n everyday life
so the findings have some ecological validity. (Little Hans
was never take on out or his own home lo be "studied".)
Weakness
As the psychologist is focusing
The way that Little Hans developed his phobia of horses
may be unique lo him, maki ng generalisations d1ff1cult as
it may not help to explain horse phobias in other boys o f a
similar age.
As the psychologist is focusing on
on one Individual (or unit of
individuals), the case may be
unique. This makes generalisations
quite difficult.
Weakness
As participants are studied In
depth, an attachment could form
between them and the psychologist
which could reduce the objectivity
of the data collection and analysis
of data. This could reduce the
validity of findings.
There was no such bond between Freud and Lillie Hans,
but Hans' father was a "fan" of Freud's work. This could
have made Hans' father only report aspects of the case
study to Freud that fitted 1n with Freud's own ideas about
child development.
Other points that can be used to evaluate the study
and can be used to ex-plain \vhy Little Hans \\1as
include these:
suffering from his phobia. Remember that this
cannot be done with quantitative data. Ho\vever,
there niay have been interpretation bias by Hans'
father (who wrote the leuers) and Freud (\vho
Alternative explanation - son1e psychologists argue
that Little Hans' phobia \Vas 1101 due to the Oedipus
complex. They argue that when young, Little Hans
\vitnessed a horse collapse and die in the street in
front of hin1. He therefore associated the horse with
death and this then 111ade him fearful of horses.
Qualitative data - all of the information from Hans'
father was qualitative (in the fonn of letters of
correspondence). ·1herefore, the data are in depth
interpreted the letters) to fit in \vi th Freud's ideas.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate the Freud study in terms of ll being a
longitudinal study and how useful the case study
Is. You may want to use a table similar lo that used ror the
case study evaluations.
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•
Try the following exa111-style questions.
Paper 1
1. Outline t wo examples that Freud believed
sho\ved Little Hans \Vas experiencing ilie
(4 marks)
Oedipus complex.
2. Ho\v did Freud obtain the information about
Little I lans?
3. Outline the dream that Little Hans
reported.
(2 marks)
(2 n1arks)
4 . Evaluate the Freud study in terms of using case
(IO marks)
studies in psychological research.
•
Paper 2
1. Outline \vhat qualitative data \Vere collected
in ilie Freud study.
2. Outline hO\V generalisable Freud's
study \vas.
(3 marks)
(3 rnarks)
3. Discuss ilie strengths and weaknesses
of case studies using Freud as an example.
(IO marks)
Langlois et al ( 1991)
CONTEXT
Here is one question that a lot of people want the
answer to: is attractiveness relative or absolute? That
is, is attractiveness individually specific in hu1nans or
do \Ve all find the same faces more attractive? When
do \Ve begin to sho'v any preference to attractive faces?
Earlier studies had sho\\•n that young infants appear
to be dra'vn to faces that adults have rated as being
attractive over those rated not so attractive. This had
surprised psychologists as they had not expected any
forn1 of discrin1ination based on attractiveness at such
a young age. One aspect of this Lhat had not been
tested was whether this phenon1enon extended across
faces of difference races and ages too.
AS
YOURSELF
What makes someone auractive? Is 11 the
person's face or is there more lo it than simply
physical features?
AIM
To investigate whether infant preferences for attractive
faces extended beyond those for adult fen1ale faces on
to other types of faces (e.g. male and female adult White
faces, adult Black female faces and other young infants).
The aims of each study appear in its Design section.
Three studies \Vere conducted.
METHOD
I
1)
This first study investigated whether infants sho\v
preference to attractive 1nale and female adult
Control
faces compared to those rated unattractive.
This study used I6 slides of \vOmen's faces and
16 slides of nien's faces. The researchers had used
them before; half \Vere rated attractive and
Quant
half unattractive. The final slides had been
selected from 275 womens and 165 men's
faces that had been rated for attractiveness by
40 undergraduates. AUof the slides that were rated
attractive and unattractive were then looked at further.
The final slides that 1vere chosen had to show facial
expressions, hair length and hair colour roughly evenly
distributed across the attractive and unattractive groups.
All the males \\'ere clean shaven. Any clothing was
masked and the person pictured had to have a neutral
pose. The mean ratings for attractiveness (out of5)
were 3.46 (female attractive), 3.35 (male attractive),
1.44 (female unattractive), 1.40 (male unattractive).
n
(s
)
A total of 110 infants, '"ho "'ere 6 months old, \vere
recruited via the Children's Research Laboratory at the
University of Texas. A total of 50 of these
Sample
\Vere eliminated from the final sample for
the follo\ving reasons: fussing too much
(n = 41 ), con1puter failure (n = 3), experimenter error
(n = 3) parent looked at the slides (n = 2) and child \Vas
premature (n = l ). This left 60 children (35 boys
and 25 girls) \vi th an average age of 6 months and 6 days.
Fifty three of the children \Vere Wb ite, five were
Hispanic, one \Vas Black and one \vas Asian. All were
tested \Vithin three \veeks of their sixth birthday.
y
T\vo fuces, one attractive and one unattractive, \Vere
projected onto a screen next to each other. Each child
sat on his or her parent's lap around 35cm fron1 the
screen. lhe parent wore occluded glasses so he or she
could not see the faces. This prevented any of the parents
preferences being seen by the child. A light and buzzer
sounded to grab the child's attention every time a ne\v
pair of faces \Vas presented. Once the child had focused
on the centre of the screen the pair of faces \VOuld appear.
The trial \\"JS labelled "began" \vhen the child first looked
at one of the slides. Each trial lasted for ten seconds.
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Two sets of 16 slides \Vere used per child.
Reliable
Each set \Vas divided into eight trial blocks
of t\vO slide~ each. In an attempt to control
for "side bias" in the child (e.g. prefers to look to the right
naturally), slide pairs \\'ere alternated throughout the
procedure. All slide pairs \vere both niale or both female.
Slides \Vere presented in one of t\vo \vays: alternating
(pairs of males then females then males, etc.) or grouped
(all male then all female). After every eight trial block
I.here \WS a five- to ten-n1inute break to stop the dlild
getti11g tired or bored. The order in whid1 slides appeared
\Vas randomised for ead1 child. Trial length, slide
movement and recording of data \Vere controlled by a
computer.
The experimenter observed the visual fixations of each
child in each trial on a video tnonitor connected to a
video can1era n1ounted just under the screen the slides
\Vere projected onto. 1l1e direction of looks and their
duration \Vere recorded. Using this televised in1age of
the child, the experi1nenler did not have to look at the
projection screen and the refore did no t kno\v which
of the t\VOslides \vas the attractive or unattractive
one. Reliability was checked via a randon1ly selected
sample of recordings. As some of the infants' data \Vere
excluded as a result of them "fussing", the research team
had to agree that the child had been engaged in this
behaviour before \Vithdra\\ring the data for that trial.
Finally, to examine \vhcther the child's preference
might be influenced by the attractiveness of the
mother, photographs of each mother \Vere rated by
72 undergraduates.
TEST YOURSELF
How were the faces on lhe slides chosen? How
easy would it be to replicate this study? INhy?
e I
Control
t
The design was similar to that for study l
but \Vith the follo\ving changes:
The slides were of 16 Black \vomen from a pool of
197 faces rated for attractiveness by 98 White and
41 Black undergraduates.
Amount of hair and skin colour \\•ere evenly
distributed across conditions.
•
,. Mean attractiveness for attractive group
Quant
was 3.41 (White raters) and 3.42 (Black
raters) and for the unattractive group it
was l.44 (\.Vhite raters) and 1.54 (Black raters).
..
I
A total of 43 infants, \vho \¥ere 6 months old, \Vere
recruited via the Children's Research Laboratory
at the University of Texas. Three of these \\'ere
eliminated from the final sample for the follo\\ling
reasons: fussing too much (n = 2) and equip1nent
failure (n = l). Thjs left 40 children ( 15 boys and
25 girls) \vith an average age of 6 months and 5 days.
Thirty six of the chlldren \vere White, nvo \Vere
Hispanic and t\VO 1vcre Black.
(
11
y,,
The procedure was similar to that for study I but \vith
the foUo\ving changes:
Presentation \Vas not alternatjng versus grouped as
children onJy looked at Black \VOtnen's faces.
Each trial block consisted of four pairs of slides.
The faces of the infants' mothers were rated for
attractiveness by 49 undergraduates.
I
The design was sin1ilar to that for study I
but \Vith the follo1ving changes:
Control
The slides \\•ere of 16 infants \Vho \vere 3 months old
selected from a pool of 60 boys and 62 girls rated for
attractiveness by 40 undergraduates.
Slides showing four tnales and four fen1ales \vho
had been rated attractive were used, as \vere slides of
fo ur tnales and four females rated unat.lractive.
On tl1e slides all clothing \vas n1asked and the faces
had neutral expressions. Amount of hair \vas equally
distributed across the allractiveness conditions.
The mean attractiveness ratings \Vere
3.02 for the attractive group and 1.69
for the unattractive group.
Quant
I
t
ct
l
A total of52 infants, \Vho were 61nonths old, were recruited
via the Children's Research Laboratory at the University of
Texas. A total of 11 of these \\'ere eliminated from the final
sample for fussing too much (n = 1l}. T\vo more were
excluded as they \vere not tested \\lithin three \veeks of their
sixth birthday. This left 39 children ( 19 boys and 20 girls)
\vith an average age of6 months and 15 days. Thirty seven
of the children were White and t\vo \\'ere Hispanic.
p
This \vas the san1e as for study 2 except attractiveness
ratings for the infants' mothers taken.
RESULTS (COMBINED)
For all studies, the tin1e looking at each slide
for each child was calculated. This \vas done
by adding together the looking time for the
right-side presentation and the left-side presentation of
each face. 1able 5.2 sho\vs the results.
Quant
They tended to look at same-sex faces for longer (only
significant for males) - see Table 5.3. No significant
relationship \vas found bet\veen mother's attractiveness
and the child's preference.
M
SD
M
SD
Male
7.95
1.45
7.36
1.31
Female
7.69
1.35
7.81
1.33
Sex of infant
Table 5.3 Mean fixation times for sex of child participant x
sex of face interaction
Study 2: Children looked longer at the attractive Black
woman's faces than the u naltractive ones. Children
looked for longer al any face on their first two trials
con1pared lo auof the Ol her trials. TI1ere \Vas no
significant effect of n1aternal attractiveness.
Study 3: Children looked longer at the attractive baby
faces than the unattractive ones. As \vith study 2,
children looked for longer at any face on their first l\vo
trials compared to all of the other trials.
TEST YOURSELF
OuUine three main findings from these studies.
How valid are the r1nd1ngs? Why?
M
SD
M
SD
Study 1: Male
and female faces
7.82
1.35
7.57
1.27
Study 2· Black
female faces
7.05
1.83
6.52
1.92
Study3:
Children's faces
7. 16
1.97
6.62
1.83
Type of face
Table 5.2 Mean fixation hmes for high- and lowallracliveness slides
Study I: Children looked significantly longer at
attractive faces unattractive ones. Sex of face had no
effect - children looked longer at any attractive face.
CONCLUSION
All three studies sho\v that infants prefer attractive faces
compared to unattractive faces irrespective of gender,
colour of skin and age. Therefore, it \vould appear that
children can discrilninate fro1n an early age bel\veen
attractive and unattractive faces. As the children had
not been exposed to 1nuch 111edia depicting what is
attractive, it could be argued that these preferences are
inbuilt into humans.
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EVALUATION
Since Langlois et al used a laboratory experiment, \Ve
can use the general evaluations from Chapter L, page J
onwards and apply them directly to the study:
•
••
•
•
•
There were many controls 1n this study (e.g. lhe
standardised procedure followed. the time the slides were
projected for and the masking of other cues in lhe slides).
Another research team could easily replicate this study to
test for reliability using a different sample.
Strength
Laboratory expenments have high
levels of control and so can be
replicated to test for reliability.
Strength
As laboratory experiments have
high levels of control. researchers
can be more confident It is the IV
directly affecting the DV.
Weakness
Looking at a projector and having computer and video
As laboratory experiments take
place in an artificial setting, it is said equip ment nearby is not a usual setting for young children
that they can lack ecological validity. so it is difficult to know if they would prefer attractive faces
in a more natural setting. Therefore, the study has low
ecological validity.
Weakness
Many laboratory experiments make
parllcipants take part in tasks that
are nothing like real-life ones so
they lack mundane realism.
I
As there were controls (e.g. the time the slides were
projected for and how the slides were chosen) Langlois
et al could be confident it was attractiveness of the face
1
that was causing the child to look at them for longer.
In this study the child sat on the parent's lap, the parent
wore occluded glasses and then pairs of faces were
shown to the child who was monitored on what he or she
was looking at. These things do not happen to children in
everyday life so the study lacks mundane realism.
Other points that can be used to evaluate the study
include these:
Quantitative data: 111ean fixation tin1es \Vere taken
(and assessed via reliability tests) so the find ings are
objective. 111e n1ean fixation tin1es across
Quant
alJ three studies could be reliably compared
lo draw objective conclusions (e.g. young
children do fixate n1ore often on faces that have
been rated attractive th:1n those rated unattractive).
However, \Ve do nol know the reasons why this
happened as the data \Vere quantitative and the
young children could not tell us any\vay.
•
Ethics: use of children in research.
Children
Even though the parents gave
permission for their children to be
used in the study (they \Vere fro111 a bank of children
who could be used in research) \VC do not know
hO\V distressed, etc. it n1adc the children looking at
lots of pictures - remen1ber quite a fe\Vyounger
children (especially in study I) were clin1inated as
they \vere "fussing too 1nuch''.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study 1n terms of the nature-nurture
debate and usefulness. You may want to use a
table like those used for the laboratory experiment and
evaluation above.
Try the following exa111-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the Langlois el al study, ho\v \Vere the faces
chosen for the final slides?
(2 marks)
2. Outline two controls that Langlois et al used in
their study.
(4 marks)
3. Identify two features of the any san1ple used in the
Langlois el al study.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Langlois et nl study in terms of one
strength and one \veakness.
(10 marks)
Paper 2
1. Outline \vhat quantitative data \Vere collected in
the Langlois el nl study.
(3 marks}
2. Redesign the Langlois el nl study using self-report
(e.g. questionnaires} or intervie\vS as the research
method.
( 10 n1arks)
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the
nature-nurture debate using Langlois el nl as an
example.
( 10 n1arks)
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.-
TUDY 5.4
Nelson (1980)
CONTEXT
Psychologists interested in the development of moral
behaviour have created theo ries that attempt to explain
how children develop a sense of right and 1vrong. Piaget
noted that in children under 10 years of age there
appeared to be no solid role of the n1otive behind the
behaviour in judging ho1v "1norally correct" a behaviour
is. After Lhe age of 10 years, children seen1ingly
develop a sldll in morally judging behaviour based on
its motive. }lowever, research after Piaget developed
these initial ideas sho1ved that children as young as
6 years old 1voulc.l often look al the 1notive behind a
behaviour before 1norally judging it. Studies had already
tried to see 1vhether children as young as 3 years old
use motives to judge behaviours but they had been
methodologically Oa1ved, according to Nelson. They had
not allo1ved children to sho1" whether they understood
the motive behind behaviour before judging. Children
this young might believe that motives are in1portant but
fail to interpret them correctly or remember them 1vhen
questioned - they may misinterpret the intentions of
the motive as set out by an adult.
1)
Desi r
Four versions of a story 1vere used. Each
Control
involved a boy throwing a ball (chosen as
pilot research had seen this as a neutral
act). Ho11•ever, the motive and outcome differed:
Good rriotive
The boy was playirg wi1t> a ball. His
frierd did not have anything :o play
v1ilh. I le wan.ed to throw the ball to
his frierd so 'l'ey could play.
Bad motive
The boy was playing with a ball.
I le was angry with his friend . He
wanted lo throw the ball at his friend
to hit him on purpose.
Good
outcome
The boy lhrew Iha ball, his friend
caughl it and they played happily.
Bad outcome
The boy lhrew the ball but his
friend did not catch ii. The ball hit
his friend on the head and made
him cry.
In addition to the story, there were nvo sets of dra1vings
to accompany each story. The)' 1vere 25cn1 by 23cm
illustrating the motive, behaviour and outcome. An
example is shown in Figure 5.1.
AS YOURSELF
I low do peop le d evelop a sense of what is right
and wrong? Are we born with morals or do we
learn them through experiences?
,,
·'
AIM
Figure 5.1 Drawings to
To investigate '"hether children as young as 3 years
old use motives and outcon1es when morally judging
behaviours that are explicit and relevant to them (and
are available 1vhen judging).
METHOD
T1vo studies "'ere conducted.
accompany the story
Each set conveyed the motive in different 1vays. One set
conveyed emotion via facial expressions only (implicit
1notive) while the other set conveyed it explicitly by
connecting cartoon-like representations of the goal to
the head of the boy thro1ving the ball (explicit motive).
Children who judged the boy thro1ving the ball as
being "good" had to point at one of three
'
Control
SJniling faces (5.5 to 75cm in size) 1vhich
represented "a little bit good" to "very good".
This technique 1v-.is also used, but 11~th frow11ing faces, if
a child judged the boy thro~ng the ball as being "bad''.
A seventh face, 4.Scrn in siu, represented "just okay" (a
term used as n1any children in a pilot used it to convey a
neutral judgn1ent). All of these 11-ere con1bined to create a
numerical score per judgment from I (very bad) through
to 7 (1-ery good).
a
-
After children had made their judgn1ents, the pictures
were removed (in the picture condition groups) and
children were asked to re-tell the story aloud to the
intervie\\•er. If the motive or outcome \\'llS n1 issing fro1n
their account, specific questions 1vere asked such as "Why
did the boy lhro\v his ball?"
TEST YOURSELF
I
There 1vere 60 pre-school children used for study 1, 1vith
a roughly equal split bet1veen males and females. They
1vere all 3-4 years old (average 3.4 years).
In addition, 30 "second grade" children
Sample
were used aged bet1veen 6 and 8 years
(average 7.4 yea rs). There 1vas a roughly
even split between males and females. They were mostly
1vh ite, 1n id die-class and living in urban areas. Parents
gave consent for their children to take part.
Who were the part1c1pants 1n study 1 and how
were they recruited? Are there any ethical rssues
raised by study 1? Why?
RESULTS (STUDY 1)
Table 5.4 shows the mean ratings per
com bi nation by age.
Each child 1vas tested individually by the intervie1ver.
Before the stories 1vere told, children familiarised
then1selves 1vith the 7-point faces scale via t1vo stories
(one about being very good and one about being
very bad). Children in the picture groups 1vere also
fan1i liarised 1vith how the pictures 1vorked.
In the actual study, children were told to l.isten very
carefully to each story as they would be expected to tell it
again later. After each story had been told,
Reliable
children 1vere asked whether the boy had
been a good boy, a bad boy or just okay.
Then they 1vere asked to indicate via the faces ho1-v good
or bad the boy had been. lf children were in one of the
picture conditions, the pictures were introduced at the
appropriate tin1e in the story. They remained in front of
children until they made their judgment.
Quant
Good
motive
Bad
motive
Good
motive
Bad
motive
Good
outcome
6.55
2.27
6.20
3.46
Bad
outcome
4.17
1.60
4.47
1.56
1
Children of each age group 1vere randon1ly assigned to
one of the th ree presentations (verbal, motive in1pUcit
and motive explicit). There 1vere 20
Sample
children per group in the young group
and 10 per group in the older group. Each
child heard all four stories. They 1vere randomised
per child.
'
Table 5.4 Mean ratings per combtnatJon by age
Overall, the main character in the good n1otive
conditions combined had an average score of
5.35 1vhereas for the main character in the bad
motive conditions it 1vas 2.27. This 1vas statistically
significant. There was a similar pattern for outcomes:
good outcomes scored 4.70 on average and bad
outcomes only 2.92. When the moti ve or outcon1e
was bad (especially so for the n1otive) it had a larger
effect on judgn1ents than if anything was seen as
being good. Also, 1vhen the n1otive information
was explicit (good or bad) it had a greater effect on
judgments than when it was implicit or verbal only.
Children appeared to use the outcome inforn1ation
in the good n1otive stories under all three conditions,
but for the bad motive stories th is 1vas only for
those who sa1v pictures. Children in the younger
group made more errors in recall for motives and
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•
outcomes than those in the older group. There
\Vas no effect of presentation (verbal or picture)
on outcome recall errors, but for motive recall
errors there \Vere fewer errors \\ hen pictures \Vere
presented. Additionally, there \Vere significantly
n1ore errors of recall in the younger group \Vhen
the motive and the outcome \Vere incongruent (e.g.
good motive but bad outcome). Finally, 40 per cent
of the younger group rated the boy thro\ving the ball
negatjvely whenever there \Vas just one negative cue,
irrespective of its source (motive or outcome). A
furtller 28.33 per cent of tlle younger group ignored
the outcome inforn1ation and based tlleir judgment
on tlle valence of the n1otive only.
•
Good
motive
Verbal only
These findings 1nay well suggest tllat younger
children understand the concept of bad before
they understand the concept of good.
Desi--
t
This study \Vas based on the idea that in study l
children in the younger group in the verbal-only
story condition \Vere basing their entire judgment on
the motive but not the outcome, perhaps because the
motive \Vas ahvays presented before the outcome. So,
if younger children are more interested in valence (e.g.
good, bad, positive, negative) rather than its source
(motive or outcome) then reversing the order (so
outcome comes before motive), should mean younger
children should disregard the motive \vhenever there is
a bad outcome. Th is is \Vhat study 2 tested. The design
\Vas exactly me same as study I but the outcome came
before the 1notive in the stories.
i
"'
u
2)
1\venty-seven pre-school children with a 1nean age of
3.8 years participated in study 2. Each child \Vas randomly
assigned to one of the three presentation types (verbal
only, inotive-implicit picture and 1notive-explicit picture).
EverytlUng was identical to study I but the description of
the outcon1e can1e before that of the n1otive.
RESULTS (STUDY 2)
Table 5.5 highlights the mean ratings per combination
of presentation, outcon1e and motive.
•
Bad
moti ve
Good
motive
motive
6.11
3.56
2.67
1.78
Picture - motive
1mphcit
7.00
2.11
2.33
1.11
Picture - motive
explicit
7.00
3.56
4.22
1.11
1
Quant
Bad
•
Table 5.5 Mean rating per comb1natron of presentallon,
outcome and motive
The n1ain finding was that children in the verba lon.ly condjuon were less innuenced by 111otive than
those in both picture conditions (see
Quant
the scores above). Also, even with the
outcome preceding the motive, the effect
of motive on judgn1ents was not less than that of
outcome (remember in study I the 1notive ca111e first
and children could just have been basing judgments
on the first thing the)' heard). Children also made
more errors of recall when tlle motive and outcome
\Vere incongruent (e.g. bad motive, good outcome).
TEST YOURSELF
Outline one main finding from both studies. What
do the studies tell us about moral de-.elopment
(e.g. are they useful)?
CONCLUSION
Motive is a po,verfuJ tool used by younger children
to n1ake a 1noral judgment. Also, the n1ode of
presentation affects the judgments of yo unger children
with verbal-only presentation of 1nal'erial; as soon as a
child hears something "bad" any further inforn1ation
has limited impact on judgments. Ho\vevcr, if the
presentation involves pictures the judg1nents are based
on a con1bination of both outco111e (good and bad) and
motive (good and bad). Younger children are more
likely to recall information on moral judgn1ents n1ore
accurately if congruence is experienced (e.g. good
motive and good outcome) rather than incongruence.
EVALUATION
As Nelson collected quantitative data, \Ve can use the general evaluations
from Chapter 2, pages 9-10 and apply them directly to the study:
• •
Strength
Numerical data allow easier
comparison and statistical analysis
(e.g. the average score of two
different groups can easily be
compared so there 1s very little bias
or misinterpretation.
Nelson could analyse. statistically, the different combinations
of motive and outcome (e.g. good motive, bad outcome) to
see which of the stories had the highest and lowest mean
scores. All four combinations for both age groups could
easily be compared to see the effects of age. motive and
outcome on moral judgments.
Strength
The data are objective and can
be analysed statistically to draw
conclusions.
As children simply pointed at a face and this was converted
to a numerical score, there was no subjectivity. The
measurement was objective for the child (no reasoning was
needed) so Nelson could analyse the scores statistically and
draw sensible conclusions about the effect of motive and
outcome on moral judgments.
I
Weakness
Numerical data miss out on
valuable 1nformat1on. If the answer
1s simply yes/no or on a rating scale
we do not know why participants
chose the answer they did.
As children simply pointed at a face. Nelson did not know
why each child chose the face . Children were not asked for
their reasoning which 1s important when it comes to moral
judgments.
Weakness
Social desirability and/or demand
characteristics can affect
quantitative data as it is simply a
number that 1s recorded.
Children may well have gone along with what they could
remember from the two pilot stories rather than what they
truly believed as they thought that was the desirable way to
answer. This would affect the validity of the findings.
This is another point that could be used for evaluation:
In study l, the children \Vere told all four swries
verbally. The children 1nay have got bored, muddled
all the stories together or got tired, all of\vhich
could have affected the moral judgn1ents
Design
they made, especially for the third or
fourth story.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study in terms of using children
in research and thal 11 was an interview-based
study. You may want to use a table like that used for the
quantitative data evaluation.
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•
Try the following exa111-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the Nelson study, who \Vere the nvo groups of
participants in study I?
(2 marks)
2. Outline ho\V Nelson measured the moral
(2 nlarks)
4. Evaluate the Nelson study in terms of using
(IO marks)
children in psychological research.
•
Nelson study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline one finding from the Nelson
judgments of the children in the study and outline
ho"' it \VllS scored.
(4 marks)
3. Outline one result fronl the Nelson
study.
Paper 2
1. Outline ho\V intervie\\IS \1o1ere used in the
study.
3. Redesign the Nelson study as a
case study.
(3 marks)
(I 0 1narks)
4. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of
collecting quantitative data using Nelson
(I 0 nlarks)
study as an example.
PHYSIOLOGICAL
PSYCHOLOGY
that en1otion (e.g. ho\v \ve label it). Also, the researchers
ain1ed to see whether \vhen \\IC do have an appropriate
explanation for feeling a certain en1otion we always
label it as the n1ost appropriate en1otion.
CORE STUDY 6.1
Schachter & Singer ( 1962)
CONTEXT
METHOD
Early ideas that looked into emotions focused on
purely physiological factors and assumed that ever}'
emotion has a distinct physiological state. When
research was conducted in the late 1800s and early
1900s, there \Vas no real evidence for this as many
emotions appeared to have similar physiological bases.
This allo\ved psychologists to begin to assess the role
of psychological factors such as thoughts (cognitions)
in emotions and ho\v we experience them. Could it be
that some en1otions have a sin1ilar physiological basis
but the \vay \VC are thinking at t11e time (e.g. \vhat \Ye are
doing) makes us experience them as different emotions?
Therefore, are en1otions an interaction bet\veen
physiological and psychological fac tors?
ASK YOURSELF
Do you sometimes "feel" an emotion without
knowing why? What do you do If this happens (e.g.
how do you describe the emotion you are feeling at that
lime)? Do we have to always have a label for our emotions?
AIM
To investigate whether \vhen \\le are in a state of
physiological arousal that has no immediate explanation
and \vbat role cognitive factors play in the experience of
Design
As soon as participants had agreed to an injection of
Suproxin (the name given to the "drug"), they \Vere
placed into one of the four groups:
1. Epinephrine informed (Epi Inf):
Design
Participants in this group were injected
with epinephrine and \Vere told that
some people feel side effects of the drug and that
these \Vould last no more than 20 minutes. The side
effects that they \Vere told abou t \Vere hand shaking,
heart pounding and feeling \varm.
2. Epinephrine ignorant (Epi lgn): The experin1enter
simply injected the participant and said nothing
about any side effects and then left the roon1. As
the injection was happeni ng the experin1cnte.r
did n1ention that the injection would be mild and
harn1less \Vith no side effects.
3. Epinephrine niisinformed (Epi Mis): Participants
were injected with epinephrine and told that some
people feel side effects of the drug and that these
would last no more than 20 minutes. Ho\vever, the
side effects outlined \Vere incorrect. Participants
were told that feet feeling numb, becoming itchy and
developing a headache were common side effects.
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
etc. As the questionnaire progressed, the questions
became more and more personal and concerning
to anS\ver. For exan1ple, they \Vere asked to list
childhood diseases so the stooge \vould complain
that be or she could never remember the1n and at
1vbat age the stooge had had them. Another
question, about father's income, irritated the
stooge. Subsequent questions took the form of
statements such as "does not bathe or \\lash
regularly" and the stooge and participant 1vere
asked to name son1eone from their immediate
family 1vho most closely fitted the statement. The
stooge angrily crossed out the statements. Further
questions included frequency of sexual intercourse
and at this point the stooge shouted "To hell 1vith
it! 1 don't have to tell the111 all this!" then ripped up
the questionnaire, thre1\I it on the Aoor, got his or
her books and left the room.
4. Saline: Participants in this group \Vere injected
\Vith a saline solution (salt) and followed the same
procedure as the Epi Ign group.
The study \Vas about hO\V psychological effects could
help us to understand and label emotions caused by
physiological n1echanisms. 1\vo conditions \Vere used:
euphoria and anger.
~
I
If participants \Vere in the euphoria group, as soon
as they had been injected the e>."Perimenter left and
then returned \Vil h a stooge (a person 'vho poses as
a true participant but is an actor and part of the
study). This person \vas introduced to the
participant. They \Vere both told that they had to
1vait 20 minutes before beginning the "tests of
vision" to allo1v the Suproxin to be fully absorbed by
the body. The room they 1vere in was not tidy and
the experirnenler apologised for this. The
experin1enter left, saying the stooge and participant
could use the paper, rubber bands and pencils that
were lying around the room. The stooge
Control
then con1pleted a set procedure that 1vas
designed (it 1vas hoped) to bring about a
feeling of euphoria. He or she dre1v fish on a piece of
scrap paper and then complained that the paper \\135
no good so screwed it up and tried to thro1v it into
the bin, ahvays missing, then trying to make it into a
basketball game to get the true participant involved.
The stooge "'ould then make things such as paper
airplanes and a slingshot from a rubber band to fire
paper across the room, and tried to hula-hoop (all
\vit h ite1ns deliberately left in the room for th is
purpose). If the true participant ever can1e up 1vith
gan1es that the stooge could take part in, he or she
would always do so.
~
Those in the anger group met the stooge in the
sru11e way as the euphoria group. The stooge wd
participant were told that they needed to use the
20 minutes to complete a questionnaire that 1vas
handed to them. Just before beginning, the stooge
1vould tell the participant that it was unfair that tJ1e
experin1enter had not revealed the injection
beforehand and that it is difficult to refuse once
you say yes to a study. At regular points \vhen the
stooge \Vas completing the questionnaire the
individual 1vould raise issues \Vith it. The
first fe\V questions \Vere standard ones
Control
about personal information, what you eat,
TEST YOURSELF
Outline the four conditions used In this study. What
role did the stooge play in euphoria condition?
All four of the injection conditions experienced the
euphoria procedure. Three conditions experienced the
anger procedure (not the Epi Mis).
There 1vere hvo n1easures of emotion collected:
~
Observation - unbekno1vn to participants they \\!ere
being \Vatcbed through a one-1vay 1nirror. The
stooge 1vould engage in 14 standard
Quant
behaviours during the euphoria
condition. For each of these standard
behaviours, the behaviour of the participant \Vas
classified into one or more of four categories: I.
joins in \Vith the activity; 2. Initiates a
Reliable
ne1v activity that the stooge had not
sho1vn; 3. Ignores 1J1e stooge; 4.
Watches the stooge. There 1vas more
than one observer to test for reliability (and they
agreed on 88 per cent of the observations).
~
For the anger condition, behaviour was coded
under six categories: I. Agrees 1vith the stooge;
2. Disagrees 1vith the stooge; 3. Shows neutral
behaviour; 4. Initiates agreement or disagreement
(e.g. says "1 hate this kind of thing" but not as a
response to the stooge); 5. Watches the stooge; 6.
Ignores the stooge.
~
Self-reports - when the session with the stooge
had ended, participants were asked to con1plete a
questionnaire asking then1 about a range of things.
They '"ere asked to rate ho'" angry they felt. ho"'
good or happy they felt and if they felt any of the
"side effects" that they had been led to believe they
might. All of these questions used rating scales.
Participants
A total of 184 1nale students fron1 the University of
Minnesota (introductory psychology class) took part in
the study. Around 90 per cent of students in
Sample
these classes volunteered to be in a subject
pool. They received nvo extra points in their
final exan1 for every hour they took part in an experin1ent.
All participants '"ere cleared by the st·udent health service
to checl< that they 1vould not be banned by the injection.
explained to them that the drug was Suproxin, they
\Vere testing 1vhat effect it could have and that the
procedure was mild and harn1less. Participants \Vere
then asked if they would agree to the injection. Just one
participant refused. After this, a physician entered the
room to give the injection. Depending on
Reliable
the condition that the participant had
been placed in, the procedure follo,ved the
Design section above (e.g. if in the Epi lgn/euphoria
group the procedures reported in the Design section
were follo1ved ).
After participants had co1npleted the questionnaires.
the researchers told them the experiment had no1v
been completed. They explained the deception element
of the study and that it 1vas necessary. lhen they
asked if participants had been suspicious of the stooge
and learned that I J had been very suspicious. These
participants' data were eliminated fron1 the analyses.
Procedure
RESULTS
Participants \Vere told that the study 1vas about the
effects of a vitamin supplen1ent on vision. When they
arrived they were taken to a private room and it 'vas
Table 6.1 shows the average pulse rating and self-rating
of the different Mside effects" per group.
Pre
Post
Palpitation
Tremor
Numbness
Itching
Headache
Euphoria
Ep1 Inf
Epi lgn
Ep1 Mis
Placebo
27
26
26
26
85.7
84.6
82.9
80.4
88.6
85.6
86.0
77.1
1.20
1.83
1.27
0.29
1.43
1.76
2.00
0.24
0
0 15
0.06
0.09
0.16
0
0.08
0
0.32
0.55
0.23
0.27
Anger
Ep1 Inf
Epi lgn
Placebo
23
23
23
85.9
85.0
84.5
92.4
96.8
79.6
1.26
1.44
0.59
1.41
1.78
0.24
0.17
0
0.06
0.06
0.11
0.21
0.06
0
0.14
A Table 6.1 The effects of the injections on bodily state
In all of the epinephrine conditions, pulse rate increased
as expected. Also, those in the epinephrine groups
experienced 1nore palpitations and tremors.
Quant
ln five participants it was clear that the
epinephrine 1vas having no effect whatsoever,
and 1vhile their data is presented above, the statistical
walyses belo'v did not include them.
In tenns of coin paring groups in tern1s of the selfreported emotions, the follo\ving main findings en1erged:
~
Participants in the Epi Inf group '"ere signifi cantly
less euphoric lhw the Epi Mis group.
~
Participants in the Epi Inf group 1vere significantly
less euphoric than the Epi lgn group.
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
'
~
There was no difference benveen the placebo and
Epi .Nlis group on levels of euphoria.
ln terms of behavioural indications of euphoria,
Table 6.2 highlights the average score on an activity
index (how much participants engaged in euphoric
behaviours) and the number of acts they initiated.
None of the groups differed significantly fron1 each
other on these scores but the Epi Inf group sho\ved the
highest levels of self-reported anger. It should also be
noted that behaviourally (through the observation), the
Epi fgn group sho\ved the most overt anger of any group
(on average).
Overall, the follo\ving main findings can be reported:
~
25
0.98
Epi lgn
25
1.78
Epi Mis
28
1.90
Placebo
26
1.61
A Table 6.2 Self-report or emotional state in the euphoria
conditions
As Table 6.2 sho\vS, the Epi Mis group engaged in the
n1ost activities and initiated n1ore behaviours. The only
significant difference was between the Epi Mis and Epi
lnf groups. This could be taken as these participants
choosing to use psychological or behavioural cues to
regulate their behaviours.
For the anger analyses, the research tean1 analysed both
the self-report and behavioural aspects. Ho\\•ever, more
\\•eight \Vas placed on the self-report data. The situation
\vith the stooge generated anger to\vards the researcher
n1ore than anyone else because that person had made
participants complete the questionnaire. Ho\vever, even
the angriest student might refrain from venting this
anger as the researcher would be the person marking
the end of tenn exam. Table 6.3 sho1vs the
Quant average anger score from the self-report per
condition.
22
1.91
Epi lgn
23
1.39
Placebo
23
1.63
A Table 6.3 Self-report of emohonal state in the anger
conditions
When participants had a satisfactory explanation
for their physiological state of arousal they did
not label this state 1vith alternative information
that was available (in this case euphoria or anger).
Those \vho 1vere injected with epinephrine and
were told exactly 1vhat they would feel and \vhy,
did not show heightened levels of that en1otion
(e.g. did not becon1e niore angry). Those who did
not have adequate explanation used the current
situation they were in to ex.plain their heightened
physiological stale.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline three key results from this study. How
useful are they? Could this study be replicated
easily? Why?
CONCLUSION
There are hvo factors involved in our experiences of
en1otions: our physiological arousal or state and the
information or cognitions that help us to understand
the behaviour \Ve feel. These interact and make us feel
different emotions.
EVALUATION
Since Schachter & Singer used a laboratory experiment,
\Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter 1, page 1
and apply them directly to the study:
Strength
Laboratory experiments have high
levels of control and so can be
replicated to test for reliability.
Schachter & Singer had many controls (e.g the set order
of the stooge activities, what the person injecting said and
did, what was injected and how the observations were set
out and categonsed). This means another researcher could
easily replicate this study to test for reliability.
Strength
As laboratory experiments have
high levels of control, researchers
can be more confident it Is the IV
directly affecting the DV.
Again, as there were many controls (e.g. the instructions
given to the four groups and how the stooge behaved),
Schachter & Singer cou ld be confident that it was the
information provided to participants that directly affected
the moods and emotions they reported.
Weakness
Many laboratory experiments make
participants take part in tasks that
are nothing like real-hfe ones so
they lack mundane realism
Being injected with an "unknown" drug then sitting with a
stooge as you attempt to complete a questionnaire 1s not
a usual task in everyday life. Therefore, the study can be
said to be low 1n mundane realism.
AJso, Schachter & Singer can be assessed on ethical issues:
Deception
Participants thought that they were receiving a v1tam1n supplement called Suprox1n
(when 1t was actually eph1nephrine). They also thought that the stooge was another real
participant who had been injected and was completing the quest1onna1res
Protection
Participants were injected, which could have caused physical pain Also, as they were in
situations that could bring about euphona or anger, they were not leaving the study 1n the
same psychological state as they entered.
Other points that can be used to evaluate the study
include these:
~
Use of independent groups: the results may have
been affected by participant variables as they only
took part on one of the conditions.
Design Therefore, participants \Vho were "naturally"
more euphoric or angry could have been in
those particular groups and therefore it was not
ahvays the labelling that \Vas affecting behaviour participant \'ariables could not be controlled for.
~
Volunteers: the sample \vas n1ade up of volunteer
wider population when it conies to
Sample
the effects of cognitive factors on
emotional behaviour. Older adults
may act differentl y as 1nay people fron1 other
cultural backgrounds.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate lhe Schachter & Singer study in terms
of it being a snapshot study and individual
versus s1tualional explanations. You may want to use a
table s1m1iar to that used for the laboratory experiment
evalualion.
students " 'hich may not be representative of a
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Exam centre
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Paper 2
1. Outline ho\v quantitative data \vere collected
Paper 1
1. Name the four conditions in the
Schachter & Singer study.
(4 marks)
2. Outline two controls that Schachter & Singer
used in their study.
(4 marks)
3. Identify two behaviours the stooge sho,ved
in the anger condition in the Schachter &
Singer study.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Schachter & Singer study in terms
(10 marks)
of one strength and one \veakness.
in Schachter & Singer study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline ho\v the Schachter & Singer study \vas
from the ph)1siological approach.
(3 marks)
3. To what extent are the findings of the Schachter &
Singer study useful to society?
(10 111arks)
CORE STUDY 6.2
Dement & Kleitnzan ( l 957)
CONTEXT
The topics of sleep and drean1ing are clearly hard to
investigate because the participant is necessarily asleep
and so cannot comn1unicate with the researcher. Even
\\•hen participants are a\vake, only self-report data
can be obtained about dream content and these alone
might not be valid, as they are subjective. The study
of sleep and dreaming becan1e more scientifically
rigorous \Vith the invention of physiological
techniques to measure brain activity that indicated
dreaming (the electro-encephalograph, or EEG) and
allo\ved the electrical recording of eye niove1nents (the
electro-ocuJogrrun, or EOG) rather than Lheir direct
observation. These techniques \Vere used by Den1ent
& KJeilman to trace the cyclical changes that occur
in brain activity and eye moven1ents during a night's
sleep. The cycle alternates behveen a stage in "'hich
there are eye movements, and several stages during
1vh ich Lhere are none.
In the dream or rapid eye n1oven1ent (REM) sleep
stage, our eyes n1ove under the lids (hence "rapid eye
n1ove1nent"). In Aserinsk'Y & Kleitman's (1955) study,
participants 1voken fron1 this stage 1\lere n1ore likely to
report a vivid, visual drean1, than participants 1\loken
fro1n non-rapid eye movement (nREM) sleep. NonREM sleep can be broken do1vn into four stages (I to 4),
of \Vhich I is the lightest ruid 4 the deepest.
REN! sleep resembles 1vakefulness in so1ne 1vays:
our eyes move, 1ve often experience vivid (if bizarre)
thoughts in the form of dreams, and our brains are
active. Ho1vever, in other ways it is very different fro1n
\Vakefulness: we are quite difficult to wake up, 1ve
are fairly insensitive to external stin1uli, and 1ve are
paralysed. As REM sleep presents these contradictions,
it is also kno1vn as paradoxical sleep.
An electro-encephaJograph (EEG) detects ru1d records
tiny electrical changes associated \Vith nerve and
n1uscle activity. The EEG machine produces a chart (an
encephalogram) that shows brain "raves (see Figure 6.1 ).
These change 1vith the frequency and amplitude (i.e.
the "height': \vhich indicates the voltage) of electrical
output from the brain over time. in REM sleep, the EEG
is relatively lo1v voltage, high amplitude. Non-REM sleep
has either high voltage and slow (low an1plit ude) waves,
or frequent "sleep spindles': which are short-lived highvoltage, high-frequency 1vaves.
.A Figure 6.1 Measures such as frequency and amplitude of
brain waves measured with an EEG are ratio scales.
Modern EEG machines are entirely computerised,
whereas Dement and Kleitman's EEG bad continuously
running paper. The faster the paper moved, the 1nore
detail could be recorded. The paper \Vas usually 1noving
at 3m1n or 6mm per second, although a faster speed of
3cm per second 1vas used for de tailed analysis.
To ren1en1ber the n1eaning of EEG it can help to break
the word down:
;, electro (electric)
;, en cephalo (in bead)
;, graph (1vriting).
The same EEG electrodes and machine can also be
used to record eye n1ovements. The output - called an
electro-oculogra111 (EOG) - indicates the presence or
absence of eye 111oven1ents, their size and their direction
(horizontal or vertical).
ASK YOURSELF
Do you remember your dreams? Do you always
remember certain types of dream?
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
AIM
To investigate dreaming in an objective \vay by looking
for relationships benveeo eye movements in sleep and
the dreamer's recaU. These included whether dream recall
differs between REM and nRENI sleep, \vhether there is a
positive correlation bet\veen subjective cstin1ates of dream
duration and the length of the REM period and whether
eye-moven1ent patterns are related to drcarn content.
METHOD
This study included several laboratory investigations
\Vith different designs. Three specific approaches were
used to test the three aims:
/!> 1·0 tesl whether dream recall differs bet \Veen REM
and nREM sleep: participants were woken either
in REM or nREM, but were not lold which stage
of sleep they had been in prior to \vaking. They
continued \vhether they had been having a dream
and, if so, described the content into a recorder.
/!> To test \Vhether subjective estimates of dream
duration are related to the length of the REM
period: participants were woken following either
5 or LS minutes in REtvt sleep. 111ey \vere asked
to choose whether they though t they had been
drean1ing for 5 or 15 niinutes. Longer REM periods
\Vere also tested. Again, they gave a report of dream
content and the number of \vords in the dream
narrative was counted.
/!> To test \vhether eye-n1ovement panerns represent the
visual experience of the dream content or \vhether
they are simply random movements arising from
the activation of the central nervous system during
dream sleep: the direction of e)•e niovements \ V3S
detected using electrodes around the eyes (EOG).
Participants \Vere woken after exhibiting a single
eye-movement pattern for longer than one minute.
Again, they were asked to report their dream.
Design
Den1ent & Kleitman described this series of studies as
experiments. Approach I \Vas a natural experiment in a
. . . . . laboratory setting and approach 2 \vas a true
experin1ent, with each participant being tested
-.i
in both conditions, i.e. they used a repeated
measures design. Approach 2 also included
a correlation:
Design
/!> Approadl l: the levels of the IV \Vere REM sleep/
non-REM sleep and the DV was \vhether a dream
was reported and, if so, the detail.
/!> Approach 2: the data were used in both
experi rnentaJ and correlational designs.
Experimental analysis: the levels of the IV "'ere \vaking
after 5 or 15 n1inutes, and the DV \vas the participants
choice of 5 or 15 minutes.
Correlational analysis: the t\vo variables \"ere the
participant's tin1e estinlate and the number of words in
the dre-,un narrative.
/!> Approach 3: the IV of eye-moven1ent pattern type
could not be manipulated by the researchers, so
this was also a natural experin1ent (conducted in
a laboratory). 111e DV \ Vas the report of drearn
content.
Participants
Nine adult participants \Vere used in this study (seven
male and t\VO female). Four of these \Vere niainly used
to confirm the data from five \vho were studied in
detail 111ose studied i11 detail spent between 6 and 17
nights in the laboratory and were tested \vith 50- 77
a'"akenings. Those used to confirm the findings stayed
only one or t\vo nights and were awoken bel\veen four
and ten times in total. Each participant \vas identified
by a pair of initials.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline how the three approaches 1n this study
were d esigned.
Procedure
During the daytime prior to arrival at the laboratory,
participants ate normally (excluding drinks containing
alcohol or caffeine). They arrived at the
EcoV
laboratory just before their normal bedtime
and \Vere fined \Vith electrical recording
apparatus. This included electrodes anached near the
eyes (to record eye movements) and on the scalp (to
record brain waves). Once the participant was in bed in
a quiet, dark room, wires fron1 the electrodes (which fed
to the EEG in the experimenter's room) were gathered
into a "pony tail" from the person's head, to
Control allo\v freedom of movement. The EEG ran
continuously through the night to monitor
the participant's sleep stages and to inforn1 the
experimenters \vhen the participant should be \voken
up. Participants \vere \voken by a doorbell that \\'llS loud
enough to rouse then1 fron1 any sleep stage. This meant
that the experin1enter did not have to enter the rooms
to \vake participants, and thus they \Vere alJ treated in
exactly the sanie \vay. The doorbell \vas rung at various
times during the night and participants indicated
\vhether they had been dreaming prior to being \voken
and, if so, described their dream into a voice recorder.
They then returned to sleep (typically \vithin live
minutes). Occasionally, the experin1enter entered the
roon1 after the participant had fi nished speaking, in
order to ask questions. When the narrative was
analysed, it was considered to be a drean1 only if it
\Vas a coherent, fairly detailed description of the
content (i.e. vague, fragmentary in1pressions were not
scored as dreams).
The patterns of REM and nREM \vakings differed
bel\,•een different participants, \vhose initials are
used here. For PM and KC, \vakings \vere determined
randomly to elinlinate any possibility of an
unintentional pattern. \VD \Vas treated in the same \vay,
although he was told that he would be \voken only from
drean1 sleep. ON \Vas \\•oken in a repeating pattern of
three REM follo\ved by three nREM a\\•akenings. The
\vaking of JR from REM or nREM \vas chosen by the
experin1enter.
RESULTS
Quantitative and qualitative data we re gathered in
response to approaches l and 2. Only qualitative data
were gathered for approach 3.
Results for approach 1
Does dream recall differ bet\veen REM and
nREM sleep?
Participants described drearns often \vhen \voken in
REM but rarely from nREM sleep (although there
\vere some individual differences). This pattern \vas
consistent over the night. When a\vakened from
nRfilil, participants tended to describe feelings (e.g.
pleasantness, anxiety, detachment) but this did not
relate to specific drea1n content.
Table 6.4 sbo\vs dream recall following
wakings from REtvl and non-REM sleep.
Sleep stag,e
(level of IV)
Number of limes
participants reported the
presence or absence of
a dream (DV)
REM-sleep
awakenings
Quant
Non-REM-sleep
awakenings
Dream No Dream
recall recall recall
recall
39
149
152
No
11
A Table 6.4 Instances of dream recall following waking from
REM and non-REM sleep
Waking patten1 did not affect recall. Specifically, WO
was no less accurate despite being 1nisled, and DN was
no more accurate even though he niight have guessed
the pattern of \vakings. Recall of dreams during nREM
sleep \vas much more likely \Vhen the participant \vas
\voken soon after the end of a REM stage.
So, Rfil..l and nRE~l sleep differ as the vivid, visual
dreams are reported only from \vaking during, or a
short tin1e after, REM sleep.
Results for approach 2
Are subjective estimates of dream duration related to
the length of the REM period?
lnitiaUy, the researchers had atte1npted to \vake
participants after various REM durations to ask them to
estimate these. Although participants'
responses weren't \vUdly \vrong, the task was Quant
too difficult. When asked instead whether
they had been in REM sleep for 5 or IS n1inu tes,
participants responded more accurately. TI1ey were
88 per cent and 78 per cent accurate respectively for
5- or 15-minute REN! durations (see Figure 6.2).
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
I•
Right •
Wrong
I
~
Cl)
.c ~ 40+-- c
2,.E 30 - i - - -
GI -
-r
E
~
Ch
c
g
20-1-----
.s;;;
10+--
... «I
0
GI
Q-1--
after 5 minutes
after 15 minutes
Total (for 5 participants)
& Figure 6.2 Accuracy of dream-length estimations
after 5 or 15 minutes of REM sleep
Although niost of the participants \Vere highly accurate
(with only 0- 3 incorrect responses), one 1vas not.
Participant DN frequently found he could recall only the
end of his dream, so it seen1ed shorter than it actually
\vas. Therefore, he consistently underestimated drean1
duration, often choosing S rninutes instead of JS. This
meant he was accurate on short REM estimates (making
only t\vo errors over ten 'vakings), but inaccurate after
IS minutes' ofREtv! (making five errors over ten "·akings).
Using REM periods over a range of durations, narratives
fron1 IS2 dreams 1vere collected. However, 26 of these
could not be used as they 1vere too poorly
Quant
recorded for accurate transcription. For the
ren1aining dreains (15- 35 per participant) the
nun1ber of words in the drean1 narrative was counted.
Even though this 1vas affected by ho1v expressive the
participllllt was, a significant positive correlation 1vas
found bet"'een REM duration and number of 1vords in
the narrative. The values varied bet1veen 0.4 and 0.71 for
different participants.
Dream narratives for very long durations (e.g. 30 or
SO minutes) were not much longer than those for
15 niinutes. Participants did report, however, that they
felt as though they had been drean1ing for a long tin1e,
suggesting that they could not recall the early pai·t of
the dreain.
Results for approach 3
Do eye nioven1ent patterns in REtv! sleep represent the
visual experience of the dream?
The researchers found that participants' narratives
1\fere not sufficiently accurate to be matched exactly
to the changes in eye-movement patterns over the
length of a REM sleep period. Instead, participants
1vere woken after periods of specific eye-rnovement
patterns (vertical, horizontal, both of these or little
1noven1ent).
Three of the nine participants sho\\fed periods of
predon1inantly vertical eye movements, and each 1vas
allied to a narrative about vertical movement.
In one, the participant dreamed about standing Qual
at the foot of a tall cliff, using a hoist (a kind of
winch or pulley). The person reported looking
up at climbers at various levels on the cliff, and down
at the hoist machinery. A single dream follo\ved
predon1inantly horizontal niovements. Here, the
participant reported dreaining about two people
thro1\ling ton1atoes at each other.
On ten occasions participants 1vere 1voken after little
or no eye niovement. Here, they reported either
watching something in the distance or staring 1••ith
their eyes fixed on a single object. In tlvo cases,
participants had been dreaming about driving. Their
eyes had been very still, then made several sudden
movements to the left just before being 1voken up. One
participant reported a pedestrian standing on the left
who hailed hin1 as he drove by, and the other had been
startled by a speed ing car appearin g to his left as he
arrived at a junction.
There were 2 l wakings follo\\liog n1ixed eye n1ove1nents.
In these instances, participants reported looking at
people or objects nearby (rather than far a1vay) - e.g. in
fighting or talking to a group of people.
Dement & Kleitn1an also recorded the eye movements
of people 1vhen they \Vere a1vake (including the five
original participants and some other, na'ive ones). These
findings confirmed that, when a\vake, our eyes are
relatively stable 1vhen 1ve are focused on objects in the
distance, and sho1\I n1ovements of similar amplitude to
when we are drea1ning of vie1ving nearby objects (i.e.
many small but frequent and predon1inantly horizontal
movements). Fe1\I vertical movements 1vere recorded
except 1vhen the experimenter thre1v a ball in the air for
participants to \\'atch (and 1vhen they blinked).
Time of waking after REM stage
Within 8 minutes After 8 minutes
Number of wakings
conducted
17
132
Number of dreams
recalled
5
6
Percentage of
occasions on which
dreams recalled
29
is more likely at this time. Earlier research found that
drean1s did not occur every night.111is study suggests
three possible explanations for this difference:
(a) If previous recordings 1vere not continuous, they
may have failed to "catch" instances of dream
sleep in every participant (if short REM periods
occurred bet1veen sampling intervals).
(b) Equipment might not have detected small eye
5
A Table 6.5 Number of dreams recalled following wakings
from nREM sleep after an REM stage
Table 6.5 sho1vs that 1vhen woken fron1 nREM sleep,
participants returned ton REM and the next REN[ stage
was not delayed. When woken fron1 RENI
quant sleep, participants generally did not dream
again un til the next REM phase.
TEST YOURSELF
Oulline rour different results from this study.
movements.
(c) Participants in 1vho1n no dreaming "'as
identified rnight have had dreams that led to fe1v
eye n1oven1ents, such as those about distant or
static objects.
2. lt is often believed that drean1s happen in an instant.
If the length of REM periods is proportional to
subjective estin1ates, this 1vou ld help to confirn1
that the hvo are related and would provide son1e
inforn1ation about the rate at 1vhid1 drean1ing
progresses. "lhe findi11g that the length of an REM
period and its esti1nation by the participant are very
similar shows that dreams are not instantaneous
events but rather they are experienced in "real time~
3. Eye movements during REM sleep correspond to
CONCLUSIONS
Dement & Kleitman drew three main conclusions from
this study, one in relation to each approach:
1. Dreams probably (although not certainly) occur only
during REM sleep, 1vhich occurs regularly throughout
each night's sleep. Dreams reported when 1voken from
nREM sleep are ones from previous REM episodes. A.s
the REM phases are longer later in the night, dreaming
where, and at 1vhat, the dreamer is looking in the
dream. This suggests that eye moven1ents are not
simply random events caused by the activation of
the central nervous system during drean1 sleep, but
are directly related to dream imagery. Furthem1ore,
they correspond in amplitude and pattern to those
\Ve experience \Vhen a\vake.
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. ......
CHAPTER
6:;'1=?1-t)'SIOLOGICAL
PSYCHOLOGY
,. ....
... ..
·,····"'''"'•~~.
,
~
EVALUATION
Since Dement & Kleitman used a laboratory experiment, we can use the general
evaluations from Chapter I, page I and apply them directly to the study:
Strength
Laboratory experiments have high
levels of control and so can be
replicated to test for reliability
Dement & Kle1tman controlled many variables (e.g. pre-study
levels of caffeine and alcohol, the doorbell sound, the EEG
monitoring). This means that another researcher could easily
rephcate this study to test 1t for rehab1hly
Strength
As laboratory experiments have
high levels of control, researchers
can be more confident It is the IV
directly affecting the DV.
The high level of control of variables (see above) meant
that for each part of the experiment. Dement & Kle1tman
could confidently conclude cause and effect (e.g. that
dream recall is affected by stage or sleep).
Weakness
As laboratory experiments take
place in an artificial setting, it is
said that they can lack ecological
validity.
Participants had lo sleep In an artlficlal setting (in a
laboratory. with electrodes on their head) Therefore, the
study has low ecological validity.
Weakness
Many laboratory experiments make
participants take part in tasks that
are nothing like real-life ones so
they lack mundane realism.
Being woken up and then asking to recall dream content
or estimate dream length is not a normal activity for
people. Therefore. the study lacks mundane realism.
Other points that can be used to evaluate the study include these:
I> Generalisability: only five people were studied "in
detail" and four more used to confirm the findings.
This could make it difficult to generalise
. . . . beyond the sample of people because of the
sample si.ze. These five + four people may not
represent a \vide cross-section of society in terms of
ho\v we dream and what we drean1 about.
l!M
I> Reductionisn1: the findings are all based around
biological mechanisn1s affecting our dreaming
state. Some psychologists 1nay see this as being
reductionist as there are psychological
mechanisms that could be affecting
dream content.
Reduct
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate the Dement & Kle1tman study in terms
of it being a snapshot study and that it collected
quantitative and q ualitative data. You may want lo use a
table similar to that used for the laboratory experiment.
Exam centre
Try the follO\\ling exam-style questions.
Paper 1
1. Outline two aims of the Den1ent & Kleitman
study.
2. Outline one quantitative finding of the
Dement & Kleitman study.
(4 marks)
(2 marks)
3. Evaluate the Dement & Kleitman study in terms of
one strength and one weakness.
(10 marks)
Paper 2
1. Outline h0\\1 qualitative data \\/ere collected in the
Dement & Kleitman study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline h0\\1 the Dement & Kleitman study is
testing the physiological approach to psychology.
(3 marks)
3. Redesign the Den1ent & Kleitrnan study using selfreport as the research niethod.
(I 0 rnarks)
4. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of laboratory
experiments using the Dement & Kleitman study
as an example.
(10 marks)
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
CORE STUDY 6.3
1'\lfaguire, Fracko1t1iak & Frith (I 997)
CONTEXT
Psychologists conducting research about memory
are finding that different types of memory system
arc located in different parts of the brain. One of
these men1ory system has only recently begun to
be studied: topographical 1ncn1ory, which consists
of n1ernories that alJO\V us lo navigate and find
our way around familiar environn1cnts. Thinking
of a rou te you take qui te ofte n \Vi th all of the
landmarks that you pass activales topographical
1ne rnories. If lhe route has son1e rneaning to you
it is called a topograph ical semantic 1nen1ory. As
you are visualising your roule, you a.re using what
psychologists call a cognitive map - a "mental rnap"
that helps you visualise yo ur route before you embark
on your journey. It also allows yo u to recollect your
route after your journey and you rnay add to it if a
ne\v landmark becomes part of the route. All of this
takes place in you r brain and until this study little
'vas kno"'O about \vhich specific arca(s) of the brain
allo"' you to use cognitive maps. remember routes or
visualise a route from A to B even though you never
have travelled that route before - the latter is 1\lhat
taxi drivers do on a regular basis.
METHOD
Design
Participants had to complete six tasks. Each task 1vas
performed hvice. Five 1vere relevant to the current
study. It was a repeated n1easures design
Design
\Vith all participants cornpleting all tasks
(counterbalanced too). The 1vhole design
was a 2 x 2 design \vith topographical/non-topographical
being factor 1 and sequencing/non-sequencing being
factor 2. Table 6.6 sho1vs the set-up.
T-
T-
routes
fi lm plots
famous landmarks
film frames
s+
S-
A Table 6.6 T+ mears it is testing topographical: S - means
ASK YOURSELF
How do you lind your way home or to some other
place? Do you use landmarks or visualise the
route?
AIM
it is testing non-seqverc1ng
These were t11e five tasks:
1. Describe the shorlest route bet1veen a starting
point and a destination in the City of London.
(Topographical and sequencing.)
2 . Describe a landtnark known to the ta.xi drivers (all
To investigate: 1vhelher the re arc specific brain regions
that are responsible for se111an tic topographical
n1emory (in this Sludy, routes that had been or could
be used by laxi drivers in London); 1vhether there
'vere brain functioning differences betlveen tasks
that involved topographical or non-topographical
n1en1ories; and if these t1vo types of memories 1vere
affected by 1vhether the memory 1vas a sequence of
logical events or not.
world-famous ones) in terms of features, appearance,
etc. (Topographical and non-sequencing.)
3. Describe the plot of a film (fan1iliar to the
participant) bet,veen two given points in the film.
(Non-topographical and sequencing.)
4. Describe individual frarnes of sorne famous films
(familiar to the participant) - not the plot but the
imagery, characters, etc. (Non-topographical and
non-sequencing.)
5. Repeat t\\'O sets of four-digit nun1bers (this was a
baseline task so this sin1ple level of activity could be
con1pared to that seen in the other four tasks.)
All of the tasks 1vere completed verbally, 1vith the
participant blindfolded and 1vhile the participant 1vas
undergoing a positron emission to1nography
'
Control
(PET) brain scan. These types ofscan allo1v
psychologists to see in real time 1vbich
section(s) of the brain are active during specific tasks. Each
participant, through a forearm cannula, received a H/ 50
intravenous bolus over a 20-second period
Control
follo1ved by a 20-second saline flush. This
happened 12 times per participant.
drivers had shO\\•n the research tea1n exactly when to
present each sti1nulus iten1 per task (so the maxin1um
information could be extracted from the
Reliable
PET scan in1ages). Each participant
performed the tasks in a different order
and so co1npleted a total of 12 tasks. Every task lasted
90 seconds and there \\las an 8-minute gap bet1veen
each task. Once all tasks 1vere completed, each
participant 1\las debriefed. An MRI scan of the brain
was also taken for each taxj driver.
I
Prior to the experin1ental tasks, participants had to
co1nplete a questionnaire that asked about:
1. the areas of London that they 1vere familiar 1vith
2 . films that they thought they were "very fa1niliar
1vith" fro1n a list of 150 filn1s from J939 to the
present day
3. 1vhich of201vorld-famous landmarks they could
RESULTS
There \Vas no difference in the a1nounl of speech
recorded for the four n1ain tasks so no task den1anded
more of participants than the other tasks. When
recalling a route in London, there were very few
differences in routes chosen by participants. Below
are the regions of the brain activated during each task
compared to baseline:
visualise in their n1ind's eye and had visited.
From this inforn1ation, the research tean1chose1vhich
taxi routes they 1vanted them to describe and which film
plots and famous landmarks were used
Extrastriate regions,
medial parietal lobe,
posterior c1ngulate cortex.
parahippocamal gyrus and
nght h1ppocampus
~ TEST YOURSELF
V
Outline two controls that were used in the study
How easy would 1t be to replicate this study? Why?
Landmarks
Posterior c1ngulated cortex,
medial parietal lobe,
occ1pito-lemporal region and
parahippocampal gyrus
Films
Left frontal regions. middle
temporal gyrus, left angular
gyrus
Participants
A total of 11 right-handed qualified and licensed male
taxi drivers took part in the study. Their average age was
45 years and none of then1 had any history of
neurological illness. The average time they had spent
being a London taxi driver 1vas 14.55 years
Sample
(+I- 12 years). The shortest tune any
participant had been a taxi driver was three
years. All participants gave infonned consent prior to
taking part. All volunteered to take part.
Procedure
After the questionnaires had been completed about
familiar routes, landmarks and films, each participant
under1vent a PET scan. A pilot study using non-taxi
The cerebellu1n was activated in all tasks compared
to baseline. 1he major difference bet1veen the
topograph ical tasks was that the right hippocan1pus
clearly played a role in the sequencing aspect of
topographical me1nories as this 1vas only ever activated
during the route in London task.
TEST YOURSELF
What were the main findings of this study? How
valid are these findings?
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
CONCLUSION
hippocampus had a strong role sequential
route planning. 1his see1ns to store information
about routes in a sequence, especially those
that have developed over a longer period
of time.
The regions of Lhe brain used in semantic
topographical memories are similar to those
used in previous studies. In particular, the right
EVALUATION
Since Maguire, Fracko\\•iak & Frith used a laboratory
experin1enl, we can use the general evaluations from
Chapter l, pages 1-2 and apply them directly to the study:
Strength
Laboratory experiments have high
levels of control and so can be
replicated to test for reliability.
There were many controls (e.g. lhe pilot questionnaire, the
routes chosen to describe, the landmarks). The study could
easily be replicated to test for rellabll1ty.
Strength
As laboratory experiments have
high levels of control, researchers
can be more confident it is the IV
directly affecting the DV.
As there were many controls, the researchers can be
confident that it is the type of task that directly affects
participants' brain function.
Weakness
As laboratory expenments take
place 1n an art1f1c1al setting, it 1s
said that they can lack ecological
validity.
Undergoing a PET scan in an artif1c1al environment is not
something taxi dnvers usually do. Therefore, the study
lacks ecological validity.
Weakness
Many laboratory experiments make
participants take part in tasks that
are nothing like real-life ones so
they lack mundane realism.
Being blindfolded while descnb1ng a route verbally during
a PET scan is not a task taxi drivers usually perform.
Therefore, the study lacks mundane realism.
There could be son1e evaluation based around
generalisations:
;. A strenb>th could be that as the study \Vas testing
out physiological 1nechanisms, the results could be
generalisable to a \vider population as we all have
the same brain regions explored in this study (e.g.
right hippoca1npus).
;. Ho,vever, as the sample \Vas restrictive in terms of
den1ographics (only London taxi-drivers), it could
be argued that the role of the right hippocampus in
sequential topographical men1ories might
only be crucial in taxi drivers. 111e same
might not be true for other route tinders
(e.g. pilots or people trekking).
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study in terms of 11 using
repeated measures and then again In terms of
reductionism. You may want to use a table similar to that
used for the laboratory experiment evaluation.
Exam centre
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the .Nlaguire, Fracko\\liak & Frith study,
identify two of the tasks that taxi drh•ers
had to co1nplete.
(2 marks)
2. Outline two controls that Maguire,
Fracko\\liak & Frith used in their study. (4 marks)
3. ldentify two features of tJ1e sample used in tile
Maguire, FrackO\\liak & Frith study.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Nlaguire, FrackO\\liak & Frith study in
terms of one strength and one \veakness. (10 marks)
Paper 2
1. Outline ho\v quantitative data \vere collected in
the Maguire, FrackO\\•iak & Frith study. (3 marks)
2. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of using
a repeated measures design using Maguire,
Frackovviak & Frith as an example.
( l 0 marks)
3. To \vhat extent are the findings of the
Maguire, Fracko,viak & Frith useful in
( I 0 1narks)
everyday life?
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
CORE STUDY 6.4
Demntte, 6sterba11er & Spence (2007)
CONTEXT
Psychologists have been studying attraction for years,
focusing on facial attracti veness and social reasons as
to why people becon1e attracted to each other. Findings
from a range of studies have indicated that there are
individual differences in '"hat people see and find
"attractive" but also some common features such as
facial symmetry. However, \vhen looking at courtship in
other species, olfactory cues (smells) have been sho,vn
to be very important in "attraction:· So, is it the same in
humans? Con1pared to n1any other species, our ability
to detect sn1ells is limited (the Jacobson's Organ helps
detect sn1ells and \Ve have a small Jacobson's Organ in
relation to our body size) but research has sho\vn that
\vhen "'e do detect smells they play a role in \Vhether
1ve find something attractive or not. In addition, these
"sn1ells" are more important for \VOrnen finding a mate
attractive than men.
ASK YOURSELF
How much do smells affect your
perception or
people and places? Are there certain smells that
you find "attractive" and "unat1raclive"?
as a result. The research team chose a total
Snap
of20 faces labelled high attractiveness and
20 labelled lo1v attractiveness. Four odours
1vere chosen for the study: synthetic body odour, a n1ale
fragrance called Gravity, geraniun1 and rubber. A pilot
study confirn1ed that the Gravity and
Reliable
geraniun1 sn1ells 1vere pleasant and the
body odour and rubber 111ere unpleasant.
A cornputer-controlled olfactometer \I/as used to deliver
the odours. They \vere diluted as follows to ensure I.hat
none had a n1ore intense sn1ell than the
Design
others: body odour 0.33 per cent, geranium
LO per cent, Gravity 0.5 per cent and rubber
l.2 per cent (this \Vas confirmed via the pilot study).
The design was a repeated measures experiment (\vithin
participants). Each session consisted of 3 block.~ of 40
randon1ised trials (so each participant had lo complete
120 trials in total). Every face was presented three tirnes,
once with a pleasant odour, once \Vith an unpleasant
odour and once \llitb dean aiL The research learn
counterbalanced the combinations of face and odour by
creating four subgroups often faces (five attractive and
five less attractive) matched for mean att ractiveness and
these faces \Vere presented, randomly, as follO\VS:
1. ten 1vith clear air, geranium and body odour
2. ten \Vith clean air, Gravity and rubber
3. ten wi th clear air, geranium and rubber
4. ten with clean air, Gravity and body odour.
AIM
To investigate 1vhether the perceived attractiveness of
faces is affected by olfactory cues. Specifically, the study
investigated \vb ether a pleasant or an unpleasant smell
1vould affect judgments of facial attractiveness.
METHOD
Design
Forty male faces 1vere chosen fron1 an established
database (all 1vere pictures I3an \vide and l 7cm high). All
had been assessed already for attractiveness many times
and were labelled high, medium or lo\v attractiveness
The san1e odour 1vas never presented in consecutive trials.
The 1vhole experin1ent lasted for SO rninutes per participant
Participants
Sixteen fema le participants from the University of
Oxford took part in the study. They had a mean age
of 26 years (ranging from 20 to 34). None of the111
knew the purpose of the study. All \Vere asked to
complete a con fidential questionnaire l o ensure that
they had a norrnal sense of smell, had no history of
any olfactory disorders and had normal vision or
corrected-to-normal vision (e.g. 1vore glasses). All of
this 1vas necessary to ensure that no variables other
than odour could be affecting their perception of
attractiveness.
Procedure
The order of events \Vas as follo\vs:
Each participant sat on a chair that \Vas 70cm from a
computer screen. A chin rest \Vas used keep
the person's head stable. Figure 6.3 sho\vs the
EcoV
order of events for one trial.
1. Participants \Vere told to look at a
Reliable
cross on the screen.
2. They \Vere told to exhale as soon as they heard a
quiet tone.
a
Key
100ms
Clean air
Quiet tone
200ms
I
a
1 500ms
.. ~ Loud tone
.. , 200ms
a
Odour presentation
a
Loudspeaker
5000ms
a
1 OOOms
.. Face presentation
.. 500ms
a
2000ms
a
until response
a
10000ms
Figure 6.3 Order or ewnts
3. They \Vere told to in hale through the nostrils as
soon as they heard a loud tone.
4. SOOms after they had perfonned step 3, one of the
four odours (or clean air) \Vas delivered.
5. Participants had to decide if an odour had been
presented or not.
6 . l 000111s after the odour had been delivered, the cross
disappeared on the n1onitor and a face appeared for
S001ns. When the face disappeared any odour that
\Vas being delivered was replaced with clean air.
7. The screen then turned black for 2 OOOn1s then
participants were presented with a 9-point rating
scale. They had to rate the face for attractiveness
(I being least attractive and 9 being most attractive).
8. As soon as the response had been logged, the fixation
cross reappeared I 0 OOOms before the next trial began.
9. There \Vas a rest period of 5 minutes after each block
of 40 trials.
At the end of each session, participants had
Quant
to rate each odour on three dimensions
(intensity, pleasantness and familiarity).
They used a labelled magnitude scale (LMS) - a line
with 0 at one end and I 00 at the other for then1 to
mark \vith a pen \Vhere their response lay. The order of
presentation of the scale and the odou r \vas randon1ised
between participants.
TEST YOURSELF
Whal was the sample used In this study? How was
the attractiveness or the laces rated ? Whal were
the two "pleasant odours" used in the study?
RESULTS
Table 6.7 shows the mean attractiveness
ratings across all odours.
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Quant
CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
CONCLUSION
Statistical analysis showed thal faces \Vere rated less
attractive \vhen an unpleasant odour was presented
compared to a pleasant odour. Ho\vever, there was
no significant difference in attractiveness ratings for
pleasant odours compared to clean air.
It appears that olfactory cues can regulate perception of
facial attractiveness. Participants consistently rated faces
as less attractive '"hen presented \\Tith an
Ind vs Sit
unpleasant odour.
When the scores for both pleasant odours and
both unpleasant odours \Vere merged, the average
ratings for attractiveness \\lere as follo\\•S:
Quant clean air (4.90), pleasant odou rs (4.85) and
unpleasant odours (4.42).
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
The researchers chose to use a laboratory
expenment for this study. Redesign the study as a
case study of one participant lnelude who will be taking
parl, what design deciSIOns you need to make, how you
\Viii run the study. and when and where 11 will take place.
The LMS data sho\ved that the pleasant and unpleasant
odours \\lere n1ore intense than clean air (as expected).
The unpleasant odours \Vere indeed rated less pleasant
than the pleasant odours.
TEST YOURSELF
Describe the sludy lo a friend or Family member
In Lerms of a brief aim, what lhe researchers did,
what the key findings were and whal it all means.
Quant
'
Facial attractiveness Odour
Clean air
Mean (SD)
Geranium
High
5. 70 (0.21)
5.40 (0.23)
Low
4.10 (0.16)
4.06 (0.20)
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Body odour
Gravity
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Rubber
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5.73 (0.24)
5.39 (0.21)
4.96 (0.25)
4.15 (0.20)
3.64 (0.21)
3. 72 (0.23)
.A Table 6.7 Mean attractiveness ratings
EVALUATION
Since Dematte, Osterbaucr & Spence a laboratory experiment, we can
use the general evaluations from Chap ter I, pages 1- 2 and apply
then1 direc tl y to the study:
Strength
Laboratory experiments have high
levels of control and so can be
replicated to test for reliability.
Controls for this study include the pre-rating of races for
attractiveness, the odour concentrations and the tnals •
standardised presentation. Therefore. the study could be
replicated to test for reliable results (e.g. using a different
sample).
The standardised procedure including the delivery of the
different smells means the researchers can be confident
it was the odour presented that affected the ratings of
attractiveness.
Strength
As laboratory experiments have high
levels of control, researchers can
be more confident it is the IV directly
affecting the DV.
Weakness
The setting was artificial as participants sat on a chair with
As laboratory expenments take
place in an artificial setting. it is said their chin on a chin rest
that they can lack ecological validity.
Weakness
Having an odour released near your face and then having
Many laboratory experiments can
make participants take part 1n tasks to rate a picture on attractiveness is not something that
thal are nothing like real-life ones so would happen 1n everyday life.
they lack mundane realism.
Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence collected quantitative data only.
This also has strengths and weaknesses:
Evaluation
General evaluation (quantitative data)
Related to Dematte, bsterbauer & Spence
Strength
The data are objective and can be analysed
statistically to draw conclusions from them.
The ratings g iven by participants were numerical
(on a scale of 1 9) so averages could be
calculated to show the difference between the
attractiveness ratings per odour presented.
Strength
As the data are numerical, comparison and
statistical analysis are easier (e.g. the average
score of two different groups can easily
be compared so there 1s very little bias or
misinterpretation.
The ratings were given by participants and
analysed for a mean score per presented odour.
There was no room for misinterpretation of
results or drawing the wrong conclusion. This
made comparisons easy.
Weakness
Numencal data miss out on valuable
information If the answer 1s simply yes;no
or on a rating scale we do not know why
part1c1pants chose the answer they did.
The researchers do not know lhe reasoning
behind participants' ratings of the faces so lose
some nch detail that could have been collected
via qualitative data.
Weakness
Social desirability and/or demand
characteristics can affect quantitative data as
it Is simply a number that is recorded.
Some participants may have worked out the aim
of the study and recorded rallngs that fitted in
with the study aims (demand characteristics), e.g.
they may have rated faces more attractive when
pleasant odours were delivered because they felt
that was expected. This reduces the validity of
the study.
This is another point that can be used to evaluate the study:
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Use of repeated rneasures rneans Lhat any
participant variables have been controlled for.
This is because all participants rated all pictures
under unpleasant odour, pleasant odour and clean
air conditions. This controlled for things such as
personal viev1s on attractiveness.
Ho\vever, as they did rate all pictures under
unpleasant odour, pleasant odour and clean air
conditions, participants n1ay have been able to work
out the ain1 of the study and give rati ngs based on that
rather than their O\Vn personal judgments (demand
characteristics). This reduces the validity of the study.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study in terms or 1t being a
snapshot study. You may want lo use a table like
those used for the laboratory experiment and quanmat1ve
data evaluatt0ns.
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CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Exam centre
Try the following exa1n-style questions.
Paper 1
1. In the Oen1atte, Osterbauer & Spence study, \vhat
\Vere the pleasant odours?
(2 marks)
2. Outline two controls that Dematte, Osterbauer &
Spence used in their study.
(4 marks)
3. Identify two features of the san1ple used in the
Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence study.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence
study in terms of one strength and one
\vealo1ess.
(10 marks)
Paper 2
1. Outline ho\v quant ital ive data \Vere collected in the
Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence study.
(3 marks}
2. Redesign the Den1atte, Osterbauer & Spence
study using self-report as the research
(IO marks)
method_
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of
laboratory experi1nents using Dematte,
Osterbauer & Spence as an example.
(I 0 nlarks)
THE
PSYCHOLOGY
OF INDIVIDUAL
DIFFERENCES
ASK YOURSELF
TUDY 7.1
What do you know about how mental health
disorders are diagnosed? I nvesligate whether
you are correct.
Rose11ha11 ( 1973)
CONTEXT
AIM
Psychologists have been arguing for many years about
\Vhat behaviours can be regarded as abnormal. It is
a controversial area because of the implications of
diagnosing individuals as "abnormal" or "mentally iU"
on their subsequent treatment.
Psychiatrists, \vho consider mental illness as equivalent to
other forms of illness, have tried to classify abnormality
formally. The medical model of mental illness tries to
determine the appropriate treatment for an individual
by establishing categories of symptoms that form an
identifiable disorder. Psychiatrists use the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) to classify
abnorn1al behaviour and diagnose patients.
Rosenhan and others have criticised the medical model
of mental illness as parl of what is kno\vn as the "antipsychiatry move1:nent''. While they accept that niental
suffering and deviant bellaviour exist, tJ1ey question
\Vhether tJ1e 1110St Useful way of understanding the1n
is through a rigid syste1n of classification. One of the
most serious criticis1ns of psychiatry is that it actually
increases tJ1e suflering of those \vho receive a 1ne11tal health
diagnosis, because it removei> control fron1 tJie patient, \vho
can then be nianipulated for political and social purposes.
A second major issue for Rosen han \vas the reliability
and validity of diagnosis: to \vhat extent can the sane be
consistentJy and accurately distinguished from the insane?
-
To investigate \vhether the sane can be reliably and
accurately distinguished from tJ1e insane. Study l
investigated \vhether normal, sane individuals \vould
be admitted to psychiatric hospitals, then if and how
they " 'ould be discovered. Study 2 exainined \vhether
genuine patients \vould be misidentified as "sane" by
various hospital staff.
METHOD (STUDY 1)
Eight pseudopatients were confederates over the age
of20 and included Rosenhan, a psychology graduate
student in his t1venties, psychologists, a pediatrician,
a psychiatrist, a painter and a house,vife. Three \Vere
fe1nale, five \Vere rnale. All used fa lse nan1es, ai1d
those \Vith careers in mental heahh clain1ed lo have
an alternative occupation to avoid attracting any
special attention from staff. Rosenhan was the first
pseudopatient and his involvement 1vas kno,vn only to
the hospital administrator and chief psychologist.
To make the findings generalisable, the study used
a variety of hospitals. Twelve hospitals \Vere chosen,
across five states in the United States. They ranged
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from old and shabby, to modern and new, and included
public, private and university-funded hospitals.
Staff-to-patient ratios also varied greatly. The actual
'participants' \\'ere the 1nembers of staff at each hospital
(doctors and nurses) and the real patients in each
hospital that a pseudopatient gained entry to.
•
After calling the hospital for an appointment, the
pseudopatient arrived at its admissions office and
asserted that he or she had been hearing voices, '"hich
\Vere unclear but were saying "empty", "hollow" and
"thud". These words were chosen by Rosenhan as they
\Vere thought to in1ply a crisis about one's existence
but, at the time the study \Vas conducted, there was
no literature linking this to a kno,vn 1nental health
disorder. Pseudopatients all reported that the voices
\vere unfan1i liar and \Vere of the same sex. All other
details of pseudopatients' lives, relationships and
experiences 1vere given truthfully to staff, with the
exception of their name, participation in the current
study and, in some cases, occupation.
Pseudopatients entered the study understanding that
they had to be released from the institution by their
O\Vn means, by convincing staff they 1vere sane.
On the \vard, pseudopatients behaved "normally"
and attempted to engage others in conversation. They
indicated to staff that they \Vere no longer experiencing
any symptoms, obeyed the rules and routines of the "'ard,
and pretended to take prescribed n1edication 'vithout
fuss. Although pseudopatients found the experience as a
1vhole distressing and unpleasant, staff recorded in their
notes that pseudopatients were friendly and coopenllive.
The study was a participant observation: researchers
acted as genuine patients while keeping a written record
of their personal experience in each institution. In four
hospitals, pseudopatients also observed staff responses to
a specifi c request. They asked: "When am J
likely to be discharged?" Responses were
recorded and compared to a control condition
at Stanford University, where a researcher approached a
faculty n1ember, asked a question such as "Do you teach
here?" and recorded the response.
TEST YOURSELF
OuU1ne the procedure for this part of the study 1n
fM:! sentences - ptck the most relevant parts for
someone lo understand what happened in it.
•
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RESULTS (STUDY 1)
----
Both quantitative and qualitative data were gathered.
Pseudopatients 1vere admitted at all 12 hospitals.
Despite sho,ving no symptoms of insanity once
admitted, pseudopatients \Vere not detected by staff.
Failure to recognise sanity therefore 1vas not related
to the quality of the hospital. AII except one received
diagnoses of schizophrenia. They were discharged 1\lith
a diagnosis of"schizophrenia in remission", so they
carried a label of mental illness beyond the hospital.
The length of stay in hospital ranged fron1 7 to 52 days,
the average stay lasting 19 days. During the first three
trials, 35 out of a total of 118 genuine
Quant
patients voiced suspicions about the sanity
of the pseudopalients. They 1nade
accusations such as "You're not crazy ... you're checking
up on the hospital", while none of the staff raised such
concerns. Rosenh:in found a strong tendency to\vards a
type 2 error in diagnosis, \Vhich is when a healthy
person is diagnosed as ill.
Rosenhan found that, once admitted \Vith a
diagnosis of mental illness, subsequent behaviour by
pseudopatients 1vas interpreted in light of th is.
Qua I
He calls this the "stickiness of psychodiagnostic
labels". These are examples of"pathological
behaviour" from the observers' experiences:
When pacing in the hospital corridors fron1
boredom, pseudopatients 1vere asked by a nurse if
they \Vere nervous.
When recording behaviour in notes on the \\lard,
pseudopatients \Vere described by staff as "engaging
in 1vriting behaviour".
Waiting outside the cafeteria before lund1,
pseudopatienls 1vere said to de1nonstrate the "oralacquisitive" nature of their conditions.
Experience of hospitalisation 1vas overwheln1ingly
negative and unpleasant. Staff avoided interaction 1vith
patients. On average, attendants spent only 11.3 per cent
of their time mixing with patients in the dayroom,
and even during this tin1e contact was n1inin1al and
might involve routine care-taki ng tasks, such as folding
laundry. The doctoral staff emerged even less often; on
average, they left the separate staff areas only 6.7 times
a day.
The results of the separate observation conducted in
four of the hospitals directly measuring staff interaction
1vith patients found that avoidance of a patient's
questions 1vas high. Jn 1nany cases no response 1vas
given, in others only brief responses 1vithout eye contact
1vere given while staff were "on the move". In contrast,
in the university investigation, 1vhen staff members
1vere directly approached by the researchers, virtually all
stopped and ans1vered their question.
Po1verlessness 1vas evident in each institution.
In addition to the restricted contact 1vith staff, personal
privacy 1vas inadequate (e.g. patients' rooms
Qual
could be entered and examined by any
members ofstaff 1vithout 1varning or
justification. There "'as a lack of confidentiality;
patients' case notes were read openly by staff 1vho had
no therapeutic input Patients' personal hygiene and
1vaste evacuation 1vere monitored. 1bilet cubicles had
no doors. Even the initial physical exan1inations were
conducted in a semi-public roon1.
Depersonalisation of patients 1vas also a key finding.
Ward attendants physically abused patients in the
presence of other patients. This behaviour ceased in the
presence of any credible 1vitnesses. ln one instance a
nurse undid her uniform to adjust her bra in full vie1v
of male patients. A total of2 I 00 pills 1vere adn1inistered
to pseudopatients (but not s1vallo1ved). Many other
patients also disposed of their medication, unchallenged
by staff as long as they were cooperative.
METHOD (STUDY 2)
------
•
•
Participants 11•ere psychiatric staff at one research and
teaching hospital 1vho had been briefed on the findings
of the main study. Judgments 1vere made on 193
patients 1vho 1vere admitted for psychiatric treat1nent.
i
Staff were informed that at some point during a threemonth period, one or more pseudopatients 1vould
attempt to gain admission into the hospital. Each staff
member 1vas asked to rate each patient - either at
admission or on the 1vard - according to the likelihood
that the patient 1vas an imposter. A 10-point scale 1vas
used, with I reflecting the strongest belief that the
patient 1vas a pseudopatient, and I 0 the strongest belief
that that patient 11•as genuine.
RESULTS {STUDY 2)
All staff who had close contact or responsibility for
patients nlade judgn1ents on the 10-point scale. This
included attendants, nurses, psychiatrists, physicians
and psychologists. Of tl1e patients adn1itted during the
three-month period, 41 1vere rated \Vith high confidence
to be pseudopat ients by at least one n1ember of staff.
Of these, 23 1vere suspected by at least one psychiatrist,
and 19 1vere suspected by a psychiatrist and at least one
other staff me1nber.
No pseudopatients actually presented themselves to the
hospital for admission during the period of this study.
This secondary study lends e\ridence to Roscnhan's
argun1ent about the lack of reliability in diagnosis. 1n
this instance, psychiatric staff con1n1itted a type I error
by identifying mentally ill patients as healthy.
~
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TESTYOURSELF
Outline two findings from each study
CONCLUSION
Rosen ha n's research challenges the idea that
psychiatric professionals can effectively distinguish
betlveen individuals 1vho are sane and those 1vho are
insane:
In study I Rosenhan condudes that psychiatrists are
unable to reliably identify sane pseudopatients (type
2 error: false positive).
In study 2 he claims to demonstrate that
psychiatrists fail to detect insanity reliably (type 1
error: fa lse negative).
These conclusions are consistent with Rosenhan's
original scepticism about making diagnoses using
the existing classifications of mental health disorders.
Furthermore, 1vithin the "insane» environment of
the psychiatric hospital, an individual's behaviour is
perceived in a distorted manner, 1vhich maintains the
person's diagnostic label.
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EVALUATION
Since Rosenhan used observations as one of his methods
(participant), " 'e can use the general evaluations from
Chapter l, page 4 and apply them directly to the study:
I
Strength
If participants are unaware that they
are being observed they should
behave "naturally." This increases the
ecological valid ity or the observation.
Weakness
II may be difficult to replicate the
study if it is naturalistic as many
variables cannot be co ntrolled. This
reduces the reliability o f the study.
•
a
I
I
I
Staff were unaware that they were being observed
and so were most of the patients (some did have
an idea the pseudopatient was not real). Therefore,
what was being seen was the usual behaviour of
par ticipants in their everyday surroundings so this
aspect ot the study has ecological validity.
Different hospitals are run in d ifferent ways (e.g.
have different admissions procedures) which makes
replication of this study in another hospital difficult.
We can also assess Rosenhan on usefulness:
Strength
The main advantage is that a study
can be used to improve human
behaviour in some way (e.g. if we
find a better way to treat a mental
illness then it is useful to society as
a whole).
The findings from this study can be used to improve
human behaviour in general, especially linked to mental
illness and how 1t 1s treated. They were used to improve
psychiatric care and diagnosis as the study highlighted
the problems or the systems at the time.
Weakness
Studies might be unethical in order
to gain more valid results.
There were elements or deception, the nght for the
pseudopatients to withdraw voluntarily and protection
from physical and psychological har m. However, all
of these were necessary for the study to achieve
valid results.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study in terms of individual versus
situational explanations of behaviour and
qualitative and quantitative data collection. You may want
to use a table similar lo lhose used for the observation
and usefulness evaluations.
•
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Paper1
1. Outline \Vho the pseudopatients \\<ere and ho\v
they got admitted to the hospitals.
(4 marks)
2. Outline one finding from the Rosenhan
Paper 2
1. Outline what quantitative data \Vere collected in
the Rosenhan stud)'·
3. Outline one aim of the Rosenhao study. (2 marks)
2. Outline ho'"' Rosenhan was testing out
the individual differences approach to
psychology.
4. Evaluate the Rosenhan study in terms of one
3. Discuss tbe strengths and weaknesses of
study.
strength and one weakness.
(2 marks)
(10 marks)
(3 marks)
(3 marks)
observations using Rosenhan as an exan1ple.
(10 1narks)
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~SI<
YOURSELF
Can someone really ha\<e, ror example. three different
personali1es that think and reason 1n different ways?
T11igpen & Cleckley (1954)
CONTEXT
AIM
Most of us experience forgetfulness on a regular basis.
We n1ight forget son1ething when distracted and later
recall the information '"e '"ere trying to access. Some
psychologists believe that this dissociation occurs on a
continuum, 1\!ith alJ of us experiencing occasional, mild
dissociative episodes. However, the follo1ving study
involves a woman 1vith extreme dissociation, kno1vn as
niultiple personality disorder (MPD).
To give an account of the psychotJ1erapeutic experience
of son1eone thought to have multiple personalities.
NIPD is a rare psychological condition. So Little is
known about the disorder that son1e professionals
doubt its existence. MPD is known as dissociative
identity disorder (DID) in the Diagnostic Statistical
Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM).
DID is defined by DSM-JV as the presence of two or
more distinct identitjes, or distinct identities that each
have their 01vn \vay of perceiving and thinkjng about
the environment and self. According to the diagnostic
criteria, at least tlvo of these personality states recurrently
take cont rol of the individual's behaviour. Although
plural identities are present, it is in1portant to ren1en1ber
that they all exjst as nianifestations of one person.
Two or more personalities coexist, but only one is "in
control" of the person at a given time. The different
personalities might not be a1vare of one another's
existence and experience. This means those 1vith the
disorder might experience dissociative fugues, and be
unable to recall inlportant personal information.
MPD is a neurotic disorder - it is not a form of
schizophrenia, although many people confuse the
t\vo conditions. Scmzophrenia is a psychotic disorder
characterised by the ilnprur111ent of one's sense of
reality, and can be accon1panied by visual or auditory
hall ucinations or delusions. MPD is a neurotic disorder,
1vhere the sufferer does not lose contact 1vith reality.
The existence of MPD is highly contested. Not only is it
very rarely diagnosed, but its treatment often involves the
use of hypnosis (a controversial technique in itself). Some
cases have become notorious, as the psychiatrists involved
have been accused of exploiting their patients for their
own purposes.
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METHOD
•
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The participant \vas a 25-year-old married n1other 1vith
a 4-year-old daughter. Her real narne was changed in
Thigpen & Clcckley's report to Eve White to preserve
her anonymity. She was the oldest of three siblings and
was employed as a telephone operator. She
Case
was initially referred to Thigpen for therapy
after complaining of severe and blinding
headaches. At her first intervie1v she aJso mentioned
experiencing blackouts folJo,ving these headaches.
•
This research is a classic case study. lt focuses on one
individual, Eve White, and explores her background,
syn1pton1s and therapy in great depth. Case studies
employ a range of different methods for studying
participants. The case of Eve 1vas explored prin1arily
through psychotherapeutic intervie1vs. Some of these
\Vere done under, or f0Uo1ving, hypnosis, in order to
"dra1v out" different personalities. The study took place
over a period of 14 months, and material \Vas gathered
from approxjmately 100 hours ofintervie1vs.
In addition, backgroLtnd information was obtained
through interviews witJ1 fairuly n1en1bers and Eve's
husband. These were carried out to back up Eve's account
of events fro111 her childhood to adulthood.
Qual
Quantitative measures \Vere taken of Eve White
and the second persona]jty, Eve Black, including
psychometric tests of memory and IQ. Eve also underwent
two projection tests analysed by the researchers. These
included an exercise dra1ving human figures, and
interpreting Rorschach ink blots. Later, 1vhen
the third personality "Jane" appeared, all three Quant
were given an electroencephalogram (EEG).
RESULTS
-
Initially, the therapists report some slight progress
in treating Eve \Vhite's (E\\l's) symptoms follo\ving
discussion of some of her e111otional problems. EW \\'aS
thought to have personal frustrations and difficulties
1vith her husband (from \1•hom she \1•as currently
separated). During a session EW \Vas unable to recall
details of a recent trip she had n1ade. Hypnosis \vas
induced and her memory \vas restored. Several days
later, a letter arrived from EW about this session,
\vritten in her handwriting \vith the exception of the
final paragraph, v;hich \Vas written in a childish scra\vl.
1he letter \Vas the first indication that anything was
unusual about EW's case, as she had presented herself as
a self-controlled and truthful person. At the next
session, EW denied sending the letter, but was
distressed and agitated and asked 1vhether hearing an
in1aginary voice \vould indicate she 1vas
Qual
"insane''. She said she had occasionally heard a
voice other than her O\Vn addressing her over
recent months. Before any response 1vas made, EW held
her bands to her head as ifin pain and suddenly her
entire manner and voice changed. She smiled and said
"Hi there, Doc!'; and 1vhen asked 1vho she 1vas,
introduced herself as "Eve Black''. "Black" 1vas later
found to be Eve's maiden name. Her IQ 1vas L10.
Eve Black (EB) no1v appeared n1ischievous, light-hearted
and playful as she continued to be intervie1ved. She
seen1ed to have existed independently from EW since
childhood. She was found to have separate thoughts and
feelings fron1 EW, but also had awareness and access to
EW's life 1\lhile she herself1vas absent. Despite this access
to EW's thoughts, EB had little sy1npathy for her. Wh.ile
EW loved and missed her daughter (fro111 whon1she1vas
also separated), EB \Vas unconcerned and glib about EW's
sulfering. EW \l'as totally ignorant of EB's existence, but
came to be aware that she existed through the course of
therapy. lnitially, persuading EB lo "come out" requ.ired
hypnosis, but over time this 1vas no longer necessary.
Ho1vever, EB 1vas never hypnotisable, and attempts
to "call out" both personalities simultaneously \\lefe
unsuccessful and distressing to Eve.
While EB did not seen1 deliberately cruel, in early
childhood she 1vould en1erge and cause trouble. EW
was forbidden from playing in the woods as a child;
one day EB took over and broke her parents' strict
rule. Upon her return, EW \\•as \vhipped for her
disobedience, much to her confusion and disn1ay. Her
parents corroborated this story and also expressed their
puzzlement at such out-of-character behaviour in their
normally obedient and honest daughter.
Similar instances occurred in Eve's adulthood. Her
husband recalled an incident 1vhere he discovered she
had spent an enormous sun1 of money on clothes; he
had abused her for being so careless and indulgent. As
it,vas EB \vho had indu lged in the expensive shopping
trip, EW was deeply bewildered about this irresponsible
lapse in her behaviour. 111e therapists note that
although it is unlikely Eve's n1arriage 1vould have been
successful even without her condition, there is no doubt
EB's difficult behaviour contributed to the couple's
difficulties.
To explore the extent of tl1e psychological dilferences
bet\veen the tlvo personalities, Eve undenvent several
psychometric and projective tests. These revealed
differences in IQ and memory, as \Vell as key differences
in the defence mechanisn1s of repression and regression
that 1vere underlying Eve's t\\ 0 different personas.
1
EB's other distinctive behaviours included drinking to
excess, hooking up 1vith strange 111en and, allegedly,
even con1n1itting to a prior secret marriage. EB claimed
to be able to erase certain occurrences from EW's
memory: "I just start thinking about it very hard and
after a 1vhile ... it doesn't come back to her anymore':
After eight months of therapy, EW 1vas no longer
experiencing headaches or blackouts. EB had been
causing less trouble and EW had had so111e encouraging
successes in her 1vork and social Iife. .But suddenly
all this changed. The headaches, blackouts and
fugues returned 1vith greater frequency, and were
now experienced by both EW and EB. 'lhe therapists
feared she ni ight be about to experience an episode of
psychosis. Her IQ was 104.
J
ln a session after the headaches had restarted, E\V \WS
discussing a painful childhood memory 1vhen suddenly
her head dropped back and her eyes dosed. T1vo m.inutes
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CHAPTER '7 : THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL
DIFFERENCES
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later she looked around the roon1 confuseclly and asked
\Vhere she was. Another transformation had taken place,
\vith mannerisms and d1aracteristics highly distinct
from either EW or EB. "Janen - as she called herself \Vas more confident, interesting and assertive than timid
E\V, but \Vithout the personality faults of EB. She \Vas
a\vare of the behaviour of the other l\vo personalities, but
could not access their memories prior to her emergence.
to help her, but \vas reluctant to take over fully as a
maternal figure to EW's daughter as she did not \vish
to interfere with their relationship.
The EEG conducted several \Veeks later on all three
personalities traced 33 minutes of recording, including
intervals of at least 5 mlnutes of each personality, and
some transitions bet1veen individuals. Tenseness \Vas
n1ost pronounced in EB, next in EW, and least of all
Jane. Muscle tension \Vas greatest in EB, and the test
indicated it was easiest to transpose from EB to EW.
EB's results \Vere only borderline normal, \Vith son1e
records sho\vi ng an association with psychopathic
personality. Both EW and Jane's records we re norn1al.
CONCLUSIONS
TEST YOUP.SELF
Outline at least three differences between Eve
White and Eve Black.
Despite the debate over the existence of MPD, Thigpen
& Cleckley concluded that they had not been tricked by
a skilful actress but had observed the existence of three
distinct personalities in one individual.
There \viii undoubtedly continue to be controversy
over the existence of MPD/DID. Thigpen & Cleckley
argue tha t \vhat they witnessed was genuine because
the length of tirne spent with EW, EB and Jane meant
that at least son1e mistakes or inconsistencies would
have been noticed.
Jane continued to emerge th rough EW only, but
becan1e stronger over tin1e. She took over n1any of
EW's duties both at \Vork and at home in an effort
EVALUATION
Since Thigpen & Cleckley used the case study method,
\Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter l, page 3
and apply them directl y to the study:
•
•
Strength
As the study focuses on one
Individual (or unit of 1ndlvlduals)
the psychologist can collect rich,
in-depth data that have details. This
makes the findings more valid.
The researchers focused on just the one person (Eve)
and ran many psychological and physical tests to assess
the three "distinct" personalities: a lot or data were
collected to help differentiate between the three. This
makes the findings more valid.
Strength
Participants are usually studied as
part of their everyday life which
means that the whole process tends
to have some ecological validity
It could be argued that the study has some ecological
validity as Eve was in therapy and the assessment
followed what could happen In a therapeutic setting.
Weakness
As the psychologist is focusing on
one individual (or unit of Individuals),
the case may be unique. This makes
generalisattons quite difficult.
As Thigpen & Cleckley were only studying one actual
person, she may be a unique case. Thrs would make
generalising difficult as she may not represent any other
person who claims to have more than one personality.
.
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Weakness
As participants are studied in depth,
they could rorm an attachment with
the psychologist. This could reduce
the obiecllvity or the data collection
and analysis or data and so the
validity of the findings.
.
r.tr.'1':!'11;n1
Some psychologists could argue that Thigpen & Cleckley
got attached to Eve as a patient and lost obiect1vity
because they wanted to find differences between the
three personalities. This could obviously reduce the
validity or findings as they may have only reported data
that confirm their ideas.
Thigpen & Cleckley collected so111e qualitative data
\Ve can evaluate too. These data also have strengths and ~veaknesses:
• •
•
•
Strength
The data collected are in-depth
and in the words or the participant
so they are rich and in detail and
represent what the participant
believes. Therefore it can be argued
that It is not reductionist.
The interviews and psychometric tes tin g was in
depth so a lot of detail was reco rded. All or it
represents w hat was actually happening to Eve In
her three personality "states" so Thigpen & Cleckley
were looking at as muc h data as possible. Therefore,
the study is not redu ctionist.
Weakness
Interpretation or the data could be
subjective as we are dealing with
words not numbers: psychologist
could misinterpret what the
parti cipant meant to say or be biased
against some or the person's views.
The researchers may have only reported data that
confirmed what they believed as some of the data
collected were subjectively analysed (the interview
transcripts and w hat Eve was reeling). They may have
also misinterpreted some or what Eve was trying to get
across in her interviews.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this case study 1n terms of 1t being
longitudinal and its ethics You may want to
use a table similar lo those used for the case study and
qualitative data evaluations.
Try the following exan1-style questions.
Paper 1
1. Outline two differences bet\veen
Eve W hite and
Eve Black in the l h ib'Pen & Cleckley study.
(4 marks)
2. \.vhat was the aim of the Thigpen & Oeckley
study?
(2 n1arks)
3. Eva luate the Thigpen & Cleckley study in terms of
one strength and one \veakness.
Paper2
1. O utline how qualitative data were collected in the
Thigpen & Cleckley study.
2.
(3 marks)
Outline what quantitative data \Vere collected in
the Thigpen & Cleckley study.
(3 marks)
3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of case
studies using Thigpen & Cleckley as an example.
(I 0 n1arks)
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( IO marks)
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CHAPTER 7; THE PSYCHOLOGY
OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES
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Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheehvriglrt (2007)
CONTEXT
Psychologists have long been interested in \vhy there
are gender differences in the rates of people studying
certain subjects at school, college and university. 'fbere
has ahvays been a marked difference in the number of
males and females choosing to study subjects such as
mathematics and sciences. Performance in these subjects
has also shO\\'Jl some gender differences even from
an early age. However, psychologists have questioned
\vhether there is a true gender divide or \vhether there
are other ractors, such as how we process inforn1ation,
that could account for the irnbalance of 1nales and
fen1ales studying science and malhen1atics. TI1is research
team \vere interested in ~cognitive style" and if they
could explain gender differences (rather than finding
that males are better than females in these subjects).
T\vO exan1ples of cognitive style are en1pathisers (those
\vho have the ability to identify another person's mental
state and respond using a range of correct emotions)
and systemisers (\vho have the ability to analyse
the rules underlying a syste1n in order to predict a
behaviour - systems include 1nachines, \veather systems,
mathen1atics, maps, etc.). The research tcarn had already
developed a psychometric test to measure people's
empathy quotient and systemising quotient.
ASK YOURSELF
Why are you taking Cambndge AS level
Psychology? What other subjects are you taking?
Do you feel that certain types of people only study certain
types of su b1ect at school and college?
4. To see whether cognitive style is a better predictor
than gender in explaining enrolment onto physical
science courses compared to humanities courses.
METHOD
:
There \vere two questionnaires and two performance
tasks. All \Vere accessible and completed via a secure
university \vebsite.
Quest
Questionnaire I: Systemising quotientrevised scale (SQ-R). It consists of75 items.
The score range on the questionnaire is 0-150.
Questionnaire 2: En1pathy quotient (EQ). It consists
of 40 ite111s. The score range is 0-80.
From these questionnaires, participants could be
classified as one of five brain types: type S (systemiser},
type E (empathiser}, type B (balanced), extreme type S
and extreme type E. The extreme groups \Vere those in
the top 2.5 per cent \Vhen the difference \Vas calculated
benveen the SQ-Rand EQ scores for each participant.
Task I \Vas the en1bedded figures task (FC-EIT). This
task involves seeing a series of 12 pairs or diagrams
like the pair shO\Vll in Figure 7.1. Participants had
to choose which of the t\vo nlore con1plex diagran1s
contained the s1naller shape \vithin it. lt was a
forced-choice task so participants had to choose just
one oflhe more complex shapes. If the participant
fulled to respond in SO seconds then the task
automatically moved on to the next pair of shapes.
Every time participants got the anS\''er correct they
\vere a\varded I point. There \vas an additional bonus
point added to participants' scores every time they
were in the fastest 25 per cent for that pair of shapes.
Therefore, the range ofscores was 0 to 24.
AIM
1. To see \Vhether there is still a gender difference in
the number of people studying the physical sciences
and hun1anities.
2. To see \Vhether nlales are more likely to be systemisers
and females n1ore likely to be empathisers.
•
3. To see \vhetber physical science students are more
likely to be systemisers and humanities students
1nore likely to be en1pathisers.
Figure 7.1 Embedded figures task (FC· EFT)
Source: Based on Biiiington. Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright, 2007
Task 2 \Vas the eyes test. 1 his task assesses cognitive
empathy by showing participants a pair of eyes
conveying a pre-chosen emotion. The participant
\ VllS given four d1oices of emotions and asked to
choose the one that is the closest to the emotion that
the eyes are conveying. An example is sho'"n in
Figure 7.2. If the participant failed to respond in 20
seconds then the task auto1uatically moved on to the
next pair of eyes. There are 36 pairs of eyes to rate
and 1 point is a\varded for each correct
Quant choice - the same bonus point systen1 \vas
used here as in the FC-EFT. Therefore, the
range of scores is 0 to 72.
apologetic
friendly
Female
Male
Physical
108
26
Humanities
Total
104
25.1
212
51.1
Physica l
160
38.6
43
10.4
203
48.9
268
64.6
147
35.4
Humanities
Total
Physical
Total
Humanities
Total
415
100
Table 7.1 Percentage of par1tc1pants studying each
degree category, by sex
ro
dispirited
uneasy
Figure 7.2 Eyes test
TEST YOURSELF
What were the various measures that were taken
of each part1c1pant? Choose one and ouU1ne how
the data were collected
•
For this study 415 participants were recruited. They
'vere either studying for a physical sciences degree or a
humanities degree. Physical science subjects included
mathematics, physics, engineering a11d astronomy
1-rumanities subjects included classics, law, theology and
history. The average age of the participants was 21 years
(standard deviation of2.5 l years). Oft he participants,
87.7 per cent of the participants 1vere right-handed,
I 0.6 per cent were left-handed and 1.7 per cent \Vere
ambidextrous. They were recruited
Sample through an en1ail post and advertisements
across the university \vith a prize draw
incentive. Therefore, participants volunteered to take
part. Table 7.1 sho,vs the distribution of participants per
degree per sex.
Those who volunteered to take part in the study could
visit the secure university website and complete the
questionnaires and tasks in any order. 1'hey did no t
have to con1plete both questionnaires and tasks in the
same sitting but they could only atten1pt each task and
complete each questionnaire once.
RESULTS
Overall, there '"as a significant gender difference in
degree choice: 59. l per cent of physical science studei1ts
were male and 70.1 per cent of humanities students
\vere female.
Table 7.2 shO\VS the mean and standard deviation scores
for each gender split by degree choice for the
Quant
two questionnaires.
',
I
SQ-R
61.23
(20.60)
51.54
(19.18)
65.46
(18.17)
58.65
(21.17)
EQ
43.48
(12.56)
46.82
(12.07)
35.59
(10.39)
40.56
(10.33)
Table 7.2 The two questionnaires - mean and standard
deviation scores for each gender split by degree choice.
Standard deviations are 111 parentheses
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CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf
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Table 7.3 shows the mean and standard deviation scores
for each sex split by degree choice for the nvo tasks.
•
F~
EFT
Eyes
test
15.05
(3.05)
14.07
(2.40)
15.03
(3.14)
14.14
(2.63)
32.86
(6.65)
46.82
(12.07)
31.83
(7.23)
33.79
(8.00)
Table 7.3 The two tasks - mean and standard deviation
scores for each sex spht by degree choice. Standard
deviations are In parentheses
These were the main results based on these figures:
There was a significant relationship bel:\veen gender
and cognitive style: 66 per cent of n1ales were
categorised as type Sor extreme type S (only
28.8 per cent of fen1ales}; 36.8 per cent of fen1ales
\vere categorised as type E or extreme type E (only
10.3 per cent of males).
Fen1aJes performed significantly better than males
on the eyes test.
Overall, males tended to be categorised more
as systen1isers whereas females tended to be
categorised more as empathisers.
Overall, physical sciences students tended to be
categorised more as systemisers \Vhereas hun1anities
students tended to be categorised more as empathisers.
The research team conducted a logistic regression
analysis to examine \Vhich of the factors \Vas the best
predictor of degree choice. All of the main predictors
could predict degree choice but there \Vas a rank order:
1. Brain type \vas the strongest predictor (type E,
type$, etc.).
2 . Performance on the FC-EFT task was Lhe
next predictor.
3. Perforn1ance on the eyes test was the next predictor.
4. Gender 1vas the weakest predictor (but was still
significant).
TEST YOURSELF
Oulllne the differences between the students
who studied humanities and those who studied
physica I sciences.
There \Vas no significant gender ditlerence in
participants' performance in the FC-EFT.
Of the physical science students, 56.3 per cent of
them had type Sor extren1e type S profiles (only
29.4 per cent of humanities students). With the
hun1anities students, 41.5 per cent had type E
or extreme type E profiles (only 14.2 per cent of
physical science students).
Physical science students perfonned significantly better
on the FC-EFT' con1pared to hu1nanities students.
CONCLUSION
It \vould appear that the ~gender differences" in degree
choice benveen physical sciences and humanities is less
of an actual ~gender difference" but of a cognitive style
difference. Students \vith certain brain types (systemisers
and empathisers) tend to pick their degrees differently systen1isers pick physical sciences in the main 1vhile
empathisers pick hun1anities subjects in the main.
EVALUATION
As Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright used
questionnaires, we can use the general evaluations from
Chapter l, page 2 and apply the1n directly to the study:
•
Strength
•
Participants may be more likely
to reveal truthful answers in a
questionnaire as it does not involve
talking face to race with someone.
• •
•
• •
Participants completed the questtannaires by themselves
and did not have to answer questions in rront or anyone
so were more likely to give truthful answers.
e
I I
•
Strength
A large sample of participants
can answer the questionnaire in
a short time span which should
increase the representativeness and
generahsabihty of the findings.
A total of 415 participants look part In the study over a
short period or time giving a wide spread of results that
could be applied to students of physical sciences
and humanities.
Weakness
Participants may give socially desirable
answers as they want to look good
rather than g1v1ng truthful answers this lowers the validity of findings.
As they completed the questionnaires by themselves,
some participants may have chosen answers that made
them "look good" rather than how they truly process
information (e.g. as a systemiser).
Weakness
If the questionnaire has a lot of
closed questions participants might
be forced into choosing an answer
that does not renect their true
opinion.
There may have been some questions that participants
had to choose an answer for that was not how they
truly process information but was the c losest answer
to how they do It - therefore, ii may not be a fully true
representation of their cognitive style.
Volw1teer or self-selected sampling can be evaluated as follows:
•
•
•
•
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•
••
;
•
•
•
Strength
Large numbers of participants can
be obtained relatively quickly and
easily.
A total of 415 participants came forward to participate
(the researcher simply advertised) and they could
complete the study when it was convenient for them (so
they were more likely to complete 1t).
Strength
People are more likely to participate
1f they have already volunteered so
the drop-out rate should be lower.
No drop-out rate figures were given so we can assume
that most participants completed all fou r tasks.
Weakness
Ga1n1ng a wide variety of participants
to allow for generalisation is unlikely
(for opportunity you will go for one
type of person in the main whereas
for "1)1unteer it is only a certain type
of person who will "1)1unteer to do
research for a particular study).
Only motivated students of physical sciences and
humanities would have come forward to participate, so it
might make generalisation a bit difficult for those who are
less motivated to take part in a study but are completing
similar degree programmes. We cannot be certain that
those who chose not to participate followed the same
general pattern s for systemisers and empathisers.
The following other points could be used in evaluation:
·n1e researchers use psychometric tasks in the study
which means con1parisons can be useful as people's
results are being compared on the same,
Psychom Mandardised scale - therefore, the
differences found by cognitive style and
gender are rneaningful and more likely to be valid.
The study can be easily replicated using Lhe
same standardised psychometric tests
(FC-EFT and the eyes test) to test for reliability \vith
a different sa1nplc.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright
study in terms of ii being a snapshot study and
also in te<ms of Individual versus situational explanations.
You may \vant to use a table hke those used for the
questionnaire and volunteer sampling evaluations.
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CHAPTER
l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf
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Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Paper1
1. In the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheehvright
study, \Vhat \Vere the t\vo questionnaires completed
(2 marks)
by au participants?
2. Outline one psychometric task used in the
Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright study. In
your ai1s,ver include ho\v it \Vas scored. (4 marks)
3. Outline one reason why the Billington, BaronCohen & Wheehvright study \Vas conducted.
(2 marks)
4. Evaluate the Billington, Baron-Cohen &
Wheelwright study in terrns of
{l 0 n1arks)
two weaknesses.
•
Paper 2
1. Outline ho\v quantitative data \Vere collected
in the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright
study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline one finding from the Billington, BaronCohen & Wl1eehvright study.
(3 marks)
3. Discuss Lbe strengths and weaknesses of volunteer
sampling using Billington, Baron-Cohen &
Wheehvrightasan example.
(10 rnarks)
debated (e.g. the cognitive behavioural 111odel suggests
that mirror gazing in BOD helps to increase selfconsciousness and selective attention hence maintaining
the BOD condition in patients - they can constantly see
\vbat they do not like).
Veale & Riley (2001 )
CONTEXT
This study was conducted as a result of a body
dysmorphic disorder (BOD) patient that one of the
authors bad con1e into contact \Vith. The patient bad
said that he had just spent six hours staring at himself
in a series of mirrors. This pron1pted the psychologists
to research into 111irror gazing in people \Vith BDD.
BOD is an anxiety disorder related to body image. BDD
palien ts experience concern about their appearance
that can be disruptive LO daily routines. There may be
excessive use of 1nirrors or picking at the skin. Statistics
suggest that around 80 per cent o f BOD patien ts engage
in mirror-gazing behaviours (the opposi te applies to
the remainder - they remove 1nirrors fron1 the house or
avoid then1). BOD used to be called dysmorphophobia
and initial accounts fron1 patients rarely mentioned
mirror gazing. This could be because they did not \Vant
to be seen as being vain. Ho,vever, n10re rece nt cases
showed that mirror gazing is a major part of BOD but
little research had been conducted investigating the
function of it in th e lives of BOD patients. Veale & Riley
conducted this study as only theoretical ideas had been
•
ASK YOURSEL
What reasons do you think people have to check
themselves 111 the mirror?
AIM
To investigate the function, frequency and role of 111irror
gazing in BOD patients.
METHOD
•
I
A questionnaire was designed to gather infonnation on
the function, frequency and ro le of mirror gazing in
the lives of BOD patients and non-BOD
individuals (the controls). 1he questionnaire , Ques t
consisted of the sections sho\vn in l"able 7.4.
A "long" session \Vas defined as "...the longest time
during the day that the person spends in front of the
mirror" ( Veale & Riley, 200 I: 1383).
••
Length of
time mirror
gazing
Participants were asked the average duration of "long" sessions 1n minules (during the previous
month). They had to estimate the maximum a mount of time on one occasion that they had
spent in front of a mirror in hours and minutes. They were asked the average duration of
frequency of "short" sessions during the previous monlh In minutes.
Motivation
This was a 12-llem section where par ticipants had to rate how much they agreed with each
statement (strongly agree, agree, neither disagree or agree, disagree and strong ly disagree).
Example statements were: " I have to make myself look my best", "I need to see whal I like
about myself" and " I have to know w hat I look like and I can't until I look in the mirror". They
answered the items for a "long" session then repealed it for a "short" session. At the end they
could note anything else that motivated them to mirror gaze.
before
looking in a
mirror
Focus of
attention
Participants were asked to rate their concentration levels on the mirror during both "long" and
"short" sessions. The scale was from + 4 to - 4 with + 4 representing "I am entirely focused on
an impression or feeling that I get about myself" and 4 representing "I am entirely focused
on my reflection 1n the mirror".
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Distress
before and
after looking
into the mirror
•'
Participants had to rate the level of distress they felt before and after a "long" and "short"
session. The scale was 1-10 where 1 represented "not at all d istressed" and 10 represented
"extremely distressed". For both the "long" and "short" sessions, they had to rate three limes:
(a) before looking in the mirror
(b) immediately after looking in the mirror
(c) after resisting the urge to look in a mirror (this was not taken for "short" sessions in error).
Behaviour 1n
front of the
mirror
For both "long" and "short" sessions, participants had to estimate the percentage of time they
engaged 1n a range of nine behaviours while mirror gazing. Participants had to ensure that the
total reached 100. The nine behaviours were:
1 Trying to hide my defects or enhance my appearance by the use of make-up
2. Combing or styling my hair
3. Trying to make my skin smooth by picking and squeezing spots
4. Plucking or removing hair or shaving
5. Comparing w hat I see in the mirror w ith an image that I have In my mind
6. Trying to see something d ifferent in the mirror
Quant
7. Feeling the skin with my fingers
8. Practising the best position to pull or show in public
9. Measuring parts o f my face.
They could then list other behaviours not listed above.
Type of light
preferred
They were asked whether type of light was important for mirror gazing on a visual analogue
scale from "natural daylight" to "artificial light".
Type of
reflective
surface
They were asked if they used a series of mirrors or any other reflective surface for gazing
(e.g. the backs of CDs).
Mirror
avoidance
They were asked if they avoided any types of mirror or situations involving mirrors.
Table 7.4 Sections on the Veale & Riley questionnaire
TEST YOURSELF
Outline three behaviours the researchers were
Interested In. Describe how they measured each
one. How easy would it be to replicate this study? Why?
p r
•
I
•
Participants were 52 patients diagnosed with BDD
(they fulfi lled the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
1\llental Disorders for BDD). A group of 55 control
participants (non-BDD) were recruited from personal
contacts of the authors. The groups \Vere
Sample
matched on age and sex.
•
All participants \Vere asked to complete the selfreport n1irror-gazing questionnaire. They \vere told
that the questions were about behaviours from the
last or previous month. They were also asked, prior
to completion, \vhether they had engaged in a "long"
session in front of the n1irror in most days \vithin
the last or previous month. If so. they con1plcted the
questionnaire based on "long" sessions; then they
repeated the same process but for "short" sessions.
RESULTS
A total of 44/52 BOD patients (84.6 per cent) and 16/54
controls (29.6 per cent) reported having a "long" session in
the last or previous month. In terms of"short" sessions,
:
''
45/52 (86.5 per cent) of BOD patients and 43/55
(79.6 per cent) reported having one or nlore
in the last or previous month. Table 7.5 shows
the characteristics of the BOD sample and the
controls.
.
•
..
Age
30.1 (8.6)
33.4 (8.9)
Sex(~ male)
40.49(
483
Mean duration of long session (minutes)
72.5 (94.8)
21.3 (19.6)
173.8 (205.3)
35.5 (29.3)
14.6 (13.6)
3.9 (3.4)
Mean duration or short sessions (minutes)
4.8 (5.4)
5.5 (12.8)
Type of light preferred (natural daylight or
artificial) on visual analogue scale
38.5 (32.4)
41.6 (27.0)
External or internal focus of attention
(- 4 to + 4) for long session
- 0.49 (2.9)
2 .2 (1.9)
External or internal focus of attention
(- 4 to + 4) for short session
- 1.12 (2. 7)
1.15 (2.1)
Attention on the whole or specific parts of
appearance (0-100 on visual analogue scale)
1n long session
70.5 (24.3)
44.5 (34.02)
Distress before long session (1-10)
6.44 (2.3)
1.6 (0.83)
Distress after long session (1- 10)
7.63 (2.2)
2.40 (2.3)
Distress resisting gaze for long session ( 1-10)
6.82 (2.6)
2.38 (2.5)
Maximum duration or longest session (minutes)
Mean number of short sessions
Quant
Table 7.5 Characteristics of BOD patients and non-BOD participants (the controls)
Table 7.6 sho,vs the results per section of the questionnaire.
Length or
time mirror
gazing
The mean duration time for a long session for BOD was 72.5 minutes but only 21.3 for the
controls. The duration of a short session was 4 .8 minutes for the BOD group and 5.5 for the
controls (not a significant difference).
Motivation
before looking
in a mirror
BOD patients were more likely to at least agree with all 12 items. Controls were much more
likely to be interested In being presentable. BOD patients were more likely to use the mirror if
they felt depressed.
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•
CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf
INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES
.. .
.
...
..
..
. ""
.
. ...
.
'
'
•'
Focus or
attention
Only for a "long" session did BOD patients, compared to controls, locus on internal impressions
and feelings rather than the external reflection they were gazing at. BOD patients were more likely
to locus on 1ust one part of their face rather than the whole face compared to controls.
Distress
before and
after looking
into the mirror
For both types of session, BOD patients rated themselves significanUy more distressed than
controls. For "long" sessions. BOD patients continued to be more distressed compared to controls
after mirror gazing. They also reported more distress if they resisted gazing compared to controls.
Behaviour in
front of the
mirror
BOD patients and controls estimated the same proportion of time engaging 1n using make-up.
combing/styling hair. picking spots and feeling skin. BOD patients were more hkely to compare
what they saw with an image in their mind about how they should Ideally look and trying to see
something different in the mirror. These were for "long" sessions.
For "short" sessions BOD patients were more likely to use the mirror for checking make-up.
practising the best position to show in public and comparing what they saw with an image 1n
lhelr mind about how they should ideally look.
BOD pallents listed many other behaviours they engaged in (e.g. washing rituals, combing
eyebrows and squashing features to see how things would look if they had plastic surgery).
Type of light
preferred
There were no significant differences.
Type of
reflective
surface
For "long" sessions, BOD patients were more likely to use a senes of mirrors (52.43 of
patients) compared to controls (6.7~). For "short" sessions. both groups used shop windows
to gaze. However. BOD patients reported a wide variety or surfaces they would use including
cutlery. vehicles, TV screens. car mirrors and taps.
Mirror
avoidance
Two-thirds of BOD patients and 14'7< of the control group reported avoiding certain mirrors.
There were four types of selective avoidance or mirrors noted by BOD patients:
1. To avoid looking at a specific "defect" (e.g. if the nose was seen as a defect they would
1 avoid mirrors where it could be seen, choosing smaller hand-held mirrors to hold above
the nose.
2. To avoid mirrors labelled as "bad" or "unsafe" as they had been associated with a specific
bad Image.
3. Only using private mirrors; avoiding those in public as they could be too upsetting.
4 . A "flip" between avoidance and gazing - patients may gaze and pick skin and keep
gazing until the skin heals. Then they would avoid mirrors and not pick skin again until they
felt the urge.
Table 7.6 Results per section or the Veale & Riley questionnaire
TEST YOURSELF
Outline three differences in the behaviour of the
BOD patients and the participants 1n the control
group 1n this study. What ethical issues does this study
raise? Why?
•
CONCLUSION
The researchers co ncluded : "BOD patients ho ld a
number of p roblematic beliefs and behaviours in their
nlirro r use compared to controls. M i r r or gazing in
BOD does not follow a simple nlodel of ... compul sive
checking ... (and) is best co nce ptuali sed as a ser ies
of idiosyncra tic and co mplex safe ty behaviours, that
is designed to preven t a feared ou tco n1e .. :• (Veale &
Riley, 200 1: 1389).
EVALUATION
As Veale & Riley used questionnaires, \Ve can use
the general evaluations fro1n Chapter I, page 2
and apply them directly to the study:
..
Strength
Participants may be more likely
to reveal truthfu l answers in a
questionnaire as it does not involve
talking face to face with someone.
BOD patients were probably more likely to admit to all
of their mirror-gazing activities as they did not have
to reveal lhem to a person face to face. This should
increase the valld1ty of the findings.
Weakness
Participants may give socially
desirable answers, as they want to
look good, rather than giving truthful
answers. This lowers the validity
or the findings.
As mirror gazing is core to BOD, some or all or the
participants may have given answers that made the
psychologists judge them in a "'better light". They may
not have revealed all of their mirror-gazing behaviours
to give the impression that their behaviours were not
strange or different.
There may be some ethical issues \Vith this study
as highlighted belo\v:
•
Protection
The psychologist must
ensure that partlcipants
leave the study in the
same physical and
psychological state
as they entered it.
It could be argued that making BOD patients reflect on what they do
and complete questionnaires makes their condition wo1Se as they are
now answering a lot of questions about 1t. BOD patients might engage in
mirror gazing more often as a result of the study. It could be argued that
the BOD patients were not truly protected In this study (e.g. writing about
the mirror gazing and that they do it because of depression could make
the depression worse).
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Evaluate this study in terms of other ethical
guidelines and issues and also in terms of
generalisation or reductionism. You may want to use a
table like those used for the questionnaire evaluation.
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•
CHAPTER
l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf
'
.. . ' . ... INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES
..
..
. ""
.
. ... •'
.
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Paper1
1. In the Veale & Riley study, \vho \vere the t\vo
groups of participants and \vhat \vere they
(2 marks)
matched on?
2. Outline two results fron1 the Veale & Riley study.
(4 marks)
3. Outline one reason \vhy the Veale & Riley study \\'3S
conducted
(2 marks)
4 . Evaluate the Veale & Riley study in terms of two
strengths.
•
(10 n1arks)
Paper 2
1. Outline ho'v quantitative data \Vere collected in tl1e
Veale & Riley study.
(3 marks)
2. Outline one difference in behaviour of t11e BDD
patients con1pared to the controls in the Veale &
Riley study.
(3 marks)
3. Discuss Lbe strengths and weaknesses of using
questionnaires in research using the Veale & Riley
(10 1narks)
study as an exan1ple.
E
M CENTRE (AS LEVEL)
The questions, example ani.wers, nlarks a\varded and/or comments that appear in
this book/CD \Vere written by the author. In examination, the \vay marks would be
awarded to ans\vers like these may be different.
Unit 1 (Core studies 1)
Section A
This unit constitutes 50 per cent of the AS level
qualification and 25 per cent of the A level qualification.
Students need to have studied all 20 core studies
alongside nielhodology, approaches and perspectives,
and issues and debates. For the core studies, students
need to know the follo\ving:
Example questions could be as follo\VS:
1. Background to the study
2. The ain1(s) of the study
3. The method and procedure of the study
4. The results of the study
5. The conclusions dra\vn from the study.
For each core study, there have to be some evaluations
based around:
1. The methodology used
2. The approach or perspective the study belongs to
1. Outline two results fron1 the ... study (4 marks)
(a) How was the san1ple recruited in the ... study?
(2 marks)
(b) Outline one disadvantage of recruiting a sample
in t11at \vay. (2 niarks)
\.\!hen asking for one result, ensure that there is a
con1parison (if possible). If the question states "as used in
the X study" in the question, then this link has to be 111ade.
If the question is asking for a "result" then this is usualJy
quantitative or qualitative data. If the quest ion is asking for
a "conclusion" then this is \Vhether the study fulfilled its
aims or not (\vritten in general terms).
Section B
Example questions could be as follo\VS:
3. Issues and debates surrounding the study.
The exam lasts for I hour 30 minutes and is marked out
of 80. The structure of the exam is as follo,vs:
J. Section A - there are 15 short-answer questions
based around 15 core studies. They are n1arked out
of2 or 4 depending on the question being asked.
This section carries 60 marks.
,. Section B - there are two structured essays and both
need ans\veri ng. Each is based arowid a methodology
or issues/debates. There are three core studies listed
per essay and the student has to use one core study to
ans\\•er die question. This section carries 20 marks
( 10 per essay).
1. Evaluate one of the studies belO\V in terms of
validity. ( I 0 marks)
2. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of
self-reports using one of the studies below as an
example. (10 n1arks)
If the question stales "strengths and weaknesses" note
that this is pl11ral and t\vo of each (minimwi1) are
required to be likely to get tO\vards the top band of
marks (6+ 1narks). The question will have a focus on
a study chosen from a list by the student. This study
must be used in t11e ans\ver to be likely to reach the topend marks available (6+ marks).
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EXAM CENTRE (AS LEVEL)
Unit 2 (Core studies 2)
This unit constitutes 50 per cent of the AS level
qualificalion and 25 per cent of the A level qualification.
Students need to have studied all 20 core studies
alongside methodology, approaches and perspectives,
and issues and debates. For Lhis unit, the focus is more
on the n1ethodology used in each study, which approach
or perspective the study belongs to, and \vhich issues
and debates are relevant to each study. The examination
lasts for I hour 30 n1inutes and is marked out of 70. The
structure of the exanlination is as follo,vs:
Section A
This is split into two parts.
Part A has one question on n1ethods (so1neti111es via a
nan1ed core study) plus students n1ust redesign a
core study using a different research nrethod. They
must Lhen evaluate their O\vn study. This part carries
25 111arks (5 + 10 + 10). Example questions could be
as folJo,vs:
1. (a) Outline \Vhat is meant by a case study using
Freud as an example. (5 marks)
(b) Redesign the Piliavin, Rodin & Pilivain
study using self-report as the research
melhod and describe ho1v it can be
conducted. (10 n1arks)
(c) Evaluate this alternative \vay of stud yi ng
aggression in practical and ethical terms.
(JO marks)
For (a) ~tudents could gain I niark per correct point
up until the rnaxin1um of 5 marks. For (b) students
niust consider the \\•hat, ho,v, 1vho, \Vhere and \vhen
(if applicable). The study must be ethical. Usually,
the 1vhat, ho1v and 1vho are major aspects that need
covering so if they are missing, the ans1ver is likely to be
classed as having "major omissions". For (c) the issues
under debate need to be directly linked back to the
study students have designed in (b) to be likely to gain
5+ marks.
Part B has one structured question based on an
approach, issues and debates or methods (some are
similar to section B for unit 1). This part carries
25 marks (2 + 3 + I 0 + I0). Exa1nple queslions could
be as follo1vs:
2. (a) What is meant by quantitative data? (2 marks)
(b) Outline one quantitative finding from the
Milgram (1963) study. (3 marks)
(c) Discuss the strengths and \Veaknesses of
collecting quantitative data using Milgra1n as an
exan1ple. ( 10 marks)
(d) Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of
ethical guidelines in research using Nlilgrarn as
an exan1ple. (10 marks)
For (a) the answer 1vill be likely lo score I mark if it is a
partial ans\\1er and 2 if it is a full ans\ver. For (b), to gain
3 marks the ans1ver \VOtild normally have to specifically
address "'hat is being asked for in a clear and concise
\Vay. For (c) and (d) the evaluation or discussion
is plural and t1vo advantages and disadvantages
(mini111un1) are required to be likely to get towards the
top band of rnarks. (7+ marks). Just one of each 1vould
probably only gain a 111axi1uun1 of 6 marks.
Section B
There is a choice here - students anS\ver one question
from the two given. The questions will have focus on
an approach, issue and debate or method and students
have to use three named core studies to ans\ver part of
the question. This part of section B carries 11 marks
(2 + 9). There is also a final questio n that tests the
evaluation skills of students for a nan1ed method, issue
and debate or approach and perspective. This part of
section B carries 9 n1arks. Therefore, overall, section
B carries 20 marks. Example questions could be as
f0Uo1vs:
3. (a) Outline \vhat is meant by the "social approach"
to psychology. (2 marks)
(b) Using the studies from the list belo\v ... describe
ho'" the data 1vere collected in each of these
studies. (9 n1arks)
For (a) the answer 1vill be Likely to score I niark if it is
a partial answer and 2 if it is a full answer. For (b) there
are 3 marks available per study listed. Expect to gain
3 1narks for any study the ans1ver 1vould have to be in
sufficient detail to get across \vhat the question is asking
for (e.g. how were data collected).
There is also a final question that tests the evaluation
skills of students for a named method, issue and
debate or approach and perspective. 'I his part of
section Bcarries 9 marks. Therefore, overall, section B
carries 20 n1ark.s. Example questions could be as follO\\IS:
(c) What are the disadvantages of using
psychometric testing? (9 marks)
Refer back to the example evaluations at the end of
each core study and ensure that you have completed
the extra evaluations highlighted. These \\lill help you
improve your exam skilb.
(d} What are the strengths of using longitudinal
studies in psychology? (9 marks)
For (c) there are 3 1narks available \Vhich \\IOuld
oorn1ally be allocated per relevant point raised by
Lhe student. The same point 1nade again but using a
different example or study \Vould 110/ be expected to gain
any extra 1narks.
J> 1 mark = identifying a point that is relevant
I> 2 niarks - the above plus son1e description
I> 3 1narks = 2 n1arks + linked lo a study.
The best three relevant points would be taken for\vard
to give a score out of9.
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PSYCHOLOGY
AND EDUCATION
8.1 PERSPECTIVES
ON LEAR.NING
dogs. We \viii come back to ho1v he did this after 1ve
have looked at Lhe principles of classica.I conditioning.
There are three main stages to classical conditioning:
1. pre-conditioning
There are many different \\lays in \Vhich humans and
animals learn skills and behaviours. In terms of the
Cambridge A level Psychology specification, there are
t\\'O main behaviourist \vays plus a humanistic and a fe'"
cognitive approaches to learning.
BEHAVIOURIST
APPLICATIONS TO
LEARNING
The behaviourist perspective \Vas covered in the section
for AS level (see page 47). Remember that it is about
observing the observable and ho\v \Ve learn things
through our environment and the organisms \vithin it.
I
I c.. n iti ning
This follo,vs the idea of learning th rough association.
It 1\las Pavlov 1\lhO introduced th is idea after
experimenting \\lith laboratory dogs. He trained dogs
to salivate to the sound of bell \vithout any food being
present He had conditioned that behaviour into the
2. the conditioning process
3. post-conditioning.
Pre-conditioni11g requires associations to already
be "in place" that can then be used to help to
condition the organism. A pre-programmed biological
relationship has to already be in existence (e.g. food
naturally produces a response for saliva in many
anin1als). 'lhe food is called the unconditioned
stin1ulus (UCS) and the salivation is called the
unconditioned response (UCR). A neutral stin1ulus
(NS) must be chosen that does not elicit any biological
response and this can be used to condition a new
behaviour in the organism.
T11e conditioning process requires the UCS and the NS to
be presented at the same time so that the organism can
associate the t\'IO Lhings. The UCR will still happen as
the UCS is still present
Post-conditio11i11g is when the NS can be presented on
its 01vn and it produces a response similar to the VCR.
The NS has now turned into a conditioned stin1ulus
(CS) and the UCR has turned into a conditioned
response (CR). ·rhe organism has no1v been classically
conditioned.
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Figure 8. l. I shO\'IS ho\v the process works.
Stage 1: Pre-conditioning
.-------------------'
'
,-------------------·
'--------------------'
'
'
'-·------------------
••
:
:- - - - -.:
Food
(UCS)
'
Bell
(NS)
.·--------------------:'
.
Stage 2: Cond1t1oning
Negative
reinforcement
1s when a
behaviour results
1n the rem<:11al of
something not nice
so the probability
of repeating
that behaviour is
increased.
Punishment
Positive punishment
is when a
behaviour results
in the addition of
something not nice
so the probability
of repeating
that behaviour Is
decreased.
Negative
punishment is when
a behaviour results
in the removal of
something nice
so the probability
of repeating
the behaviour is
decreased.
'
•
No response
''
.. -------------------,
.- -----. --.. -.... -.... ---
! Food and bell :_-----~!
Salivation
'
, (UCS + NS)
.
!
(UCR)
,
,_ ----- -- . ------- --··
'·· --- - ------- --- -- -Stage 3: Post-conditioning
,--------------------'
·
Bell
(CS)
'
.
Positive
reinforcement
1s when a
behaviour results
in the addition of
something nice
happening so
the probability
of repeating
that behaviour is
increased
,-------------------.
,------------------··
!
Sailvat1on
(UCR)
Reinforcement
... --.------... -------.
_____ ..!
___...:
Salivation
(CR)
'
·---. -- ....... -- ....... --·-•'
'
·--------·-----------'
& Fi gure 8.1.1 Classical conditioning (Pavlov's experiment)
With the original Pavlov experiment, the food 1vas the
UCS and the salivation \vas the UCR. He had introduced
a bell as the NS. He then rang the bell every time the
dogs were presented 1vith food (UCS +NS) - the dogs
1vould still salivate (UCR) as the food 1vas present. After
Table 8.1 .1 Four mechanisms thalcan help an organism
learn a behaviour
An example linked to education i s shO\Vn in Table 8. l.2.
several associations he 1vould just ring the bell (no1v a
CS) and the dogs 1vould salivate (CR).
--.
Reinforcement
A child has not been
A chtld shows
behaving very well
friendly
behaviour in the
1n class and keeps
classroom so the getting detentions.
child is awarded However. the child
a gold star and a begins to behave well
sweet. The child and so the detention is
1s more likely to
removed. The child is
show the fnendly more likely to behave
behaviour again. well in the future.
Punishment
A ch 1ld is not
behaving very
nicely lo another
child. The
child is given a
detention which
means the child
arrives home
late. The child
is less likely
to repeat the
behaviour.
Higher-order
..
,.
This is 1nore relevant to the processes of learning in
education. This is when there is an established CS-CR link
but a ne1" NS is presented every tirne the CS is presented.
Again, after several associations, the ne1v NS also becomes
a CS (given the code CS2 as it is a ne1v CS - a second one).
Th is then produces a CR.
0
di
ni g
This follO\VSthe idea of learning through consequences.
The idea first began with the la1v of effect - we are more
likely to repeat a behaviour if we find it pleasurable.
Ho1vever, as pleasure ca nnot be directly observed,
Skinner then proposed operant conditioning based
around the idea of reinforcen1ent and punishment.
Table 8.1.l sho1vs the four mechanisms that can be used
to help an organism learn a behaviour.
•
A child is not
behaving very nicely
to another child. As
a result, the child's
"golden time" of
having extra playtime
is removed and the
child has to sit In the
classroom alone. The
child is less likely to
repeat the behaviour.
Table 8.12 Two mechanisms 1n an example linked to
education
~
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked by your local school to
create some new rules and regulations about
behaviour 1n the classroom. The school has asked you to
base it on operant conditioning What will you propose?
V
®
created so the student \vorks through at his or her O\vn
pace getting rewarded at appropriate ti1nes.
TEST YOURSELF
Explain why programmed learning is linked to
operant cond1t1oning.
EVALUATION
behaviourism
•
quant
useful
•
Behaviour-modification
i
APPLICATIONS (BASED
ON THE BEHAVIOURIST
PERSPECTIVE)
I
ning
These techniques also follo\v the idea of operant
conditioning. They are based around the idea of
reinforcen1ent and punishment that shape the student's
behaviour to be better (e.g. in attempts to control a
disruptive student in the classroon1). By shaping we
mea11 changing the behaviour of a student (in rhis
exan1ple) to be more desirable by only rewarding
aspects of behaviour \Ve want repeating and ignoring or
punishing those behaviours that \Ve do not \Vant to see.
Specific ideas include the follo\ving:
This type of learning is based around reinforcen1ent. The
\\!hole technique is based around "steps to learning~
The student is given a question and asked to
respond. The follo\ving two things can happen:
Use of sticker charts - \vhen first starting school,
children can be re\varded with a sticker each
and every li1ne they display good behaviour (e.g.
cooperating, being friendl y). \Vhen children have
reached a certain set number of stickers on their
chart they are re\varded \Vith something that they
like (e.g. more playtin1e, a S\veet). The stickers
are called secondary reinforcers as they can be
exchanged for things that a child \\!ants.
The student is correct. If this is the case then praise,
re\vard or appropriate feedback is given, and the
student moves on to the next question. The positive
reinforcement motivates the student to continue to
the next question. This continues until all questions
have been ans\vered correctly.
The student is incorrect. If this is the case then
the student may be given additional information
or questions that essentially guide the individual
towards the correct answer. This is designed so that
the student begins to understand why the response
'"as incorrect. As soon as the guidance allo\vs the
student to get the question correct, he or she n1oves
on to the next one.
Some psychologists (e.g. Lefrancois) have stated
that this type of learning does not apply to 111odern
educational practices but so1ne of the principles such as
reinforce1nent and reward do. Ho,vever, some modern
practices in certain schools emphasise the use of IT and
virtual learning. Both of these can use programmed
learning effectively as the learning n1odule can be
The naughty corner or step can be used to try to
get rid of undesirable behaviour. For example, if
children are disruptive or aggressive they can be
given a set amount of time in an area designated for
"naughty children" (in a corner of a roo1n or on a
special chair). As this is punishn1ent, it is hoped that
the child will decrease the undesirable behaviour.
~
Use of tokens - th is follows a sin1ilar pattern lo the
use of sticker chart·s. Children gain tokens (e.g. a
plastic chip) for different desirable behaviours. Then
once they have collected enough they can exchange
them for a privilege (e.g. extra play tune, goi11g
to use the library). Each privilege has a different
"value''. For exan1ple, to gain e>..1ra playtime it costs
five tokens and extra use of the library might cost
just l\vo tokens. In some cases, tokens can be taken
a\\•ay fron1 children for undesirable behaviour.
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•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Create a token chart with different values for
different privileges. What will be the privilege with
the highest and lowest token value?
®
EVALUATION
usefl.il
behaviourism
quant
ethics
APPLICATIONS (BASED
ON HUMANISM)
-"-~~~~~~~-
All of this is based around the idea of a non-co1npetitive
environment for learning. In traditional schools many
students are ahvays in con1petition 1vith each other to
a.chieve goals. Cooperative learning allo\vS students to
work together in teams to achieve their potential. Here
is an exan1ple:
Groups of up to six students are set a task that
requires face-to-face interact ion.
HUMANISTIC
APPLICATIONS TO
LEARNING
This approach lo learning was not covered at AS level.
TI1e basics ofhurnanisn1 centre on the uniqueness of
every individual. 'TI1erefore, there are no general laws
that apply to aU individuals. Overall, we are the product
of our own experiences and as these are different for
everyone, \Ve are all different.
Roles are assigned and the provision of tasks is
divided among the group so everybody is working
towards their strengths. This is called positive
interdependence.
Group n1ernbers are expected to share, cooperate
and learn th rough out the task set.
~
1he end rewards and the uh irnate goal can only be
achieved if all group men1bers contribute.
It develops interpersonal skills such as taking turns,
collaboration and positivity.
Underlying th ory
The idea of humanism stems from Rogers and bis ideas
about client-centred therapy. The basics include that \ve
are unique individuals \vho have all had different life
patb,vays and this makes us all different We also have
free \Vill over our O\vn behaviour and create our own
path,vays in life. Sorne other characteristics include the
follo,ving:
What 1ve perceive as real is unique so no other
person can truly understand us as no other person
has had the san1e experiences.
We all need to self-actualise - this means \vorking
towards a goal we have set ourselves that \viii make
us feel '\vhole''.
We are who \Ve are due to life experiences.
We \viii behave in 1vays that support the idea we
have about ourselves.
•
So, overall, the \vhole idea encourages positive
interdependence, individual accountability (all must
contribute), interpersonal skill development and faceto-face social skills.
Learning circles and the
I
r-An open classroon1 is a core idea of hurnanisn1. Open
classroon1s are about individual gro\vth and goal setting
where the n1ost in1portont person is ahvays the student.
There is no curriculun1 as such and there can be
students of all ages in the same classroon1. There is a low
student-teacher ratio \vith very little control or elernent
of con1petition. In an open classroorn, a teac.her could
set up learning circles in t\\IO main ways:
Learning together - th is is si1n ilar to cooperative
learning in that a group of four to six students \vork
together on the same \vorksheet to get it completed.
The n1aterial encourages the entire group to help
each other. Praise is given for cooperation and
for completing Lhe task correctly. There is no
competition bet\veen the groups \vho are given the
same task.
Student teains achievement division - this is also
based on cooperative learning, but initially the
groups have a mixture of ability in them. Any
ne\v materiaJ that is vital to the task is "taught" to
students in a traditional \vay. While students are
encouraged to " 'Ork as a team, they chose \vhether
to do so - therefore, some n1ay complete the task
individually then give feedback to the group.
Ho\vever, all students are encouraged to help each
other. Tean1 scores are calculated and the tean1 that
has progressed the most since the last task gets the
most recognition (so it is not ahvays the best score
that wins). Overall, this 1neans that the students are
more in control of their progression than the teacher.
EVALUATION
usefUI
s
•
Ind vs sit
The idea of schemas (or schemata) is also useful.
Schemas are "packets of information" about a certain
object, idea, experience, etc. Children develop these over
time and they change depending on the experiences a
child has. For exan1ple, initially a child will have a niental
representation of a "tree" in his or her head. Initially, all
"trees are trees''. However, over tin1e and with education,
the child learns there are different types of tree so will
develop a schema for an oak, a fir and a n1aple tree.
Education can help develop these schen1as so children
can then fully understand the world around them.
Other concepts that are useful are under the
'J\pplications" heading below.
h
Visit http://\V\vw.su111 merhillschool.co.uk/ and make
notes on ho\v the school runs and \vhat a typical day/
term is for a student
COGNITIVE
APPLICATIONS TO
LEARNING
This approach \Vas covered at AS level and the basics
can be found on page V. This approach to education
is based around the 1vay students think and process
infor111ation in order to learn.
Underlying theory
(P
children begin to thi nk a11d reason but find it difficult
to see the world from the vie\\•poinl of son1eone else.
They also tend to find logical tasks difficult. At the
concrete operational stage (7- 11 years old) the child
begins to develop more aduJt-like thinking patterns
and appreciate logic more. I lo\vever, sometin1es their
logic is not based on hO\V an adult would think. ln the
final stage, the formal operational stage (11 + years
old) logical and abstract thoughts are developed and
children can begin to think for themselves.
)
The basic idea of Piaget is that a child develops in stages
that are linked to the child's age. During a sensorin1otor stage (up to 2 years of age) children have a simple
focus on developing their senses and moving around
to learn. At the pre-operational stage (2-7 years old)
APPLICATIONS
i
..
This idea \\'CIS proposed by Bruner and the idea \\laS that
it can help out in the classroom to educate students. It
follo\VS the idea that students are not presented with all
of the material "there and then" (which can be called
spoon feeding) but they are to organise it the1nselves
with cognitive effort. Students niust be ready to learn and
discover new things by looking for relationships between
diJferent bits of information. Students need to be in a
motivational state that is optin1um (not over- or underaroused). Students need to be exposed to inforn1ation
fro1n a range ofsituations - this allows thc1n to look for
relationships between them \Vithout simply "being told".
Finally, students have to be ready to go out and discover
ne\v materials and information that is asked of then1. Again,
this helps them to see relationships bcl\veen different bits of
information. Other aspects include the follo''~ng:
Choosing the correct mode of representation - this
can be related to both the age of students and how
complex a11 idea is. Children move from enactive
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(senses and motor learning) through iconic
(concrete facts and ideas) to symbolic (abstract
ideas) representation.
Spiral curriculum - the programme of learning
should involve returning to core ideas that are
looked at in increasing depth each time so students
get a more solid unde rstanding of them. So, for
example, for this course it may be a return to the
issues and debates or research n1ethods each time
they are relevant to a topic.
Students need to be encouraged to have "educated
guesses» and teachers need to use a range of tech niques
to allov.• cognitive progression in au students.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
How would you use discovery learning lo create
a series of lessons to leach a group of students
any one of the core studies from AS level? Evaluate your
efforts (e.g. how easy would It be? Do you think students
would understand the study at lhe end?).
Expository teaching or
I
Ausubel felt that discovery learning can be too time
consuming and overall may not be effective in aiding
understanding. He noted the follo,ving about traditional
teaching:
Expository teaching - \Vhen students are given all
of the information that is necessary on a topic in its
final form; they do none of the initial '"ork.
Reception learning - '"hen students have to learn
tJ1e expository teaching material.
Ausubel stated that there are t\VO ways that traditional
teaching can be in1proved via expository teaching:
Derivative subsumption - when students are made
to relate any ne\v infonnation to previously learned
n1aterial.
Correlative subsumption - when students have to
change \vhat they already kno\v to allO\\I the ne\"
information to relate to \Vhat they knO\\I.
Overall, other techniques that can be use expository
teaching include the follo,ving:
Advance organisers - this involves things such as
ideas and concepts iliat are given to students before
any ne'" material is learned in a lesson. These could
•
take ilie form of lesson objectives using key terms of
ideas that the lesson '"ill be about or contain.
Discriminability - a teacher should try to use
correlative subsumptions more than derivative ones
as they require more cognitive effort and a student
is more likely to retain that information.
~1aking
it meaningful - there should be sufficient
background material already presented and stored
so that the student can then be prepared to learn
ne\v ideas (e.g. the context of the core studies
at AS level mean that, you, as a student, have an idea
'"hY the study took place so it becon1es n1eaningful).
Zone of proximal
vel
n ( D)
Vygotsky coined the tern1 ZPD to describe the difference
between \vhat learners can ac hieve by then1selves
and \vhat they can achieve \Vi th the help of a more
experienced person (e.g. a teacher). 'TI1erefore, a teacher
plays a vital role in helping students cornplete tasks that
are just beyond \\lhat they can achieve by then1selves.
This aJJo,vs individuals to develop at diflerent rates and
teachers must be a'rare of how the ZPD of ditferent
students '"ill differ depending on ilie task. One student
might have a large potential for mathematics while
another in the same class finds mathematics very
difficult. The first student has a large ZPD \vbile the latter
has a small ZPD. As a result, a teacher \vould have to use
different techniques to teach both students.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
With the mathematics example above. how would
you help each student? What would be different?
Would there be some activities lhal were the same?
One \vay in \\•hich a teacher could help any student is
through '"hat is called scaffolding. Tl1is is a process
whereby a teacher (sorneone with the kno\vledge)
attempts to pass on knowledge to someone with less
knowledge (the student). Scaffold ing is about creating
structured niaterials that allow students to gain in
confidence with a particular topic '''ith the relevant
help. An example could include a series of handouts on
a topic that includes the follo,ving:
Basic ideas could be included that allow students
to gain some kno\vledge, such as a fill-in-the-gaps
exercise or an exercise matching terms to definitions
by connecting the111 with a line. The fill-in-the-gaps
exercise might have all of the \YOrds given to students
in a box: they then place each one in the correct gap.
"Templates" that break information down could be
provided for students. An example \\'Ould be templates
for the AS level core studies you looked at last year.
You \vould be given a template that has sections for
you to write the aim, design, participants, etc. This
\\'Ould ensure that you look at each section in turn.
giving some guidelines on how to \Yritc it. For
exan1ple, the handout may hint at \vhat the question
is asking. \\•hat material is usefu I and even give an
example evaluation to show students how it is done.
Ho\vever, students \YOuld still have to \Yrite the essay
themselves ai. this is the skill that is being taught.
@
EVALUATION
cognitive
usefUI
Ind vs sit
Students n1ight be asked to \vrite an essay-style
answer lo a question. A handout \vould be provided
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s.2 .s p;e c1AL
EDUCATIONAL
NEEDS
The Department for Children, Schools and Fan1ilies in
the United Kingdom (2008) defined giftedness as:
Children and yol1ng people \vi th one or more abilities
developed to a level significantly ahead of their year
group (or \Vi th potential to develop those abilities).
ASK YOURSELF
DEFINITIONS, TYPES
AND ASSESSMENT OF
SPECIAL EDUCATIONAL
NEEDS (INCLUDING
GIFTED CHILDREN)
Definitions of special
educational needs and
9
dn
The Departn1ent for Education in the United Kingdom
defines special educational needs as follo\vs:
Children have special educational needs if they
have a learning difficulty which calls for special
educational provision to be made for the1n.
Children have a learning difficulty if they:
Do you agree with these definrtions? Can you
think of an example that may not fit into these?
TYPES OF SPECIAL
EDUCATIONAL NEEDS
Dysl
i
V>/e \viii focus on dyslexia here as an exan1ple of a special
educational need. The British Dyslexia Association's
definition is:
Dyslexia is a con1bination of abilities and difficulties
that affect the learning process in one or n1ore
of reading, spelling and \Vriting. It is a persistent
condition.
Table 8.2.1 shO\VS a list of characteristics of dyslexia
broken do\vn by age.
(a) have a significantly greater difficulty in learning
than the majority of children of the same age; or
(b) have a disability \Vhich prevents or hinders them
from n1aking use of educational facilities of a kind
generally provided for children of the same age in
schools within the area of the local education authority
(c) are under compulsory school age and fall \Vilhin
the definition at (a) or (b) above or would so do
if special educational provision was not made for
them. Children n1usl not be regarded as having a
learning difficulty solely because the language or
forn1 of language of their home is different from
the h1nguage in \Vhich they \Viii be taught. Special
educational provision means:
(a) for children of two or over, educational
provision which is additional to, or other\vise
different fron1, the educational provision made
generally for children of their age in schools
maintained by the LEA, other than special schools,
in the area (b) for children under t'<VO, educaUonal
provision of any kind.
See Section 312, Education Act 1996
•
Persistent
(so not
linked to
age of
child)
Children who have dyslexia:
have •good" and "bad" days for no
reason
confuse directional words such as
"up" and "down"
can find sequencing difficult (e.g.
pulling beads In an order)
have problems with numbers and
adding up "in their head"
have a short attentJon span
have problems organising themselves
Pre-school
have delayed speech development
jumble up phrases (e.g. saying
"beddy tear" instead or "teddy bear"
have difficulties expressing
themselves through speech
have d1ff1culty with rhyming words
and phrases
have difficulty in remembering labels
for objects (e.g. chair, bed)
Early
school
years
have difficulty learning sounds
of letters
show unpredictable spelling
have difficulty in copying written
words and sentences
can confuse letters such as "b" and "d"
have poor ·word attack skills" - the
ability to process and make sense
of unfamiliar words by breaking
them down
Middle
school
years
have a slow reading speed
have problems with correct spellings
have problems recognising and
understanding new words.
A Table 8.2.1 Characteristics of dyslexia broken down by age
Source: Adapted lrom NHS and British Dyslexia Association
Information
Assessn1en1 can be completed at school using a
computerised test that will assess all of the above
(depending on the age of the child). A second opinion
rnay be sought from an educational psychologist \vho
can run some face-to-face tests on the child.
,. Impairment of social communication - a 1vide
range of communication skills rnay be affected.
Many children with autism fail to develop "useful
speech~ Even after their language skills improve,
they n1ay find it dHficuh lo use it to con1municate
1vith others. There may be a lack of intonation in
the voice and non-verbal comn1unication such as
eye contact and use of gestures is very limited or
non-existent.
Impairment of social imagination - those affected
have great difficulty thinking irnaginatively. Pretend
play is either absent or they play the san1e thing over
and over again.
Other features 1nay include repetitive behaviour, a focus
on very specific topics to collect inforrnation about and a
lack of attentional gestures such as pointing or showing.
Asperger syndrome is a form of autis1n. Lt is sin1Uar
to \vhat is outlined above but people with Asperger
syndron1e appear to have fe\ver speech problems and
tend to have above average intelligence. They also usually
have specific learning difficulties (e.g. dyslexia, dyspraxia
or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder - ADHD).
Assessment tends lo be through the DSM via a trained
physician.
~
V
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A local school has asked you to assess its
students for dyslexia What sort of tasks would
you gel the students to perform 1n order for you to assess
who may have dyslexia?
TEST YOURSELF
OuU1ne the main characteristics of auhsm.
..
According to the Department for Children, School and
Families, general characteristics of gifted and talented
children include the follo\ving:
Autism spectrum
di
Autisn1 spectrum disorders is a tenn given to a group
of "disorders" that cover a wide spread of social and
intellectual issues. "01ese include autisn1 itself and
Asperger syndrome. ·nre Dingnost ic and Statistical
1Wan11al of Mental Disorders (DSM) has diagnostic
criteria for autism and Asperger syndrome but the
follo1ving are the n1ain characteristics of autism:
ln1pairn1ent of social interaction - those affected
have difficulty 1vith reciprocal social interactions.
This rnay co111e across as being disinterested.
Also, some may like the social contact but fail to
reciprocate it.
They are good readers and verbally fluent for their
age. They rnay also verbally respond very quickly.
_. They have a \Vide general knowledge, learn quickly
and have interest in topics that older children are
studying.
They con1n1unicate well with adults and show
"novel" approaches lo problem solving. Also, they
prefer verbal ac ti vities to written activities.
They have a good memory.
They are probably musical and/or artistic.
Assessment can be achieved in a variety of ways from
teacher nomination to checklists of the above to
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assessing students' 1vork and testing their abilities 1vith
psychometric methods (e.g. an IQ test). Please refer to
the IQ section on page 137.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A local school has asked you
to assess its
students for giftedness. What sort of tasks would
you get the students to perform 1n order for you to assess
who may be gifted?
CAUSES AND EFFECTS
OF ONE SPECIFIC
LEARNING DIFFICULTY
OR DISABILITY
ys
Recent advances in this area have focused on a
biological cause for dyslexia. It would appear that if a
person has been diagnosed 1vith dyslexia then there
is a 40- 60 per cent chance that the person's child or
children will also develop dyslexia.
It 1vould appear that there could be "faults" in the
phonological processing centres of the brain in
dyslexics. The specific areas could be:
broca's area, which is involved in the production of
speech and 1vriting
the parietotemporal region, 1vhich is thought to be
involved in analysing a 1vritten 1vord or sentence
the occipitoten1poral region, 1vhich is thought to be
involved in looking at 1vords and then identifying
1vh at they a re.
Also, an area of the brain called the cerebelJum could
play a role in dyslexia as this area controls elen1ents of
language production but also coordination and balance
1vhich can also be lacking in people 1vit11 dyslexia.
Genetic analysis has shown that genetic variants may
account for some of the reading difficulties and other
factors linked to dyslexia. For example, Wilcke et al
(2012) reported that a variant of the genetic n1aterial
labelled FOXP2 may well be able to account for some
of the phonological processing difficulties that dyslexics
display. Elbert et al (2011) also reported that a certain
region of the K!AA03 I 9 gene could contribute to the
reading difficulties displayed by many dyslexics.
•
ln terms of effects, the main characteristics are highlighted
on page L18 and, in addition, dyslexics may well sho1v
elements of dyscalculia (atypical n1athematical ability),
dyspraxia (problems 1vith motor coordination of limbs,
etc.) and dysgrapl1ia (difficulty 1vriting).
fA\
V
TEST OURSEL
Outline potential causes of dyslexia.
~ EVALUATION
~--
quant
STRATEGIES FOR
EDUCATING CHILDREN
WITH SPECIAL NEEDS
-
Int gration versu
i n
Johnson & Jones (1999) highlighted some pros and cons
for integrating students 1vith autistic spectrum disorders
into mainstream schools:
Pros: there were increased chances of social
interactions; easier access to resources; specialist
teaching methods; broader opportunities for
qualifications; opportunities to spread a1vareness of
their need to others; a better understanding of social
rules in a real-world every day context.
Cons: there 1vere too many people to deal with
socia!Jy; the curricuJu1n n1ay have been too
inflexible; staff \Vere less likely to have been trained
on the disorder; there 1vere fe1ver opportunities to
explore the social \.vorld "s;ifely''.
The Council for the Registration of Schools Teaching
Dyslexic Pupils (CReSTeD) is a UK-based organisation
that lists schools that have specialist provision for
students \Yith dyslexia. In 2013 it had 78 schools listed
with specialist dyslexia units and 1Tiost of these schools
will integrate dyslexics inlo 1nainstream education but
also have provision for specialist lessons and help where
it is needed for a student.
TEST YOURSELF
What are the arguments in ravour of integraUng
students with special educational needs into
mainstream schools?
For gifted students,
acceleration or
•
There has been a debate as to v•hether gifted students
are n1ore often accelerated (placed in a class for older
students or given niore stretching \VOrk) or enriched
(given extra activities in and out of the classroom).
The Department for Children, Schools and Fatnilies
recommends a con1binatlon of the t\vo including:
stretching targets for a gifted student taking into
account previous kno\vledge and skills
providing learning acti vities that stretch the student
through acceleration and enrichment
1' making opportunities for independent learning
enabling learning in settings beyond the classroom
providing individual support for aspects such as
language to st retch and challenge the student
ensuring rich provision of educational activities.
Renzulli ( 1977) created an enrichment triad model
\vhich \Vas used in schools in the United States in the
J 970s. The n1odel is sho,vn in Figure 8.2.1.
Type 1
General
exploratory
activities
v
Type2
Group
training
activities
Type 3
Individual and small-group
Investlgation of real
problems
Type 1 activities \vere designed to expose students
to a range of hobbies, occupations, places, etc. that
are not covered in the curriculum. Type 2 activities
\vere designed to promote things such as problemsolving skills, "how-to" skills and oral and visual
communication skills. Type 3 activities 'vere designed
so that students could choose an area of interest to
pursue \Yilh extra curricular lime. Types I and 2 \Vere
available to the top 20 per cent of an ability group \Yith
Type 3 given to Lhe top 3 per cent of students (or more
depending on the model adopted by a specific school).
0-
I
A variety of strategies can be used in schools (and at
home) to help students who have dysleida:
The Alpha-to-Omega method for reading, \Yriting
and spelling is a schen1e based on phonetics. It
introduces \VOrds, gran11nar, punctuation, etc. in a
series of logical steps to help dyslexic students begin
to read words Lhen \vrite them and get the spelling
correct. Pictures are used so Lhat students have to
match sou11ds and \VOrds to the correct picture.
Colour can be used - n1any dyslexics have been
found to find \vhite paper quite "glaring" n1aking it
difficult to read text. As most scl1ools in the UK no'v
have interactive \vhiteboards this can be problematic
for dyslexics in the classroom. 'rhe use of cream or
pastel shades of paper or background to an interactive
board can help to reduce the glare and the words
appear clearer. Son1e dyslexics prefer a coloured
overlay on a piece of paper (a plastic coloured
sheet) or they wear I inted reading glasses \vi th their
preferred colour as their lenses. The colour~d filters
are said to help \vith the visual stress of reading. An
intuitive colourin1eter can be used by an optometrist
to find dyslexics' preferred colour. Pinally, the
choice of colour for the text is crucial - some colour
combinations such as red text on 1vhite background
can 1nake the \VOrds "invisible" to some dyslexics.
Phonics can be used to help dyslexics. There are six
stages to this:
1. Phonemic a'vareness - this helps students to
recognise different phone1nes and what they
sound like.
Figure 8.2.1 The enrichment triad model
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2. Phonic instruclion - this teaches students how
to ~sound out" a printed \VOrd by recognising
Lhe different leuers in a \VOrd.
3. SpeUing and \vriting instruction - this
encourages students to combine letters to make
\VOrds and then say the1n.
®
words and their meanings and are asked the
meanings of previously learned \VOrds.
EVALUATION
useful
ind vs sit
ethics
'
4. Fluency instruction - students practise reading
" 'ords correctly. They are also encouraged to
read faster each tin1e.
5. Vocabulary instruction - this allo\vs students to
begin to recognise Lhe words they have already
learned.
6. Co1nprehension instruction - students are
encouraged to ask questions abou t uncertain
•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked by a local school to help
students who have been diagnosed with dyslexia.
The school wants you to devise a programme that can
be followed by these students to help them. What will you
include in your programme and why?
8.3 LEARNING AND
TEACHING
STYLES
effectiveness ofho\v that student learns on that day.
Therefore, there is unpredictability here.
The middle layer is called informational processing
style. This represents ho\v the student processes
information. This has a focus on ho\v the student
takes in the information, processes it in the
brain and then uses it to perform a certain task.
The middle layer is more stable as it is "deeper
into the onion" so the student's preferred style
tends to remain the same in different classes and
subjects. The processing style can be affected by
environmental factors such as ho\v \veil the teacher
explains a task but, overall, this layer is quite stable.
TYPES OF LEARNING
AND TEACHING STYLE
Learning styles refer to ho\v a student can take in
information, process it and then use it for some
purpose (e.g. taking an exam). Teaching styles refer
to ho\v a teacher delivers the material to a class of
students to help them understand it. In this section we
look at different types of learning and teaching styles,
how to measure our learning and teaching styles and
then ho\v to in1prove learning effectiveness.
The inner core is called cognitive personality style.
This represents the student's core way of th inking.
For exan1ple, son1e students prefer to look at a
problem fro111 various angles before answering it
and \Vil] do this no n1atter \vhal subject they are
studying. Other students will take a step-by-step
approach so they tackle a proble1n in a logical order
before anS\VCring. Other core elements include
personality traits such as being an extrovert or
introvert. As this is the core, it is difficult to change
in a student; it represents how the student will tackle
a problem or exam question.
ASK YOURSELF
How do you feel you learn best (a) in a classroom
(b) at home when revising. Keep the answer to
one side and then see if your learning style is covered in
this section.
The onion model
Grasha's (1996)
I
This 1nodel uses the analogy of an onion to explain
learning styles. There are three layers to the "onion" and
each of the1n represent ways in \Vhich people learn and
also ho\v stable each type is \\rithin a learner:
The outer layer is called instructional preference. This
represents \vhat the student favours in terms of how
the individual Iikes to be taught. There are a lot of
factors that can affect this preference including the
classroo1n environn1ent, who the teacher is, how the
teacher teaches and expectations fro1n self and, for
exa111ple, parents. This outer layer is quite "unstable"
(think ho\v easy it is to peel tl1e outer layer off an
onion) and can change fron1 day to day depending on
\Vhich of the above factors are affecting the student
For exa111ple, one day a student has his or her favourite
teacher in the students favourite dassroon1 and learns
very \Veil Ho\vever, the next day the student still has
his or her favourite teacher but the classroom is not
"nice" and the student's parents have told the student
that he or she must try harder. This may reduce the
"'
Grasha (1996) introduced us to six different styles
of learning that a student can have. The idea is to be
able to use aJJ six but th is depends on the task that is
being undertaken in the classroon1. Grasha believed
that students should be able to utilise all six \vhen
being educated, but that they 1nust choose the most
appropriate \vhen needed. lhesc are the six styles:
I> Independent - students learn at their own pace, by
then1selves on things such as course\vork projects.
I> Dependent - students look to the teacher and
to other students for help and structure. TI1e
preference here is to be told \vhat to do.
Competitive - this style is about being motivated
to do better than class111ates and seeing acade1n ic
achieven1ent as being very important.
Collaborative - this involves \VOrking and
cooperating \Vith other students and the teacher.
The preference is for small-group \VOrk and projects.
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lhey encourage development of self-confidence and
independence in learning and they give students
responsibi1ities.
Avoidant - this is when students feel unenthusiastic
about learning and then becon1e uninterested.
Participant - students are eager to \Vork and get
involved in activities. The idea behind Lhis is to meet
Lhe teacher's expectations.
A ]o,v-initiative teacher is the opposite of the above.
A teacher can easily shO\V high-initiative traits in both
formal and informal settings and Fontana reminded
his readers that high and lo\1 initiative are not to be
confused \vith formaJ and informal teaclling methods.
1
Formal and Informal
S
1
76)
I
Early ideas about teaching styles focused on ho"'
formal or informal the classroom setting was. These are
the t\\IO styles:
Formal style this is a teacher-centred approach to
delivery. lhe teacher is in control of the lesson and
decides '"hat is being taught, how it wiU be taught, \Vho
sits where and how the classroon1 is arranged. This is
son1etin1es called a "traditional" method of teaching.
informal style - this is a student-centred approach
to delivery. The lesson is a negotiation between the
student and the teacher in tenns of 1vhat is taught,
ho1v it is delivered and how the assessn1ents \vork.
Bennett noted that 1vhen lessons are about acaden1ic
content then the formal style brought about better
results than the informal. This suggests that having
structure to lessons, brought in by the teacher, allows
students to understand concepts better and then use
Lhen1 at a later date.
High initiative and low
~
I
5
Fontana also looked into teaching styles. He 1vanted to
introduce a new idea. 111ere is a conti11uun1 bel\veen
a high-initiative and a low-initiative teacher. The
characteristics of a high-initiative teachers are as fo U01vs:
TI1ey are awa re of the individual needs of each
student (e.g. the student's preferred learning style,
what special educational needs the student has).
They are \Villing to learn from students (e.g. learn
niore about ho\v the class wants to be taught).
They allo1v all students to 1nake full use of their
range of skills and abilities (e.g. using a variety of
tasks so everyone can \York to a strength).
•
They allO\V students to make informed choices
(e.g. for coursework there may be a range of options
so students can choose their favourite).
@
EVALUATION
usetul
quantlqual
•
ind vs sit
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Using one or the learning or teaching styles
above, explain how you would use it Lo make
learning more effective In a local school.
MEASURING LEARNING
AND TEACHING STYLES
So. ho\v do teachers and educational psychologists
measure preferred learning and teaching styles? We 'viU
look at \vays in \Vhich they can measure both.
Approaches to study
inventory (ASI)
..
'
The ASI is a questionnaire that students can fill in and
it measures, nu1uerically, hO\V \\•ell they score on four
different "learning orientations''. The questions are all
ans\vered on a rating scale and an overall score can be
calculated. The four different learning orientations are
as follo1vs:
Meaning orientation - this includes taking a deep
approacll to learning (questioning a lot), using
evidence to make a knowledgable argument, being
able to interrelate ideas, engaging in comprehension
learning as \veil as operation learning (using facts
and logic) and having intrinsic niotivation (students
can motivate themselves).
Reproducing orientation - this includes taking a
usurface approach" (students like to n1en1orise),
being syllabus-bound (relying on the teacher for
learning objectives), improvidence (showing strong
attention to detail) and fearing failure.
Achieving orientation - this includes taking a
"strategic approach" (students are a\vare of the
academic demands of a subject) and showing
achievement motivation (being quite competitive
\vith confidence).
Non-academic orientation - this includes having
disorganised study methods, having negative
attitudes to studying in general, "globetrotting"
Qumping to quick conclusions not based on all the
facts available) and extrinsic n1otivation (\vanting to
get qualifications).
All students 'vho co1nplete the ASJ get a score on all
four orientations (and each s1nall section within an
orientation) so the score can then highlight to them
what strategies they can use \vhen it comes to studying
(e.g. for exa1ns).
Acbv1ties earned out by students
are restricted to those set out by
the teacher
Students' activities are mainly
writing and listening
The teacher's main activity 1s to
lecture and provide 1nformat1on
I
TEST YOURSELF
What are the main features of the ASt?
Teacher-centr d and
student-centred styles
(Kyriacou & Williams,
9
We have already discussed the ideal of forn1al and
informal teaching styles but ho\v can these be measured
statistically? Kyriacou & Willian1s ( 1993) devised
an inventory that could be con1pleted by teachers. lt
measured the degree in which teachers were student- or
teacher-centred in their job. Teachers have to co1nplete
a series of statements by simply ticking how it best
describes ho\V they \vork (see Figure 8.3.1 ).
Acllv1t1es earned out by students
are variable and negotiated with the
teacher
Students' act1v1t1es are mainly
problem solving and experimental
The teacher's main act1v1ty 1s to
facilitate and enable students to
learn
The teacher's rote varies; the
teacher Is an enabler and facilitator
Resources are numerous and varied
1
The teacher's role 1s fixed as a
provider
Resources are limited 1n number
and variety
Time spent on activities is fixed,
determined by the teacher
The classroom has a forma l layout
that rarely changes
The objectives of the lesson are
usually content based
Assessment Is normally under the
control of the teacher
l
l
Time spent on activities is variable
and nexlble, negotiated by students
and the teacher
Tile layout of the classroom is
flexible, changing according to the
activities going on
Process Is the main objective of
lessons
Students and the teacher have a
say in assessment
Figure 8.3.1 Some of the bipolar terms used to measure teacher-centred and student-centred teaching styles
Source: Adapted from Kyriacou & VVilklns, 1993
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An overall score can be calculated that tells us the extent
to \vhich a teacher prefers teacher-centred or studentcentred styles of teaching.
All of these styles are measured using a learning styles
questionnaire '"here students tick all of the statements
that they feel describe ho''' they learn. From that, a
score can be generated and then each student can be put
into one of the four main categories.
Kolb's (1984) learning
EVALUATION
Kolb began working on his learning styles ideas in 1984
and they \Vere published in 1984 and I986. He believed
that there are four main learning styles, as highlighted
by Figure 8.3.2.
Concrete
experience
Diverging
Accommodating ~
feel and do § feel and watch
Doing
c:
Converging
think and do
..
0
Q.
e
<1>
.
Asslm1latlng
think and watch
useful
You have been asked Lo give a talk to some
teachers about teaching and learning styles. They
want some practical advice about what things they can do
in Lhe classroom to make learning more interactive. What
advice would you given Ihem and on what psychology is
your advice based?
§
Active
Processing Continuum
experimentation - ---=-+-----
ind vs sit
•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Feeling
(.)
psychom
Reflective
observation
Watching
cf
Abstract
conceptualisation
Thinking
Figure 8.3.2 Kolb"s learning sty1es
IMPROVING LEARNING
EFFECTIVENESS (STUDY
SKILLS)
Now you have learned about different learning and
teaching styles and ho'v to rneasure them, ho\\' can
all of the information be used to try to improve ho'"
effectively we learn? We will look at three methods.
The four styles can be described as folJo,vs:
Accommodating - students \Vho like to do things
and get involved in the experience of learning ' "ill
be in this category. Accommodators may be risk
takers and do thi ngs via "trial and error~
Assin1ilating - asshnilators Lend to be motivated
by asking questions such as "What is there to
kno\\•?" ll1ey are more interested in abstract ideas
than concrete ones. They Ii ke accurate, structured
delivery of information.
Converging - students in this category like the
practical application of any idea and like logical
progression of topics.
Diverging- students in this category like to be
i1naginative \vhen learning. They Like to vie'" ideas
from many angles and like material presented in a
systematic '"ay.
•
The 4-m t syst m
"
1
There are four stages to lesson planning \Vhich in theory
can enhance learning experiences in the classroon1:
1. Motivation - students may be asked to devise
a lesson individualJy about a particular topic.
Similarities and differences are noted via a
discussion bet~veen the students.
2. Concept development - all of the students' lesson
plans are discussed so that a lesson can cover \vhat
all students like in terms of the way they learn. This
means that the teacher can direct the learning to
appropriate tasks. For example, for some a textbook
might be the favoured method of delivery \Vhereas
for others some onJine material might help.
3. Practice - all students engage in practical activities
in the classroo1n to develop a deeper understanding
of the topic areas.
4. Application - students 'viii be given a novel
situation or experience and they have to use the
kno,vledge they have already gained from the first
three stages and apply it to this ne\v situation.
There are three main stages lo SPEL1':
1. Phase 1: students are taught about the different
techniques (e.g. problem-solving, men1ory,
organisation techniques) by a teacher using a formal
style of delivery.
2. Phase 2: students "try out" a number of techniques
and then evaluate them in terms of effectiveness for
them. The delivery moves towards an informal style
of delivery as each student can \\'Ork individually at
his or her own pace.
This method is about improving the effectiveness of
learning through the use of textbooks. The idea is to do
more than sin1ply "read" the material in a textbook by
doing the follo1ving:
3. Phase 3: students begin to use the strategies that
they evaluated favourably in different situations or
classes. They continue to evaluate their effectiveness
and the delivery of session is no1v informal.
1. Preview - the idea here is lo "skin1 read" a chapter
Psychologists and teachers have been very positive
about the SPELT 111ethod as it gives students a
"cognitive toolkit" \vhich they can use in any subject
depending on the demands of any given task.
by focusing on words in bold, the headings and
subheadings used and readi ng any introduction,
sun1 niary or bullet-poinL sections.
2. Question - students go back and look at any
headings or subheadings again, then they need to
turn these headings into questions.
3. Read - students read each section carefully, maybe
highlighting or making notes in the margin. The
que~tions generated in stage 2 should be a focus and
students should try to find the answers to them as
they read.
4. Self-recitation - students recall the information
after each section either out loud or to themselves.
5. Test - \vhen a chapter is completed, students try to
recall as mud1 of the chapter as possible using the
questions to help them recall.
The SPELT method
I
~ 1
)
®
EVALUATION
useful
•
quantlqual
ind vs sit
TEST YOURSELF
OuUine the SPELT method
validity
to improve learning.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Outline one way In which you would improve
the effecbveness of learning 1n a group of
students who say they are "bored with JUSl reading from
a textbook".
The final n1ethod is called strategies for effective
learning and th inki ng (SPELT). The idea is that if
teachers can get students lo understand and appreciate
ho~v they learn then teachers can in1prove students'
ability to learn. This can then turn into students
becon1ing autono111ous learners who kno1v exactly the
best 1vays in which they learn. Teachers must have a
range of techniques that can help any students (e.g.
problen1-solving, memory, logical and organisational
techniques).
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We have already looked at w·ays in \Vhich students
learn differently and how potentially to improve the
effectiveness of learning in the classroom. Ho,vever, one
other factor that can affect educational performance is
motivation. ln this section \Ve look at different types of
nlolivat ion, ho\V to improve nlOt ivation and issues that
affect motivation.
~
ASK YOURSELF
~
List anything that you think would mollvate a
student to do beller at school.
One idea fron1 humanism that atten1pts to explain
motivation \~S proposed by NlaslO\\'. He created a
hierarchy of needs that starts at basic needs and 1noves
up to higher-level "meta needs~ This is shO\Vn in
Figure 8.4.1 . A student 1nust \VOrk up the hierarchy of
needs to achieve self-actualisation - this is realising and
read1 ing one's full potential.
SelfactuallsallOn
needs
Esteem needs
Social needs
Safety needs
DEFINITIONS, TYPES
AND THEORIES OF
MOTIVATION
Extrinsic motivation is a desire to perform a task or
behaviour because it gives positive rei nforce1nent
(e.g. a reward) or it avoids son1e kind of punishn1ent.
In terms of education, this 111ight n1ean students are
motivated to get the best grade possible. Intrinsic
motivation is a desire to perform a task or behaviour
because it gives internal pleasure or helps to develop
a skiJJ. ln terms of education, students \Vill attribute
success to their O\VD desires (autonomy) and may
be interested in simply mastering a task rather than
focusing on a grade.
This idea follo\vS the rules of operant conditioning
covered on page 112. Students arc motivated by
rewards. The more they are re\vardcd, the n1ore likely
they arc to repeat behaviour or con1plete a task.
Positive reinforcement allo,vs this to happen. They
may also be motivated by punishment in terms of
trying to avoid it.
•
PhyS1olog1caJ needs
Figure 8.4.1 Maslow's hierarchy of needs
The basic needs al\vays have to be met (even if partially)
before a human being can consider 1vorking up the
hierarchy tO\vards self-actualisation. Therefore, a student
has to be motivated and fulfilled at a physiological and
safety level before atten1pting anything higher.
~
V
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
How do you think we can use Maslow's hierarchy
to motivate a child in the classroom?
ln terms of the cognitive approach, the key to nlolivation
is about how we think and process infor111ation. It is based
around our potential ability to see the future "as \Ve
would like it to be''. 'Jhese thoughts then nlotivate us to
work towards these goals and ideas as they are \vhat 1ve
act11ally \Vant. We analyse the chances of us succeeding
or failing (again looking to the future) and use these as
motivators. HO\\lever, \Ve can also use kno\vledge from
the past to see \vhether it is \vorth attempting to continue
\Vith a task or pursue a ne1v idea. \Ve might conclude that
the effort is not worth it - kno\vledge fron1 the past can
therefore decrease our 1notivatioa .
Praise is given but success is attributed to ability
alone or external factors (e.g. luck).
TEST YOURSELF
What are lhe s1m11an1Jes and differences between
the humanistic and cognilive approaches lo
motrvahon?
IMPROVING MOTIVATION
-
Behavioural: effective
r
1
It may appear logical that praise is a good thing in
the classroom and that it motivates students to work
harder. Wh ile this is probably the case, Brophy noted
that there are such things as ineffective and effective
praise. It is not just the act of praising that motivates, it
is about how it is delivered. Brophy had noted that only
about 6 per cent of class ti me is devoted to praise - and
this is not enough. According to Brophy these are the
ingredients for effective praise:
Praise should only be delivered in response to
specific behaviour.
The target behaviours that 1vill be praised need to be
defined clearly to all students.
Praise should appear lo be sincere, credible and
spontaneous (so teachers do not need to think
on their feet).
Perforn1ance shou Id only be praised 1vhen a student
meets clearly defined standards set out by the teacher.
Praise should be informative: students should kno1v
1vhy they have been given it
Praise can be individually specific - so it should be
given for the recognition of hard 1vork and effort
1vith di fficu It tasks.
,. Praise should attribute success lo effort over
anything else.
Brophy also noted these exan1plcs of ineffective praise:
Praise is given randon1ly.
Generic, bland, positive con1n1enls are given that
are not specific to the student or the task that the
praise is based around.
Re1vards given are not related to performance.
Praise is used 1vhen con1paring student 1vith student.
Praise is not linked to effort.
•
Praise is used as a sy1nbol of po1ver.
Some psychologists have criticised the idea of motivation
being con1pletely based around praise and that it is
encouragement that is the key to success. Tapp & Lively
did report though that 1vhen praise is used effectively,
behavioural gains can be very quick and effective.
®
EVALUATION
behaviourism
useful
•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Using lhe idea of effective praise. outline a
programme you would set up at a school that
would encourage teachers lo use It more often. What
would you tell the teachers?
•
9
•
I I
I I
\<Vhile there are many biological drives that 1notivate
us to perform certain behaviours (e.g. hunger, thirst),
McClelland believed that a need for achievement \YaS just
as powerful as a motivator. He defined it as"... a stable,
learned characteristic in 1vhich satisfaction is obtained by
striving for and attaining a level of excellence~
People 1vith a high need for achievement 1vill seek
out situations in which they can compete against a
"set standard". In education these could be grades or
performing better than last time on a task. They may
also avoid tasks that appear to be "too easy': They lviU
choose tasks that are seen as a challenge to them.
People \vith a lo1v need for achievement tend to be more
motivated by a desire to avoid failure. 111ey will seek out
easy tasks so they can avoid failure. They may also seek out
very ditlicult tasks 1vhere failure appears ll1e only option as
aln1ost everyone will fail. 'TI1ey will avoid tasks that other
people may succeed at due to this fear of failure.
Overall, achievement 1notivation consists of the need
for achievement nnd the fear of fai lure.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
How could you mohvate a student that has a IO\V
need for achievement. What activities could you
do with them?
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•
Cognitive-behavioural:
I
Bandura (I 977) developed the idea of self-efficacy. It is a
n1easure of the belief about our O\Vn ability to con1plete
tasks successfully and achieve goals. There are four
main components:
Persona] accon1plishments - previous success in
a particular task increases our self-efficacy. If \Ve
have succeeded before there is no reason to think
that \Ve \viii not do the same again. Ho\vever,
failure \vilJ lo\ver self-efficacy. lf \Ve continue to
succeed at tasks and our self-efficacy remains high,
then the occasional failure at a task will have little
impact on us.
Vicarious experience - this is based around
watching others succeed or fail at a task. Bandura
believed that if we watch other people succeed
without any negative consequences that it may well
strengthen our own self-efficacy and we will be
more likely to \vant to try harder next time.
Verbal persuasion - this is based on the idea that
verbal praise from someone else about a student's
potential ability to succeed can help and can instil
confidence in the student. It is not as strong as
direct experience but it can help if the student has
repeatedly failed at a task previously.
Emotional arousal - the level of anxiety and
stress that a student feels can have an effect on the
student's self-efficacy. If the student has too much
or not enough anxiety or stress then he or she can
have IO\V self-efficacy and therefore may easily fail
a task. A moderate amount of aiLxiety and stress
is optimal for self-efficacy to work \veil - feeling
nervous before an exam might actually help you feel
more positive about your potential ability compared
to crying and not wanting to enter the exani room!
®
EVALUATION
cognitive
useful
ind vs sit
MOTIVATION ISSUES:
ATTRIBUTION THEORY
AND LEARNED
HELPLESSNESS
Sometimes, students do have problems and issues \vhen
it con1es to motivating themselves lo co1nplete work
or sit an exa1n. Why is this the case? We \Vill look at
tv.•o \vays in \Vhich \Ve could explain \Vhy this happens:
attribution theory and learned helplessness. We \Vill
then also look at bo\v changing attributions nlight have
a positive effect on motivation in students.
Attributing c uses to
beha I rs
Weiner (1984) noted that there are three 1nain factors
that can affect motivation based around ho\v \Ve
attribute success and failure to a certain task:
Locus of control - this \Vas developed from an idea
by Rotter. An internal locus of control is about us
feeling \Ve have control over \vhy \Ve perform ·\veU (or
not) on a task. An external locus of control is about
us feeling something outside of us make us perform
\Veil or badly on a task (e.g. luck or fate).
Stability - this is concerned \Vith hO\V much \Ve
perceive an attribution to be affecting us over
tin1e. For example, if " 'e attribute a success to luck,
this is dearly an unstable force as it is unpredictable.
Ho\vever, if \Ve attribute success or failure to
something stable (such as our own ability) this can
be consistent over ti1ne and it motivates us n1ore.
Controllability- this is about how much we
feel. co11trol over any factor that could affect our
perforn1ance on a task. Elements that are controllable
include students carefully planning revision for an
exam or d1oosing to con1plete a ho1ne\vork task.
However, so1netimes things are uncontrollable as they
are "out of our hands" (e.g. catching a cold before an
exani) and this makes a student underperforn1.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline one psychological way of trying to explain
h()f1 we could improve motivation 111 the classroom.
On what psychology is your chosen way based?
•
Seligman first developed the idea of learned helplessness
\vith research using dogs. He found that \vhen a dog
could not escape the negative experience of electric
shocks no n1atter where they stood in a cage, they simply
gave up tr)ring to escape and lay do1vn. When they 1vere
then put in a si1nilar situation 1vhere they could escape
by jumping into part of the cage 1vhere they 1vould get no
shocks, they did not - they had learned to be helpless.
So, ho1v can this relate to education? lt all depends on
ho'v students are attributing their failure. Ifstudents
attribute any failure to their 01vn ability then this can
develop into learned helplessness. They 1vill al\\•ays
perceive any task as being one they 1vill fail at and 1vill
simply give up and not perform to the best of their ability
or try at all. They become passive and helpless even in
ne11r situations and ch;1llenges as they believe they will
ultimately fnil because this is what has happened (or been
attributed) previously. There may be gender differences
here too - girls tend to attribute fuilure to lack of ability
1vhile boys tend to au ribute failure to lack of effort.
It is not just students' internal perceptions that can affect
learned helplessness. The feedback that a teacher gives
can also pron1ote (or get rid of) learned helplessness.
If tl1e feedback is constantly negative 1vithout anything
constructive or any action poi11ts or areas to in1prove on,
then students 1vill develop learned helplessness. As a result,
students 1vill not make an effort on future tasks as they will
expect failure based on their previous ability and feedback.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline learned helplessness using examples from
educatt0n.
n
n
u~--·~
One 1vay in 1vhich students may overcome negative
ideas and feedback is to change ho1v they attribute
success and failure in the classroo1n and in their
academic perforn1ance. Students show more effort
1vhen they attribute success to internal and unstable
factors that they can control or if there are stable
internal factors that 1vere out of their control for that
specific task. Therefore, teachers should move towards
pron1oting 1nore of the internal attributions in their
students. How can this be done?
Attribution re-training can take place. \.Vith this,
tead1ers can e1nploy a range of stralegies. Tuey can
discuss the attributions of failure \vith students
and explore other reasons \Yhy students failed or
underperforn1ed that move away from internal
blaming. They could explore this further 1vith role
play. Tead1er-111odel/i11g is a technique where teachers
give exan1ples of 1vhen they \Vrongly attributed failure.
Another technique is stude11t-111odelli11g by inviting
previous students back to talk about tlieir successes,
especially those '"ho no\v feel internally motivated
Finally, teachers could get students to anaylse success,
which is something they may never do.
Attribution-change techniques can be used.
Students should be discouraged from believing that
all success is do1vn to ability- saying something like
" I succeeded because I am a competent person and
worked hard" is a better attribution style. 1'eachers
need to help students 1\lhO attribute failure to ability
by talking about the potential that the failure 1vas
because of lack of effort. A teacher can also arrange
tasks so that students 11•ho work hard can attain and
then begin to allribute son1e success to ability rather
than luck. Finally, a teacher can give feedback to
even good pieces of work with a message that yes,
students worked hard, but their best is yet to come
so tl1ey should continue on this gro1vtl1 path1vay.
This should begin to ensure that students continue
to attribute results to internal and controllable
factors or move to1vards beginning to attribute in
this \\ray.
The D1veck 1vay can be used: teachers should
sin1ply avoid using person-oriented phrases such
as "I am proud of you" or "You really are good at
this" as these 1vill 1nake students feel that all of
their ability is do1vn to personal attributes rather
tlian effort. Jnstead, teachers should use processoriented phrases like "You really tried hard on that
task" or "Now, that \Vas a good 1vay to do it" as
these promote more stable, internal effort-based
attributions. As a result, students 1vill begin to
change their attributions of success and of failure.
@
EVALUATION
useful
behaviourism
cognitive
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked to try to change the
attnbullons of children who have negallve views
or their success in a local school. How would you do this?
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•
•
disrupting other students \vho are trying to 1vork or
simply 1valk out of the classroom.
The effects of these behaviours include do1nination
conversations, preventing other students fron1 learning
and thinking, preventing other students from 1vorklng
on tasks set by the teacher, bullying others and giving
the teacher a lot of unnecessary stress!
TYPES, EXPLANATIONS
AND EFFECTS OF
DISRUPTIVE BEHAVIOURS Imm turity and verbal or
There are many examples of disruptive behaviours in
the classroom. These are behaviours that the teacher
finds unacceptable and that can stop the flo\v of a
lesson. In any given day, a teacher can expect students
to talk "out of turn': be late for lessons, rnake noise
and break the school rules. 11liS section looks at
different types of disruptive behaviours with a focus
on bullying for the main behaviour you need lo
learn about.
ASK YOURSELF
Which drsruptive behaviours have you
experienced al school?
ndu
111is is one type of "broad" disruptive behaviour. It
consists of a range of things students can do:
They n1ay distract other students. A student may
1vant to settle do\vn to \Vork but another one is
constantly talking next to the student or trying to
steal a pen, etc.
They may be attention-seeking. These behaviours
are used to make sure that people kno\v 1vho the
students are and they strive for attention. This is
because they want to be the centre of attention in
lhe classroon1.
Calling out can be a proble1n. 1lliS involves a
student either ans\vering a question 1vithou1 being
asked or just generally shouting out 1vords and
comments to others 1vhen they are trying to 1vork
(or even 1vhen the teacher is trying to teach).
They may sho1v out-of-seat behaviour. This is \vhen
students choose not to sit 1vhere they have been
asked to. They may walk around the classroom
•
This usually takes the form of b11llyi11g and 1ve 1vill
return to tl1is later as the one disruptive behaviour
you need to kno1v about for the exam. Bullying can
be verbal (calling people nanles), physical (actually
hitting or kicking sonleone) and/or emotional (n1aking
someone feel bad abou t 1vho the person is). 1 hese forn1s
of bullying can happen face to face in or outside of a
classroon1 or via "cyber bullyi ng" 1vhich is bullying
via technology (e.g. sending abusive texts or posting
horrible things on social media sites).
Attention deficit
hyperactivity disorder
H )
ADHD is characterised by some of the following
behaviours: being restless, getting easily distracted,
shouting out ans1vers, having difficulty in follo1ving
instructions, interrupting others and not appearing
to listen to others. It appears to happen much more
often in boys than girls. The above behaviours \\•ill be
very disruptive in the classroon1 and the effects will
be the same as in the "Conduct" section above. Also,
students ivith A.OHO 1vho want to learn might also
find ii difficult to acquire ne1v skills as they cannot pay
attention for long enough to follow instructions.
There have been quite a few explanations and ideas
about causes and a lot focus around biology:
Genetic - there may be a faulty gene that causes
ADH 0 as the prevalence rates in identical l\vins is
high and the condition tends to "run in fan1ilies";
this suggests that AOHO is encoded in genetics.
Neurotransmitters - students 1vith ADHD
might have a che1nical imbalance in the brain;
neurotransmitters (e.g. dopan1ine and noradrenaline)
have been linked to ADI-ID as these help to regulate
behaviours such as impulsivity and lack of attention.
Physiological arousal - tJ1ere are t\\'O ideas here. The
first is tllat those \Vilh ADHD have an over-aroused
central nervous system that causes them to be
"stimulus-hungry" all the time to fulfil this over-arousal
and this leads to a range of disruptive behaviours. The
second idea is tlle complete opposite - it is about the
central nervous system being under-aroused and ho'"
this leads to students not paying attention or being
able to 1naintain attention as they are not "stimulated
enough". The use of a drug called ritalin, \vhich can
"calm down" a student \Vith ADHD quite effectively,
sho\vs that it might be the "over-arousal" explanation
that is stronger as this is \1•hat ritali11 does - it calms the
student down physiologically.
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useful
They are not ''group-alerting": they are failing to use
random questions so students have to be attentive.
Unpredictability can make students more attentive.
They are not providing "stimulating seat\vork": they
are not prO\'irung a range of activities that make
students "stay in their seat" as they are engaged and
\vanting to learn.
CAUSES AND EFFECTS
OF ONE DISRUPTIVE
BEHAVIOUR (BULLYING)
a
We will focus on bullying here by looking at some
factors that 1nay cause bullying and what the effects of
bullying are. In terms of causes, there appear to be a fe,v
theories, including these:
EVALUATION
'& .
disruptions make them deviate fron1 1vhat they had
planned for the lesson.
•
TEST YOURSELF
Outline the main characteristics or ADHD and
one potential cause.
Some psychologists believe that a poor teaching style
can n1ake students disruptive. Any given class can
contain such a \vide range of students from different
backgrounds and \Vitll different abilities that sometimes
it can be difficult for the teacher to react correctly to all
of the behaviours being sho1vn. According to Kounin,
there are five characteristics of an effective teacher that
\¥ill decrease the rate of disruptive behaviour. Therefore,
teachers n1ay not be using effective techniques and
instead doing the foll o1ving:
·n1ey n1ay not sho'" "withitness": they do not kno;v
what is going on in every part of the classroom
and do not act upon the disruptive verbal and
non-verbal behaviours.
They may no t be "overlapping": they are failing to
multi-task in the classroom.
"Smoothness and momentum" may be missing:
they are not sticking to objectives and then they let
Attachn1ent style: Rigby (20 13) noted that a bully
tended to have been insecurely attached as a child.
There are two types of insecure attachment that
can be seen in children: avoidant, where the child
appears to be emotionally detached from the
mother; and resistant or ambivalent, 1vhere the
child appears to \\•ant comfort and form a bond but
then may stubbornly resist \Vhen the n1other 1vants
to hug the child, etc. It \vould appear that those
children \vho sho'v an avoidant attachment style are
more likely to be bullies at school as tlley have not
formed an en1otionally stable bond.
Fan1ily functioning: Rigby (20 13) noted that the
ways fa rnilies functio n on an en1otional level n1ay be
linked to whether a child bullies at school. Research
had sho\VL1 that children who reported that they did
bully at school tended to re port that their fam ily
did not appear to sympathise \Vith then1 when they
felt sad or that the fan1ily did not 1vork as a "unit" to
overcome problems at home.
IJ. Parenting styles: Rigby (2013) noted that an
authoritarian style of parenting is strongly Iinked
to bullying behaviour. lhis style of parenting sets
out strict rules on being obedient, respecting
elders no matter \vhat they say or do and tolerating
questioning. If children fail to do any of these,
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they may be severely punished. One of the issues
here is that the authoritarian parent does not
explain the rules - they are rules and that is that.
They may impose high demands on their children
but rarely respond to 1vhat children feel they need
in terms of support and guidance. Laeheem (2013)
also found that a strict upbringing 1vas associated
with bullying at school but the largest predictor
1vas a child being exposed to parental violence
at hon1e.
Socio-economic status: Jansen et al (2012)
reported that children from disadvantaged family
backgrounds with a lo1v socioeconomic status 1vere
more Ii kely to be bullies.
Teaching environment: Laeheem (2013) discovered
tha t an authoritarian classroon1 rnanagen1ent style
leads to niore bullying - the rnore students are
exposed to inflexible rules and pu nishrnent the
rnore likely they are to turn to bullying.
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EVALUATION
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ff
There has been some research tha t has examined
the long-term effects of being bullied and on people
1vho engage in bullying. The results are highlighted
below:
Ttofi & Farrington (2012). A longitudinal study
suggested that around one third of bullies engage
in criminal behaviour after leaving school. Also,
those 1vho are bullied are nvice as likely to become
depressed later in life compared to those 1vho have
never experienced bullying.
Sesar et al (2012). In a sample of 249 college
studen ts, those 1vho had experienced being bullied
had higher levels of anxiety, sleeping problen1s
and depression compared to those 1vho had never
been bullied.
It 1vould appear that bullying (for both the bully and
the bullied) brings about longer-tern1 negative effects in
adulthood. Therefore, strategies must be put into place
to try to combat bullying in schools.
•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A school has asked you to run some tra1nrng ror
its teachers. The school wants you to explain what
causes people to bully and what the long-term effects of
bullying can be. Create a presentation ror this
CORRECTIVE
AND PREVENTIVE
STRATEGIES
There are t\\'O core \vays in \\•hich disruptive behaviour
can be challenged and changed. Corrective strategies
are ones that are used as the disruptive behaviour is
happening or has just happened. Preventive strategies
are ones that are used to stop the disruptive behaviour
from happening iJ1 lhe first place.
Pr ventive: effectiv
dis
Cotton ( 1990) revie\ved studies from around the 1vorld to
see 1vhat preventive strategies are common but, n1ost of
all, 1vhich ones \\•ork in effective schools. Seven core ideas
were found:
Comrnitment - the entire staff of a school needs to
be con11nittcd to any policy in the school. This would
cover appropriate behaviours in the classroorn.
High behavioural expectations - the policy must
have clearly high standards of behaviour that must
be adhered to.
Clear rules - the rules and punishment for
disruptive behaviour must be very clear and so1ne
schools get their students to help produce these so
everyone is involved and knows what is expected of
then1. Students are more likely to "stick to ru les" if
they arc involved with the production of then1.
A '\varrn" cli1nate - staff rnust take personal interest
in students and their ach ievernents, goals, etc. and
give support whenever it is necessary.
A supportive headteacher - the headteacher needs
to be "seen around school': caring for students too
and sho1ving some informal behaviour to1vards
them 1vhen necessary.
Delegation of responsibility - the headteacher
oversees everything but individual teachers are
responsible for each and every class they take in
terms of behaviour and sticking to policies.
Close ties \Vith the local community - parental
involvement in the school \vitb a solid f!o\v of
information is important so that everyone knows
\vhat is happening in the school.
All of these measures appeared to bring about lo,v leveJs of
disruptive behaviour. All of them are preventive measures
as the students have clear boundaries before they start the
school and about \vhat they can or cannot do in lessons.
Wang, Berry & Swearer (2013) interestingly noted that
having the "warn1" and "positive" clin1ate appears crucial
in the success of a prevention progran1 for bullying. In
addition, Cross et nl (20 11 ) reported 011 the Friendly
Schools Progra1n noti ng that if everyone '"as committed
to it with support from the local con1n1unity (usually
through parents) then there \Vas significantly less
bullying even 36 nionths after the programme started
(based on data from 29 schools).
Effective classroom
Through the use of rewards and punishn1ent, students'
behaviour can be shnped away fron1 disruptive to
more appropriate behaviour. This could be run in the
following \vay:
Students have to kno\V \Vhat the problem
behaviours are (e.g. what disruptive behaviours
are too common). They 1nust also be made a\vare of
\vhat behaviours are not happening that should (e.g.
those on the list of appropriate behaviours). While
it is not necessary, students could be involved in
defining the behaviours.
Teachers may also keep a "count" ofhO\\! often the
disruptive behaviour is happening to rnake students
fully aware of \Vhat they are doing.
Teachers and students niay discuss \vhat could
be causing the disruptive behaviour to see if they
are seeing it frotn "the Sarne angle''. They need
to identify potential triggers for the disruptive
behaviour and then see if anything is actually
reinforcing it. Remember that reinforcing a
behaviour is increasing the probability it \vill
happen again; so this is about identifying \Vhat is
reinforcing the disruptive behaviour.
have clearly established rules and expectations that
are nlivnys followed (including potential punishments)
Teachers need to find strategies through selective
reinforcement to reinforce the appropriate behaviour
and punish or ignore the disruptive behaviour.
Ren1en1ber that punishment can be a fonn of
attention and therefore students may perceive it as
a reinforcer rather than a punishn1ent. Teacl1ers
may choose to use a re\vard chart for appropriate
behaviour where slickers or tokens are added (or
removed) depending on \vhich behaviours are being
seen in particular students.
make sure that rules are acted upon promptly and
fairly if a student breaks one or more of them
Teachers must n1onitor ho\v effective the
progran1111e is and change reinforcers if necessary.
n
The Kounin features on page 133 cover elements of
effective teaching and classroom manage1nent that a
teacher can use. In addition, teachers may need to:
have high expectations for correct behaviour \vith a
\vann, friendly approach to all students
111aintain a good pace in lessons so students are
always actively engaged in tasks ratl1er than tryi ng
lo be disruptive.
Corrective: behaviour
1-Behaviour 1nodification tends to be based around
the n1echanisms of operant conditioning. Students
can learn fron1 the consequences of their behaviours.
Cognitive behaviour
modification (self·
ti n I
u I)
Cognitive behaviour modification is based on the idea
that changing someone's thoughts can then change the
way the person behaves. The nvo concepts are linked.
One such technique is called self-instructional training
and is based around the follo,ving steps:
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1. Cognitive modelling - teachers n1ust conduct tasks
\vhile "talking out loud" - they need to cover \vhat
they are doing, \vhy they are doing it, etc. Thjs,
in theory, should allow students to focus on what
needs to be done, as not listening means they miss
out on vital information.
2. Co-\vorking - target students are asked to repeat
the task above and also say out loud what they are
doing. Teachers can still guide target students so
that these students experience success.
3. Imitation - target students then reproduce the task
but without any help from teachers. They still say
out loud what they are doi ng.
4. Sub-vocal perforn1ance (with lip 111oven1ent) target students repeat the task again \\1hile saying the
instructions "in their head" but moving their n1outh
as if Lhey are saying the 1vords (using no sound).
5. Sub-vocaJ perforn1ancc (without lip n1ove1ncnt) target students repeat the task as in step 4 but 1vith
no n1outh movement.
•
The idea is that this teaches students that they can
\vork quietly on a task 1vithout disrupting other
students. It also sho1vs them that they can be
successful at these tasks using this technique so they
begin to associate the "talking th rough instructions
to self" \\"ilh "success at a task". It is hoped that this
\viii then mean that they \viii be less disruptive in
subsequent tasks.
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EVALUATION
useful
cognitive
ethics
behaviourism
ind vs sit
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Create a programme for a school that is based
around either preventive or corrective ways to
prevent d1sru ptive behaviour. On what psychology is your
programme based?
8.6 INTEiL LIGENCE
This section looks at a range of aspects related to
intelligence. This has probably been one of the most
controversial areas in psychology for many years
as Lhere has been a lot of debate as to the origin of
intelligence and the best 'vays to measure it.
ASK 'OURSELF
Whal is intelligence and how do you think we
should measure 11?
CONCEPT, TYPES
AND TESTS OF
INTELLIGENCE
ln this first area 1ve look at what intelligence is and \vhat
tests are used to n1easure it.
Concept of intelligence
There have been many attempts to define intelligence
by a range of psychologisLS. One that appears to sum it
up in terms of it being in line \vi th \vhat the majority of
psychologisLS believe is from Sternberg: ·:..(it is) mental
activity directed tO\vard purposive adaptation to, and
selection and shaping of, real-,vorld environn1ents
relevant to one's life". (I 985: 45). ll1erefore, it is about
using the kno,vledge and skills \ve have to help us tackle
problems and tasks in every day life.
IQ stands for intelligence quotient. Tt is a quantitative
n1easure of a person's inteUigence based on the person's
perforn1ai1ce on an IQ test \vhich is designed to measure
a range of capabilities. The overall score is based on the
foUo,ving equation:
mental age
IQ =
x 100
chronological age
Therefore, the average score is I00 no matter what
chronological age you are so it is an attempt at finding
a standardised n1easure of intelligence. Ho,vever, belo\v
1\le \\!ill cover different tests that have been created to
measure a person's IQ.
The French government com1nissioned Alfred Binet
to create a test that would detect which children 1\lere
"too slo1v intellectually" to benefit from a regular
school curriculum so other measures for them could
be out into place (previously those labelled "slo\\•" were
kept at home and not allo\ved to attend school!). He
based his test on the idea that intelligence \vas more
to do 'vith mental reasoning and proble1n solving
than motor skills. He devised a test and kept refining
it before a final version \Vas released in 1911 to help
test children. Children scored on a scale depending on
ho'" 1vell they perfonned in each section of the test to
give then1 a mental age. This could then be compared
to their mental age lo see 1vho was "slo\v".
Lewis Terman fron1 Standford University took Binet's
ideas and developed then1 further \vith a test for US
children, hence the Stanford-Binet test. ln 19 16 he
released the US version of the test that could be used in
schools to assess children. This test has been continuaUy
revised up untiJ its latest version from 1986. AU of the
test items are devised \Vith the idea that the majority of
children, at that age, should be able to answer then1. The
current version of this test has four components: verbal
reasoning. abstract or visual reasoning, quantitative
reasoning (ability to "handle" numerical data) and shortterm memory.
Weschler developed a ne1" lest of intelligence back in
1939 as he felt that the Stanford-Binet test relied too
much on language ability, phis it was only for children.
The Weschler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) and,
some 20 years later, the Weschler Intelligence Scale
for Children (WISC) 1vere devised to improve on the
Stanford-Binet test.
Both the WAIS 3l1d WISC are divided into l\vo parts:
a verbal scale and a perfonnance scale. Obviously the
WISC version has questions and tasks that arc n1ore child
appropriate.
The verbal scale consists of the follo1ving tests:
information. This test consists of general kno1vledge
questions about the \VOrld.
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CHAPTER 8: PSYCHOLOGY AND EOUCAllOf'l
Comprehension. 'TI1is assesses practical infonnation
and abi lit y to use past experiences to ans\ver
questions.
Arithn1etic. Verbal problems that are number based
are given in this test.
Similarities. This test asks questions about \vays in
\\•hich t\\IO objects or concepts are similar.
Digit span. A series of numbers are presented
verbally and then the person must repeat them
for\vards and back\vards in order.
Vocabulary. This test has questions about definitions
of words, etc.
Letter number sequencing. Letters and number
are presented orally in a rnixed-up order (e.g.
Hl F7S9P4). The person has to then recite the
nun1bers in numerical order then the letters in
alphabetical order.
The perforrnance scale consists of the
follo1ving tests:
Digit symbol. Points on various shapes are given
numbers and then the person is asked to recall what
shape a certain number is (or part of a shape).
Picture con1pletion. The missing part of a picture
must be discovered and named.
Block design. Designs seen on pictures must then be
built with blocks.
Picture arrangement. A series of comic-strip pictures
must be placed in order to tell a story.
Matrix reasoning. A geon1etric shape has to be
selected from a range of alternative in terms of
similarity.
Object assembly. Pieces of a puzzle Lnust be
assembled into a complete object.
Syn1bol search. Paired groups of target symbols
are sho\vn to the participant. ·n1e person is then
•
sho\vn son1e search groups of symbols and has to say
whether any of the target symbols appear in it.
A person's IQ is calculated based on ll1e individual's
performances across all of these tests. Ho\vever, one
advantage of the WA IS and vVISC is that you have
score for each person on each test - therefore, you can
see a person's strengths and \veaknesses on certain
tasks, '"hich can help 'vith support at school, for
instance.
THE BRITISH ABILITY
SCALE {BAS)
This is now in its third version and is divided into
early years and school age forrnats. There are three
brief assessment scales that are quick measures of
nurnber, spelling and reading abilities (see ·rable 8.6.1 ).
However, the n1ain clement of the BAS is its cognitive
scales \Vhich are divided into t1vo categories:
The core scales - these are six cognitive tests that
measure verbal ability, non-verbal reasonjng
ability and spatial ability. There are t\vo for each
ability. The Lest scores are simply added together
to generate a general conceptual ability (GCA)
score. Therefore, an overall score is generated but
there are component scores that can be looked at
separately.
The diagnostic scales - these can be used to measure
specific cognitive abilities such as object recall,
recognition of pictures, speed of information
processing and number concepts.
Therefore, like the WAIS and WISC, the BAS gjves an
overaJI score (the GCA) but the advantage is you get
component scores and if sornethjng else needs assessing
then there are tbe diagnostic scales that can help pinpoint
the strengths and weaknesses of a child's abilities.
VERBAL
Picture arrangement
The pictures below 101 a story. P\Jt 1hem in 1he right
order to lell the slory.
General information
What day 0( the year 1s Independence Day?
Similarities
In what way arc wool and COiton alike?
Arithmetic reasoning
II eggs cost 60 cenlS a dozen. whal does 1 egg cost?
Vocabulary
Tell me Ille meaning of corrupl .
Comprehension
Wtty do people buy fire insurance?
Digit span
Listen carefully. and when I am through, say lhe numbers
nght after me.
1 3 4 1 e s
Now I am going Lo say some more numbers, but I want you
Lo say lhem backward
3
4 1
PERFORMANCE
e
Block design
Using the lour blOCkS, make one JUSI hke ttus
Object assembly
II these pieces are pvt together correctly, lhey will make
something Go ahead and put lhem together as quickly
as you can.
s
Picture completion
I am going to show you a pie lure wilh an important
part missing. Tell me what Is missing.
SUN MOH
'85
lU! weo
Digit-symbol substitution
THU "II
SAT
1 [II 3 4 5 6 7
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30
Code
I~ I ~ I ~ I~
Test
l
6
1
8
lxl o l
Figure 8.6.1 Sample items rrom the WNS test
Source: Thorndike & Hagen, 1977
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6
l
0
1
I
8
5
I
8
6
lx l
8
1
J
Verbal ability
Non-verbal
reasoning ability
Spatial ability
Recognition of
designs
Word definitions
Matrices
45
45
45
34
34
36
36
51
Quantitative
reasoning
Sum of
T-scores
45
52
Pattern
construction
Verbal
similarities
SNC
103
+ 70
t-90
= 263
160
••
Standard score
Confidence
interval (95o/o)
Percenttle
102
74
91
86
79
93-111
68-85
82-102
80-93
73--88
55
4
27
18
8
102
Average
74
Low
91
Average
GCA score
86
Below average
SNC score
79
Low
Verbal abiltty
Non-verbal reasoning ability
Spatial ability
Table 8.6.1 BAS cluster scores
•
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EVALUATION
psycho
usefUI
quant
•
TEST YOURSELF
Outline what is involved in either lhe WAIS, WISC
or BAS test of Intelligence.
Rell bility, validity and
•
We have already covered these concepts in the issues
and debates section. ReliabiJity refers lo the consistency
of son1ething - in this case, testing whether \Ve
score the san1e in an intelligence 1neasure over tin1e.
Validity refers to the accuracy of a measure - in this
case. \vhether the test actually measures intelligence.
Predictive validity refers to a test's ability to predict
a specific behaviour that the test is supposed to be
measuring. Therefore, in this case it \VOuld be looked
at by correlating the score on an intelligence test with
intelligent behaviour in real life (e.g. educational
performance or job aptitude).
Myers (1998) noted that for the Stanford-Binet test,
the WA IS and the WISC, the reliability scores are
+ 0.90 - this n1eans that when retested on tJ1e san1e
scale, n1os t people score virtually the same (the
111aximun1 reliability score is + 1.00).
A \vay to measure reliability is called a test-retest
method. For this, you get a sample of participants and
test them on the same measure one or f\vo months
apan. The results are correlated and if there is a strong
positive correlation then the measure is said to be
reliable. This is because people are scoring roughly the
same both tin1es they complete it.
TEST YOURSELF
How would you test the reliability and predictive
validity of an IQ test?
Intelligence and
--u
"onal
a nee
Ln terms of predictive validity, can IQ tests and other
tests of intelligence and skills predict lhings such as
educational perfonnance?
In a comprehensive revie\v on the field in the 1990s.
Sternberg, Grigorenko and Bundy ( 1991 ) reported that
there may be some kind of link. Studies had sho,vn
a correlation ofbet\veen +0.40 and + 0.50 bet\veen
IQ scores and educational attainment. Ho\vever.
Sternberg \vas quick to poi11t out that there were vast
differences in these correlations depending 0 11 the
san1ple, t11e tests used and \\lhat \Vas being used to
measure educational performance. Sternberg revie\ved
29 studies and found that between 10 per cent and
22 per cent of variance in specific subject achievement
at school can be accounted for by IQ. Ho\vever, the
research team did note that there had not been any
research that had assessed the Link bet\veen IQ and
academic performance using a representative national
san1ple (outside of samples used to standardise the
test). Therefore, we still do not fully kno\v \vhat
the relations hip is between IQ and educational
perfonnancc.
More recent research has attempted to link different
aspects of intelligence to educational performance.
Abu-Hilal and Nasser (2012) noted that there \vas an
indirect link bet,veen IQ and mathematics ability for
boys and not girls. They found that boys \vith a high
IQ exerted more effort \\rhen studying mathen1atics
and this led to better results con1pared to low IQ
boys who did not exert much effort. .HO\Vever, for
girls, tJ1e high and IO\ V IQ groups exerted the sa111e
amount of efl'ort but the high IQ group performed
better at mathematics. This sho\vS that there niay be
other factors that interact \Vith IQ that can explain
educational perforn1ance.
A longitudinal study by Duck\vorth, Quinn &
Tsukayruna (2012) reported that IQ predicted
changes in standardised achieven1ent test
scores over tin1e 111ore than "self-control" factors
(e.g. home\vork and classroom conduct). Emery &
Bell (2009) reported that scores on one section of the
bion1edical admissions test used by the University of
Can1bridge called "Scientific kno\vledge" correlated
strongly with high examination scores once these
students had been accepted and were studying at
the university.
liiB\
EVALUATION
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usefUI
ind vs sit
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THEORIES OF
INTELLIGENCE
There are nlany ideas from psychologists about \vhat
intelligence actually is. We have looked at \vays of
measuring it, but '''hat is intelJigence anY'vay?
Multiple Intelligences
r
r
Gardner (1983) took the idea of the factor-analytic
theories a stage further by stating lhat there are seven
different types of intelligence in a person. They are:
linguistic: speech production, syntax and semantics
musical: our ability to create and understand sounds
such as pitch, rhythm and timbre
Factor-analytic approach
_..:·-i.-1
-
logical-n1athematical: the use or logic and
n1athematics to help solve problems
There is a common underlying idea for any factor-analytic
approach to intelligence (there arc many theories for
intelligence): there are different "clusters" ofi11telligent
behaviours and skills that can be nieasured on any
test. Factor-analysis allows a psychologist to interrelate
(correlate) aspects of a test to see which iten1s or sub-scales
link toget·her strongly. Factol' analysis is a co111plex: statistic
technique that does th al job - it allov1s psychologists to see
which elen1e11ts of a test relate strongly to each other and
from that each "factor" that is found can be named (e.g.
verbal intelligence, problen1-solving skills).
Spearman originally had an idea that there was one factor
\Vithin intelligence. He called it g for general intelligence.
He believed this because he found that virtually all items
on an intelligence test correlated \vith one another strongly.
hence there \\'35 just one genera.I factor of intelligence.
Thurstone did note that the g factor \Vas evident through a
range of different tests but that they differed in the amount
ofg that \Vas being shO\\'TI via the correlations. He stated
that there were seven factors including nun1erical ability,
spatial ability and verbal fluency.
Cattell (1963, 1971) proposed another theory based
on factor analysis. There are just two main forms of
intelligence:
Crystallised intelligence - this is intelligence based
on previous kno\vlcdge and skills. Therefore, tests
that include vocabulary and reading con1prehension
are testing this type of intelligence.
Pluid intelligence - this is intelligence based on novel
1vays of thinking. Therefore, tests that ask for the next
number in a sequence test this type of intelligence.
Cattell believes that crystallised intelligence appears to
be maintained in a person throughout life \Vhereas fluid
intelligence begins to decline at the age of 40.
•
spatial: our ability to perceive spatial information
and recreate visual images in our "mind's eye" plus
our ability to rotate shapes visually
bodily-kinesthetic: our ability to use n1ovement and
our body to solve problems (use of motor skills)
intrapersonal: this covers understanding our own
feelings and intentions
interpersonal: this covers understanding and
recognising the beliefs, behaviours, feelings and
intentions of others.
The theory has recently been modified further to
incorporate environmental, moral and spiritual
intelligences.
Triarchic theory
I
While Sternberg ( 1988) agreed with the ideas of Gardner,
he stated that instead of seven areas of intelligence, there
are three main areas of"practical" intelligence:
Acade1nic problem-solving - these are skills
assessed via tests such as an IQ tesL. The questions
are well structured and there is ahvays a single
correct ans,ver.
>
Practica.I - these arc skills that are often needed for
everyday tasks. These tasks may not be very \veil
defined and have nlultiple solutions \Vhere you have
to choose which one is best lo solve an issue, etc.
Creative - these are the skills and behaviours that
we sho\v \vhen trying to cope and tackle with novel
situations (\ve 111ay, for exarnple, dra\V on previous
knowledge that could be applied to a novel situation) .
®
Creativity and unusual
EVALUATION
validity
useful
••
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Explain to a friend one theory of intelligence
highlighting at least one strength and one
weakness of your chosen theory.
to an individual or society).
There may be alternative 1'/ays in which 1ve can
n1easu re and look at the general concept of
"intelligence" - by considering factors such as the
en1otional side of our intellect, being creative and
problern-solving techniques.
a in
II
ce
Salovey & Mayer (Myers, 1990) identified a part of
people's social behaviour that they called emotional
intelligence. People 1vho have high levels of emotional
intelligence have these characteristics:
They are self-a1\1are - they can manage their
emotions 1\'ell in different circumstances and not be
over1vheln1ed by one single emotion (e.g. depression
or anxiety).
They can easily delay any self-gratification in pursuit
of a re1vard - they do not let impulses overcome then1.
Tuey have strong empathy skills.
The can handle other people's emotions easily and
skilfully. They can hand le conflict 1vell.
They succeed in aspects of life tha t require
e1notional awareness rather than acadernic prowess
(e.g. n1arriage and parenting).
~ TEST YOURSELF
V
Creativity involves finding a solution to a problem
that is both unusual a11d novel. It requires an element
of"thlnking outside of the box" and n1aybe tackling
a problen1 from a non-logical or non-traditional 1vay.
Newell, Sha1v & Simon (~latlin, 1963) outlined that
one or more of the follo\\•ing criteria have to be met for
something to be labelled "creative":
/I> The ans1ver does have novelty and is useful (either
ALTERNATIVES TO
INTELLIGENCE
otl
t
Outline what 1s meant by emotional intelligence.
The ans1ver means that 1ve reject ideas that had
previously been accepted.
The ans1ver comes fron1 a period of intense
motivation and persistence 1vith the task.
11 The ans1ver clarifies a problem that was originally
seen as being vague.
There are n1any ways of n1easuring creativity. One is
called the divergent production test and sorne example
questions are given belo\v.
Try to ans\ver the follo1\'ing:
1 . Here is a simple familiar form: a circle.
Ho1v many pictures of real-life objects
can you dra1\' in a one-minute period,
using the circle?
2 . Many 'vords begin \vi th "I:' and end 1vith "N~
Write do1\'n as many as you can, in a oneminute period. 111e 1vords can have any number
of letters bet1veen the "L" at the start and the "N"
at the end.
3 . Imagine that normal height for an adult is
l metre. ln a one-minute period, list as many
consequences of this as you can.
4. Look at this list of nan1es:
BETH
JOI-IN
I IAROLD
LUCY
GAIL
SALLY
These names can be classified in many 1vays. For
example, number of syllables could be used: Beth,
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Gail and John have only one syllable, the other names
in the List have t\vo. In a one-minute period, classify
the names in as many ways as you can.
5. Here are four shapes.
I
\ \7
Combine then1 to niake: a face, a lamp, a piece of
playground equipment, a tree. You can use each
shape once, more than once, or not at all in forn1ing
each object and each one can be shrunk or expanded
to any size.
Another \Vay of nieasuring creativity is through the
w1usual uses test. This presents people wid1 various
objects (e.g. a brick, a n1atchbox, a pen) and asks
them, in a set period of Lin1e, to come up \vith as many
different \vays as possible that the objects can be used.
Those who think of many \vays are said to be creative in
the \Vay that they think and reason.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked to dev1Se a test that
measures creativity What sorts or things will you
get people to do? Justify the choices of task.
computer simulations to sho\v hov1 a hun1an uses
means-end analysis. '!he con1puter breaks do,vn a
problem to a number of sn1aller problems and solves
each one before nioving on to the next. As \vith
humans, the simulations do niake a decision at each
sub-problem dial \\•as identified - so '"e n1ay process
in the same '"ay as a computer. Therefore, means-end
analysis is an example of a pla1111i11g strategy lhat \Ve
can use '"hen problem solving.
There are oilier planning strategies that people may
use when attempting to solve problems. One is called
trial and error in which people try lots of different \vays
to solve a problem, fail and niake errors diroughout,
but ulti1nately (they hope) solve the problem this \vay.
We may also use an analogy - this is about using the
solution to an earlier problem to help us solve a new
one. So \Ve use previous experiences and knowledge of
something similar (bul not san1c) to help solve a new
problen1. We also may engage in lateral thinking which
is about solving a problern creatively (as highlighted
above).
Backward searching is another technique that we may
use to help us to solve a problem. The problem solver
starts at die goal state (e.g. \vhat needs to be solved or
die end state) and \vorks back,_,ards from di is to\vards
the original (or start) state.
Try the follo,ving puzzle using backward searching as it
highlights it very \veil.
Probl m olving:
means-end an lysls,
planning strategies and
b
h g
Problen1 solving has also interested psychologists for
niany years.
Means-e11d analysis is a problen1-solving
strategy where the problen1 solver has to
divide the proble1n into a smaller nu1nber of
"sub-problems" in order to reach the goal. Each
"sub-problem" should reduce the difference between
the starti ng point and the end point. Therefore, we
figure out die "ends" of a problem and then figure out
the "means" by \vhich \Ve \Viii do it - hence meansend analysis. Some psychologists have tried to use
•
A lily pad grO\\IS so that each day it doubles its size
(area). On the 20th day of its life, it completely
covers the pond. On \vhat day of its life \\fas the
pond half covered?
Children \Viii often use backward searching \Vhen trying
to solve a maze. They may start fron1 the exit point and
try to move backwards to\vards the starting point.
@
EVALUATION
useful
ind vs sit
cognitive
•
Answer to the lily pad problem
The lily pad covered the pond on the 19th day of
its life.
You could have worked it out by noting that the
illy pad \vas doubling in size (area) each day, so if it
completely covered the pond on the 20th day, it had
to have half covered the pond the day before. All it
took to cover the pond '"as one more day.
EXAMPLES OF HOW TO
EVALUATE
For the 12 n1ark question in Paper 3, you 1vill be asked
to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. Yo u
'"ill have noticed that after each topic in this chapter
there are the icons for the different issues, debates,
approaches, perspectives and research methods that
could be used to help you ans,ver the 12 niark question
in the examination. Belo1v are three examples of the
types of things you could \vrite in the examination.
You should aim to make at least four different
evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our
accon1panying Revision Guide has a series of student
ans,vers " 'ith marks and examiner comn1ents attached
to them.
Measuring learning styles
Learning styles can be nieasured using psychornetrics.
This is an advantage as they are standardised on a
large sample of people, they can be seen as being more
objective and scientific. 111erefore, En1vhistle's ASl
allows a direct co1nparison between students in a group
or class to directly show which of the 4 din1ensions
each student is stronger on. 111ere is no need for any
interpretation. Ho1vever, there niay be issues wiili
validity. Is the test actually nieasuring the behaviour it is
supposed to be nieasuring? For exan1ple, with Kolb, ho1v
can 1ve be sure it is exactly nieasuring accom1nodators,
divergers etc. Also, these measures have to rely on
people being honest 1vith their ans\vers. This can
affect the validity of the final scores on the scales and
therefore a student may be incorrectly labelled \\rith a
type of learning style (e.g. accon1modator) '"hen in fact
they are something else - this may then affect ho\v they
are educated. In addition to this, there could be an issue
of validity in terms of people may answer questions in
one way on paper that does not really represent ho\1•
they actually behave when in the classroom or trying to
learn. Therefore, predictive validity niight be lo1v.
Improving motivation
One problem 1vith using praise with children in
the classroom is based around its 11seful11ess. vVhilst
behavioural psychologists \vill argue that using re1vards
increases the probability of repeating that behaviour,
others may argue that this only changes the observable
behaviour and not the thought processes that are
happening behind the behaviour. Also, if a teacher
does not consistently give praise to all students for the
san1e behaviours or level of performance then it 1vill be
difficult to implement as it could de-n1otivate students
who are sho,ving good behaviour but do not receive a
re1vard of some form.
Corrective and preventive strategies
Preventive strategies for dealing 1vith disruptive
behaviour have been seen to be useful. Wang, Berry
& Swearer (2013) interestingly noted that having
the 'war111' and 'positive' clin1ate appears crucial in
the success of a prevention progra111 for bullying. In
addition, Cross et al (2011) reported on the Friendly
Schools Program and how it 1vas successful if everyone
was committed to the Program with support from the
local community (usually through parents) then there
was significantly less bullying even 36 months after
the Program started. Therefore, it can be useful
within schools to improve student behaviour that is
a problem.
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•
CHAPTER 8: PSYCHOLOGY AND EOUCAllOf'l
Try the follo,ving exam-type questions.
Section A
(a) Explain, in your O\vn '"ords, '"bat is meant
by the tenn 'learning style'.
(2 marks)
(b) Explain, in your O\Vn \vords, 'vhat is meant
by the term 'intelligence'.
(2 marks)
(4 marks)
(d) Outline one special educational need. (4 marks)
Section B
(a) Describe '"hat psychologists have
discovered about cognitive approaches
to learning.
(8 marks)
(b) Describe 1vhat psychologists have discovered
about rnotivation and education.
(8 marks)
(c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered
about intelligence and include a discussion on
(12 marks)
the use of psychometrics.
•
Section C
(a) Describe one way '"e can measure
learning styles.
(c) Describe hvo \vays in which you could
improve motivation in students.
(d) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered
about corrective and preventive strategies for
disruptive behaviour and include a discussion
(12 marks)
on usefulness.
(6 marks)
(b) Suggest ho\v you '"ould test the reliability
and validity of a rneasurement of
(8 marks)
learning styles.
(c) Describe one strategy that can be used
to help children '"ho have been labelled
as 'gifted'.
(6 marks)
(d) Suggest how you niight help a child witl1
dyslexia at school.
(8 marks)
PSYCHOLOGY
AND HEALTH
9.1 THE PATIENT PRACTITIONER
RELATIONSHIP
When people visit their doctor, there may be a lot of
information that needs to be processed carefully so
that the patient can fully understand 1vhat is "'rong
and ho1v it may be treated. ~lany factors can mean
that the patient does not process this information
(e.g. the patient n1ight misunderstand something) and,
as a result, the treatn1ent may not be at its optimal
level. This section looks at the practitioner-patient
relationship and factors that affect the passage of
information from practitioner to patient.
ASK YOURS lf
Before reading on, wnte down a list or all the good
qualities you think a pract1t1oner should have.
PRACTITIONER
AND PATIENT
INTERPERSONAL
SKILLS
Interpersonal skills refer to the social skills sho,vn
bet"'een two (or more) people 1vhen they are atten1pting
to co1n1nunicate effectively. Practitioners can use a
variety of verbal and non-verbal skills to ensure that a
patient is listening and can understand the information
being conveyed.
Non-verbal
communications
Non-verbal comn1unications are 1nessages that are
conveyed by a person's body and the "receiver" attends
to the1n main!)' through vision or Louch. They can also
provide a type of"context" that can help receivers to
know whether tJ1ey have understood a spoken niessage
or not Here are some examples:
;, Paralanguage refers to the non-verbal aspects of
speech. These include elements such as the speed,
flo1v and volun1e of the speech, the intonation used,
the clarity of the words spoken and fitted pauses
(e.g. saying "err" or "urm"). These can be used
to help (and hinder) the passage of information
bet\veen a practitioner and a patient. Research has
sho"'n that 1vhen a doctor uc;ed an angry tone to
persuade an alcoholic to have treatn1ent, the patient's
willingness decreased n1arkedly (Rosental, 1967). If
the doctor has a 1varrn and friendly tone the patient
is niore likely to listen to and trust the doctor.
;, Facial expressions are a very in1portant
con1munication cue. Many of the "basic" en1otions
of a human, irrespective of culture, are conveyed
in the same 1vay across the globe. For exan1ple,
a sn1ile n1eans positive cn1otions for nearly all
humans. The interpretation of these cues appears
innate as humans blind fron1birth1vill still show
these emotions (Russell, 2005). A facial cue can
convey meaning to the patient 1vhen a practitioner
is talking about a diagnosis, for instance.
;, Gestures can be used in conjunction 1vitJi verbal
communications. Hand movements, shrugging of the
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
shoulders and using arms arc all exan1ples. Doctors
can use these to try to get "a point home" to a patient
but they must be a\vare of cultural differences. For
exan1ple, a thu111bs up might mean "good" in some
countries but other cultures might not see it as thaL
I> Personal space invasion is another non-verbal
communication. We cover this in the next chapter
(see page 193 ).
I> Appearance can be another powerful non-verbal
cue as to \vhether a patient will listen to and trust
a practitioner. A doctor \vho appears to be \veil
dressed and tidy \viii be trusted more than one "'ho
is casually dressed and a little untidy (Russell, 2005).
Ho\vever, when the patient is a child, a doctor \vho
is casually dressed may relax a child nlore than a
very forina lly dressed doctor.
reluctant to stop the doctor and ask for clarification as
they do not 1vant to be seen as being less intellectual.
Other factors that can affect verbal communications in
interactions include the follo1ving:
I> The volume of information conveyed is a factor. Ley
( 1988) stated that patients tend to remember just
over 50 per cent of the information given to then1 in
a consultation.
I> Primacy effect plays a part - patients tend to be
better at remembering and recalling infonnation
fron1 the beginning of the consultation.
I> Patients who have son1e 1nedical knowledge tend to
recall more of the consultation.
I> Patients remen1bcr and recall only 1vhat they feel is
in1portant "to then1" in the consu ltation.
I> Instructions are 1nore likely lo be forgotten if presented
TEST YOURSELF
Outline two different non-verbal communications
that a practihoner could use in a consultation. In
addition, highlight actual examples of how these could be
used by a practihoner
®
orally (1vhich is why 1nany are printed on drug labels).
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A local surgery has told you that It wants to
improve pract1t1oners' communication skills Devise
a training programme ror practitioners to achieve this.
EVALUATION
ind vs sit
useful
qualitative
Verbal communications
PATIENT AND
PRACTITIONER
DIAGNOSIS AND STYLE
Verbal communications are based around the speech
used by a doctor to try to gain access to relevant
information about a patient's condition and then the
potential treatment.
A practitioner can use differing styles to diagnose a
patient. The styles differ in the way that inforn1ation is
collected and used to make the diagnosis.
lv1edical jargon is one potential hindrance when it comes
to verbal comn1unications between doctor and patient.
McKinlay (1975) was the first to note that niedical
jargon can affect what the patient understands about the
consultation. He tested won1en's knowledge of 13 regularly
used "1nt.-dical tern1s" and found that aln1ost everyone
could nol understand 1vords such as "protein': "u.mbilicus~
"purgative" and "suture''. Ho1vever, tern1s such as "navel"
and "breech" were understood by many. Only just over
one-third of patients understood each of the 13 ternlS
correctly, but this rate \YaS higher than the doctors had
anticipated - \vhich makes us wonder \Vhy the doctors
used jargon. One issue that Russell (2005) noted \Vas
that, 'vhen a doctor does use jargon, many patients are
Practitioner-style: doctor
and patient-centred
Byrne and Long ( 1976) anillysed aboul 2 500 recorded
111edical consultations across 1nany countries and
discovered two nlain "styles":
I> The doctor-centred style 1neant that the doctor
asked questions that were closed so that the
patient could only answer "Yes" or "No''. When
the patient attempted to expand on answers or
tried to give 1nore information, this \vaS mainly
ignored. It \vould appear that the doctor wanted to
make the symptom- diagnosis link \\•ith no extra
~
cornmunication and everything \vas based on "fact"
rather than any discussion. Therefore, the patient
\Vas passive in the conversation.
~
wants a certificate for an illness that the doctor does
not believe the patient has
~
makes sexual re1nar~ lo the doctor.
The patient-centred style n1eant that the doctor
asked open questions so that the patient could
explain and expand on answers. The doctor would
try to limit the use of medical jargon to ensure
that the patient understood the diagnosis and
potential treatment. The doctor would encourage
patients to express themselves ho"' they \vished
and \vould ask for clarification as and \vhen it \Vas
needed. 1berefore, the patient was active in the
conversation.
The above can stop a consultation "in its tracks". A
patient may sho\'' a real concern about a condition
that is only minor or sho\v no concern for a condition
that is major. The doctor still needs to get the correct
information out of the patient to make a diagnosis.
Different patients \viii describe sy1nptoms of the same
illness in vastly different \vays, \vhich can also make
it difficult for the doctor to n1ake a reliable and valid
diagnosis. Sarafino (2006) noted that this nlay be the
case as patients sin1ply interpret sympton1s differently
from each other (or have a different hierarchy of \vhat
they feel are the "main syn1pton1s" of an illness). Also,
some patients n1ay wish to "pla)' down" sy1nploms that
may point towards a n1ajor ill ness. Finally, patients 1nay
not have the requisite vocabulary to describe accurately
the syn1pto1ns they are feeling.
TEST YOURSELF
\/Vhal is the difference between doctor-centred and
patient-centred styles? Use examples in your answer.
Practitioner diagnosis:
type I and type 11 errors
®
EVALUATION
ind vs sit
There are occasions \Vhere a doctor \Viii get son1ething
\vrong. There are two types of error that can happen
(you \viii be fan1iliar \Vith these from the Rosenhan
study at AS level, Core study 7.1 on page 87):
1. Type I error. This is \\•hen the doctor diagnoses
somebody to be healthy \vhen the patient is actually
physically or psychologically ill. Many believe this to
be the most serious of the nvo errors as the patient
does not get any treatment and the condition \vorsens.
2. Type 11error.111is is \Vhen the doctor diagnoses
somebody to be ill \vhen in fact the patient is
healthy (this is \vhat Rosenhan discovered).
Disclosure of information
For a diagnosis to occur, t.he patient does have to give
some information to the doctor. Howeve1~ as tbe doctor
\Vill have an array of patients who have their O\Vn styles
of commwlication, reaching the correct diagnosis can
sometimes be quite diJficult. Saralino (2006) noted that the
patient can hinder the communication \Vhen the patient:
~
1vants to criticise the doctor or becomes angry
~
clearly ignores \Vhat the doctor is saying
~
insists on more tests and medication \vhen the
doctor says there is no need
useful
reductionism
MISUSING HEALTH
SERVICES
There are a variety of \vays in \Vhich a palient may
misuse health services. We \viii look at son1e of
these below.
TEST YOURSELF
Before reading on, make a list of all the reasons
you can think of as to why people may delay
seeking medical treatment.
Delay in seeking
treatment
Safer et al ( 1979) devised a model after interviewing
nlany patients that tried to explain \vhy patients delay
treatment. There are three stages lo this:
1. Appraisal delay - this refers to the time taken
for a person to interpret a physical symptom as
a potential indicator of illness. This is affected
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
by immediate sensory inforn1ation - something
bleeding or making a person experience 1najor
levels of pain \viii be interpreted much more
quickly as "so1nething wrong" than a small pain, for
instance.
assume it is a very serious problem. '!hey ahvays
think they have the worst illness possible given the
symptoms.
People can easily ignore illnesses without iinmediate
pain and therefore can have illnesses such as
hypertensioll and cancer for n1ore than, for example,
three months before they decide to go and get n1edical
attention and advice.
Gropalis et nl (2013) noted a cognitive-behavioural
element to the condition. Hypochondriacs might have
faulty information processing in the brain. Those \\•ho
have high anxiety 1vhen it comes to health-related
issues ahvays direct their attention tO\vards any source
of health threat. They can also easily access men1ories
of illnesses. This may make them think that certain
minor symptoms are something much more serious.
Sch\venzer & Mathiak (2012) reported that the
cognitive bias described here could be a "general" bias
tO\Vards "less positive» vie1vs. In their study, participants
without any kno\vledge of Chinese language characters
had to guess, just by looking at the characters, 1vhether
they portrayed a positive or negative meani ng. 'TI1is \vas
used to see what biases lie in processing inforn1ation
that is dearly not related to illness in any \vay. 'TI1ose
who had higher hypochondrias is scores on a scale rated
the characters as being less positive Lhan the people
\vith low hypochondriasis scores. Therefore, a "general
distrustful attitude to,vards familiar procedures should
be considered in bypochondriasis" (2012: 178).
Hypochondriasis
Mi.inchausen syndrome
One specific behaviour that leads to a misuse of health
services is hypocbondriasis. According to Sarafino
(2006) it is the "tendency of individuals to \Vorry
excessively about their O\vn health, nionitor their bodily
sensations closely, niake frequent unfounded medical
complaints, and believe they are ill despite reassurances
by physicians that they are not" (2006: 250).
This syndrome \Vas named after Karl Freidrich
Hieronymus Baron von Munchhausen, '"ho told
wild tales of travels and adventure in the 1700s. The
condition is a "factitious disorder" \Vhich describes
symptoms that are artificially produced by the patient
rather than it being a natura.1 illness process. Turner &
Reid (2002) noted the three main features as:
Fallon (2010) noted three types of hypochondria:
~ sinnilated illness (artificial sy1npton1s)
2. illness delay - this refers to Lhe time taken bet\veen
people recognising that they are ill and actually
seeking some fonn of medical attention. This
is affected by familiarity - a ne\v and different
symptom \viJl create a faster reaction and help
seeking behaviour than an old symptom that
re-occurs.
3. Utilisation delay - this refers to the tin1e taken
bet\veen deciding to seek medical altention and
actually doing so. 'I his is affected by a nun1ber of
factors such as cost, how severe the pain is and
\vhether the person feels that going to get help
would cure the illness.
~
The obsessive-anxious type - when people 111orry
that they are ill despite reassurances from a doctor
that they are not. Tl1ey believe that the doctor has
missed so1nething serious.
~
The depressive type - 1vhen people either go to the
doctor crying that they are about to die and that
there is no point testing the111, or they refuse to go
to the doctor.
~
The somatoform type - when people exhibit many
of the physical syn1ptoms of an illness and ahvays
~
pathological lying (pseudologia fantast ica)
~
wandering fro1n place to place (peregrination).
is an extreme fonn of factitious disorder accounting
for about 10 per cent of all factitious diso rder case
studies. A generic but typical case \Vo uld involve
patients who have travelled to different hospitals under
different names turning up and giving a faclitious
history of their condition. They 1nay simulate symptoms
and in some cases eat contaminated food in order to
vomit or produce blood. Many illnesses are claimed
[I
and the niost common are fevers, infections, bleeding
and seizures. However, Turner & Reid state that these
patients niay go through medical procedures that do not
show that they have a "real illnessa and many are then
"caught out" by inconsistencies in their self-reported
medical histories.
ln addition to Mlinchausen syndrome there is
Mlinchausen syndrome by proxy. In these instances the
mother or carer of a child deliberately exaggerates and
fabricates illness of the child. The caregiver may induce
physical and psychological problems into the child. It is
now referred to as factitious disorder by proxy. Criddle
(2010) noted three levels of this syndrome:
1. Nlild (symplon1 fabrication) - the caregiver may
clain1 the child experiences mild syn1ptoms of an
illness the child does not have.
2. Jvloderate (evidence tan1pering) - the caregiver
may go as far as manipulating laboratory specimens
of the child or falsifying the niedical records of
the child.
3. Severe (symplom induction) - the caregiver induces
an illness into the child including diarrhoea.
seizures and even sepsis. These methods may also
include poisoning 1vith things such as insulin and
salt, applying faecal matter to open 1vouods to infect
them and injecting urine into the child.
te1nperature" that 1vould not react 1vell to any drug.
However, diagnostic tests could not locate any infection
or fever. It 1vas discovered that she 1vas preheating
thermometers to take her 01vn ten1perature and that she
was often heard punching the 1vall at night (presumably
with her right hand). She 1vas also seen reading medical
text books about hand diseases and amputations. The
medical staff stopped her treatment. Her temperature
dropped back to usual levels and 20 days after taking
her cast off, her arm was free of any injury.
Faida et al (2012) reported on a 40-year-old 111oman
who had injuries to her right leg. She 1vas complaining
of arthritis of the right leg 1vith headaches and ulcers.
During her hospitalisation, her condition got 1vorse
and she cou Id no longer walk on her right leg. Tests to
exan1ine why this could be the case showed nothing
abnorn1al about lhe leg. When a standard x-ray 1vas
taken, it revealed that a sewing needle was en1bedded
in her righl calf. When the hospital staff questioned her
about this she becan1e very aggressive and denied any
knowledge of it. She then at1t:1npted lo jun1p out of the
hospital 1vindo\v to escape but thankfully 1vas stopped.
Many of her syn1ptoms resolved spontaneously after
this incident.
@
EVALUATION
case study
CASE STUDIES
valid
Zibis et al (20 l 0) reported on a case of Miinchausen
syndrome. A 24-year-old 11•oman had been referred
to a surgeon as she had extremely painful, stiff and
s1vo!Jen right hand and arm. She reported having had
four previous operations on the same region. Four days
into her treatn1ent al the hospital she developed a "fever
~
V
qual vs quan
reliable
general
useful
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Produce a leanet lhat explains to people why some
patients may misuse medical health services.
Think about the targel audience and what message you
want lo get across.
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
'
9.2 ADHERENCE TO
MEDICAL ADVICE
Patients visit their doctor for advice about health problems
and usually end up \vith a prescription for drugs or some
referral for further tests or treatment. However, as health
psychologists are discovering, not every patient follo,vs the
medical advice given. This section looks at 'vhy patients
may not adhere to advice, ho'v to measure adherence to
advice and 'vays to improve patients' adherence.
ASK YOURSELF
Why would a patient not adhere to medical
advice? List as many reasons as possible and
then see how many turn up in this chapter.
TYPES OF NONADHERENCE AND
REASONS WHY
PATIENTS DO NOT
ADHERE
Types and extent of
non-adherence
Clarke (20 13) noted different types of adherence that
've can reverse to discover different types of nonadherence, \vhich are:
I> not follo1ving short-term advice (e.g. to take three
pills per day, five hours apart, for one 1veek)
I> failing to attend a follow-up intervie1v or a referral
appointment
I> not 1vanting to rnake a lifestyle change (e.g. to
reduce then quit srnoking or take n1ore exercise)
I> not engaging in preventative n1easures linked to
health (e.g. using contraception).
According to Sarafino (2006), up to 40 per cent of a given
population fail to adhere to the n1edica/ advice given to
the1n. That is, 1\\10 in five people do not follo1v their doctor's
advice. In addition, the research showed the following:
I> When medicine needs to be taken for short-term
acute illness, the adherence rate climbs to 67 per cent.
I> For longer-ternl chronic regimes, the figure appears
to be around 50 per cent.
I> People tend to adhere n1ore just before or just after
seeing a doctor.
I> There appears to be very little adherence al all to any
advice that involves a change in lifestyle.
Sarafino (2006) "'US quick to note that these are probably
overestimates of non-adherence as the data are only
based on people 1\lho were \villing to take part in a study
and then ad111it to non-adherence. Also, the data fails
to appreciate the range of adherence as son1e patients
will adhere to advice J00 per cent of the time but others'
adherence may vary markedly from illness to illness.
Rational non-adherence
There are patients who choose not to adhere to medical
advice as it appears rationnl for thel1t to do this. By this, we
mean that they have conducted a cost-benefit analysis and
it appears lo them "costly" to adhere to the treatn1ent being
given to then1 or asked ofthen1. Laba, Brien & Jan (2012)
wanted to try to understand rational non-adherence using
a comn1unity sample of patients in Australia. The patients
were given a discrete choice online survey that \\lanted to
estimate the importance of eight medication factors \vith
regard to non-adherence. The factors \vere:
I>
J>
I>
J>
J>
J>
J>
I>
immediate medication harn1
immediate medication benefit
long-term medication harm
long-term medication benefit
cost
regimen
sy1npton1 severity
alcohol restrictions.
Six of the factors appeared to affect choice of adherence
rationally in the san1ple. The two that did not 1vere
syn1pton1 severity and alcohol restrictions. Therefore,
rational non-adherence is a cornplex interaction
between the six ren1aining factors with an overall costbenefit analysis by individual patients finally predicting
whether they will adhere or not. IL '"as noted that when
a potential health outcome 1\las fran1ed in terms of"side
effects" the person quite rationally 1vas more likely not
to adhere than if a health outcome '"as framed in tem1s
of"therapeutic benefits''. Therefore, the 1vay that the
treatment is, essentially, "sold to them" arfects whether
patients will adhere (as rational people do not 1vant side
effects but do want therapeutic benefits).
®
EVALUAT ION
useful
ind vs sit
valid
'
TE 'T 'CURSE F
Outline reasons why people may not adhere to
medical advice.
Customising treatment
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Read lhe improving adherence seCtJOn at the end of
lhls page, and make notes on how practiLioner style.
informalion providing and behavioural trealment can be used
lo customise treatment for any patient.
MEASURING ADHERENCE
AND NON-ADHERENCE
If non-adherence to medical advice is such a \videspread
problem then psychologists must come up with ways in
\vhich they can n1easure it Belo\\' \Ve look at a number of
different \vays of assessing non-adherence (and adherence).
Subjective: self-reports
One technique that can be used is for patients to complete
self-reports \vith questions related to ho\v niuch they are
adhering to the treatn1enL P-atients can be given booklets to
record when they took certain drugs or engaged in certain
bellaviours that are ai.ked of them as part of their treatn1enL
Many psychologists are sceptical about the validity and
reliability ofself-reports as patients can easily lie about \vhat
they have done in terms of adhering to treatn1ent. Ho\vever,
Kaplan & Sin1on (1990) noled that ift:he questions are
direct and simple to anS\ver then this technique can be
used successfully to nieasure rates of adherence. However,
patients niay give socially desirable ans\vers especially ifthey
have 1101 been adhering to the treatment prescribed to them.
Objective: pill counting,
biochemical tests,
repeat prescriptions
Another \vay of measuring adherence is by simply
counting the amount of pills left in a bottle and \VOrking
out \vhether the patient has taken the recommended
amount over a certain time period. 'This can assess
\Vhether the patient has follo\ved the correct procedure
and taken the specified amount of tablets. rlo\vever, just
because the pills are not in the boule any more does
not mean they have actually been taken. A patient niay
have thro\vn the pills a\vay (see Core study 7.1, page 87)
or just placed them in a different conta.iner, so this is
not the most accurate method of measuring nct11al
adherence to a trealment regime.
Biochemical tests can be run on the patient to measure
adherence. These include urine analysis and blood tests
to detect levels of the drug that the patient should have
consumed. While son1e psychologists believe these are
the best methods to use after revie1ving 1he research
(e.g. Roth, 1987). the rnethods are very expensive
compared to the other choices available. Also. while
they do detect drug levels, they slill do not sho\v l'otal
adherence to a regi1ne, only that the person has ingested
enough of the dr ug for it to be detectable.
Repeat prescriptions have been a relatively ne\v addition
to the meclical field \Vith patients who are on longer-term
treatment having the option of asking for the same amount
of drugs again 1vithout having to see a doctor first These
patients simply request a repeat prescription from their
local doctor's surgery and then pick up the drug. Although
this means that patients have to have the motivation to
do this (so the argument is that they must be adhering to
the treatment), they could still obtain the drugs but not
consume thein (especially if the drugs are free).
®
EVALUATION
qual/quan
valid
questionnaire
useful
reliable
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A local heallh charily wants you lo help il decide
which is the best way to measure adherence lo
medical advice. In your report lo the charity, you must
outline at least three w~s and highlight the strenglhs and
weaknesses of each technique.
IMPROVING ADHERENCE
No1v we \\fill look at techniques that can be used to try
to improve adherence levels in patients after they have
visited a doctor.
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
Improve practitioner
style, provide
information and
behavioural techniques
All of these three aspects can be incorporated in an
attempt to make patients adhere more to medical
advice. The practitioner style and information
aspects can be combined as Sarafino (2006) outlined.
Practitioners can use a variety of techniques:
;. They can ensure that the patient understands
the "disease process" and the pros and cons of
treatment.
;. They can use sin1plified non-rnedical language.
;. They can use n1easurable staternents for treatment
rather than generic (e.g. with people \vho take exercise
by swimn1ing, advising that they should s1vim
20 lengths each time they go for their regular swim,
rather than telling them to take some exercise daily).
;. Any key information that is vital to the treatment
can be stated n1ore than once.
;. They can ensure that any 1vritten instructions have
no ambiguity 1vhatsoever.
;. The patient can be asked to repeat the instructions
at least once.
Practitioners can also use a range of behavioural methods
to try to in1prove adherence. Burke, Dunbar-Jacob & Hill
(1997) highlighted four techniques that \\'Ork:
;. Tailor the regimen - that is, ensure that the
treatn1ent programme is compatible 1vith the lives
of the patients. For example, if exercise is part of
patients' treatment then n1ake sure it can fit into
their lives if they work full tin1e.
;. Provide prornpts and ren1inders to serve as cues
so patients are rerninded of the 1reatn1ent - one
exan1ple is having the day printed on the drug
packaging so patients kno1v 1'/hether they have
taken the pill on the correct day.
;. Arrange self-n1onitoring - ask patients to keep a
1vritten record of 1vhat they do. These records act as
prompts; also, patients are more likely to stick to the
treatment if they have to keep a record.
;. Establish a behaviour contract - a "contract" can
be dra1\111 up bet1veen practitioner and patient for
the patient to reach certain treatrnent goals, 1vith
rewards given when this happens.
USE OF TEXT
MESSAGING
As the nun1ber of mobile phones increasingly gro1vs,
healthcare providers may be able to use simple text
reminders to in1prove adherence to treatment. Lew·is
et al (2013) reported on a scheme that sent tailored
text 1nessages to people currently undergoing HIV
treatment. After being assessed prior to receiving text
messages, patients received ren1inder texts, answered
weekly adherence texts and those who adhered to
treatment received tailored messages such as "He
shoots! He scores! Perfect med adherence. Great job!'
(2013: 250). Patients found to be non-adherent were
sent reminder texts such as "Stop, drop and pop.
Take your meds now!" (20 13: 250). Patients reported
being very receptive to the text- rnessaging system and
appreciated the messages. The adherence to medication
(which was self-reported) improved significantly
during the three months receiving the texts especially
among those 1vho had begun the study not adhering
to treatment. Objective measures of adherence such
as viral load confirmed that these patients had been
adhering to treatment.
LETTERS
Even 1vitl1 IT don1inating people's lives, Zhang & Pish
(20 12) examined whether a sin1ple letter received by
post might improve adl1erence to a variety of treatments
in a healthcare selling. They also 1vanted to investigate
whether different types of treatn1ent were affected in
the san1e 1vay using a ren1inder leller. Adult patients
were followed to check for adherence rates to a variety
of health issues (e.g. colonoscopies, general x-rays,
vaccines and general eye tests for diabetics). A first
reminder letter 1vas sent out one month after the
appropriate time fran1e for treatn1ent fo r urgent cases
and after t\vo n1onths for non-urgent cases. If these
\Vere not responded to then a second letter 1vas sent
out one month after the first. Table 9.2. I sho1vs the
adherence rates for a variety of treatments follo\ved
in the study.
Colonoscopy
35
11
14
45
Mammogram
57
16
5
34
Cardiac testing
11
5
0
4
Ultrasound
55
7
1
5
Nole: Numbers refer to number of patients
£. Table 9.2.1 Adherenc e rates (Zang & Fish, 2012)
We can see that no reminder \Vas necessary for some
of the treat1nents in Table 9.2. 1. Ho\vever, for all of
the treatn1ents listed, people did respond to a letter
re1ni nding them of the in1portance of the treatment
\Vhich led to lhen1 attending the relevant health clinic.
Fron1 lhe data in Table 9.2.l, those sent a second letter
about the need for a colonoscopy responded well,
\vith another 14 people corning forward. 111e high
levels of non-adherence to both the colonoscopy and
man1mogran1 highlight that some people simply do not
respond to rein inders. Research into \vhy these people
do not respond needs to be conducted.
MEMORY INTERVENTION
A recent development has been created by lnsel et al
(2013) to aid adherence to antihypertensive drugs.
Previous studies had been noted by this research team
to focus on just one aspect of adherence (e.g. just
understanding hO\\' many pills to take). lnsel et al have
proposed a multifaceted approach to improving adherence
through cognitive tasks (note the plural). The follo\ving is
part of the model that they believe \viii improve adherence:
~
E1nphasise routine - have niedication in the san1e place
and san1e tin1e ead1 day or each lime it has to be taken.
~
Develop cues (e.g. have a pill pot on the breakfast
table in full view rather than in a box in a dra\ver).
~
Elaborate the action (e.g. get patients to shake
the bottle before taking the pills to make it niore
men1orable so they do not take a repeat dose
immediately).
~
Do it now - as soon as a cue is present take the pills
there and then. Even a five-second delay can cause
forgetting and non-adherence.
~
Introduce imple111entatio11 intentions - n1ake it all
specific, so rather than patients thinklng ·~round
breakfasl tin1e I will take 1ny pills" gel tJ1en1 to tJlink
"Wilh my first cup of tea of the day I will Lake 1ny pills''.
~
Teach - ask - \Vail - ask again - wait - ask again.
This allows patients to rehearse intentions and,
according to lnsel et al, leaving a sufficient gap at
the second '\vait" (as long as 15 minutes) can help
improve memory for intention.
It \vill be intriguing to see if the system does improve
adherence rates to anti hypertensive drugs.
@
EVALUATION
useflll
valid
cognitive
ind vs sit
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Create a training programme for a prac titioner
that alms to help the practitioner to make patients
adhere more to medical advice.
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
9.3 PAIN
TYPES AND THEORIES
OF PAIN
People can experience a variety of types of pain and
there are theories as to \vhy \Ve experience pain outside
of a physiological cause. All of these are covered below.
ASK YOURSELF
Why do we feel pain? Lisi as many possible
reasons as you can.
One controversial element of pain perception has been
phanton1 limb pain. This is a condition \vhereby a patient
who is an amputee still experiences pain in a limb that
is not longer physically there or in a lirnb that has no
functioning nerves in it. Yet, the pain is described in the
same \vay as any other ache or pain that people experience
daily. It does not al\vays centre around the pain element as
some amputees still feel as if they can move their phantom
limb as they please. The pain symptoms can last for several
months or even years and can be quite severe in nature. It is
often described as shooting or burning pain or like cramp.
~ TEST YOURSELF
V
Whal is pain? Outline one type of pain.
Definitions of pain
Specificity theory of pain
According to Sarafino (2006), pain can be a sensory
and/or emotional discomfort which tends to be
associated \Vith actual tissue damage or threatened
tissue dan1age including irritation. People's experiences
of pain differ markedly but virtually every human being
does experience pain in some form.
This was an early model of pain. It was predicted that
we have a sensory system that is dedicated to pain.
A series of neurons forn1 a path\vay to a dedicated
pain centre in the brain. The more this path\vay is
used, the more intense is the pain experienced by the
person. Therefore, according to this theory, pain is
purely physiological and there are nerve centres in the
brain that exclusively process this information. Son1e
psychologists believe that they have evidence for certain
fibres being exclusive to pain but others state that they
cannot find them. There are sensory fibres in our skin
that can detect heat, cold and certain pressures but these
can aJso detect pain so the exclusivity argument is nO\V a
weak one. A n1ore co1nprehensive theory is gate control.
Acute and chronic
organic pain
Acute pain refers to tin1es \vhen people experience
temporary pain for about six months or less. They
experience anxiety \vhile the pain is there but this
dissipates quickly once the pain begins to disappear.
When pain lasts continually for more than a few
months, it is referred to as chronic pain. People
experiencing this will have high levels of anxiety and
may \veil develop a sense of helplessness and depression.
This is especially true iftreatn1ent is not helping. The
pain interferes with daily life, though ts and sleep
patterns. For both of these types, the cause of the pain is
physiological.
Psychogenic pain
Not all pain stems fron1 physiological mechanisms.
Ps)•chogenic pain refers to episodes \vhere there is no
organic (physiological) cause of pain but the person is
experiencing pain.
Gate control theory
of pain
Melzack & Wall ( 1965) proposed the idea of a gate control
theory of pain. Pain is detected and still picked up by
sensory signals but the spinal cord plays a key role in
the experience of the actual pain. The spinal cord has a
mechanism in it that acts just like a gate: it is either open or
dosed. If it is open the pain is experienced but the spinal
cord can modulate the pain level by having th.e gate slightly
open rather than fully open. There are three main factors
involved in the gate-opening process:
~
One factor is the amount of activity in pain fibres.
The niore "noxious" the pain stimulus is, the more
likely the gate will be opened (e.g. in someone
\\lith a severe cut).
~
~
Another factor is the an1ount of activity in other
peripheral fibres. These are called A-beta fibres.
They carry information about "lo\,•-level pain"
(e.g. a scratch or a touch). When there is activity in
these fibres the gale lends to close as the pain is IO\\I
level and not dangerous.
~
rest and relaxation
~
distraction from the pain.
@
EVALUATION
userul
valid
reduct
•
TEST YOU ~SEL,
t.lessages fron1 the brain are also a factor.
lnfonnation such as excitement and anxiety can
affect ho\v much the gate is opened or closed.
Outline one theory of pain
Sarafino (2006) noted conditions that can open or close
the gate in the spinal cord. The gate can be opened by:
MEASURING PAIN
~
severe injury
~
anxiety, \\lorry, depression, etc.
~
focusing too niuch on the pain, plus boredon1.
This next section will exarnine the different ways
in 11•hich pain can be n1easured by a practitioner or
psychologist.
The gate can be closed by:
ASK YOURSELF
~
medication
~
Whal do you think 1s the besl way to measure
pain?
positive emotions (e.g. laughing through happiness)
Self-report measures
These are usually questionnaire-based methods that aJIO\\I the person experiencing the pain to rate ho\v severe it
is. Common exan1ples arc the use of a box scale, a verbal rating scale or a Like rt-type scale. Examples of these are
given in Figure 9.3.1.
Box scale:
No pain
I0 I1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
I9
j 10 I
Worst pain possible
Verbal rati ng scale:
No pain
Son1e pain
Considerable pain
Worst pain possible
Likert-type scale:
The exan1plc questions below would be answered using the options of:
Strongly agree, Agree, Don't kno1v, Disagree, Strongly disagree.
1. The pain usually gets 1\lorse at night.
2. Pain relief helps me control my pain.
A Figure 9.3.1 Scales for recording pain - box rating, verbal raltng and Likert-type scales
Patients ma)' also be asked to keep a pain diary, as sho\vn in Figure 9.3.2, so the practitioner can monitor when the
pain is happening and ho1v the patient feels.
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CHAPTER 9 : PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
PAI N DIARY FOR:
Did you change your medication today? lf yes, describe:
DATE:
Pain rating scale:
No pain
Time
~
..
0
l
2
p.m.
4
5
Unbearable pain
Pain rating and
body position
Activity at start of
pain
What medication Pain rating after
did you take and 1 or 2 hours
how much?
Comments/other
problems
51 lower ball:
Leaned over and
drag9ed d1nin9 lhair
awai from table
~1rin
Gould f>tand up
better
L'f in9 flat on balK in
tile bed
Ibuprofen (2.)
pain
11.00
3
2/ lower ball:
dull alne
(2.)
4 - nelped a
little
I-
ne\ped
lroub\e 9ettin9 to
f>leep: 9ot to £>1eep
at around i .oo a.m.
.A. Figure 9.3.2 Example of a pain diary
Psychometric measures
and visual rating scales
One standardised psychometric measure of pain is the
McGill Pain Questionnaire (M PQ). This questionnaire
co111es in four parts:
1. A diagran1 of a body is presented to the patient,
\vho sin1ply has to mark 1vhere the pain is localed
around the body.
2. There are 20 sub-classes of descriptive 1vords fro1n
1vhich the patient has to choose a n1axi1num of one
per class. The further do\vn the list in each sub-class
the 1vord is, the more points it scores so that an
overall pai11 rati ng index can be calculated.
3. The patient has to describe the pattern of pain from
three sub-classes of words and then produce son1e
qualitative data aboul 1vhat things relieve but also
increase the pain.
4. The final parl asks Lhe pal ient to rate the strength
of the pain via six questions. 111e scores fo r th e
questions are added up to create a present pain
intensity score.
Where Is Your Parn?
Part I.
Part 2.
Please 1Park on lhe drawing below the areas where you
reel pain. Put E ii external. or I if internal. rear Lile areas
\Vhich you mark. Put El ii both external and internal.
What Does Your Pain feel Like?
Some or lhe words below describe your present pain.
Circle ONLY lhose words that best describe il. Leave out
any category that is not suitable. Use only a single word
in each appropriate category - the one that applies best.
1
2
Flickering
Quivering
Pwlsirg
Throbbing
Beating
Pourding
Jumping
Flashing
Shooting
5
\ I
Tugging
Pulling
Wrencl1rng
9
10
Dull
Sore
Hurting
Aching
Heavy
l ender
Taul
Rasping
Splilling
13
17
Spreading
Radiating
Penetrating
Piercirg
Part 3.
How Does Your Pain Chanae Wilh Time?
1. Which word or words would you use lo describe the
oatlern or your pain?
1
Continuous
Steady
Constant
2
Rhythmic
Periodic
Intermittent
2. What kind of things reljeve your pain?
3. Whal kind of things increase your pain?
3
Brief
Momentary
Transient
Ting ling
Itchy
Smarting
Slinging
11
12
Exhausling
15
Wretched
Blinding
18
8
Hot
Burning
Scalding
Searing
l iring
14
Punistung
Gruelling
Cruel
Vicious
Killing
Fearful
Frightful
Terrifying
4
srarp
Culling
Lacerating
7
6
Pinching
Pressing
Gnawing
Cramping
Crushing
•
3
Pncking
Bonng
Drilling
Slabbing
Lancinating
Sickening
8ullocating
16
Annoying
Troublesome
Miserable
Intense
Unbearable
19
Tight
Numb
Drawing
Squeezing
Tearing
Coot
Cold
Freezing
20
Nagging
Nauseating
Agonizing
Dreadful
Torturing
I-tow Strong Is Your Pam?
Part 4 .
People ag ree that the following 5 words represent pain of
increasing intensity. They are:
1
Mild
4
5
Discomtorllng Distressing Horrible Excruciating
2
3
To answer each question below. write lhe number of the
most appropriate word in the space beside the ql1estion.
1. Which word describes your pain right now? _ _ _
2. Which word describes il al its worst?
3. Which word describes il when it is least?
4. Which word describes the worst toothache
you ever had?
5. Which word describes the worst headache
you ever had?
6. Which word descnbes the worst stomachache you ever had?
_.. Figure 9.3.3 The MPQ
So..irce: Melzack. 1975
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
Visual rating scales can come in the form of visual
analogue scales as shown in Figure 9.3.4.
simiJar to the MPQ, a picture of a person so they can
indicate where the pain is (see Figure 9.3.6).
No pain {----------------------------/ Worst pain possible
A Figure 9.3.4 Visual analogue scale ror recording pain
The physician can rneasure (\vith a ruler) the distance
along the scale to get a numeric measure ofho\v intense
the pain is - other questions and bi-polar adjecthres can
be used on these scales too.
Behavioural or
observational scale
The University of Alabama at Biriningham (UAB)
Pain Behavior Scale can be used by nurses to assess
the degree of pain patients are in through observing
their behaviour. The patient \viii be asked to perforrn
several activities such as \Valking around, sitting down
then standing up and the nurse rates each of these to
give a total score of ho\v n1uch the pain is affecting the
patient's behaviour. Figure 9.3.5 lists the parameters and
shows the method of scoring some of them.
The UAB Pain Behavior Scale
Parameters
( 1) vocal complaints verbal (2) verbal complaints non-
verbal (groans, nioans, gasps, etc.) (3) do\vntime (time
spend lying do\''n because of pain per day from 8.00 a.m.
to 8.00 p.m.) (4) facial grimaces (5) standing posture
(6) mobility (7) body language (clutching or rubbing
site) (8) use of visible support equipment (brace,
crutches, can, leaning on furniture, etc.) (9) stationary
movement (ability to stay still) (IO) medication use.
Total score = SUM for all 10 itenis
Interpretation: minimum score= O; niaxinium score = 10
The higher the score the rnore n1arked the pain-associated
behaviour and the greater the level of inipairnient.
Parameter
Points
verbal complaints none
Finding
0
ln addition, structured clinical sessions can also be
occasional
0.5
used and these can be tailored to the pain condition a
patient has. The patient can be asked to perform a series
of tasks linked to their pain (e.g. if it is lo\ver back pain
one of the tasks may be to tie their shoe laces). All of the
tasks are recorded for observation. A trained observer
then \Yatches the recording and scores the patient so an
overall pain score can be calculated.
frequent
1
none
0
occasional
0.5
frequent
1
none
0
0 to 60 minutes
0.5
> 60 minutes
1
none
0
mild andfor Infrequent
0.5
severe andfor frequent
1
normal
0
mildly impaired
0.5
distorted
1
non-verbal
complaints
down time
Pain measures in children
Some of the self-report scales rnentioned earlier can
be used \vith children. 111e visual analogue scale
has been particularly successful. The box scales and
verbal rating scales can also be used as long as they
are written in children's language so they can easily
understand them. 1:-lowever, one questionnaire has
been developed that can be used just with children the Pediatric Pain Questionnaire. Children have to
describe their pain i11 their 011111 words then, to help
describe their pain some more, they choose as many
adjectives as they \Vant to. There is a visual analogue
scale used \Vith faces as the bi-polar ends and then,
facial grimaces
standing posture
A Figure 9.3.5 The UAB Pain Behavior Scale
.&. Figure 9.3.6 The Ped ialnc Pain Questionnaire
@
Medical techniques
EVALUATION
quest
'
reliable
psycho
valid
useful
'
One of the n1ain medical techniques used to control
pain is tl1e use of chemicals. Sarafino (2006) highlighted
four main types available to patients:
~
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Devise whal you feel is Lhe best way to measure
pain in children.
MANAGING AND
CONTROLLING PAIN
Peripherally active analgesics - these inhibit the
production of certain neurochemicals that are
produced as a result, for exan1ple, of tissue dan1age.
Con1mon exan1plcs of these drugs arc aspirin
and ibuprofen. Aspirin, for instance, reduces the
experience of pain but also reduces inflatnmation
that could be causing the pain.
~ CentTaUy acting analgesics - these are good at
Patients can manage and control their pain levels in a
variety of 'vays. These range from biological to cognitive
and alternative techniques.
reducing acute pain in the short term as they act
directly on the central nervous syslern. Examples of
these drugs are codeine and 1norpl1i ne.
~
Local anaesilietics - these can be applied locally
to the site of pain (or be injected) to give almost
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
immediate relie£ They block the nerve cells at the
site of damage. An exan1ple of this type of drug is
novocaine.
,. Indirectly acting drugs - these are used [or other
conditions but can also help in pain n1anagen1ent.
For exan1ple, antidepressants can help reduce
psychological aspects of depression but they can
also help relieve pain.
Psychological
techniques: cognitive
strategies
A variety of cognitive strategies can be used to help
alleviate and manage pain in patients. Cognitive
behavioural therapy (CBT) can be used. The therapist
needs to tackle the thinking behind the pain, the e1notions
involved V>'ith the pain and the behaviour seen as a
result of it. The therapist can use a variety of techniques
for this. These include heJping patients to reduce
counterproductive strategies (e.g. changing strategies that
are actually making the pain \vorse rather than better),
giving them some skills training on ho\v to cope and
training the1n to change their cognitions from negative to
positive in ternlS of successful pain management.
Sarafino (2006) noted a range of other cognitive
strategies that can be used with patients. These include
the following:
,. Distraction - this technique gets the patient to focus
on something that is not linked to the pain in any
\\•ay. This can include looking at a picture. singing a
song, playing on a video console or having to focus
on someone's voice. Distractors have to be relevant
to the patient and be engrossing enough for that
person. Hence, they have to be individually tailored.
,. Iinagery - th is can be called guided in1agery and
involves patients creating a 111ental scene "far
ren1oved" fro1n the current state of pain. 'TI1is could
be a place that is pleasant (e.g. a beadi) and the
therapist has to guide patients through the scene to
distract then1 from the pain. The therapist may ask
about sights and sounds, for instance. The aim is
to create a "place" that cannot be linked to the pain
being experienced
TEST YO RSELF
Outline one medical technique or one
psychological technique for controlling pain.
Alternative techniques
A variety of alternative techniques can be used \\lith a
patient experiencing any degree of pain, including
the follo\ving:
1. Hypnosis - patients \Vho are good hypnotic
subjects could benefit from using hypnosis as part
of their pain management. The hypnotist can use
suggestions and imagery to help the patient cope
with pain. It is common for the suggestion of
analgesia (pain relief) to \Vork on hypnotic patients
as a result of their high levels of suggestibility. The
hypnotist could also teach patients self-hypnosis
skills so they can use hypnosis to reduce their pain
\vhen at hon1e.
2. Transcutaneous electrical nerve stimulation (TENS)
n1achines - these madiines have electrodes \Vhich
are placed either side of the source of pain. The
TENS machine then sends a mild electrical current
bet\veen the electrodes \Vhich, in theory, reduces the
sensation of pain.
3. Acupuncture - this is an ancient Chinese practice
of inserting special fine metal needles under the
skin of the patient in areas chosen depending on
the source of the pain. Once inserted, the needles
are "twirled" or stin1ulated electrically. There are
reportedly hundreds of insertion points for the
needles depending on \vhat could be causing the
pain or \vhich area of the body is experiencing it.
®
~
EVALUATION
'
useful
valid
ethics
physio
ind vs sit
cognitive
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A local pain dinic has approached you to
produce a poster that highftghls at least two W<1'fS
in which people can control pain. Your poster must also
stale the advantages of using your chosen techmques.
V
9.4STRESS
CAUSES OR SOURCES
OF STRESS
Stress could be defined as our emotional and
physiological reactions to situations in 'vhich 've feel in
conflict or threatened beyond our capacity to cope or
endure.
ASK YOURSELF
Whal makes you feel stressed? How do you try lo
conlrol the amount of stress in your Iife?
Physiology of stress and
effects on health
The physiological response to stress is controUed by t\vo
body systenls:
~
~
The autonomic nervous system is composed of
t\vo approximately antagonistic sub-systems, the
sympathetic and parasympathetic branches. The
autonon1ic nervous system acts rapidly to stimulate
physiological changes such as breathing and heart
rate as '"ell as affecting the second element, the
endocrine system.
The endocrine systen1 provides a slo,ver
communjcation route through the body using
hormones released in response to signals fro111
nerves or fro1n other glands. In an emergency,
the syinpathetic branch of the autonomic nervous
system responds quickly, preparing for ~fight or
flight''. 1lle syn1pathe1ic nervous system also sends
impulses to the endocrine systen1, \vhich responds
by releasing horn1ones that enhance the preparation
for action. 111is 1nechanisn1, \vhich links the
sy111pathetic nervous system to the ad renal medulla.
is called the sympathetic adrenal medullary system.
Stress has a range of effects on health including the
follo,ving:
~
Cardiovascular problems - these can include
hypertension (high blood pressure) and
atherosclerosis (the build up of fat deposits in blood
vessels), both of \vhich increase the risk of having a
heart attack.
~
Gastrointestinal disorders - an increase in stomach
acids can lead to ulcers and digestive problems; also,
conditions such as irritable bo,vel syndrome can be
made worse by stress.
The GAS model
Selye ( 1947) described the body's response to st ress and
began to explore the links bct\veen stress and illness.
He induced stress in rats using stressors such as heat
and fatigue. The rats showed the san1e physiological
responses regardless of the nature of the stressor;
they had enlarged adrenal glands and they developed
stomach ulcers. Selye proposed that the body responded
to any stressor by getting itself ready for action. This
response has evolved to help the individual to deal \vith
emergency situation~ such as Oeeing physical danger.
Selye identified three phases to the body's response to
stress through \\lhich an individual passes if a stressor
persists over time:
1. Alarm reaction: the body's mechanisn1s for dealing
\Vith danger are activated. This reaction is based
around the fight or Aight mechanism in animals.
Physiological reactions include respiration rate
increasing. heart rate increasing and blood
pressure ns1ng.
2. Resistance stage: Lhe person struggles to cope
\Vith the stress and the body attempts to return
to its previous physiological state. This happens
if no more stress is experienced. Ho\vever, the
person is n1ore vulnerable than before so if stress is
experienced before returning to the previous state,
the person \\!ill struggle to cope.
3. Exhaustion stage: if the stressor persists and the
body cannot return to its previous state, physical
resources beco1ne depleted, eventually leading
to collapse.
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
Perceived
stressor
Alarm
reaction
Stage of
resistance
Stage of
exhaustion
Body IS
mobilised
to defend
against
the stressor
Arousal remains
high. as body
tries to defend
against and adapt
to the stressor
Resources
N0<mal level
or arousal and
resistance
are very
limrted: ability
to resist may
collapse.
A Figure 9.4.1 General adapta~on syndrome wrth three phases
®
individual may believe "No matter \vhat I do, if I am
going to get stressed, I \viii get stressed'.'
EVALUATION
physio
reduct
valid
Work
ind vs sit
TEST YOURSELF
Outline phys101oglca1 mechanisms involved 1n
stress.
Johannson et al (1978) aimed to study Lhe physiological
and psychological stress responses in the t\VO categories of
high-risk and low-risk 1vorkers. There were two groups:
~
The high-risk group 1va~ made up of 14 'vorkers
who had a complex job and 1vorked at a set pace
governed by the production line.
~
The low-risk group contained I0 workers
1vho worked at their O\Vll pace as cleaners or
maintenance staff.
Causes of stress
Lack of control
Rotter (1966) identified a personality variable he called
the locus of control. People \vho attribute control to
factors they cannot govern, such as chance or the
behaviour of other people, are described as having an
external locus of control. 1hose \vho believe that they
are responsible for themselves have an internal locus of
control. Wallston et al (1978) developed the health locus
of control scale. lhis measure, \Vhich looks specifically
at individuals' beliefs about the factors that determine
their health outcomes, assesses three di1nensions:
~
~
~
Internal health locus of control - this is the extent
to which individuals feel able to be responsible for
their own stress levels. For example, a person may
state "My O\Vn lifestyle choices are \vhat 1vill affect
my stress levels:·
Po\verful others' control over health - this refers to
individuals' belief that other, in1portant, people (such
as doctors, fan1ily and friends) play an important role
in their experience of stress. For example, a person
may hold vie\VS such as "Whenever I feel stressed, I
should consult a trained professional:'
Chance health locus of control - this refers to
the role that individuals assign to pure "luck~ An
The research team measured adrenaline (through
urine samples) and body temperature checks on arrival
at \VOrk and at four other times throughout the day,
self-rating of mood and alertness and caffeine and
njcotine consumption. Baseline measurements \\'ere
taken at the sai11e times of the day '"hen the \vorkers
were at home.
The following resultl> were reported:
~
It \vas found that 1vorkers in the high-risk group
bad adrenaline levels t1vice as high on arrival at
work than when they \Vere at home and their levels
conti nued to rise throughou t the day. In contrast,
the low-risk group had adrenaline levels 1.5 times
the amount recorded at ho1ne and their levels
lowered thro ughout the day.
~
From the self-report it \Vas 1nade apparent that the
high-risk group felt more rushed and irritated and
also rated themselves lo1ver on a scale of 1vellbeing.
Life events
Holmes & Rahe (1967} constructed a questionnaire
called the Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS)
sho\m in Figure 9.4.2. The questionnaire is used to
measure the amount of stress a person experiences over
a certain amount of ti1ne (usually one year). Holmes
& Rahe initially conducted research into ho\v different
life events are perceived in tern1s ofho\v stressful they
are. Each of the 43 life events \vere given a score out of
100, \\'hich '"ere called the life change units (LCUs).
People simply had to add up all the LCUs they had
scored over oae year. Th is generated a total of LC Us
that could be used as an indicator of the level of stress
ex-perienced Holn1es & Rahe noted that people \vho
scored more than 300 LCUs in a given year \\!ere much
n1ore likely to become ill due to the amount of stress
they experienced.
Death of spouse
Son or daughter leaving home
29
Trouble with in-laws
29
Outstanding personal
achievement
28
26
26
73
65
24
25
63
63
26
27
Spouse begins or stops work
Personal injury or lllness
53
Change in living conditions
Marriage
50
Fired at work
Marital reconclhatton
47
45
28
29
30
31
10
11
Retirement
45
Change in residence
Change In health of family
member
44
32
33
12
13
14
15
Pregnancy
40
34
Change 1n recreation
Sex d1ff1cult1es
39
39
39
35
36
37
Change 1n church act1v1t1es
2
3
Divorce
4
5
Jail term
6
7
8
9
Marital separation
Death of close family
member
Gain of new family member
Business re-adjustment
Beg1nn1ng or ending school
Revision of personal habits
Trouble with boss
Change 1n work hours or
conditions
Change in schools
Change 1n social activities
Mortgage or loan less than
25
24
23
20
20
20
19
19
18
17
$10 000
16
17
Change 1n financial state
18
16
15
38
37
38
39
Change 1n sleeping habits
Change to a different line
or work
36
40
Change in eating habits
15
19
Change 1n number or
arguments with spouse
35
41
Vacation
13
20
21
Mortgage over $10 000
31
30
42
43
Christmas
12
11
22
Death or a close friend
Foreclosure on mortgage or
loan
Change in responsibilities at
work
Change in number of family
get-togethers
Minor violations of the law
29
£. Figure 9.4.2 The SRRS quest10nnaire
Source. Holmes & Rahe. 1967
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
Personality
Daily hassles
Friedman & Rosenman (1974) observed that their
coronary patients tended to sit on the edge of their
seat, leaping up frequently to enquire how much longer
they would be kept waiting for their appointments. The
possibility of a connection behveen the heart conditions
and the tense, frenetic behaviour of these individuals
led to the proposal of"hurry sickness", later renamed
"type A behaviour" (Friedman & Rosen man, 1974).
Everyday events can also be a legitimate source
of stress: \Ve do not have to experience major lifechanging events to experience stress. Activities such
as losing your keys, spilling milk \Vhen in a rush or
having lo give a presentation at school can cause
high levels of stress. Lazarus (I 98 I) developed a scale
called the Hassles Scale that lists over I 15 different
daily events. People rate each event on a set scale.
The higher tlie score, the more stress they have
experienced and this in turn increases the chance
of ill health.
Type A individuals tend to be highly co1npetitive,
aggressive, in1patient and hostile, with a strong urge
for success. Their behaviour tends to be goal-directed
and performed at speed. In contrast, people with type B
behaviour are relatively "laid back': lacking tlie urgency
and drive typical of lype A individuals. Some individuals
do not fall clearly into either category and are termed type
X. 'I he risk of stress-related illnesses, such as coronary
heart disease, is greater for type A individuals tlian for
type B due to the physiological strains placed on the body.
The research tea1n also created an Uplifts Scale
(recording events that are positive and happy) to
see if tliese can offset tl1e potential stress caused by
daily hassles. Figure 9.4.3 is an excerpt from their
questionnaire to assess hassles and uplifts.
Please fill out this questionnaire just before you go to bed.
HASSLES
UPLIFTS
How much or a hassle was this item for you today?
O = None or not applicable
1 =Somewhat
2 = Quite a bit
3 - A great deal
How much of an uplift was this item for you today?
O = None or not applicable
1 =Somewhat
2 = Quite a bit
3 = A great deal
Please circle one number on the left-hand side (hassles) and one number on the right-hand side (uplifts)
0123
0123 1. Your chlld(ren)
0123
0123 2. Your parents or parents-in-law
0123
0123 3. Other relative( s)
0123
0123 4. Your spouse
0123
0123 5. Time spent with family
0123
0123 6. Health or wellbeing of a family member
0123
0123 7. Sex
0123
0123 8. Intimacy
0123
0123 9. Family-related obligations
0123
0123 10. Your frlend(s)
0 123
0 123 11 . Fellow workers
0123
0123 12. Clients, customers, patients, etc.
0123
0123 13. Your supervisor or employer
0 123
0 123 14. The nature of your work
0123
0123 15. Your workload
0 123
0 123 16. Your job security
0123
0 1 2 3 17. Meeting deadlines or goals on the job
0123 18. Enough money for necessities (e.g. food. clothing, housing, healthcare. taxes. insurance) 0123
A Figure 9.4.3 Excerpt from the Hassles and Uplifts Scale questionnaire
Source. Delongis, Folkman & Lazurus (1988)
@
Self-report
questionnaires
EVALUATION
useful
reduct
quest
ind dirts
ind vs sit
'
People can complete questionnaires that give a numerical
measure of stress (e.g. the SRRS and the Hassles and
Uplifts Scale shown in Figures 9.4.2 and 9.4.3).
valid
@
reliable
EVALUATION
quest
physiol
useful
valid
TEST YOURSELF
OuU1ne at least two differenl psychological
causes or stress. In your answer use examples
from everyday hfe.
MANAGEMENT OF
STRESS
MEASURES OF STRESS
1l1ere are various physiological and psychological
n1easures that psychologists can use to assess the levels
of stress a person is experiencing.
Physiological measures:
recording devices and
sample tests
People can manage their stress using a variety of
techniques, ranglJ1g froin n1edical to psychological.
Medical techniques
These may focus around the use of medication to reduce
the body's automatic response to stressors. There are
l:\vo main types of drug that can be prescribed to people
who are suffering from stress:
~ Benzodiazapines - these are a group of drugs
(including valium) that directly affect stress
reactions in the central nervous systen1.
The following are so1ne of the techniques used to
n1easure stress physiologically in people:
~
Blood pressure monitors are used to measure
both systolic and diastolic pressure. Each
pressure is given a number and the result is
\Vritten as 115/75 for example (this is an ideal
reading). lfa person has a reading of 185/ 125 then
this indicates severe hypertension likely to
be caused by extreme stress.
~
Blood and urine tests can be used to measure
levels of cortisol in our body. Cortisol is a slress
honnone. Higher levels indicate tht1t the body is
physiologically stressed.
~
Galvanic skin response devices have electrodes that
are attached to a person's ti nger tips. They 111easure
the amount of electrical resistance in the skin.
Higher levels of skin response can be an indicator of
autono111ic nervous system arousal \Vhich is linked
to stress.
~
Beta-blockers - these are a group of drugs that
reduce the anxiety and blood pressure linked
to stress. They act on the peripheral nervous
syste1n and block activity from ephinephrine and
norepinephrine.
Drugs should only be used as a short-term, temporary
measure for dealing \vith stress. For longer-term
control, it is better to use psychological techniques to
teach people ne1v 1vays of coping.
Psychological
techniques: biofeedback
and imagery
Biofeedback is a technique that attempts to get
people to take control of their own physiological
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
state. Usually, people arc connected to devices that
nieasure key physiological processes such as heart rate,
blood pressure, muscle tension, etc. The equip1nent
gives individuals instant and continuous readings
of these key physiological measures. The idea is that
individuals take vo/1111tary control of their physiology
using the idea of re\\lards. If people are attempting to
reduce their resting heart rate and they can see that
deeper breathing and relaxation is doing this instantly
then they are more likely to 'vant to do the same
next time. Sarafino (2006) noted that there is a lot of
evidence for the usefulness of biofeedback techniques
for stress-related illnesses such as tension headaches,
even \vith children.
lmagery can also be used to reduce stress in people:
1nental i111agery is used to distract people fron1 thinking
about any stressors they have. In addition, the y n1ay
be taught relaxation techniques to help with tJ1e
distrac tion. 'I hese may include visual imagery to take
then1 "a,vay from their stressors" and deep-breathing
exercises or even yoga and n1editation. People using
1nental imagery \viii have to i1nagine a variety of
situations that have nothing to do \vith the stresses they
are CLLrrently experiencing. Ensuring that people are not
focusing on current stressors aLIO\\IS them to calm do\vn
and take control of their O\\l'n physiological state.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Produce a leaflet that can be displayed 1n a local
surgery that tells people ways 1n which they can
try to control stress.
Preventing stress
Some techniques can be used that allow people not
to be affected by stress and stressors. These are called
preventive measures. One that has generated a great
deal of research and follo,ving by therapists is stress
inoculation therapy (Meichenbaun1, 1996). There are
three stages involved in Lhe process:
1 . Conceptualisation phase - this is when a
relationship is built bet\veen the trainer and clients.
The trainer will educate clients about the nature and
impact that stress has on their lives. The trainer may
even sho'v ho\v clients n1ay be currently making
their stress \VOrse \vithout them even kno\ving
they are doing it. Clients are then encouraged to
see perceived stressors as being problems to be
solved rather than as a negative experience. They
are introduced to different coping mechanisms and
strategies they can then use. They are also taught to
break do'"n stressors into short-term, intermediate
and long-term coping goals.
2. Skill acquisition and rehearsal phase - this is \vhen
the elements from stage I have been taught and
clients have to put them into practice. The skills
are initially practised \vith the trainer in the clinic
but then clients are encouraged to try then1 in the
real \vorld. Some of the coping n1echanisms could
include relaxation training, cognitive restructuring,
interpersonal communication skills and using social
support to help clients in lin1es of need.
3. Application and follow-through phase - this is
when there are opportunities for clients to apply all
of the coping skills to increasing levels of stressors.
Additional techniques, such as iinage ry, rnodelling,
role playing and rehearsal, are used in the fonn of
"personal experiments" so that clients can show that
they can cope \vith any level of stressor. These help
to consolidate the skills they have already learned.
They are also given follo\v-up booster sessions to
ensure that the entire process is \VOrking.
The \Vhole technique is flexible and can be a simple
20-minute session for people \vho are just about to go
into surgery, or 40 one-hour " 'eekly sessions for people
who cannot cope '"ith any level of stress.
@
EVALUATION
useful
reduct
Ind vs sit
valid
TEST YOURSELF
Describe and evaluate stress lnoculalion therapy.
Yale model of
communication
9.5 HEALTH
PROMOTION
METHODS FOR
PROMOTING HEALTH
There are many \vays in which health psychologists can
try to promote healthy living. This section looks at three
in particular.
ASI\ YOURSELF
Can you think of any health promotion campaigns
that have been run in your country recently? Have
they been successful? If so. why?
Fear arousal
The idea behind fear arousal is that if you "scare people
enough" they 1vill change their thoughts and behaviour.
Roberts & Russell (2002) noted that while fear-arousing
methods n1ay be effective, there are certain factors that
can affect 1vhether the person the message is aimed at
does follow its advice. These are:
~
the unpleasantness of the fear-arousing
message
~
the probability that 1vhatever the n1essage is
1varning about \viii occur if the person does not
follo1v the advice given
~
the perceived effectiveness of the recon1mended
action portrayed in the 1nessage.
Therefore, idealJy, the 1nessage should be relatively
unpleasant; people must believe that 1vhat it is warning
about \vilJ happen to them and that any "evasive" action
will be effective. Janis & Feshbach (1953) reported that
only n1 in imal fear is effective. They showed participants
a filin about dental hygiene and each group either got a
strong fear rnessage, a 1nodcratc or a minimal
fear message. The group who got the minin1al fear
message shO\\'Cd the highest level of agreement
1vith the advice (36 per cent) con1pared to the strong
fear group (8 per cent).
Hovland el al ( 1953) conducted many studies at Yale
University 1vhich helped to form a model of persuasive
communication. There are three main stages in the process:
1. Attention - the 1nessage must grab people's
attention. Sound and visual stimuli are the most
effective so using television might be better than
using leaflets or the radio.
2. Comprehension - for a message to be successful it
must be understood by the recipient. Messages need
to be clear and concise.
3 . Acceptance - the overall niessage has to be accepted
by the recipient for behaviour change to occur. The
person does not have to believe the 1nessage but
must accept it and behave according to it for it to be
persuasive con1n1u 1ticalion.
There are several factors that can affect any or all of the
three stages above. These include the follo,ving:
~
The communicator - a 1nessage is 1nore persuasive
if the com n1unicator is attractive, is similar to the
recipient and is likeable.
~
The content - it is best to cause n1ild fear and it is
best \vhen the message is presented verbally and
visually. A one-sided or t\\•o-sided argument needs
to be considered too.
~
The n1edium - for example, the comn1unicator
needs to choose \vhether a television campaign
1vould work better than a radio or leaOct campaign.
If the message is simple and straightfor\vard then
conveying it via television is best; if it is complicated
it is best co1nmunicated via 1vrillen n1edia.
Providing information
Sarafino (2006) noted that one 1vay in which people can
engage in healthy behaviour is through information.
This helps people make decisions about their O\vn
lifestyles. There are three main 1vays in which
information can be provided:
~
It can be provided using n1ass media (e.g. television,
radio, magazines and ne1vspapers). One popular
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
approach is for health services and the government
to inforn1 the general population about the negative
consequences of certain health-related behaviours
such as smoking and drinking alcohol. Ho1vever,
this appeari. to have limited success as many people
misunderstand the messages. This is especially
true if people are not all that motivated to change
their behaviour any\vay. Ho1vever, if a person is
motivated 10 change behaviour then it can be useful.
Sarafino (2006) gave the example of Cable Quit,
a TV sho1v that helped people to prepare to quit
unhealthy behaviours by giving out infom1ation
fron1 the first day they decided to quit. Around 17
per cent of people had still quit a year after •vatching
the programmes.
~
~
The Internet - there are no1v literally thousands
of websites that promote healthy behaviour and
allow people to track their own progress and 1neel
others online to help 1notivate then1 to change. An
advantage is that there is a 1vealth of information
for people to look at to see how they can change.
Ho1vever, not all information 1vill be correct or
checked by health professionals.
Medical settings - having information displayed
in a doctor's surgery or office might make
people believe the messages more. As the
information is in a professional setting it could
receive instant respect.
®
EVALUATION
usefUI
ethics
ind vs sit
TEST YOURSELF
Outline one psychological method of promoting
health.
HEALTH PROMOTION IN
SCHOOLS, WORKSITES
AND COMMUNITIES
Health psychology has 10 be applied to real life for it
to 1vork. Belo1v 1ve look at attempts to promote healthy
behaviour in schools, at the 1vorkplace and in the
community.
Schools
Schools have a good opportunity to promote healthy
living to students. Lessons where students are taught
about the benefits of healthy living can be part of
any curriculum. Walter et al ( 1985) reported on an
US study of22 elen1entary schools. They introduced
a curriculum that had a focus on physical fitness and
nutrition. The schools \\ ere randomly assigned either to
the programme or to act as a control. The children 1vho
received the programn1e curriculum had 101ver blood
pressure and cholesterol levels compared to the control
children after one year. Ho1vever, many schools cannot
afford to hire specialists to teach such curricula.
1
Worksites
In the company Johnson & Johnson there is an exan1ple
of a strong 1vorksite health pro1notion. ln 1978 the
company began the Live For Life Progra1n which covers
thousands of the con1pany's employees. It educates
people on health kno1vledge, ho\v to manage stress,
exercising, 1veighl control and smoking cessation.
Each employee 1vho takes part has an initial health
screening that assesses the person's current health
status. Participants then take part in a lifestyle seminar
that promotes healthy living. After this, employees
take part in action groups led by professionals in their
fields based on the initial health screening - a group on
quitting smoking or 1veight management, for example.
Employees are then follo\ved for a year to see if they
are follo\ving their progran1me. In addition to this, the
workplace has exercise areas and nutritional food is
served in its cafeterias. Studies have been conducted in
the company that show e1nployees 1vho take part in the
Live For Life Progran1 increase their physical activity
levels, decrease in weight and are n1ore likely to quit
smoking con1pared to e1nployees \vho do not take part
in the progran1n1e.
Communities
One dassic example of a community-based 1vellness
progr=e \Vas that of a study of three comn1unities in
the United States (Farquhar et al, 1977). The aim \Vl!S to
get conununities to change their health-related behaviour
in an attempt to reduce the risk of cardiovascular disease.
1hree communities in Northern California \vere
selected for being very similar den1ographically.
T\vO of them shared the same television and radio
stations \vhereas the third did not (and acted as a
control comparison). The hvo that shared the san1e
media were subjected to a two-year can1paign about
cardiovascular disease that included warnings but also
information on changing diet, increasing exercise and
the disadvantages of smoking. !J1 all three con1munities,
a random selection of males and females were chosen to
be follo,ved. The researchers interviewed them annually
and also took measurements such as \veight, cholesterol
level and blood pressure to be used as predictors for
cardiovascular disease. The control community sample
sa\v risk increase over the duration of the study \vhile
the hvo communities subjected to the campaign showed
so1ne moderate decreases. Longcr-tern1 follo,v-up
checks we re conducted and the largest success came
from those 1vho were older. 111e sn1allest levels of
success ca1ne from those 1vho \Vere younger and had the
least an1ount of education.
@
EVALUATION
I
useful
'
qual/quan
~
What messages \vere in the information given?
(Specific examples \vould be excellent here.)
~
Was the campaign successful?
You may also wish to see if the people running the
campaign used any of the methods of promoting health
already covered in this chapter.
One study that has exan1ined promoting a specific
problen1 is Britt, Silver & Rivara ( 1998). 1l1ey 1vanted
to evaluate the effectiveness of a bicycle heln1et safety
pron1otion progra1n that had been set up to target
children from lo1v income backgrounds. It \Vas part of a
Preschool Head Start Program. There \Vere 18 different
sites used in the study covering 880 children \Vith a
control group of200 children who did not receive any
helmet pro1notion activities.
The Program comprised of the folJo,ving:
~
Classroom activities for the children abou t heltnet
safety
~
Education of parents during son1e school meetings
~
Home visits to ensure everything \Vas OK
~
Fitting ofhcln1ets to ensure the children could use
them effectively
~
A skills and safety event
~
Children 1vere required to wear the helmet when
riding in their school grounds
ethics
reduct
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Create a campaign (featuring leaflets, adverts,
etc.) that can promote healthy lifestyles at school,
1n a works1te or in the community.
PROMOTING HEALTH OF
A SPECIFIC PROBLEM
The research team 11•ould schedule hon1e visits to
observe the child riding their bicycle. These \vere
conducted before and after the helmet promotion
campaign. The use of a helmet n1ore than doubled in
the hehnet pron1otion group from 43% to 8996. 1he
control group rose too but from 42% to 60% It \VOuld
appear that a targeted helmet promotion campaign
works to increase bicycle safety.
For this last aspec t of health pro1notion, it is best if
you find a can1paign local to you that has alte111pted to
pron1ote help about a specific problen1. You must collect
information about the folJowing:
~
What \\ as the aim of the campaign?
~
HO\V \vas the campaign presented in terms ofho\v
information \YaS given lo the public?
1
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
9.6 HEALTH AND
SAFETY
Individual errors
(theory A)
~
The sinking of the Titanic in 1912 could be blamed
on the captain of the ship. The argun1ent is that
he had an illusion of invulnerability. This tem1
actually refers to something linked to "groupthink"
(see section 12.4, page 258). This is \vhen a 1node
of thinking becomes so dominant in a group that
realistic alternatives (and better alternatives) are
overlooked, especially under stressful conditions.
The men1bers of the group believe that they are
immune to accidents.
~
The Pacific \<'le~iern Airline crash ( 1978) \Vas
blamed on human error. 'll1e airplane attempted to
land early on a run\vay due to n1iscon1munication
bet\veen the pilots and the air traffic controllers. It
all happened in a sno1v storn1. 1 he pilots noticed a
sno1v plough and tried to abort the landing but· the
plane hit it before they managed this. The estimated
time of arrival for the flight 1vas miscommunicated
and several safety procedures were not followed by
the pilots.
DEFINITIONS, CAUSES
AND EXAMPLES
This section looks at health and safety at " 'ork from a
psrchological perspective. The first sub-section looks at
how to define an accident, \vhat could potentially cause
an accident and then some brief examples of specific
cases that you can research some 1nore.
ASK YOURSELF
Why do you think there are accidents at work?
Whal do you reel are the main causes?
Definitions of accidents
One definition of an accident could be a misfortune or a
rnishap especially if it causes an injury or even death.
Causes: theory A and
theory B
System errors (theory B)
~
Both the Three Mile Island ( 1976) and Chernobyl
( 1986) nuclear plant accidents could be blan1ed
on the rapid rotation of shifts for the \Yorkers in
both plants, plus some poor designs and layout of
safety equipment and procedures \vhich meant that
\vorkers found it very difficult to cope \vith
the situation.
~
When the HeraJd of Free Enterprise (1987)
ferry sank the accident \vas blamed on poor
systen1s and safety procedures that were difficult
10 follO\V.
Reason (2000) differentiated behveen nvo main types of
errors in the \vorkplace that can cause accidents:
~
Theory A is \vhen an individual niay be to blame.
Accidents at \vork are pri1narily caused by the
unsafe behaviour of an individual.
~
Theory B is \vhen \vork systems may be to blame.
Accidents at \vork are primarily caused by unsafe
\vork systen1s and procedures.
However, it niay be that theory A factors and theory B
factors co111bi11e to cause accidents rather than it being
one or the other.
®
EVALUATION
useful
Examples of individual
and system errors
We \Viii cover the main features of each of the accidents
below. You may \Vant to investigate one or t\VO of these
further, so you have examples ofho\v the accidents 1vere
researched.
ind vs sit
valid
TEST YOURSELF
USlng examples from real accidents, outline
the differences between theory A and theory
B factors.
ACCIDENT PRONENESS
AND PERSONALITY
Human error and the
illusion of invulnerability
It may be that some of the theory A factors that are
predicted to cause accidents could be do\vn to certain
personality types.
Human error and the illusion of invulnerability have
been covered earlier; there may be other causes of
accidents that can be used to argue against both of
them. These causes include:
>-
Cognitive overload - this is \Vhen a person cannot
cope \vith the psychological demands of a work
situation. This is usually when there are con1peting
tasks that need psychological attention and the
person cannot process all ofihc information
simultaneously.
>-
Shift work patterns (see section 12.5, page 262).
People \VOrking on the night shift are n1ore likely
to have accidents as bet v1ee11 3 a. 111. and 6 a.m. we
are in a "cognilive lo,v" and our reaction times and
dexterity are at our lowest performance level.
Personality factors in
accident proneness
It \vould appear that there are certain individuals 'vho
have more accidents than others and some believe it
is because they have an accident-prone personality.
Farn1er & Cha1nbers ( 1926) defined it as follov.•s:
"accident proneness is a personal idiosyncrasy of
relative pern1anence predisposing the individual to a
higher ra te of accidents" ( 1926: 3). Research up until
the 1970s attempted to test whether such a personality
exists, whether it is inherited and \Vhether it is stable
over ti me. Research failed to uncover an actual
accident-prone personality but it did unearth other
personality traits that could contribute to accidents.
A recent revie'v of research (e.g. Clarke &
Robertson, 2006) revealed the follo\ving:
JI;
People lo\v in conscientiousness appeared to be
involved in 1nore accidents. That is, people \vho are
low in social responsibilities and/or thoroughness in
their job tend to have more accidents.
>-
People Jo,v in agreeableness appeared to be involved
in more accidents. That is, people \vho are lo'v in
pleasantness, tolerance and helpfulness tend to have
111ore accidents.
>-
People high in extraversion appeared to be involved
in more accidents. This is slightly different as
it appears that people who are outgoing and
boisterous do get involved in 111ore traffic accidents
but no 111ore occupational accidents than introverts.
Another recent finding about accidents showed that it
may not be personality as such that causes accidents
but handedness (Bhusham & Khan, 2006). They
investigated 80 locon1otive drivers and their accident
records. There appeared to be a higher accident rate
among those \vho \Vere left-handed and left-footed.
Ho,vever, it may be that the design of locomotive cabs
nlakes it more difficult for left-handers and left-footers
to use them effectively.
@
EVALUATION
valid
useful
reduct
REDUCING ACCIDENTS
AND PROMOTING
SAFETY BEHAVIOURS
Psychologists may be able to help reduce the number
of accidents and promote safer behaviour in the
\vorkplace in a number of ways. So1ne of these are
covered belo'"·
Reducing accidents at
work: token economy
Token economies are an exan1ple of behaviour
modification using rewards to increase the likelihood
that someone ,vilJ perform a desired behaviour. These
can be conducted in a variety of 1vays as long as there is
an incentive to perform \vell. In classic token econon1y
scenarios, plastic tokens or points are given for desired
behaviour and these can be exchanged for a reward of
some form.
Haynes, Pine & Fitch ( 1982) reported on one such
programme that attempted to reduce the number of
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
accidents by bus drivers. Reports were posted daily
in the drivers' restroon1, sho,ving \Vhat had been
happening. Drivers \Vere placed in tean1s to compete
against others to have the best safety record. This \Vas
used to promote group safety as \vell as individual
safety. The teams scored points for ho\v \vell they did
and the \Vinning tean1 could convert those points into
cash or other prizes at the end of the con1petition
period. There \Vas a 25 per cent reduction in accidents
and the saving that made on insurance claims paid for
the \Vinning prizes. Fox et nl (1987) also sho\ved bo\v a
token-economy system can be effective with open-cast
miners. individuals earned points for safe behaviour
and not damaging equip1nent but could Jose points
for dangerous behaviour. There was a large decrease in
accidents and days lost through injury.
Reorganising shift work
The best option here is to move to\vards a slow rotation
of shifts rather than a quick rotation of shifts so that the
\Yorkers' circadian rhythms have a chance to alter to
the ne\v shift pattern. This is covered in section 12.5 on
page 264.
®
EVALUATION
'
useful
valid
reliable
ethics
ind vs sit
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A local company has asked you to help ii reduce
the number of accidents at work. II also wants
advice on ways to improve safe behaviours al work.
Devise a programme for the company to follow based on
psychology.
EXAMPLES OF HOW TO
EVALUATE
For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \vill be asked
to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. You
1vill have noticed that after each topic in this chapter
there are the icons for the different issues, debates,
approaches, perspectives and research methods that
could be used to help you ans\\•er the 12 mark question
in the examination. Below are three exan1ples of the
types of things you could 1vrite in the examination.
You should ain1 to make at least four different evaluation
points for the 12 mark question. Our accompanying
Revision Guide has a series of student answers 1vith
marks and examiner co1nn1enls attached to them.
Improving adherence
There is evidence lo suggest that using techniques
like simple text messaging is usefttf. Le1vis et al (2013)
reported on a scheme that sent tailored text messages
to people currently undergoing HIV treatment. After
being assessed prior to receiving text messages, the
patients received reminder texts, answered 1\•eekly
adherence texts and for those who adhered to treatment
they received tailored messages. The adherence to
medication (self-reported) improved significantly
during the three n1onths receiving the texts. Objective
n1easures of adherence like viral load confirmed
that these patients had been adhering to treatn1ent.
Therefore, this technique is very useful at improving
adherence to HIV treatment. However, using cognitive
techniques like n1emory intervention could be seen
as reductionist. Con1paring the hu1nan information
processing syste1n to that of a con1puter is reductionist.
lt ignores the role of e111otional and social factors on
ho\v we process infonnation. lnsel's six stage technique
to help people adhere to blood pressure treatn1ent does
not take into account the en1otional side of a patient. By
getting patients to go through the teach - ask - 1vait ask again - 1vail - ask again, it 1n ight have the opposite
effect as the patient is having to con~lantly think about
their blood pressure which might be upsetting and as
they are focusing on the einotional side they then forget
to take their pill!
Measuring pain
One 1vay of measuring pain is via questionnaires. This
niay i111prove validity as people niay be more likely
to reveal truthful answers in a questionnaire as it
does not involve talking face -to-face \vith someone.
Therefore, a patient using the McGill questionnaire
may give niore accurate results on where the pain is
located on a picture (especially if it is in a sensitive
part of the body) rather th:in in front of a doctor.
Therefore, this could lead Lo quicker and 1nore
effective treatment. .Ho1vcver, patients n1ay give socially
desirable ans\vers as they \Vant to look good rather
than giving truthful ans\vers. Some people may \Vant
to appear stronger and more resistant to pain than
they actually are so again on the McGill questionnaire
a person may choose descriptors that do not truly
describe their actual pain feelings instead choosing
descriptors that are not 'as strong'. This could have an
effect on getting the most appropriate treatment.
Management of stress
Using just n1edical treatment is reductio11ist. They assun1e
that the stress is caused by biological problems and
it ignores the psychological and e1nolional aspects of
stress. Sin1ply 'n1asking' the biological syn1ptoms ofstress
does not help lo solve the cause of the stress and this is
what needs managing. Taking pills 1vill not get rid of a
n1ajor life event that is actually causing the stress in the
first place. Psychological 1reatn1ent is better for directly
dealing \vi th the problen1 that is causing stress.
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CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH
Exam centre
(d) Evaluate \Vhat psychologists have
discovered about methods of
promoting health and include a
discussion on ethics.
Try the following exa1n-type questions.
Section A
(a) Explain, in your O\\'n \\'Ords, \vhat is
meant by the term "non-verbal
,
,
n
commun1cat1on.
(2 marks)
Section C
(a) Describe one \vay to introduce a
(2 marks)
health campaign about a specific
problem that you have studied.
(b) Explain, in your 0\\111 \vords, \vhat is
meant by the ter111 "pain".
(c) Describe two \vays in which you could
1neasure adherence to medical advice. (4 marks)
(d) Outline one theory of accidents in the
(4 n1arks)
\vorkplace.
Section B
(a) Describe '"hat psychologists have
discovered about the managen1ent
of stress.
(8 marks)
(b) Describe \vhat psychologists have
discovered about 1nisusing health
services.
(8 marks)
(c) Evaluate what psychologists have
discovered about measuring pain and
include a discussion on quantitatjve
and quaJjtative data.
( 12 marks)
(12 marks)
(6 marks)
(b) Suggest how you \\'Ould i1nprove
the health campaign described in
question (a). On \vhat psychology
is your suggestion based?
(8 marks)
(c) Describe two non-verbal
communication skills that a
practitioner n1ay have.
(6 n1arks)
(d) Suggest how you \vould in1prove the
verbal communication skills of
practitioners. On \vhat psychology is
your suggestion based?
(8 marks)
PSYCHOLOGY
AND
ENVIRONMENT
•
I
DEFINITIONS AND
SOURCES
ASK YOURSELF
How would yo<J define noise? Think about times
when a noise has annoyed you. Why did it annoy
you? Also think about times where noises have been
pleasant. Why were they pleasant?
140
Pain' ully loud
130
Mach irie gun fi re at close range
120
Maximum vocal effort
110
Music at a concer t
100
Chainsaw
90
Lawn mower
80
Underground train
70
Fast traffic
60
Busy office
50
Conversation
40
Residen tial area at night
30
Clock ticking
20
Leaves rustling
10
Normal breathing
•
n
A siJnple definition for noise is an " un1van ted
sound". Ho\vever, as we 1vill see in this section, not
all noise is un1vanted. It could be said tha t noise is a
sound that has a psychological component (1vhether
it is 1vanted or not) and a physical component
(processed via the ear and brain). Also, a noise
has to be detectable and this can va ry bet1veen
individuals. Noise can be measured in decibels (dB)
and Figure I 0. 1.1 shows the decibel levels of va rious
objects and scenarios.
Painfully loud
I
c
~
I leering damage after 8 hours
Quiel
Very quiet
0
I fearing threshold
Figure 10.1.1 The decibel scale
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•
CHAPTER 10: PSYCHOLOGY AND ENVIRONMENT
Transportation noise
-
•
Transportation noise refers 10 unpleasant sounds that
are generated by motor vehides, trains, planes, etc. One
of the main reasons it is unpleasant is because it can be
very loud. Mace, Bell & Loomis ( 1999) \vanted to see
if transportation noise from an aircraft \vould affect
how much people enjoyed a natural landscape. They
used a laboratory sin1ulation in which helicopter noise
\Vas played at 40d B or 80dB \vhile the participants were
\Vatching slides of tranquil vie\YS of natural landscapes.
Participants \Vere asked to record their feelings \Yhile
\Vatching and listening and they also rated the slides
for beauty. The louder the noise the n1o re annoyed the
participants beca1ne and it also had a negative impact
on tranquillity and freedom. Even the rati ngs of the
slides for beauty \vere IO\Vered \vhen the 80dB noise was
played. Therefore, it would appear that aircraft noise
is a source of annoya nce and it reduces the pleasure of
vie\vi ng nalural landscapes.
Occupational noise refers to u11pleasant sounds that
are generated in the work environn1ent (e.g. from
niachinery and even \\•Ork colleagues). It can be
disruptive for t\YO reasons:
People may be trying to concentrate but the noise
demands attention and also increases physiological
arousal 1naking concentration much 1nore difficult.
The noise can be what psychologists call "\videband», i.e. it is coming from a variety of sources and
is constant. Roberts & RusselJ (2002) noted that
\vorkers can be exposed to longer-term noises
due to machinery such as aircraft mechanics
(up to 120dB), coal miners (IOSdB) and even pig
farmers (I IOdb especially at feeding time). Look at
Figure 10.1.1. to see where these would be placed on
the decibel scale.
Riggio (2000) noted how occupational noise n1ay have
an irnpact on 1vorkers:
It would appear that noise does nol affect
performance if ii is belo1v 90d13 unless sonJeone is
carrying out a con1plex verbal 1vork task.
Unpredictable and intermittent noises are much
more disruptive than a constant, steady noise.
High-pi1dled noises interfere more \Vith
performance on a \VOrk task than lo\v-pitched noises.
•
Noise, in general, appears lo affect the level o( \VOrk
errors rather than overall rates o( performance.
@
EVALUATION
useful
ind vs sit
Factors that make noise
There are three n1ain factors that can make noise
annoying according to Roberts & Russell (2002):
Volume - higher intensity sounds are 1nore
disruptive and anything over 90dB can be perceived
as disturbing. There is an interaction here bet1,veen
volun1e and loudness. Volurne is the actual physical
level of noise as measured in decibels whereas
loudness is the subjective experience of the sound.
Therefore, the context o( the sound can affect
annoyance (sounds appear louder 1,vith a quiel
background environment), as can habituation (people
can get used to a repetitive, monotonous sound - for
instance, people living near a raihvay track).
Predictability - if a noise is predictable and
expected then \Ve are less likely to find it annoying
compared to a noise that is unpredictable and
not expected. It is easier to ignore or get used to
something that is predictable. Corali & Boffa ( 1970)
exposed participants 10 a loud noise either with or
without prior \Varning. Those \vho did not get the
warning found the noise mud1 more annoying than
those who had been 1,varned - in the first group
the noise 1vas unpredictable whereas in the second
group it was predictable.
Perceived control - if we arc able lo control a noise
then this reduces the an1ount of annoyance we
feel. An y strategy that puts us "in control" lessens
the effect of annoyance so, for instance, if \Ve can
close a window to reduce a noise we find ii less
annoying. However, i( a s trategy fails to reduce
the annoyance \VC are n1ore likely to be even more
annoyed by the noise.
TEST YOURSELF
Oulline. using examples, lwo factors lhal make
noises annoying.
NEGATIVE EFFECTS
NO\Y 11'e will examine \vhether noise can have a negative
effect on the social behaviours of adults and the
educational performance of children.
•
i I
h
One anti-social behaviour that could be affected by
noise is aggression. It has been predicted that as noise
increases arousal, any behaviour that requires arousal
\viii becorne more intense when noise is present. Geen
& O'Neal ( 1969) tested this by sho,ving participants
either a violent boxing film or a non-violent sports
filrn. After watching either film, participants were given
an opportunity to be aggressive towards a confederate
"victirn" using an electric shock apparatus. They \vere
told that the higher-nw11bered buttons gave a larger
shock and that the shock would last for as long as they
held the switch do\vn. Jn reality, no one was actually
shocked. During this shock phase the participants \Vere
either exposed to \vhatever noises \vere naturally in the
laboratory or a two-minute blast of 60dB \Vhite noise.
The participants exposed to the \vhite noise delivered
more shocks to the confederate. In addition, those \vho
had watched the violent boxing film and \vere exposed
to the white noise gave the highest number of shocks
and for the longest duration.
@
In the field study a confederate would drop a box of
books \vhile getting out of a car. In half of the trials, he
\VOre a cast on his arm. Noise was also manipulated so
that half of the trials were under "norn1al background
levels" which were measured to be 50dB whereas in
the other half a confederate used a .lawnmo\ver that
generated 87dB of noise. 'TI1e a1nount of passers-by that
helped \Vas nieasured in four conditions. 111e results
sho\ved that noise had little in1pact on passers-by
when the person \vas not \vearing a cast - around
15 per cent of people helped out. Ho\vever, noise had
an impact on helping behaviour \vhen the person
\Vore a cast. When the noise \vas at background levels,
80 per cent of passers-by helped out. Ho\vever, \vhen
the noise \Vas loud (from the la\vnn10\ver), helping
behaviour decreased to 15 per cent. It would appear that
loud noises lead people to not pay attention to cues that
indicate a person may need help.
@
EVALUATION
usefUI
in a laboratory for a fe\v minutes. During this time the
confederate sat and read a journal in the same roorn,
with other papers and materials balanced on his or her
lap. 'IVhen the experimenter came into the roo111 to get
the participant, the confederate got up and accidentally
dropped the 1l1aterials right in fron t of the participant.
The frequency of helping behaviour was recorded. A
total of72 per cent of the participants helped when the
noise was of a normal level. ln contrast, 67 per cent
helped \vhen the noise \vas 65dB and only 37 per cent
helped \Yhen the noise \vas 85dB.
ethics
EVALUAT ION
lab exp
validity
lab exp
useful
i I
field exp
h
reliable
TEST YOURSELF
r
Mathews & Canon (1975) ran two studies to test
\vhether noise affects pro-social behaviour (behaviours
that include, for example, helping others). One study
\vas in a laboratory and one \Vas in the field.
For the laboratory study participants were split into
three groups. They \\'ere exposed to either 48dB of
norrnal noise or 65dB or 85dB of white noise played
through a speaker. When they arrived for the study they
\Yere greeted by a confederate \vho asked then1 to \vait
How does noise affect anti-social or pro-social
behaviour? Evaluate the evidence you use in your
answer.
•
There have been studies examining \vhether noise can
affect the educational performance of children. Cohen,
Glass & Singer {1973) examined children living in a
high-rise apartment block that \Yas directly above a
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•
high\vay. 1 hose \vho lived on the lower floors were
obviously exposed to a higher level of noise than those
on the upper floors. Unsurprisingly, the children on the
lower floors had poorer hearing discrimination than
the children on the upper floors. This could have had
a direct effect on their reading skiJls - the children on
the lower floors had significantly poorer reading skiUs
for their age. Also, Bronzaft & McCarthy ( L975) tested
the reading ability of two sets of children from the same
school. One class \Vas situated near a railroad track
1vhile the other class \vas on the opposite, quieter, side
of the school. Around 11 per cent of teaching time \Vas
lost due to noise in the railroad class and the children
here had significantly poorer reading ability than the
children in the class on the quiet side of the school.
POSITIVE USES OF
SOUND (MUSIC)
So far 1ve have looked at noise being un1vanted and a
nuisance, but have psychologists found ways of using
sound and noise in a more positive \vay?
-
Frenchw1ne
40
12
German wine
8
22
Table 10.1.1 Wine purchases by type
of music p layed
As can be clearly seen, more \vine was purchased
from the country fro1n 1vhich rnusic 1vas being played.
Ho\vever, only one participant actually noted that
the music had influenced the person's choice of wine
purchased. A further five people did say that the music
could have affected their decision. Therefore, it 1vould
appear that music can affect ho'v "'e think, 1vhich in
turn affects our consumer behaviour.
Yeah & North (20 10) examined the role of"musical
fit" on the ability of consu n1ers to recall products. By
"musical fit" the researchers nieant that the niusic fits in
with the product (as above \vith the wines). A total of
144 students fro1n Malaysia (24 each of Malay, Indian
and Chinese) 1vere played either tvlalay music or Indian
music. They 1vere then asked to list as many Malay and
Indian foods as they could and were given as much time
as they needed to do this. The niean amount of food
items recalled can be seen in Table 10.1.2.
•
North, liargreaves & McKendrick (I 999) exan1ined
whether in-store music affected 1vine selections.
During a two-week period, a display was set up at the
end of an aisle in a supennarket that had four French
1vines and four German wines displayed in it, matched
for affordability and S\veetness. Stereotypical French
music (played on an accordion) or German music
(featuring brass instruments) 1vas played on alternate
days from a tape deck on the top shelf of the display.
The music could be heard up to J metre a1vay. Once
customers had placed a bottle of 1vi ne from the display
in their trolley or basket an experin1enter approached
then1 and asked then1 questions about their purchase.
They were asked about their usual preference for \vine
(French or German) and to rate how much the music
made them think of the appropriate country. A total
of 82 shoppers purchased \vine from the display and
44 of these completed the questionnaire. Table I0. 1. J
sho\vS the amount of bottles sold by the type of music
being played.
•
•
..
••
••
.
:
I
•
Chinese
5.12
3.96
4.67
5.54
Malay
7.87
4 .1 2
9.50
4.92
Indian
7.00
7.96
10.29
12.38
Table 10.1.2 Type
of music played and food rtems recalled
Table 10.1.2 shows that the Chinese participants
recalled more food ite1ns when the iten1s \Vere linked to
the music playing, i.e. they recalled 111ore Malay foods
than Indian foods 1vhen Malay music 1vas being played,
and so on. However, this was not true for the other
ethnic groups. l\l!alay students recalled more Malay
foods irrespective of the music being played and Indian
students recalled more Indian food irrespective of the
music being played. This sho1vs that music can affect
consun1ers' ability to recall food items but only if the
context is not based on one's O\vn culture.
®
EVALUATION
useful
reduct
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A supermarket has approached you to help
1110 use music to make consumers buy more
products. Wnte a report, based on evidence, that you can
present to the manager of the supermarket.
•
Han et al (20 I0) reported on the effects that music
intervention had on stress responses in patients who
\Vere undergoing n1echanical ventilation in hospital. A
total of 137 patients were randomly assigned to either a
group listening to music without headphones, a group
\vearing headphones or a control group. Physiological
1neasures of heart rate, respiratory rate, oxygen
levels and blood pressure were taken pre- and post[ntervenlion. There 1vas a significant reduction in heart
rate and respiratory rate in the group listening to music
\vithout headphones con1pared to a significant increase
in the control group. There \Vere no significant changes
in the groups \vearing headphones. This sho1\1S that
music can be used as a short-term "therapy" for patients
undergoing mechanical ventilation.
Carr et al (20 12) examined the role of music therapy
for patients \Vho had persistent post-traun1atic stress
disorder (PTSD). They used a sa1nple of patients
\'•ith PTSD \vho had not responded positively to
:·------------------·
Testing attention :'
; performance in a :
; quiet environment !
.
N
=102
®
EVALUATION
valid
Ind
V5
i;lt
U5eful
Shih, Huang & Chiang (2012) examined \vhether music
with or \vithout lyrics affected attention perfom1ance. A
total of 102 parlicipants fron1 Taipei County University
took part in the study. They \Vere randornly allocated to
one ofhvo conditions as shown in Figure 10.1.2.
Testing attention '
performance in a :'
voice environment :
(music with lyrics) :'
Group 1 ...,_.___ _ _ _ ___._--i
49)
Finally, Kushnir et al (20 12) noted that if \VOn1en \Vere
allo\ved to choose their favourite rnusic to listen to
prior to a caesarean section, their experience was n1ore
positive, they perceived less th real from the situation
and their blood pressure reduced compared to the
control group.
~---·-····------·-·· ·
•
(n
cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT). A total of
17 patients formed the sample. Nine of these received
group music therapy and the remaini ng eight 1\lere
the control group (but ii should be no ted that they
1vere offered the music therapy after completing the
study). All patients had previously not responded to
CBT. Participants' PTSD sy1nptoms \Vere assessed
using the Events ScaJe (revised version) pre- and
posl-inlervenlion. Tue group \vho underwent music
therapy had a significant reduction in the severity of
their PTSD symptoms ten \Veeks after starting the
therapy. The patients vie\\led the music tJ1erapy as
being very helpful.
Analysis of the
difference between
two conditions (no
background music
at alVbacKground
music with lyrics)
..''
'
··--·--··---·----···'
..---------- -------·
! Testing attenuon !
! performance in a !
Group 2 ...,_.,.._______,.__,: voice environment ,...:_
(n = 53)
: (music without
i
i lyrics)
:
___,~
Analysis of the
difference between
two conditions (no
background music
at all/background
music without lyrics)
Belween
groups
analysis of
d1trerences 1n
attention
scores
(between no
music and
background)
·------~--------·
Figure 10.1.2 Participants In one of two test conditions: group 1 (music with lyrics), group 2 (music without lyncs
Source: Based on Shih, Huang & Chiang (2012)
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CHAPTER .10: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.
All parlicipants had to con1plete lhe Chu Attention Test,
a psychometric measure of attentional performance.
This is a 100-item test where participants are asked to
indicate the number of times an asterisk(") appears in a
series of scrambled codes. Participants \Vere given
ten minutes to go through as many codes as possible. At
baseline, lhe l\vo groups did not differ significantly on
their attentional performances. Table l 0.1.3 sho1vs the
comparison of scores at baseline and 1vith music and
also that there 1vas a greater reduction in attentional
perfonnance 1vhen music 1vas played that contained
lyrics than 1vhen music \vitl1 no lyrics was played .
•
• •
•
Music wrth
lyrics
105.5
98.4
Music without
lyrics
109.3
106.7
Table 10.1.3 Mean scores baseline and With
background music
Cohesive or spectator cro1vds consist of people 1vith
shared interests (e.g. supporting the same team or
attending a pop concert).
10.2 DENSITY AND
CROWDIN,G
Participatory cro1vds are cro1vds of people 1vho are
all involved in an event (e.g. a charity run).
Escape or trampling cro1vds occur 1vhen people are
trying to get a1vay from danger (e.g. 1vhen there is
an emergency evacuation).
DEFINITIONS,
MEASUREMENTS AND
ANIMAL STUDIES
Violent cro1vds are cro1vds attacking other groups or
individuals (e.g. during riots).
AS YOURSELF
Think about a lime when you were part of a
crowd . Whal did you like about It? What did you
d islike about 1t?
TEST YOURSELF
Using examples. explain th e difference between
crowding and density.
A
Social and spatial
•
I
Psychologists are interested in t\vo types of density:
Social density - this refers to \vhen the amount of
individuals in a set space is varied. For example,
1ve could study the behaviour of rats by having
a 20 square-foot cage for them lo live in but one
condition has 20 rats in the cage and the second
condition has 40. The population changes but the
physical space does not.
Spatial density - this refers to 1vhen the amount of
space is varied but not the group size. For example,
1ve could study colonies of 20 rats; one group gets
20 square feet of cage but the second group gets
40 square feet of cage. The physical space changes
but not the population size.
Both social and spatial density can be researched
using laboratory conditions to help monitor and alter
the densities or via naturalistic observations to assess
density in real-life settings.
A cro1vd is a gathering of people (usually a large
amount) that forms a cohesive group. The term
cro1vding refers lo situations 1vhen people come
together to form a group - so it is the act of becoming
a cro1vcl There are many different types of crowd
including the f0Uo1ving:
•
I
I
Calhoun (1962) examined the role of crowding and
social density on the behaviour of rats. He placed a
small nuniber of male and female rates into a "universe"
or "rat city". (See Figure 10.2.I on page 184.)
Calhoun allowed the rats to reproduce al their 01vn
rate and soon the rat city becanie overpopulated. The
apparatus had been designed to house 48 rats quite
comfortably but the population gre1v to be much
larger than that. As Figure I0.2.1 shows, there 1vere
four quadrants to the city 1vith ramps bel\veen them,
except numbers l and 4 1vere not connected. These were
labelled "end pens". When the population 1vas less than
48, males easily established their 01vn harems, mating
with then1 and defending their pen successfully. The
females tended to their young and built nests for them.
There was very little aggression in the colony. Ho1vever,
as the social density continued to increase there was
a dramatic change in the rats' behaviours. Jn pens I
and 4 the rats still attempted to continue their usual
social behaviours and \Vere successful to an extent
because there 1vas only one entrance to these pens.
The niales who lived in pens 2 and 3 bccanie very
aggressive, no harems \Vere successfu lly defended and
n1ales 1vould mate 1vith any fernale. The fen1a le rats
became ineffective at nurturing their young by fa iling
to provide suitable nests or move them out of danger.
The infant mortality rate becan1e as high as 96 per cent
in these pens. Calhoun called this area a "behavioural
sink". Therefore, as social density increased, usual social
behaviours decreased especially in the behavioural sink.
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•
•
1
4
3
_;J
•
Figure 10.2.1 The "rat city" used to study the effects of high density on rats
®
EVALUATION
' ethics
animals
'
lab exp
TEST YOURSELF
Describe and evaluate one animal s tudy Into
d ensity.
useful
'
Cro,vcroft & Ro,ve (1958) examined the role ofsocial
density on the reproductive capabilities of the \vild
house-mouse. They created seven colonies of one
adult n1ale and t\VO adult females. Each colony had a
pen 1neas uring six square feet. When the pens became
cro,vded the n1ouse population tended lo level off as
the reproductive capabilities of the fen1ales declined
rapidly (e.g. due to inactive ovaries). 111is could not
be down lo stress as there \V3S no aggression sho1vn in
the pens. Some of the colonies \\•ere then transferred
lo very large pens (100 square feet ) and it did not take
Jong for the reproductive capabilities of the females to
return to norrnal levels and the populat ion increased as
a result. It 'vould appear that it1 this species of mouse a
self-regulatory mechanism bas evolved for lintiting the
population 1vhen social density gets too high.
•
EFFECTS ON HUMAN
HEALTH, PRO-SOCIAL
BEHAVIOUR AND
PERFORMANCE
So far 1ve have examined how cro1vding affects nonhu1nan anilnals. Arc humans affected in the same
\vays? Belo1v \ VC look at how cro,vds affect hu1nan
behaviour.
•
•
Bickman et al ( 1973) assessed \Vhether crowding
affected pro-social behaviour in students.
Experimenters accidentally dropped envelopes that had
an address and a stamp on the1n into tl1ree di fTerent
dormitories to see \Vhether students would help out
by placing them in a mail box. One dormitory \vas of
fo,v-density population, one of mediun1 density and one
of high density. The amount of envelopes placed in a
mailbox was n1easured. Table J 0.2.1 sho,vs the results.
It would appear that \vhen density is high, pro-social
behaviour decreases.
••
••
79
88
58
Table 10.2.1 Envelopes mailed by students hVlng
different density conditions
in
th
There have been studies that have exan1ined how
cro\vding affects our physical and psychological health.
One such study into physical health was conducted by
Lundberg (1976). Participants \vere 1nale passengers on a
commuter train and Lundberg \\•anted to compare them
1vhen the train had high density of people con1pared to
lo1v density. Ln the high-density condition, 1vhen there
1vere many commuters but interestingly everyone could
still find a seal, negative physiological arousal reactions
\vere noted. It was discovered, through urine samples,
that the commuters in the high-density trains had
elevated levels of epinephrine, an indicator of stress.
McCain, Cox & Paulus ( 1976) reported that prisoners
1vho lived in conditions of lo'" spatial density and lo1v
social density reported less sickness con1pared to those
in high-density prisons.
In tenns of psychological health, aggression can be
a reliable indicator of psychological stress. Baum &
Koman ( 1976) noted that there are gender differences
in aggression depending on social and spatial densities.
Nlales put into in small rooms who expected the room
to be crowded behaved n1uch more aggressively than
females did. Hov•ever, any increase in social density
did 1101 produce an increase in aggression. When
participants expected large numbers of people at a venue
they tended to withdraw rather than be aggressive.
@
Paulus et al ( 1976) examined the perforn1ance of
participants in solving a maze 1vhile the researchers
manipulated either spatial density or social density. 1be
nun1ber of errors per participant was recorded and the
results are shown in Table l 0.2.2.
EVALUATION
,' useful
reduct
ind vs sit
Low
34.20
High
37.44
32.13
I
39.50
Table 10.2.2 Performance 111 solving a maze as affected
by spallal and social density
It 1vould appear that in situations of high social density,
performance 1vas at its worst whereas situations of
IO\V social density brought about the lo\vest an1ount
of errors.
PREVENTING AND
COPING WITH EFFECTS
OF CROWDING
•
•
McCarthy & Saegert (1979) suggested that one 1vay in
which \ve can reduce our feelings of being cro\vded in
accon11nodation is to live in a lo1v-rise rather than a
high-rise building. They noted that high-rise buildings
are associated \vi th greater feelings of being cro1vded,
including having less perceived control '''ithin the
building and feeling less safe. Ho\\•ever, people living
on the upper floors in high-rise buildings appear to
experience less "cro\vded" feelings than those on the
lower floors, presumably because fewer people venture
up to the highest floors and the lo1vest floor has the
entrance for all occupants.
Halls of residence (or dorn1itories) for students can be
designed in such a way to prevent feelings of cro\vding
by their occupants. Baun1 & Valins (1977) exan1ined
ho1v students felt in t\vo different types of architectural
layouts, sho1vn in Figure 10.2.2.
Those in the smaller suites ofbet\veen four and six
people 1vith a central lounge felt much less crowded
than those on the corridor-style, \vhere students felt
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CHAPTER .1 0: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.
I
Bedrooms
r
Bathroom
Bedrooms
DI
-.
T'
r
I
I
,
Bedrooms
.
....
...
-
-
_
,,.._ _
Lounge
~~
L---,
TT
... -
•
•
-
IP
_,Bedroom
Lounge
Bathroom
Figure 10.2.2 Student accommodation in corridor-style layout and as a small suite
Source: Based on Baum & Valins (1977)
they were forced into un1vanted interactions which
increased their sense of being cro1vded. Therefore,
dorm itories need to be designed to contai n smaller
amounts of students 1vho share facilities.
Other aspects are as follov1s:
Positioning furniture around lhe edge of a room
rather than in the centre deceases the sense of
cro1,1ding (Sinha et al, 1995).
Having bright colours on the wall or enhanced
lighting can reduce the feeling of being cro1vded
(Nasar & Min, 1984).
®
EVALUATION
usefUI
valid
ind vs sit
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Design a living space that can accommodate six
people with a bedroom each, some communal
space and a dining area. Using psychological research,
wrile a brief report justifying your design.
Vi
I
Baun1 et al ( 1976) noted that having types of visual
escape can reduce the feelings of being cro1vded. These
include having a 1vindow in every room so there is the
opportunity to look out, pictures that can help people
"escape from their roo1n" and mirrors that can help to
•
increase the perceived size of the room. Evans & Wener
(2007) noted tbat people use window seats as a visual
escape on buses and trai ns so a better design is to have
two seats rather than th ree scats so everyone has a
clear vie1v of a 1vindo1v. If the vie1v is partially blocked,
having a series of televisions for people to watch \vould
help as it distracts people from feeling overcrowded.
•
One \vay in 1vhich people may be able to cope 1vith
overcro1vding is via cognitive control. This, according
to Bell et al (2001), is 1vhen there is an "increased sense
of predictability or controllability that people gain 1vhen
given prior 1varning or information about a situation"
(2001: 329). Langer & Saegart (1977) researched
whether this is actually the case. Participants 1vere
either given inforn1ation about levels of cro1vding in a
grocery store and bow they would feel before entering
it, or given no such inforination. Prior to cnteri ng the
store they 1vere also given a task of findi ng their \vay
around it to locate a nun1bcr of iten1s. In high-density
conditions, perforn1a11ce was poor on the task but those
who had been given inforn1ation so they 1vere expecting
the store to be busy did pcrforn1 better on the task and
reported more positive emotions co1npared to those
who \Vere not given any cognitive control.
Another 1vay of coping 1vas highlighted by Karlin,
Rosen & Epstein (1979) in the form of cognitive
reappraisal Participants \Vere people 1vho 1vanted to
reduce their anxiety related to feeli ng crowded on
public transport. They \Vere split into four groups:
Group I participants 1vere given musde relaxation
Lraining.
Group 2 participants 1vere given cognitive
reappraisal. Th is involved them being told they
could improve their mood and anxiety levels by
focusing on positive aspects of the situation.
Group 4 participants were simply told to "relax"
without any further instructions.
Participants in group 2 (cognitive reappraisal) reported
the most success and positive responses to crowded
transportation situations.
@
EVALUATION
useful
reduct
'
Group 3 participants 1vere given imagery training.
This involved the111 being told to engage in mental
imagery using pleasant distracting thoughts.
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CHAPTER .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND
.
.
.
... ENVIRONMENT
. - .
. ....
'
-
I
BEHAVIOURS DURING
EVENTS, AND
METHODOLOGY
During this chapter there \\rill be son1e real life examples
of both natural disasters and technological catastrophes,
\\•ith some focus on the exan1ples of behaviours seen
during and after the event.
DEFINITIONS,
CHARACTERISTICS
AND EXAMPLES
ASK YOURSELF
Make a list or any natural disasters of
technological catastrophes that have happened
within the last five years.
Natural disaster and
technological
There is a key difference bet\veen a natural
(environmentaJ) disaster and a technological disaster.
The former is an occasion \vhen nature takes control
and causes large amounts of damage or even death. Tue
latter refers to an incident due to human factors (usually
errors or mishaps) although it too may cause large-scaJe
destruction.
A disaster appears to have two n1ain factors:
•
Le Bon {1879) suggested that the behaviour of individuals
within a cro,vd is irrational and uncritical; an individual
within a cro\vd loses the measure of the norms that
usually govern that person's behaviour and the individual
becomes "primitive" and acts strangely as a result
Contagion theory suggests that behaviour spreads like
a contagious disease. Le Bon proposed four situational
detenninants of"contagious" behaviour within a crO\vd:
Suggestibility- individuals beco1ne more inclined
to respond to the ideas of others, especially when
proposed in an authoritati ve n1anner and in the
absence of a clear leader.
SociaJ contagion - individuals arouse and respond
to one another thereby amplifying the intensity of
their interactions.
ImpersonaJity- individuals lose their appreciation
of the1nselves and 01 hers as people.
Anony1nity - each individual loses his or her sense
of individuality.
A script in this context is \vhen people have a mentaJ
representation of \Yhat to do in an emergency situation.
\Ve have schen1ata (\vhich are 1ncntal representations)
that allo\v us to "cope" \vith an en1ergency by following
the steps in a logical order to get to safety (Shank &
Abelson, 1977).
destruction that requires some forrn of help or aid
disruption of the usual daily events in people's lives.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Research your own examples of natural disasters
and technological catastrophes. Examples could be:
;> natural disasters: the eruption of Mount St Helens in
;>
•
•
1980; The Hansh1n-Awaji earthquake
technological disasters the Chernobyl nuclear power
plant accident, The Exxon Valdez oil spill.
•
r
Look at the information in Chapter I, page I about
laboratory experiments. Ho'v can you apply laboratory
experiments to en1ergency behaviour research?
®
EVALUATION
lab exp
· valid
useful
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Research one or two natural disasters and
technological catastrophes and see whether
elements such as contagion and scnpts were reported by
surv1110rs or witnesses.
PSYCHOLOGICAL
INTERVENTION BEFORE
AND AFTER EVENTS
Balluz et al (2000) examined the predictors for
people's responses lo a tornado \Varni ng. A total of 146
participants \Vere questioned about their actions during
the tornado \\!arning. Demographic details \Vere also
taken. A total of 64 participants responded positively to
the warning by seeking shelter, \vi th 58 of those doing so
\Vi thin five minutes of the siren. Balluz et al discovered
that four factors were associated with seeking shelter:
Sattler, Kaiser & Hittner (2000) examined disaster
preparedness at the peak of the hurricane season in
the United States. In one of their studies, they gave
questionnaires to 257 participants who \Vere preparing
for "Hurricane En1ily''. Questions were asked about
demographics, the extent of property dan1age from a
previous hurricane, the a111ount of distress felt after a
previous hurricane and preparedness for the irnpending
Hurricane Emily. The questionnaires were completed
one or two days before Hurricane Emily was due to hit
Charleston, where the survey "'as taking place. One
of the measures taken \\laS people's preparation for the
hurricane. About half of the participants (59 per cent)
had fuel for the car , 57 per cent bad flashlights, 52 per
cent had bottled water, 51 per cent had candles and
matches, 51 per cent had batteries and 49 per cent had
canned or dried food. The researchers also correlated
demographics and previous hurricane experience \Vi th
the degree of preparation for Hurricane Emily. lhc
following factors correlated strongly \vi th preparation in
th is sample of US residents:
Age - the older the participants, the niore prepared
they \\•ere.
having graduated from high school
having a basement in one's house
hearing the siren
having prepared a plan of response once a siren
is heard.
Fro1n this study it is clear that a pre-plan of action is
necessary for increased safery in a tornado-prone area.
Also, local public health officials should educate people
more about \vhat to do \Vhen a siren is heard as only 45
per cent of this sample responded positively to it. Finally,
emergency-management officials should plan some form
of protection measures for vulnerable areas as people
have limited time to respond to the siren. Officials could
strategically erect shelters to reduce the time taken bm\!een
people starting to respond to their reaching a place ofsafety.
Income - the higher their income, the more
prepared participants \Vere.
Participants had follo\ved the news broadcasts on
the television as part of their preparation.
Participants had prepared for the situation by
maki11g sure they kne\v the evacuation rou te.
The distress level from a previous hurricane \vas a
factor - the more distress experienced, the more
prepared people \Vere.
@
EVALUATION
useful
ind vs sit
-
I
Loftus ( 1972) examined a sub,vay systen1 after a fire to
assess the evacuation plans that \vere in place. It would
appear that the best evacuation plans should include
these features:
There hould be a 'vay of gaining people's allention
without causing panic.
Figure 10.3.1 Tornado damage
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•
CHAPTER .10: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.
Messages should be short and to the point so that
they are quick to read in an emergency.
Any unportant messages should be repeated.
The plans must give people trying to escape some
confidence.
If any of the plans are presented orally then the
accent n1ust make all instructions clear.
Tamima & Chouinard (2012) reported on "in progress"
evacuation plans in Montreal, Canada, shouJd an
earthquake occur. They noted that the follo,ving are
crucial for success:
Assess the vulnerability of the built environment to
kno\v \vhat could happen to buildings and then plan
the evacuation aro und these potential eventualities.
Assess the den1ographics of the population which
would be affected by an earthquake and then plan
the evacuation aro und 1his inforniation.
Plan sensible routes out of an affected area to
shelters for those 1vorst affected.
Get the communily involved in evacuation planning
so the first time people know about it is not \vhen
the earthquake is happening.
Have clear maps for evacuation routes that are easy
to fo1Jo1v.
Figure 10.3.2 Eanhquake damage to a freeway
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
A local authority has asked you to help 1t prepare
the local community for any potential natural
disaster. Justify your choices using psychological research
1n your report.
•
After: treating posttraumatic stress
•
Chemtob et al ( 1997) examined the effectiveness of
psychological intervention after Hurricane lniki in
Ha,vaii. T'vo groups of participants (n= 43 overall)
who had been exposed to the hurricane \Vere assessed
before and after being involved in a "multihour
debriefing group''. This allowed participants to discuss
their feelings about the hurricane and to be educated
about the norn1al psychological reactions to disasters.
To provide son1e control for the passage ofti1ne,
the two groups overlapped their debriefing, so the
assessment before the debriefing of the second group
took place at the same tin1e as the assessn1ent after
the debriefing of the first group. Irrespective of 1vhich
group the pa11icipants \Vere in, the debriefing reduced
psychological distress, lending support for the vie\Vthat
psychological debriefing is useful after disasters.
Carmichael (2000) reported on a rather novel approach
to post-disaster psychological intervention. A counsellor
used the story of the \>Vizard of Oz as a rocal point
for a group ofsurvivors after a tornado in a small US
community. During the last hour of a 3-hour meeting
attended by 30 residents, the counsellor used aspects of the
Wi7.ard of Oz story as metaphors to help alleviate the stress
of the disaster. The counsellor used Dorothy's shoes as a
metaphor for inner strength, the dog as significant people
and the ye!Jo,v brick road as the traurna recovery process.
After thls introduction the residents began to discuss their
O\vn experiences in the Light of the Wizard of Oz. Tue
common focaJ point of the story appeared to be effective in
aiding the recovery process of the residents.
Finally, Lcsaca (1996) noted a do,vnside to post-disaster
counselling for the cou nsellors then1selves. He con1pared
21 counsellors who provided their services after a
1najor air disaster 1vith counsellors 1vho provided a
generaJ counselling service. Bet1veen then1, the disaster
counsellors had co1npleted 38 hours \Vith the victin1s'
families and 58 hours 1vith airline eniployees. rn both
groups, Lesa ca took n1easu res or PTSD and depression
4, 8 and 12 \\leeks arter the disaster. At 4 and 8 \veeks,
the disaster counsellors reported significantly more
PTSD symptoms and depressive sympton1s compared to
the general counselJors. The most com nion symptoms
included feeling emotionally nurnbed, feeling as if in a
daze or dream and niemory problen1s such as forgetting
to do important things. Other differences included
difficuJty in sleeping, having poor concentration, feeling
agitated and restless, and lacking energy. HO\\lever, these
differences had disappeared at the 12-\veek assessment.
@
EVALUATION
usefld
ind vs sit
ethics
TEST YOURSELF
Outline ways in which psychologists have helped
people who ha~ survived d1sastec
Herald of Free
•
Ent
This disaster occurred when a ferry capsized and
sank off Belgiun1 killing l 97 people. Survivors were
exan1ined for PTSO. Joseph et al ( 1997) discovered that
there \\las a relationship between emotional expression
three years after the event and PTSD five years after the
event. Those \\!ho believed, e1notionally, that having
negative attitudes \Vas a sign of \veakness \Vere more
likeJy to sho\v PTSD syrnptoms. A!so, Joseph et al
(1996) noted that those \vho scored high on a nieasure
of"have intrusive and avoidanl activities" tended to
sho\v higher levels of depression and anxiety three years
after the sinking.
Bon1bings were carried out in London on 7 July 2005.
Rubin et al (2007) telephoned 1 OJ 0 Londoners 11- 13
days after the bombings occurred. The researchers
wanted to assess stress levels, perceived threats
and travel intentions. Seven months after this, 574
respondents \\!ere contacted again and asked silnilar
questions. Around I J per cent· of people in the san1ple
were still feeling "substantial stress" and over 40 per cent
still felt personally threatened by the events. Around 20
per cent had reduced their travelling around London as
a result. Rubin et al (2007) also reported on data from
the first phase of the study (ans\vers lo questions
11-13 days after the bombin~). Around one-third
of the sample al this time felt substantial stress and
intended to travel less as a result of the bombings. Those
\vho felt the substanliaJ stress tended to be people \Vho
wouJd find it difficult to contact friends and family,
those '"ho thought that they could have been killed or
injured and those \\lho \Vere Muslin1. Only I per cent
of people in the sample felt they needed psychologicaJ
intervention post-bombings.
FinaJJy, Wilson et al (2012) examined the transcripts of
18 people \vho received cognitive behavioural therapy
(CBT) after the bombings lo help them \vilh PTSD.
The clients tended to focus on recollection of direct
experiences during the bombings, the horror of il all
and reconnecting with the outside world on the day of
the event plus feelings of P'rSO and depression the day
after the bombings.
Figure 10.3.3 Herald of Free Enterpnse
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Altman (1975) noted that \\le have three different types
of territory. These are shown in Table I0.4.2 .
•
•
•
•
DEFINITIONS, TYPES
AND MEASURES
ASK 'I OURSELF
In what situatJons do you not like your personal
space being invaded? Are there times and situabons
when 1t is gOOd to invade someone's personal space?
Bell et al (1996) define personal space as a "... portable,
invisible boundary surrounding us, into \vhich others
may not trespass. It regulates how closely \Ve interact
\vith others, moves \vith us, and expands and contracts
according to the situation in \vhich \Ve find ourselves"
High degree or
occupation and
perception or
ownership: we
believe that we
permanently
own the
territory and
others believe
this too.
Secondary
territory
(e.g.
classroom)
Medium
Personalisation
occurs to some extent
degree of
occupation and but only when the
occupancy of the
perception of
territory is legitimate
ownership: we
(e.g. within a bout one
believe that
month of a new class,
we a re o ne or
only a limited
each person may
numb er of
stick wrth the same
users of the
seat for the rest of
the year. That person
territory.
legl!Jmately owns that
seat every lesson).
Public
territory
(e_g.
area on
a beach,
seat on a
bus)
Low degree
of occupation
and perception
of ownership:
we believe
we are one or
many people
who use this
territory.
( 1996: 275).
HaU (1963) distinguished bel\veen zones of personal
space, which he called spatial zones, based around
interpersonal relationships \\le n1ay have. This is shown
in Table 10.4.1.
Contact is intimate (e.g. comforting
lntJmate
(0 to 1Y2 reet) another or having sex). Physical
sports such as judo and wrestling
allow invasion of the intimate zone.
Friends are allowed lo get into this
Personal
( 1Y2 to 4 feet) zo ne. especially those who are close
to us. Your usual everyday interactions
will trespass Into this zone too.
Social (4 feet
to 12 feet)
People we do not really know
personally, but whom we meet quite
regularly, are allowed into this zone.
Business-like contacts are also
allowed here.
This zone is for formal contact (e.g.
Public
(more than
someone giving a public speech).
12 reet away)
Tabl e 10.4 .1 Spatial zones
Source. Hall (1963)
•
The territory 1s
personalised 1n great
detail so that the
owner has complete
control and others
recogrnse this
almost immediately
arter entering it.
Uninvited intrusion
can have serious
consequences.
Primary
territory
(e.g. own
home,
office
space.
bedroom)
Defining space and
v
•
Personalisatton tends
to be temporary as
we may not revisit the
territory for some time.
We tend not to defend
this territory in the way
we would if it were
primary or secondary
territory.
A Table 10.4.2 Three types of territory
Source: Allman (1975)
Bell et al ( 1996) define territoriality as follo\\fS: ·: .. (it)
can be vie\\fed as a set of behaviours and cognitions a
person or group exhibits, based on perceived ownership
of physical space" ( 1996: 304). This may be permanent,
as in o\ming a house, or temporary, as in controlling
your office space but not directly O\\fning it.
-
Alpha space and beta
-
-
Alpha space is the personal space that is objective and
can be measured directly (e.g. the actual distance). Beta
space is the personal space that is subjective and is ho\v
a person feels \vhen being invaded.
This technique involves getting someone to approach
a participant from a variety of angles and getting the
participant to say "Stop" when the participant begins
to feel uncomfortable. The actual distance is measures
so that a "picture" of the amount and shape of personal
space can be generated. This can then be re-assessed in
different situations.
Measuring space:
-
•
•
•
Little ( 1968) exan1ined cultural differences over 19
different social situations in a sample of A1nericans,
Swedes, Scots, Greeks and Italians. 111ey had to place
dolls at djs tances that re0ected where they \VOUld
stand in real social situations. The situations they had
to assess included two good friends talking abo ut a
pleasant topic, a shop owner discussing the weather
\ Vi th his assistant, two people talking about the best
place to shop and t\vO strangers talking about an
unpleasant topic.
®
EVALUATION
"'cB
g
.!!!
"O
Q)
30
-
-
,_
reliable
ethics
TEST YOURSELF
Outline and evaluate two ways 1n which personal
space can be measured
0
-
-
valid
useful
-
-
•
These types of measurements involve directly invarung
the space of other people and noting ho\v they react
or asking then1 how they fell. 111e "Invading space and
terrritory" section out Ii nes son1e studies that have used
this method.
The average distances at \vhich participants placed the
dolls over the 19 different social situations are sho\vn in
Figure 10.4.1.
40
,,, ____ __
20 -
Males
~
-
0Females
-
O>
~
~
10 -
0
American
Scot
Swede
Greek
Italian
Average of
all nations
Nationality
Figure 10.4.1 Results from the Little (1968) study
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•
INVADING SPACE AND
TERRITORY
•
ns
Middle1nist el al (1976) 1vanted to investigate the
proposal that invasion of personal space produces
arousal. The setting was a men's public lavatory.
According to the researchers this 1vas an ideal place
as "norms for privacy" are already set up (space
betlveen the urinals), so the effect that distance had
on arousal could be easily measured. The men's public
lavatory had three urinals in it. Sixty participants
1vere randomly assigned to one of three conditions:
(I) the experin1enter stood immediately next to the
participant, (2) the experimenter stood at the other
end of the three urinals to the participant or (3) the
experirnenter 1vas absent. ·rwo key rneasures were
taken. The first 1vas a measure of how quickly the
participant began to urinate. The second measure
1vas ho"' nluch time the participant took to urinate.
'rhe closer the experimenter stood, the longer it
took for the participant to begin urination. Also,
the closer the experimenter stood, the less time
it took the participant to complete urination. The
evidence suggests that invasion of personal space in
men produces physiological changes associated with
arousal. The nlore the personal space was invaded, the
nlore aroused the men became.
®
participants to complete a questionnaire about the
experience. It asked questions about ho1v participants
felt during the invasion of their personal space (e.g.
how happy they felt, ho1v attracted they were to the
confederate, their perceived level of cro\vding).
For the second a.in1, a different researcher was used who
was not told the aim of the research (this is caUed the
single-blind technique). This researcher had to observe
33 males and 33 fen1ales and record where they placed
their personal belongings on a library table.
Fro1n the first study, distinct gender differences
emerged. Nlales disliked being invaded by someone
approaching fron1 opposite them but did not 1nind
son1eone invading the space next to the111. For females,
the opposite results arose; they did not mind people
invading the space opposite them but disliked the
invasion when son1eone sat next to the n1. Table 10.4.3
shO\VS averages that highlight this t1·end across all
measures taken on the questionnaire.
Happiness rating - the higher the score, the more happy
participants 1vere:
Male
Female
I
29.15
23.46
Attractiveness rating - the higher the score, the
1nore attracted participants vvere to an opposite-sex
confederate:
EVALUATION
ethics
valid
•
In 1975 Fisher & Byrne carried out a study 1vith t1vo
main aims:
Male
Female
10.99
Perceived level of cro1vding - the higher the score, the
more participants felt cro1vded:
personal space.
2. To examine how gender affects the putting up of
barriers to indicate to others 1vhere our personal
space is.
For the first aim, Fisher & Byrne's confederates invaded
the personal space of 62 males and 63 fen1ales in a
university library in a number of 1vays. They either
sat neX1 to the participant, sat one seat a1vay from
the participant or sat opposite the participant. After
the invasion had taken place, Fisher & Byrne asked
9.14
10.14
9 .87
1. To examine gender differences in the invasion of
•
I
23.57
26.79
;
Male
11 .48
Female
16.60
.
I
17.04
14.76
Table 10.4.3 Ratings for happiness, attractiveness and
perce1Ved level or crowding
For the second study, the results backed up those
reported in the first study. Males were more likely to
place their personal belongings in front ofthe1n 1vhile
fen1a les 1vere nlore likely lo place personal belongings
next to them - both males and ferna les were placing
barriers to defend their least favourite direction from
which they could be invaded.
Table 10.4.4 sho1vs the nun1ber of"barrier placements"
observed on the table participants 1vere sitting at.
[: filjljifj.J'j • • • •
•
Male
9
15
Female
17
6
Table 10.4.4 Barner placements
Fron1 this study it is clear to see that males do not like
to have Lheir space in front ofthen1 invaded. Females do
not like to have their space invaded next to them. Both
genders defend this invasion by placing barriers to stop
people getting too close.
®
EVALUATION
ethics
valid
•
TEST YOURSELF
Describe and evaluate one study that has
invaded someone's personal space.
DEFENDING TERRITORY
AND SPACE
-
able to feel any 01vnership of territory in or around the
location of their home.
Ne1vman (1972) then argued that if defensible spaces
were deliberately designed into ne1v multi-d1velling
buildings, residents would feel more 01vnership over
certain areas. People 1vould be more likely to "look out
for one another and their properties". As a result, crime
should decrease and a sense of community 1vould be
introduced. For example, Ne1vn1an recommended that
certain features in the design of buildings could easily
increase the amount of defensible space. These included
using boundary rnarkers that sho1v others 1vhere the
territory is and that it is defended (e.g. path1vays. fences
and hedgero1vs).
Ham-Ro1vbotton1, Gilford & Sha1v (1999) exan1ined
defensible space theory by assessing police officers'
judgn1ents about 1vhether a house would be burgled.
A series of 50 photographs of detached houses
were sho1vn to 41 police officers. Each house had
been scored on cues that 1vere believed to be good
indicators of defensible space. A total of ten physical
cues 1vere correlated with less vulnerability
to burglary:
At least three-quarters of the house is visible from
the road.
At least three-quarters of the yard is visible from
the road.
There is a garage.
The back yard is separated from the front yard by an
actual barrier.
More windows are visible from the road.
Defending primary
A glass panel is not located next to the front door.
Ne\vrnan (1972) introduced the concept of defensible
space to psychology. 111e term refers to an area of
physical space that can be perceived as clearly belonging
to someone. Any visitors to this space would quickly
realise that it is son1eone else's territory. The idea of
defensible space 1vas generated because Newn1an
had noted that many ne1v, high-rise residential
developn1ents of his tirne had failed due to rapid decay
and high crime rates. Ne1vman proposed that this
1vas the case because people had no control over the
secondary territory 1vithin or around the buildings (e.g.
stair cases, lifts and parking areas). Residents 1vere not
The front door is solid with no glass.
The front door is visible from the road.
The distance frorn the road is less than 20 feet.
A neighbour's house is visible in the photograph.
It would appear police officers believed that the more
physical barriers and surveillance points a ho use had
(e.g. 1vindo1vs at the front of the house), the less likely
it 1vas to be burgled. This agrees 1vith defensible space
theory. The more physical barriers there are around a
house, the less likely it 1vill be a target for burglaries
and other crimes.
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Figure 10.4.2 Examples of defensible space around properties
Ho\vever, MacDonald & Gifford (1989) had discovered
that defensible space did not deter burglars. They
surveyed 43 n1alcs who had been convicted of breaking
and entering by showing then1 50 photographs of
houses. Each participant had to rale every photograph
on a seven-point scale of vulnerability to burglary. The
houses which had easy surveillance \Vere rated as the
ones least likely to be burgled. Ho,vever, those with
territorial displays (e.g. fences) actually had an increased
likelihood they \YOuld be burgled. It was argued that
having these displays, designed to deter burglars as
Ne\vman stated, actually indicated that the house may
be of value as the occupants \Vere choosing to defend
their space and sho'vi ng everyone \vhat they 0\\'11. Also,
barriers help rather than hinder burglars, presumably as
they make it easier to climb into the property and they
are easy to hide behind.
liP.:\
~
EVALUATION
useful
reduct
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Based on all of the Information above. design
a house lhal should never be burgled and then
design a second house that would be easy to burgle.
•
Defending public
territory using
-,,
-
Smith (1983) noted that there were cul tural differences
in the \vay people defend their area on a beach.
Germans sho,ved a much more striking sense of
territoriality compared to the French. The Germans
sho,ved n1any more actions linked to territorial
behaviour. For example, they \vere much more likely to
erect sandcastles to indicate that the particular area of
the beach \YaS reserved for them.
Hoppe, Greene & Kenny ( 1972) exan1ined the
effectiveness of territorial markers in libraries and
pubs. lo libraries, leaving a territorial 1narker such
as a notebook \YaS no more effective than leaving no
territorial marker \Yhen people asked a neighbour
on a desk to defend the space for them \vhile they
went a\vay to do something. However, about half of
the neighbours in the no territorial marker group
subsequently placed their 0 \ \111 territorial markers in
the space they had just been asked to save! In the pub
study, a half-fulJ glass of beer was found to be more
effective at marking territory than a personal marker
such as a sweater.
may feel they have no control over their actions and
become depressed.
•
a - r
I
THEORIES AND
EFFECTS OF URBAN
LIVING ON HEALTH AND
SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR
The idea behind environ1nental stress is that specific
stirnuli in urban areas have negative effects on our
lives. For exa1nple, crowding and noise have been
sho1vn to affect humans negatively. As we may feel
threatened by such stimuli, a stress response niay
be elicited, either emotionally, behaviourally or
physiologically (or any combination of the three).
Prolonged exposure to these stressful stimuli can have
negative long-term effects.
ASK YOURSELF
Do you think living in an urt:>an area affects people's
health and social behaviour? If so, why do you
think that?
This theory stales that any stimuli that are intense,
complex or novel can lead to either a positive or
negative effect depending on the past experience of
the individual concerned. Due to the differing levels of
stin1ulation in a city or urban area (e.g. you n1ay find a
quiet park or a busy shopping n1aU) everyone can find
their optimal level of stin1ulation. Those people who
initially find urban life too complex or intense usually
adapt over time and tolerate such stirnulation. Similarly,
those \vho are bored \\Tith the country life find pockets
of cosn1opolitan life \vithin it.
•
Behaviour constraint states that people living iJ1 urban
areas feel their behaviour is constrained in so1ne way
con1pared to people living in rural areas. For example,
people nlay feel niore fearful of crirne in urban areas;
they may dislike cro\vds and, for instance \vhen they
need to go shopping, they \,·iJI have to use a cro\vded
shopping centre. Issues such as these of course, may
lead to people experiencing negative effects and, as
a consequence, they may \Visb to try to reassert their
freedom from these constraints. In the long term,
this n1ay have stronger negative effects, especially if
the reassertion continually fai ls. In this case, people
This theory states that people living in urban areas
are bombarded 1vith so many stimuli lhat all of them
cannot be processed. The stimuli can co1ne fron1 a
variety of sources (e.g. other humans Living in the urban
area, noise, too 1nany people being around, even trying
to find the correct amount of money for the car park).
AU of these overload our senses and lead u~ to try to
cope with the overload. Porlonged overload can have
negative effects such as exhaustion and illness.
~ TEST YOURSELF
~
Outline two theories of urban living.
Fisher et nl ( 1994) examined any potential differences
in atliludes tO\vards eating and \veight concern in
urban and suburban adolescents. Another aim was to
examine whether there \\<ere differences in self-esteem
between urban and suburban d\vellers. Two groups of
participants completed a series of questionnaires that
nieasured attitudes towards eating and self-esteen1,
among others. A total of 268 suburban females (n1ean
age 16.2 years), 389 urban females and 281 urban
males (combined mean age of 16.0 years) completed
the questionnaires. One of the main factors examined
\vaS the relationship between perceived \veight and
actual \veight. Table 10.5.1 sho\1 s the relationship in the
san1ple studied.
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or semi-urban areas, non-farmers fron1 urban areas
and unmarried people. There is a high rate of HI V-1
infection in this region of Tanzania. I lo\vever, the
highest rates are seen in urban areas. Soderberg et al
stated that this is consistent \\ ith people exhibiting more
risky behaviour in urban con1munities.
• •
1
@
14
Suburban
females
63
Urban females
35
45
Urban males
19
39
EVALUATION
U5eful
valid
ethics
reduct
Table 10.5.1 Relationship between perceived weight and
actual weight
Also, self-esteem was significantly higher in the urban
group compared to the suburban group. Abnormal
eating attitudes are present an1ong urban and suburban
adolescents. Suburban adolescents are n1ore likely to
perceive themselves as being over\veight 1vhen in fact
they are not. Urban adolescents are more likely not to
perceive the1nselves as being over\veight 1vhen in fact
they are.
Another area of research that has interested
environn1ental psychologists with respect to urban
living is human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)
prevalence rates. Soderberg et al ( 1994) examined the
difference~ in prevalence rates in rural, semi-urban
and urban areas in Tanzania. During the period from
~larch 1988 to April 1991 all blood donors at the
llembuJa Luteran Hospital (Tanzania) 1vere asked
about their home village, occupation, age and marital
status. They 1vere also tested for the prevalence of HlV
antibodies in their blood sample. A total of 3 474 males
and I 287 females participated in the study. Table 10.5.2
shows the prevalence rate of HIV- I infection split by
gender and where participants Jived.
•
•
The study by Bickman in section I 0.2 (see page J84)
can be used here to show ho1v pro-social behaviour is
affected by urban Jiving - this is because urban living
is ofa higher population density. In addition, Altman
(1969) found that in 95 per cent of rural homes a
woman 1vas al101ved to use her telephone to call a friend
(the "'oman '"as a confederate in the study). This 1vas
allo1ved in just 40 per cent of homes in urban areas.
\\Then the confederate 1vas male, in 40 per cent of rural
homes he 1vas allo1ved to use the telephone 1vhereas this
1vas allo1ved in only I 4 per cent of urban homes.
TEST YOUkS L
Describe and evaluate
one study that has tested
how urban living affects our health or behaviour.
URBAN RENEWAL AND
HOUSING DESIGN
Renewal and building
Male
6.6
13.6
7.2
3.7
Female
7.0
15.0
7.9
3_0
Table 10.5.2 Prevalence rate or HIV-1 split by gender and
place of residence
Four high-risk groups emerged from the study: males
fron1 urban or ~emi-urban areas, females from urban
•
Effects on social
I
One examination of defensible space theory looked into
two adjacent housing estates in New York City. The two
estates 1vere called Van Dyke and Bro\vnsville. The Van
Dyke estate consisted of a series of 14-storey buildings
separated by small spaces that had little or no defensible
space. The Brownsville estate, on the other hand,
consisted of six X-shaped buildings only three stories
high. As a result, the entrances were less frequently used
and were easy to \Vatch over as non-residents could
be more easily spotted than in the Van Dyke estate.
Within the Brownsville buildings, children played in
the halhvays and stainvells and it \Vas common for
residents to leave their doors open. Again, it \Vas easier
to watch over the immediate space compared to the
Van Dyke estate. Due to the greater levels of defensible
space in the Bro\vnsville estate, there \Vere stronger
bonds bet\veen the residents; there \Vas less crime and
maintenance costs \Vere lo,ver.
Another example that is used to sho'v bad design is
the Pruitt-Igoe project in St LOLLis, l\ilissouri (Bell et al,
1996). The estate \vas built in 1954 with the ethos of"no
\Vasted space''. The project was constructed to relocate
12 000 people into 43 buildings, each 11 stories high.
The entire con1plex had 2 762 apartn1ents. The main
features of the building were as folJo,vs:
Narro1v halhvays led to the apartments.
There were no sen1 i-private areas for people to meet
up in (so no areas to oversee).
The project was expensive to build.
The \Vall tiles \vere designed so that graffiti could be
easily removed.
The light fittings \\ ere indestructible.
1
The radiators and lifts \vere vandal-resistant
It appears strange that the project managers appeared to
be expecting trouble by introducing many of the above
features. Ho\vever, they "'ere correct. After a fe,v years
the entire project \Vas in disarray. \.Yithin the buildings
there was broken glass, rubbish and destruction of the
"indestructible" features. Many 1vindows were boarded
up or smashed, the lifts had been repeatedly used as a
toilet and the top floors \Vere not lived in. Crime and
vandalism \Vere commonplace with the car park littered
\vith sen1i-destroycd cars and the children's playground
covered in broken glass. By 1970, of the 43 buildings
only 16 were still lived in. ln 1972 the entire project
\Vas demolished. Many people believed that the lack of
defensible space had caused the do,vnfall of the PruittIgoe dream.
®
EVALUATION
usefUI
ind vs sit
The Pruitt-Igoe research Lhat had sho1vn Lhat defensible
space \vas necessary for the reduction of crime \Vas
backed up by a study conducted by Sommer ( 1987). He
compared the crime rates in university high-rise halls
of residence compared to cluster halls \Vhich have more
defensible space. The latter "'ere seen Lo have much
lo,ver rates of crinle and vandalism.
Brunson (2000) examined the Department of Housing
and Urban Development (HUD) in the United States
as it had recently invested millions of dollars into
regenerating urban areas using defensible space
theory. Brunson noted that some regenerations had
\vorked, Jo,vering crime levels and bringing abou t a
more cohesive con1muni ty. However, not all had been
so successful. Therefore, Brunson exa n1i ned \vhether
defensible space was linked to residents' experiences
of safety and sense of co111111unity in public housing.
A total of91 residents were surveyed. All 1vere living
in an area 1vith moderate defensible space. TI1ose
who defended their near-home space reported that
the neighbourhood felt safer and that there 1\1as a
more cohesive co1nmunity compared to residents
who did not defend Lheir near-hon1e space. Also,
those 1vho spent time outside reported more often
that the neighbourhood was a safe place. Those \vho
participated in "greening" activities believed that the
community \Vl!S 1nore cohesive. All of this tends to back
up Ne1vman's ( 1972) idea that defensible space makes
the community niore cohesive and safer to live in.
COMMUNITY
ENVIRONMENTAL
DESIGN
Shopping mall
h r•
1n l\ilalaysia, Ali (2013) researched factors that affect a
shopping nlall's attractiveness and influence consun1ers
to visit it - the research 'va11ted to examine what attracts
people to shopping malls. ln tern1S of choosing a shopping
mall to visit, the folJo,ving factors \Vere important:
Entertainment had to be part of the experience.
There had to be a variety if shopping outlets
(e.g. outlets should 1101 all be clothes stores).
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CHAPTER .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND
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Mall essence \Vas a factor - ensuring that the place
"felt" as if it wou Id provide a good "mall experience".
Design of the mall \vas also important (e.g. ease of
passage throughout, parking. signage).
In addition, having the variety of outlets and a non-
cro\vded physical environment \Vere the t\'10 key factors
that brought people to a shopping mall.
Runyan, Kin1 & Baker (2012) exan1ined the role of
kiosks in shopping mall atn1ospherics. They \vanted
see if kiosks and kiosk salespeople affected people's
perceptions towards a shopping nlall When smaller
kiosks \Vere present it had a negative effect on shoppers'
perceptions of the n1all. However, it did not make any
difference ifthe salespeople \Vere aggressively selling or
being passive; people still did not see them as adding
anything to the mall Aggressive salespeople did get
consw11ers n1ore aroused but in a JJegative way.
Swan1ynathan, Mansurali & Chandrasekhar (20 13)
examined people's preferences for a new shopping
mall. Four main factors ernerged that influence people's
decisions on choice of shopping mall via its atmospherics:
Lifestyle - people are more likely to visit if the mall
is a status symbol, having high-quality goods in it
and fashionable shops.
"Infotainment" - having entertainment, being able
to 'vindo'v shop and having a place sin1ply to "hang
out" \Vere also important.
Customer retreat - this involved feeling safe in the
mall and having visible hospitality.
Retail atmospherics - 1J1is included having vaJueadded co1nforts in the mall as well as it being a
"single stop shop" and dean.
@
EVALUATION
useful
•
'
reduct
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Local developers have asked you to design a new
shopping mall that will have two noors. Design
such a mall and wnte a report 1ust1fy1ng your choices
based on psychological research and theory.
-
"""
.
Wan (2013) researched the casino design preferences of
Chinese gan1blers. lntervie,vs ''-ere carried out ,.,ith 25
gamblers \vho visited casinos in Macau. They \Vere asked
questions about what casino environments they preferred
in order to see if there \vas any consistency \vithin the
sample. A total of 30 preferences \Vere identified overaJJ
of whid1 11 \Vere seen as being the niost in1portant.
These included the casino being spacious and open,
having grand ext·erior and interior designs, having certain
themes within the casino itself, having clear signage and
having son1e forn1 of greenery or natural landscape.
Casinos may \Vish to utilise the findings of a study
by Spen\vyo, Barrett & Griffiths (20 l O). They had
participants playing an online version of rouJette under
one of four conditions:
fast ten1po music under 1vhite light
fast tempo music under red light
slo\v tempo music under white light
slo"' tempo music under red light.
Dollars spent per spin alongside speed of betting was
measured. Having fast tempo music under red light
made participants bet quicker. There 1vas no effect of
music or lighting conditions on dollars spent per spin.
i
Reread the work of Newman and research projects
such as Brownsville, van Dyke and Pruitt-Igoe
(page 195 onwards) to pick out good and bad practice
for the design of public places.
Multidimensional scaling
DEFINITIONS, MEASURES,
ERRORS AND INDIVIDUAL
DIFFERENCES IN
COGNITIVE MAPS
A;:,K YOURSELF
Draw a map or the surrounding area of your home
or school. Find a real map of the area and see how
accurate you have been.
•
This is a statistical technique that can assess the "cognitive
distance" people believe landmarks are separated by.
Participants are asked to estimate distances behveen a
nun1ber of buildings on a route. Once this is con1pleted,
a computer progran1 can process the data and generate
a "map" based on these estimations (so that a person's
drawing skills are not alfecting ho\v the person perceives
a n1ap, etc.). If these are compared among a group of
participants who have all estimated the distances, if all
are consistent then a relatively accurate map should be
produced. Ho1vever, as Bell et al (2001) noted, people
may 1vell exaggerate the distance benveen unpleasant
landmarks or travel paths they do not usually take.
~
EVALUATION
\el
•
ind ditfs
valid
useful
n1 1 n ..
Tolman (1948) defined cognitive maps as an internal
representation that animals develop about the spatial
relationships \vithin their environment.
....
TEST YOURSELF
Outhne and evaluate one way of measuring
cognitive maps.
--
The follov.ring are different \vays in \vhich you can
n1easure cognitive maps.
Sketch maps
Lynch ( 1960) 1vas one of the first to make people simply
sketch maps to see ho\v the y were representing their
surroundings psychologically. He found five main
categories that are used to mentally describe maps:
paths: shared routes for travel (e.g. footpaths and
roads)
edges: boundaries that are defined (e.g. walls of
buildings or coastlines)
districts: large spaces \Vith a shared characteristic
(e.g. The West End in London)
nodes: points on a map that act as a focus for
behaviour (e.g. tO\VD squares, roundabouts or major
road junctions)
landmarks: distinctive features used as reference
points \vhich are generally visible fron1 a distance
(e.g. a place of \vorship or a tall skyscraper).
Lloyd and Patton (20 11) asked participants to learn
locations on one of three cartographic 1naps that
contained true or novel location nan1es. The following
recall errors \Vere found:
There were fe\ver cognitive distance errors for
reference points that \Vere central to the map.
There 1vere fe\ver errors in recall 1vhen a reference
point 1vas part of a cluster.
Females made fewer errors \vhen learning novel maps.
Males 1nade fewer errors when learning n1aps with
true nan1es and places.
Steyvers & Kooji1nan (2009) exan1ined the differences
in error rates using cognitive maps of a fictitious zoo
benveen sighted and visually impaired participants.
The participants were matched on age. gender and
education. The matched pairs 1vere randon1ly assigned
to one "information type":
Survey-type descriptions such as "the area
containing the indoor anin1al exhibits is north of
the children's recreational area" (2009: 226).
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CHAPTER .10: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.
Route-type descriptions such as "on your right is the
petting zoo. Turn right and then left after passing
the petting zoo. The aquarium is now on your right»
(2009: 226).
They listened to the tape of information t\vice and
then \Vere asked questions such as "Which animals \Vill
you find east of the insect house?" (survey-type) and
"Standing on the path \Vith your back to the petting zoo
and facing the nlonkeys, \\1hich animals are on your
left?' (route-type) (2009: 226).
The visually in1paired participants showed no difference
in the frequency of errors bet\\een survey-type and
route-type descriptions. Sighted participants made fewer
errors with the survey-type descriptions. Overall, the
sighted participants 111ade fewer cognitive n1ap errors.
1
@
EVALUATION
lab e>Cp
valid
useful
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Design a study that would test whether there are
any differences 111 errors using cognitive maps
based on the age or gender of the participants. Evaluate
your Idea.
carolinensis) \vas released into a 4Sm1 area to bury ten
hazelnuts. The location of each food iten1 was recorded
and the nuts were then removed. The squirrels were
returned to the area individually 2, 4 or 12 days later.
Ne1v hazelnuts had been placed at the individuals' own
hiding places and at an equal number of randomly
chosen sites \vhich had been used by other squirreli..
The squirrels \Vere 1nore likely to find nuts fro1n places
where they had buried them even \vhen they had to
pass the sites chosen by other squirrels. Although the
squirrels clearly could locate buried nuts by smell a.lone,
they \Vere preferentially seeking the ones they had
hidden on the basis of recalling each location.
Capaldi & Dyer ( 1999) exan1incd the role of orientation
flights on the hon1ing perforn1ances of honeybees.
Previous research had shown that bees do use visual
references to help them niove from foraging site to
foraging site. Ho,vever, the niajority of research had
exan1ined bees that were experienced. Capaldi & Dyer
\vanted to investigate this in na·ive bees. The bees were
all from the Michigan State University Research Farms.
There 1vere three groups of bees:
1. Resident bees - they already lived in the test
location.
In terms of sketch n1aps, there appears to be gender
difference in \Vhat is included in them. Huynh, Doherty
& Sharpe (2010) noted that when asked to dra\V a map.
n1ales and females tend not to differ with the initial
dra\ving. Ho\11ever, as the map got more elaborate and
detailed, fen1ales dre\I' n1ore land1narks on their maps
\11hile males dre\11 more path1vays.
The Steyers & Koojin1an (2009) study can also be used
to sho"' individual differences.
COGNITIVE MAPS IN
ANIMALS
i
Jacobs & LiJnan ( 1991) investigated the role of the
cognitive map in allo1ving animals to search for food
they had stored themselves. Each grey squirrel (sciurus
•
2. First-flight bees - they had never been outside
the nest.
3. Reorienting bees - these \Vere \\Porker bees that
had foraging experience at a different site from the
test site.
Bees in groups and 3 \vere allo\11ed on an "orientation"
flight that typically lasted less than ten minutes. On
the experimental trials after this, homing ability
was n1easured via vanishing bearings and ho1ning
speed. When the first-fl ight bees were tested after the
orientation flight, they returned to the hive faster than
the reorienting bees. 'lhey also had faster ho1ning
rates than resident bees. When they were released at a
distance, resident bees tended lo outperforn1 the other
two groups. When there \\lere landmarks near to the
target hive, all groups tended to head to\vards the hive
(vanishing bearings \Vere similar). However, when
they \Vere released out of sight of any landrnarks (and
they had to rely on route memory), the first-flight bees
performed poorly, whereas the resident bees could still
find their 1vay hon1e.
Resident
Reorienting
.. . ............ .
Site A ~
First-night
. .... ..... .
·....·......
-:. ...
...
.....
_.,... ......
.--'"'-111::··
-·...
..
::
....:: ::·· .
·. .....__,__...-:.•
.·
..:--..............-:
:
·:
.
...
..
..
·._·:~:: - ····
-
·.
.. .. ......... ...
Stle E .. ·
···: .
.••
...
.•
''
.
... .....· .
.....
.....,
..........
·
.
.
...
..
.,:::::. ...
..
:·
...
....
. ... ::. .. ...•..........
:·...,...._.......::
,.-::
...... ....
.
•
•.•
·'.
•,
Figure 10.6.1 Bees' homing ability measured via vanishing
bearings - site A landmarks were near to lhe target hives:
for site E the bees had no route memory
.
It 1\louJd appear that landn1arks are used as part of a
cognitive n1ap of foraging sites in bees.
-
Figure 10.6.3 Pigeon wearing on Its head a device that
generates a magnetic field
•
Walcott has researched the homing abilities of
pigeons for many years. ll 1vould appear that magnetic
fields help pigeons to find their 1vay hon1e. Early
studies drugged pigeons and drove then1 to a place
of release (so they could not see any landmarks on
their outward journey). Once released, virtually all
pigeons found their 1vay home and it was hypothesised
that pigeons may use 1nagnetism to way-find (via a
substance called magnetite in their brains). \Valcott
( 1977) noted that applying a magnetic field of 0.1 gauss
to the heads ofhon1ing pigeons increased the scatter of
the pigeons as they left their release site. Thjs is shown
in Figure 10.6.2.
•
•
•• •
•• •
••
••
•
•
••
•
••
•
•
••
••
•
••
P -0.011
-.
• ---.........
•
0.1 gauss
•
•
•
••
•• •
• • ••
• ••
•
•
..·-.340°
•
.
•:
' •;:.;.
•~
· ·~
·
~.63
TEST YOURSEL
OuUine and evaluate one study that has looked
tnto cogrnt1ve maps tn arnmals.
DESIGNING BETTER
MAPS; WAY-FINDING
-
p
••••
• ••••• •
••
••
••
•• •
••••
•~":---..--..!_
•:
Therefore, it "'ould appear that changes in the
magnetic fields that a pigeon experiences affects its
ability to 1vay-find.
•
P = 0.000
..
• ::---.........-:
• ••
No current
Figure 10.6.2 Scatter of pigeons from the release site
i n
Levine ( 1982) and Levine et al ( 1984) have suggested
strategies for irnproving the usefulness of "you are here"
maps. To aid their navigation users need to know where
they are in relation to the map. This can be achieved if
they can correctly identify a 1ninin1un1 of t1vo features
both on the map and in the environment TI1is is called
structure matching and enables users to place themselves
accurately on the map. For example, a "you are here" dot
may pinpoint your position along a road running do1vn
the map. Ho\vever, 1vithout indicators of direction, such
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CHAPTER
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.10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND
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as buildings that are both visible in the environment
and appear on the n1ap, it would be impossible to decide
whether your side of the pavement \Vas to the left or
right of the map - you \vould be unable to navigate.
passengers travelling from north to south prefer
to bold their map upside do\vn to assist navigation.
This restores the map to its correct orientation, that is,
it achieves direct correspondence bet\\•een the map and
the real \vorld - \vhat is ahead on the road is "up on the
map <forward-up eq11ivale11ce) and features to the left on
the map are on the left-hand side of the road. Levine et al
( 1984) demonstrated expcri 1nentally that if \vay-fi nding
maps are not displayed \vith for\vard-up equivalence
they are n1isleading and will disrupt \vay-finding even
\vhen people are 1nade a\vare of the non-equivalence.
Levine et al also found that the presentation of niaps
in airports and offices often fails to achieve for\vard-up
equivalence. The consequences of this could range fron1
n1ild inconvenience or delay to a serious threat to life in
emergency evacuations.
Nlany
other experience or information to help us to find our
\vay. ln the absence of these, or an ability to understand
them, \Ve may become lost. In reality this is relatively
rare. We may indeed "lose ourselves" but this tends
to be short-lived. By keeping moving until \Ve find
somewhere familiar or by returning to a kno\vn location
we can re-establish effective \Vay-finding:
Determine the location.
0
Figure 10.6.4 An example of a "you are here" map
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Localise the destination.
Select a route.
Decide ho\V to travel.
Way-finding is also facilitated by a high degree of visual
access, i.e. being visible fron1 different perspectives. Jn
a hilly to\vn we are likely to be able to obtain different
views of buildings and streets, increasing visual access.
Conversely, underground, such as in car parks or
particularly on tube trains, our visual access is li1nited
and so assimilating inforniation about the relationships
between locations is difficult.
How difficult an area is to understand in terms of the
amount of detail and its intricacy is referred to as the
co1riplexity of spatinl layout. Way-finding is han1pered
in environments \Vith a very complicated spatial layout.
Within a building this may result from having several
floors, unpredjctable interconnections both across
and benveen Aoors and having a different floor plan
at each level. Complex spatial layouts such as this n1ay
be encountered in large shopping centres. Since it may
also be difficult to gain a high degree of visual access
and because store fronts are all essentially sin1ilar,
lo\vering differentiation, it 1nay be very difficult to learn
the \vay around.
®
EVALUATION
useful
Find a map of your school and identify features
that could be Improved.
valid
reduct
ind diffs
•
Possession of a cognitive map may neither be necessary
for nor guarantee successful \vay-finding, the process
of navigating through an environment. We may use
published maps. ask others for directions or obtain
•
Revisit Core study 6.3 for AS level on page 78. The
researchers used virtual \Vay-finding in I his study \vhere
taxi drivers had to mentally (virtually) plan a rou te fron1
location A to location B.
EXAMPLES OF HOW TO
EVALUATE
For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \viii be asked
to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. You
\\till have noticed that after each topic in this chapter
there are the icons for the different issues, debates,
approaches, perspectives and research methods that
could be used to help you ans\ver the 12 mark question
in the examination. Belo\v are three examples of the
types of things you could \vrite in the exan1ination.
You should ain1 Lo make al least four different
evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our
acco1npanying Revision Guide has a series of student
answers \vilh n1arks and examiner coniments attached
to them.
Effects of crowding on health
Research in this area has been useful. McCain, Cox
& Paulus ( 1976) reported that prisoners who lived
under lo\v spatial density and social density conditions
reported less sickness compared to those in high density
prisons. This means that governments can use this to
improve the living conditions of prisoners so that they
remain healthy throughout their stay. HO\vever, studies
in this area can have ethical problems. As \\'e know that
cro\\•ding cannot affect health. it \viii be difficult to run
controlled studies as \ve \vould have to expose people
to psychological and physical stress. This should not
happen in studies as participants should leave in the
same physical and psychological state as they entered.
This can also relate to the individual versus sit11atio11al
debate. Baum and Kon1an ( 1976) noted that there
are gender differences in aggression depending on
social and spatial densities. Males in sn1aller roo1ns
\vho expected it to be crowded behaved niuch more
aggressively than fen1ales did. However, any increase is
social density did not produce an increase in aggression.
When participants expected large nun1bers of people
at a venue they tended LO \vithdraw rather than be
aggressive. This shows that the effects of cro\vding on
psychological health are based more on the situation
people find then1selves (or perceive it to be) rather than
their disposition (individual side of the debate) as the
situation predicted their behaviour better as people did
not act the same across all scenario~.
Invading space and territory
Research in this area can have ethical problems. For
exan1ple, in the t.liddlemist study tested personal space
invasion by having participants randomly assigned
to one of three conditions: ( I) the experimenter
stood immediately next lo the participant, (2) the
experimenter stood at the other end of the three urinals
to the participant, or (3) the experirnenter 1vas absenL
This caused physical and psychological stress in the
participants as they did nol kno1v that they \vere part of
a study. This also nleans that they did not give informed
consent to take part in the study and have their space
invaded nor \vere they debriefed so that they kne1v
exactly why a stranger sudden Iy appeared and stood
next to them at a urinal! Some nieasures of invasion are
subjective and therefore n1ay not be valid. An example
would be the CIDS 1vhere a person has to imagine \vhen
they \vould begin to feel uncom fortablc and plot it on
a lin. This n1a}' not predict ho\v they \vould behave in
a real situation with someone approaching them from
various angles. Therefore, findings from studies using
self reports may not give valid data.
Community Environ11tental Design
Research in this area can be 11sef11I for people to
design successful shopping malls for instance. Ali
(2013) reported that the following \vere important:
Entertainment had to be part of the experience, a
variety if shopping outJets (e.g. not all clothes shops),
Mall Essence - ensuring the place 'felt' like it would be
a good 'n1all experience' and the design of the 1nall for
ease of passage throughout with parking and signage. [f
a construction company took into account these factors
then they are 111ore likely to have a successful n1all once
it has been built.
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CHAPTER 10: PSYCHOLOGY AND ENVIRONMENT
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Section A
(a) Explain, in your O\VO \vords, '"hat is
meant by the term "technological
catastrophe':
(2 marks)
(b) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, what is
meant by the term "cognitive map':
(2 marks)
(d) Evaluate 'vhat psychologists have
discovered about defending territory
and personal space and include a
discussion on the usefulness of
research in this field.
(12 marks)
(4 marks)
Section C
(a) Describe one \Vay in 'vhich sound can
(c) Describe hvo factors that make noise
annoying.
(d) Outline one study that has invaded
someone's personal space.
be used in a positive \\lay.
(4 marks)
Section B
{a) Describe l'/hat psychologists have
discovered about the effects of density
and crowding on the health and
behaviour of people.
(8 marks)
{b) Describe 'vhat psychologists have
discovered about con11nunity
environn1ental design.
(8 marks)
(c) Evaluate what psychologists have
discovered about the behaviour of people
during disasters and catastrophes and
include a discussion on methodology. (12 marks)
•
{b) Suggest how you \vould use sounds
such as n1usic to affect consun1er
behaviour. On 1vhat psychology is
your suggestion based?
(6 marks)
(8 111arks)
(c) Describe one exan1ple of urban renewal
and housing design.
(6 niarks)
(d) Suggest how you 1vould redesign a
public place to make people feel
part of a comn1unity. On 1vhat
psychology is your suggestion based?
(8 marks)
PSYCHOLOGY
AND MODELS OF
ABNORMALI
mean
11.1 DEFINITIONS OF
.A BNORMAL:I TY
I
I
6~%
I
I
ASK YOURSELF
Generate your own definition for abnormal
behaviour and see 1f your ideas feature in the
psychological definitions at the beginning of this section.
fa--9$%.---o>..
20
40
60
80
100 120 140 160
IQ
There are niany \vays in which psychologists can define
\vhat abnormal behaviour is. Somelilnes this behaviour
is called atypical rather than abnorn1al.
Figure 11 .1.1 Normal distribution of scores on an IQ lest
®
EVALUATION
ethics
reduct
valid
Devi tion from
· tical no
This is an objective 'vay of defining abnormality.
Anything that is statistically rare is classified as
abnormal. Ho\vever, the cut-off point beyond \vhich
son1ething is statistically rare has to be decided.
One example of this is the distribution of scores on
intelligence quotient (IQ) tests. These usually follo\v
a norn1al distribution in any given population with
1nany people clustering around the average of 100
and then fewer and fewer scoring the higher or lower
IQ points as dictated by the range of scores (see
Figure I I.I.I).
People scoring below 70 on an JQ test are in the
bottom 2.5 per cent of a population so they could be
classed as "abnormal". Therefore, anything that is rare
in a popuJation \VOuJd be deen1ed abnormal using the
statistical definition.
This definition labels people abnormal if their behaviour
does not fit in \vith cultural and soda] norms. If their
behaviour is not seen as being "correct" or "1noral" then
we niay feel that they are acting abnorrnally. Social nornlS
d1ange over time and, as a result, so will the paran1eters
of this definition. For example, in the UK in the 19th
century moral insanity in females was defined as "won1en
who have inherited money and spend it on themselves
rather than on male relatives". As a result, a female
displaying this behaviour '"ould be labelled abnormal
(but no,vadays this \Vould not be the case).
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EVALUATION
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Deviation from Ideal
I I- '"I
who scores I30+ in an IQ lest is in the upper
2.5 per cent of scores but \vould be labelled gifted
rather than abnormal.
This definition focuses more on \Vhat characteristics a
person should have for ideal mental health rather than
directly defining abnorn1al. Jahoda ( 1958) noted that
people \vho have ideal mental health:
Judging social norms fails to account for subcultural
differences in behaviour that could end up with an
over-representation of"abnormal behaviour" in a
certain group of people.
sho\v no signs of distress in everyday Life
are rational and can introspect correctly
are able to self-actualise
cope \Vith stressful situations
have a realistic outlook on the \vorld
have good self-esteen1
can successfully work.
Therefore, people \vho cannot sho\v the above
behaviours on a regular basis are "abnorn1al''.
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EVALUATION
reduct
abnormality.
valid
u
This definition slates that people \\lho cannot function
or experience psychological distress (and then try to get
belp) are sho\ving that they currently have some form of
abnormal behaviour. Therefore, anyone \vho is showing
signs of psychological distress, be it at home or work, is
MODELS OF
ABNORMALITY
There are four main n1odels of abnormality that need
covering in this section. It looks at some of the main
assumptions that each n1odel is based on.
I a
A medical professional \vould believe the follo\\ling
"abnorn1al~
about abnormality:
EVALUATION
ethics
reduct
Problems with defining
and diagnosing
a n
I
The following are problems associated \vi th each of the
definitions noted above:
Statistical norm fails to take into account the social
context of behaviour. For example, someone
•
Reread Core Study 7.1 for AS level (page 87) and use
this as an exa1nple of how there are problen1s defining
what is abnor n1al behaviour.
Describe and evaluate one definition of
Failure to function
®
Focusing on failure to function adequately is too
reductionist. There are other factors involved in the
diagnosis of abnormal behaviour as well as si1uply
suffering.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
ethics
d
People may not fulfil one of Jahoda's criteria yet still
have ideal mental health.
Psychological abnonnality is an illness
just like one based on physical conditions.
It can be diagnosed and treated in the
same 1vay.
The focus is on the physiological natu re
of the problen1 behaviour rather than
behavioural or emotional factors. Something
biological is the cause.
Symptoms sho\vn can be understood in terms of
some malfunction or disruption of the person's
biological systems.
Mental illness can be treated in the sanle \vay as any
physical illness (\vith drugs, surgery, etc.).
un: I
A behaviourist \\·ould believe the following about
abnormality:
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EVALUATION
the approach
Dysfunctional behaviour is learned in the same way
as any other behaviour.
reduct
valid
useful
tvlental health issues occur due to the principles of
classical conditioning and operant conditioning.
TI1e focus is on observable behaviour tl1at can be
seen directly rather then internal mechanil.ms such
as biology or emotions.
TREATMENTS OF
ABNORMALITY
tvlental illness can be treated using behavioural
techniques (e.g. re\vards to change dysfunctional
behaviours into functional behaviours).
This section briefly outlines different treatments that
are linked to the models of abnormality. All of them
will feature in the rest of the chapter \vhen we focus on
different mental health illnesses so more information
about each \viii be introduced ilien.
y
ml
A psychodynainic psychologist \l'Ould believe the
follo\ving about abnon11ality:
The quality of relationships " 'e have \l'ith our
parents in early childhood is of critical importance
to mental health in adulthood.
i I
i al
rme i
The main biological and medical treatments used
are as follO\VS:
Drugs - these can help control neurotransmitter
levels in the brain \vhich could be causing the
mental healtll issue.
Any early traumatic experiences that may disrupt
our relationships are more likely to cause mental
health issues later in life.
Our early experiences (especially the negative ones)
are stored in our w1conscious mind and this affects
our n1ental health.
Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) - electrodes are
placed on specific areas of the persons skull
and a very brief electrical current is passed
through then1.
Mental illness is an en1otional response to trauma,
any unmet childhood needs and unsatisfied
biological instincts.
Psychosurgery - people 'vith certain mental health
issues could have a section of brain removed,
lesioned or ablated.
.
ra
:
A cognitive psychologist would believe the follo\ving
about abnorn1ality:
Dysfunctional behaviours are caused by faulty
inforination processing and thought processes,
usually as a result of some early experiences.
tvlental health issues are caused by purely cognitive
factors (e.g. memory systems or irrational beliefs).
Mental health issues can be dealt \vith by restructuring
the cognitions of people (e.g. helping the1n to think
n1ore positively or restructure the \vay they process
the infonnation they receive day to day).
•
IF"'>"=
The n1ain psychotherapy used is psychoanalysis. There
are many techniques that can be used here:
~
Free association - this is \vhen the patient
is allo,ved si111ply to talk about a11ything and
the therapist has to pick out what is causing
the issue.
Dream analysis - this involves looking at dream
content for hidden meanings.
Hypnosis - this is used to access unconscious
conflict.
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ognl i
·1 u al
See page 162 for a description ofho\v cognitive
behavioural therapy (CBT) \Yorks. These are the main
forms of CST and behavioural therapies:
Rational emotive behaviour therapy (REBT)
involves the therapist continually challenging any
irrational thought (see more details in section 1L3).
Systematic desensitisation is when a person
constructs a hierarchy of fear and \Yorks up the
hierarchy using relaxation techniques to overcome a
phobia.
Flooding is a process during which people confront
a fear directly and cannot escape until they have
calmed down.
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EVALUATION
the approach
useful
•
•
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valid
Effectiveness and
appropriat n ss of
a
Each of the therapies listed above \viii feature across the
five disorders that you need to study:
schizophrenia
abnormal affect
addiction and impulse control disorders
phobias
obsessive-com pu lsi ve disorders.
Effectiveness studies and the appropriateness of certain
treatments \Vill be covered in the treatment section of all
five disorders.
11.2 SCHIZOPHRENIA
TYPES, SYMPTOMS AND
CHARACTERISTICS
A"'K 0 R ELF
How would you diagnose schizophrenia in
someone? What behaviours and characteristics
would you look for?
lhe person shows two of the follo\ving for at least
one nionth: delusions. hallucinations, disorganised
speech, disorganised or catatonic behaviour,
flattening of emotions; or continual voices in the
head giving a running comn1entary of 1vhat is
happening.
The person must sbO\Y social and/or occupational
functioning that has declined.
There n1ust be no evidence that medical factors are
causing the behaviours.
Symptoms can be split into positive and negative:
Schizophrenia was first called "dementia praecox"
(premature dementia) as it affects people's thoughts,
emotions and behaviours. Bclo\v are the types
of schizophrenia currently rccogn ised and the
characteristics that need to be sho,vn for people to
be diagnosed.
Schizophrenia is an un1brella tern1 used to outline
a range of different psychotic disorders that affect
thoughts, emotions and behaviours. These are the main
diagnostic types:
Simple - \Vhen people gradually \Vithdra\v
then1selves from reality.
Paranoid - \Vhen people have delusional thoughts
and hallucinations and may experience delusions of
grandeur.
Catatonic - 1vhen people have niotor activity
disturbances that may involve then1 sitting or
standing in the srune position for hours.
Disorganised - when people have disorganised
behaviour, thoughts and speech patterns. They n1ay
also experience auditory hallucinations.
Undifferentiated - when an individual does not fit
into one of the types above but is still experiencing
affected thoughts and behaviours.
r
t
i
For a diagnosis of schizophrenia, the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) outlines
the following:
Positive refers to the addition of certain
behaviours. For example, hallucinations,
delusions of grandeur or control and insertion of
thoughts are all positive.
Negative refers to the re1noval of certain
behaviours. For exainple, poverty of speech,
withdrawal fron1 society and flattening of n1ood
are all negalive.
Case studies
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Find two real-life case studies of people being
either diagnosed with schizophrenia or living with
schizophrenia.
EXPLANATIONS OF
SCHIZOPHRENIA
Belo1v we vvill examine a range of potential causes of
schizophrenia, giving evidence.
lhis idea states that there is a link bet 1veen
schizophrenia and inherited genetic 1naterial. lf this is
the case then the closer our genetic link is to son1eone
diagnosed with schizophrenia, the more likely we are
to be diagnosed ourselves. Gottesman ( 1991) examined
over 40 studies conducted in Eu rope to pool data on
research focused on genetics and schizophrenia. The
results are sho1vn in Table 11.2.1.
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Percenta
Nephews or nieces
Children
Non-identical (dyzgollc) twins
Identical (monozygotic) twins
In contras t: general population
risk
4
13
17
48
1
Table 11 .2.1 Link between genetics and schizophrenia
(Gottesman, 1991)
It seems that the data support the idea of schizophrenia
being inherited because the more genetic material
people shared, the more likely they \Vere to be
diagnosed too. Ho\vever, the highest risk \Vas
48 per cent (not 100 per cent, indicating a \vholly
genetic trait) so it looks as if people may be born \Vi th a
predisposition to develop schizophrenia and it is some
environinental influence that ultin1ately causes it.
Yang et al (20 13) analysed ten "candidate" genes that
could be responsible for schizophrenia in a san1ple
of I 512 participants. While there \Vas no single gene
that appeared to be associated \Vith schizophrenia, the
DAO gene was strongly associated \Vith schizophrenia
in comparison to all of the other candidate genes. In
addition, Roofeh et al (2013) noted that the human
leukocY1e antigen region of a genon1e could well be a
plausible cause for some types of schizophrenia. It is
interesting to note in the Yang et al (20 13) study the
DAO gene n1ay interact with another called RASD2
\Vhich n1ay affec t dopamine production (the next cause
\Ve will look at).
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Biochemical (dopamin
hesis
This idea is based around the idea that schizophrenia
is caused by an excess of dopamine in the brain. This
involves two n1ain ideas:
When people experience amphetan1ine psychosis
it rese1nbles certain types of schizophrenia. This is
caused by an excess of dopamine.
•
Linstroem et al (1999) used a PET scan to test out the
dopamine hypothesis. Ten schizophrenics and ten
healthy controls were injected \vith a radioactively
labelled chemical called L-DOPA. This is used in
the production of dopamine. The PET scan could
trace its usage in all participants. The L-DOPA \Vas
taken up significantly faster in the schizophrenics,
pointing to\vards them producing more dopamine.
Also, Araka\va et al (20 10) noted that a drug called
perospirone, which has a high affinity to 02 dopan1ine
receptors, had an average 75 per cent usage rate 'vhich
then blocked the furLher production of dopan1ine in
schizophrenics. Scen1an (2011) revie\ved the field and
noted that ani1nal models of schizophrenia pointed
to\vard elevation in levels of 02 receptors and that
antipsycholics do reverse the elevation in D2 receptors
but should only be used in the short tern1 to stop other
side effects.
~ EVALUATION
\51 .
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EVALUATION
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Drug treatment (e.g. prescribing phenothiazines)
does help to t real some of the symptoms of
schizophrenia but these drugs can bring about
syn1pto111s sin1ilar to Parkinson's disease which is
cause by low levels of dopami11e.
This idea stales that schizophrenia is caused by faulty
information processing. Frith (1992) noted that
schizophrenia. n1ight have a deficient "n1etarepresentalion"
system - the systen1 that makes people able to reflect on
thoughts, emotions and behaviours. It could also be
linked to theory of n1ind (see Core study 3.3 for AS level
on page 21) as it controls self-awareness iu1d ho\v we
interpret the actions of others. These are characteristics
that are lacking in some schizophrenics.
Also, those sho\ving more negative syn1ptoms might have
a dysfunctional supervisory attention system. This system
is responsible for generating self-initiated actions. Frith &
Done ( 1986) reported that \vhen participants \vere asked to
do things sud1 as nan1e as many different fruits as possible,
or generate as 111any designs for son1ething as pos.~ible,
those \vith schiwphrenia ('vilh negative symptoms
predominant) had great difficulty in managing this.
Frith ( 1992) also examined a central monitoring system.
This allo,vs us to be able to understand and label actions
that \Ye do as being controlled by ourselves. Frith had
noticed that in some schizophrenics inner speech may
not be recognised as being self-generated. Therefore,
\\•hen they hear "voices" it is their O\\•n voice but they
are unaware that it is themselves producing inner
speech and believe it is someone else.
Finally, Johnson et al (2013) tested the cognitive
abilities of 99 schizophrenics and 77 healthy controls
on a battery of cognitive tests. It \Yas seen that the
schizophren ics performed worse across all cognitive
tests including those for \vorking memory (which
involves tasks such as dealing \vi th inner speech) and
that this might be the core detern1inant of overall
cognitive in1pairment in schizophrenics.
reduct
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useful
•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Argue that the cognitive theory 1s either a cause
of schizophrenia or an effect of the condition.
TREATMENTS FOR
SCHIZOPHRENIA
There are four different treat111ents that ,viJI be
covered belo\v.
m·-al
111is treatment centres on using drugs to alleviate the
symptorns of schizophrenia. Davison & Neale (1997)
noted that, from the 1950s onwards, drugs classed
as phenothiazines \vere con1monly used to treat
schizophrenia. They \YCrc effective as they block
dopamine receptors in the brain. Ho\vever, many had
"extrapyran1idal side effects" \Yhich resemble symptoms
of neurological diseases such as Parkinsonian-type
tremors. dystonia ( n1uscular rigidity), dyskinesia
(che,ving movements) and akasthesia (the inability
to keep still). Second-generation antipsychotics \Yere
developed to also block dopan1ine receptors but
produce fe,ver side effects and there are no\Y thi rdgeneration antipsychotics that reportedly produce even
fe,ver side effects.
Contemporary research still sho\vs the effectiveness
of antipsychotics in treating schizophrenia. Sarkar
& Grover (2013) conducted a meta-analysis on
15 randon1ised controlled studies testi ng the effectiveness
of antipsychotics on children and adolescents diagnosed
with schizophrenia. It \Yas seen that both first- and
second-generation antipsychotic drugs \Yere superior to
the placebo in alleviating symptoms. Second-generation
drugs were superior overall \vith chlozapine being the
n1ost effective of all drugs. Extrapyran1idaJ side effects
were seen nlore in first-generation ant ipsychotics 1vhile
side effects Lhat affected metabolism were seen rnore
often in second-generation drugs.
Ehret, Sopko & Lemieux (20 10) noted that a thirdgeneration drug called lurasidone had been shown to
be effective in four separate clinical trials, reducing
both positive and negative syrnpton1s. Noted side effects
had only been nausea, vomiting and dizziness (they
noted that drugs like dozapine \Yere nO\Y sho,ving more
metabolic dysfunction side effects plus bone marro\Y
toxicity so ne\ver drugs needed to be developed).
Keating (20 13) noted that a first-generation drug called
loxapine was no\Y being used again as an effective
treatment for agitation in schizophrenic patients by
getting them to inhale it as a powder. This meant a rapid
onset of effect (usually around JO minutes) by using a
non-invasive method that showed fe\v side effects.
Finally, Mothvala, Siscoe & El-Mallakh (2013) reported
on the use of depot aripiprazolc for schizophrenia.
Depot injections arc usually given deep into a muscle
and allo\v the ad minislration of a sustained-action drug
forn1ulation for slo'v release and gradual absorption, so
that the active agent can act for much longer periods
than is possible \Vith standard injections. Only one
study had been published in a peer revie'v journal but
it "'as positive in terms of effectiveness and safety so in
the future this n1elhod of antipsychotic drug delivery
may gain momentum.
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liiiB\
EVALUATION
\81 .
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Electro-convulsive
th
PY (E T)
ECT is basically a procedure where a person receives a
brief application of electricity to induce a seizure. Early
attempts al this '''ere not pleasant but no\vadays patients
are anaesthetised and given muscle relaxants. Electrodes
are fitted lo specific areas of the head and a small
electrical current is passed through them for no longer
than l second. The seizure n1ay last up to 1 niinute and
the patient regains consciousness in around 1S minutes.
ahvays be debate about whether ECT should
There
be used for any rnental health issue as clinicians and
psychologists are divided on the severity of the therapy
itself and the longer-term side effects. ECT is no\v niainly
used for depression (we \Viii come back to its effectiveness
1vitl1 this on page 220), but there has been research
conducted on the use of ECT \Vith schizophrenics.
'"ill
Zervas, Theleritis & Soldatos (2012) conducted a
review of the use of ECT in schizophrenia. They
looked at four issues: sympton1 response, technical
application, continuation/n1aintenance ECT and
its con1bination with medication. IL would appear
that ECT can be quite effective with catatonic
schizophrenics and in reducing paranoid delusions.
There \Vas also evidence that it may improve a person's
responsivity to medication. Lengthier courses \VOrked
\veil 1vith catatonic schizophrenics. When combined
\Vith medication, ECT "'orked better than 1vhen only
ECT 1vas used. Phutane et al (201 I) also noted that in
a sample of202 schizophrenics 1vho had undergone
ECT, the common reason 1vhy they had the ECT was
to "augment pharn1achotherapy" and that the n1ain
target was catatonia. Thirthal li el nl (2009) reported
that in a sarnple of sd1izophrenics split into catatonic
and non-catatonic people, those who were catatonic
required fewer ECT sessions to help control their
syn1ptoms. Finally, Flamarique el al (2012) reported
that adolescents \vho received ECT in conjunction
\vith clozapine had a lower re-hospitalisation
rate (7 .1 per cent) compared to a group \vho received
ECT and a different antipsychotic (S8.3 per cent).
•
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EVALUATION
•
•
reduct
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ethics
onomy
As we saw in sections 8.S and 9.6, token econon1ies are
based on the idea of operant conditioning (rewards and
learning by consequence). Behaviour is shaped lO\vards
something desired by giving out tokens (e.g. plastic
chips or a stamp) every time a relevant behaviour is
sho,vn. Patients can accrue these tokens and exchange
them for son1ething they \vould Like (e.g. money or food
vouchers). Therefore, patients continue to sho'" desired
behaviours as they \Vant to earn tokens to exchange for
primary reinforcer'S that fulfil a direct biological need
such as hunger or enjoyn1ent.
AyUon & Azrin ( 1968) introduced a token economy
to a psychiatric hospital in a \'lard for long-s tay female
patients. Patients \vere re'"arded for behaviours such
as brushing their hair, making their bed and having
a neat appearance. Their behaviour rapidly in1proved
and staff morale '"as raised as staff "'ere seeing more
positive behaviours.
Gholipour el al (2012) tested out the effectiveness
of a token econon1y versus an exercise progran1n1e
in helping people \Vith schizophrenia. A total of
45 patients were randomly split into three groups two trealn1ents and a control - (therefore, there \vere
IS patients per group). All participants '"ere male, had
been diagnosed for at least 3 years, \Vere bet\veen 20
and SO years old and had no other mental health illness.
Negative symptoms of schizophrenia \Vere mea&ured
pre- and post-treatment. The average symptorn scores
pre- and post-treatment are sho1vn in Table 11.2.2.
I
I
Exercise
71.07
Token economy
76.73
Control
84.67
50.47
j
41.20
84.87
Table 11.2.2 Average symptom scores p re- and
post·treatment
(Ghohpour e l at. 2012)
As Table 1 1.2.2 sho1vs, the largest reduction on negative
syn1ptom scores 1vas in the token economy group.
Prior to this study, Dickerson, Tenhula & GreenPaden (2005) conducted a revie1v of the field. They
found 13 studies and it appeared that there 1vas
evidence for the effectiveness of a token economy in
increasing the adaptive behaviours of patients 1vith
schizophrenia. They noted that many studies had
methodological issues that could cast doubt on findings
and that Jong-term follo1v ups 1vere rare.
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EVALUATION
le•rning
reduct
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ethics
CT
This type of therapy aims to change or modify people's
thoughts and beliefs and also change the 1vay that
they process information. A therapist 1vill challenge
irrational and faulty thoughts as well as behaviours that
are not helping. Patients may be set tasks outside the
face-to-face therapy to help challenge faulty thoughts
and beliefs. For schizophrenia, the intention of CBT
\\'ould be to help patients make sense of the psychotic
experiences and reduce the negative effects of the
condition plus any distress they may be feeling. Patients
n1ay also be given help to understand that vie1vs,
thoughts and interpretations are not facts, then given
help to deal 1vilh assessing them.
Bechdolf el al (2005) assessed the effectiveness of CBT
versus group psychoeducation on re-hospitalisation and
1nedication compliance up to 24 months after treatment.
A total of 88 patients 1vere randon1ly assigned to
either group and they received 8 1veeks' therapy. When
fol101ved up six n1onths later, the CBT group were less
likely to be hospitalised and be taking their medication.
At 24 n1onths post-treatment, the CBT group had
71 days fewer in hospital. In a further study, Bechdolf
et al (2010) analysed the data collected from their first
study but on quality of life measures taken at six months
post-treatment. Both groups reported improved quality
of life but there 1vas no significant difference betlveen
the tlvo treatment groups.
Ng, Hui & Pau (2008) assessed the introduction of a
CBT programme in a hostel for people who had become
treatment-resistant to schizophrenia (drug therapy)
in Hong Kong. Measurei. of schizophrenic symptoms,
mood, insight and self-esteem 1vere taken pre- and
post-treatment. Six months after treatment there 1'>'as a
significant reduction in the symptoms of schizophrenia
alongside an increase in self-esteen1. Mood and insight
remained unchanged.
Davis et al (2008) noted that there had been little
research into patients evaluating CBT for schizophrenia.
Their study used 44 patients 1vith schizophrenia 1vho
either undenvent CBT or a support-group progran1me.
'TI1e study lasted for six n1onths. Irrespective of group,
all patients were satisfied with the intervention they
had taken part in, rating it either good or excellent.
However, those in the CBT group reported higher levels
of satisfaction overall especially with the quality of
service and the assistance given for problem solving.
Finally, Sarin, Wallin & Widerlov (2011) conducted a
meta-analysis on the use of CBT 1vith schizophrenics.
They concluded that there 1vas strong evidence for CBT
affecting positive, negative and general sympton1s of
schizophrenia compared to all other therapies. They
also stated that the effects of CBT can be delayed
and having 20 sessions or more is better than shorter
programmes that are available.
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EVALUATION
reduct
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ethics
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked to choose the most effective
programme for dealing w1lh schizophrenia at a
local clinic. Which therapy would you choose and how
would you run the programme? Justify your choices.
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•
'1 1.3 ABNORMAL
AFFECT
TYPES,
CHARACTERISTICS,
EXAMPLES AND SEX
DIFFERENCES
~
V
AS
YOURSELF
How would you diagnose depression 1n
someone? What behCl\llours and charactenstics
would you look for?
There are tlvo main types of depression:
Unipolar - this is son1etimes caUed a nlajor depressive
episode. Syn1pto1ns for this type include having a
depressed mood for most of the day, diminished
pleasure in most activities undertaken, son1e \veight
loss, insomnia or hypersomnia, some psychomotor
agitation, fatigue, feelings of \vorthlessness and a
reduced ability to concentrate on tasks.
Bipolar - this used to be referred to as n1anic
depression. Syrnptorns for this type include
having episodes of n1anic behaviour that cannot
be accounted for by a physical condition, having
sorne episode that is similar to unipolar depression
(although this is not necessary for a diagnosis)
and having some change in polarity of behaviour
bet1veen mania and depression.
1vhose mother also had bipolar disorder. Muscular
dystrophy is transmitted by the X-chromosome
hence the link to bipolar disorder. Also, Chang
el al (2013) reported on initial work on a BD gene
project to try to pinpoint the genetic cause of
bipolar disorder. Currently there are 43 BD core
genes that require further investigation.
Another possible cause is brain structure. Nery,
Monkul & Lafer (2013) revie1ved the field and
reported on isolated cases 1vhere people 1vith
bipolar disorder had decreased grey nlatter in the
left thalamus and left hippocan1pal regions of the
brain. Ho\\•ever, findings are currently inconsistent.
In terms of treating bipolar disorder, drug therapy
appears to be the main n1ethod used. In a recent review
Malhi et nl (2013) noted that lithium has bee11 used for
over 50 years as an effective treatn1ent. It 1vorks well at
stabilising n1anic moods but does not affect depression
much. It also possesses anti-suicidal properties that no
other drug has managed to achieve yet.
Joshi et al (2013) noted that a drug called paliperidone
\"35 effective in treating acute bipolar disorder in children
and adolescents after an eight-\\1eek randomised trial
\vhere all participants took the drug. The only side effect
seen '"as significant \veight gain (average 4.1 lbs).
Finally, Katagiri et al (2013) conducted a study to test
the efficacy and safety of using olanzapine for bipolar
disorder. 'TI1ere were 156 participants of which 104 were
allocated to the olanzapine group and 52 to the placebo
(it 1vas a double-bUnd study). Patients in the drug group
sho1ved greater improvement in symptoms across a range
of questionnaire measures but also sho\ved greater 1veight
gain and cholesterol levels compared to the placebo.
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EVALUATION
C uses and treabnents
•
f t
nic de r
I
Causes of depression tend to be all biological. The
current main ones are as follows:
There may be a genetic cause. Edgunlu, Duvarci
& Cetin (2013) noted that bipolar disorder may
be caused by a defect on the X-cliromosome after
examining a case study of a 35-year-old male 1vho
had muscular dystrophy and bipolar disorder and
•
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Sex differences In
•
Nolen-1-loeksema ( 1987) conducted a revie1v of sex
differences in depression in terms of prevalence and
potential explanations. Virtually all studie reported a
gender bias. Fen1ales \Vere up to 4.6 times n1ore likely to
be diagnosed \Vilh depression compared to n1ales and
this was seen across many nationalities and cultures.
Also. these figures were across a range of different types
of depression. There \vere three potential explanations
for the gender differences reported:
lt is about income not gender. Ho\vever, hvo studies
in the revie\v did look at income differences and
found no significant effect.
There may be reporting bias. lhere had been an idea
that females are more likely to reveal symptoms and
therefore more likely to be diagnosed. Studies did
not appear to support this idea.
The kind of sympton1s shown might provide an
explanation. Depression in 111en usually takes a fonn
of acting out behaviours such as sadness and crying.
Males act in ways to da1npen Lheir 111ood when
depressed whereas \V0111en are 1nuch n1ore likely
to an1plify their n1ood by "thinking things over
too n1uch''.
As a result of the last point above, men's reactions
tend to be more active, 111aking theirs a more adaptive
response compared to women's reactions \Vhich tend to
be less active and more cognitive. This could go some
\vay to explain sex differences in rates of depression as
men actively \vork through their depression and tend
not to seek help compared to females.
a diagnosis of depression. This hints at a part-genetic
component for depression but a dra,vback is that nvins
tend lo be brought up together and treated in the same
\vay so \Ve cannot rule out environmental inOuences.
FolJo,ving on from this, Silberg et al ( 1999) \vanted
to assess '''hether it \Vas genetics, the environment
or a combination of the t \VO that could be causing
depression. A total of902 pairs ofnvins completed
psychiatric interviews to assess levels of depression
alongside data about life events and from parents.
ln general, females \Vere diagnosed more often \vith
depression than 111ales. This \vas n1ore marked "'hen Ii fe
events \Vere negative. Ho\vever, there \vere individual
differences seen among the fe1nales, and those '"ho \vere
diagnosed with depression aft.er a negative life event
were more Ii kely to have a t•vi n \vho \Vas also diagnosed
with depression. Therefore, it \vould seen1 both genetics
and the environn1ent interact to cause depression.
Earlier studies had also sho,vn a part-genetic
component of depressio11. Bertelsen, Harvald & Hauge
(1977) reported that the genetic component varied
depending on the type of depression. Table 11.3. L
records this.
•
Bipolar disorder
80
16
EXPLANATIONS OF
DEPRESSION
Severe depression
(three or more
episodes or
depression)
59
30
BeJO\V w·e look at at ho\v three different approaches
attempt to explain the causes of unipolar depression.
Depression (fewer than
three episodes
of depression)
36
17
Biological: genetic and
n
o h mlc I
The genetic argun1ent follo\vS the idea that depression
may well run in fan1ilies and be encoded in genetics.
One \vay of testing this is to conduct l\vin studies
using monozygotic (MZ: identical) and dizygotic (DZ:
non-identical) twins. NlcGuffin et al (1996) examined
214 pairs of t\vins \Vhere at least one of them \Vas being
treated for depression. They reported that 46 per cent of
MZ and 20 per cent of DZ hvins of the patients also had
Table 11 .3.1 Genetic component and type or depression
Therefore, the strongest evidence for a genetic
component comes fron1 bipolar disorder, then severe
depression, follo\ved by depression. Finally, Kendler
et al (1993) estimated that the heritability rate for
depression falls in the range of 41-46 per cent.
ln terms of a neurochemical cause, there are l\VO
neurotransmitteri. that have been investigated:
norepinephrine and serotonin. Lo\v levels of both of
these may \veil be a cause of depression. Davison &
Neale (1998) highlighted ho"' certain drugs block the
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re-uptake of these neurotransntitters so that more of
t he1n can be used in the postsynaptic neuron. This is
shown in Figure 11.3.l.
Presynaptic neuron
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C 9n" Ive: Bee
Norepinephrine
or serotonin
re uptake
_. A
or serotonin
release
~
Beck ( L976) 1vas interested in examining the irrational
thought processes involved in depression. He believed
that there 1vere th ree factors which make people
cognitively v11lnemble to depression. These are called the
cognitive triad and are:
negative vic1v of self
negative vie1v of the world
negative vie1v of the future.
(a)
Prostsynaplic neuron
Presynaptic neuron
~
.~:::=:::::::::::::::::'.'.~<. Tricycllc or
ll>
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(b)
.+
ll> second-generation
,.
antidepressant
These three factors can interact 1vith each other to
make a person depressed. They 11<ill also "change"
the \\'<IY information is processed as they become an
"auton1atic" 1vay of thinking. That is, \vhen information
is being processed it is affected by all three factors so
the infonnation will be processed in a "negative 1vay''.
People 1nay simply overestimate the negative aspects of
a situation, 1neaning they will condude that whatever
happens, soinething bad 1vill co1ne ofit. Depressives may
also have rtegative self-schemas (packets of infonnation
abouL themselves) that have developed since childhood
by having negative C.."<j>eriences and/or overly critical
parents, peers or teachers. AlJ ne1v information that is
processed ,vilJ become negative as the mechanisms are all
negative. As a result, depression develops.
Postsynaplic neuron
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Figure 11.3.1 (a) Vvhen a neuron releases norepinephrine
or serotonin from ils endings, a re-uplake mechanism
begins lo recapture some of lhe neurolransmillers
before lhe postsynaplic neuron receives them.
(b) Anlidepressanl drugs called lricyclics block lhis
re ·uptake process allowing more norepinephnne or
serotonin lo reach lhe postsynaplic neuron
In addition, research has shown that depressed patients
do have a 101\'Cr level of serotonin n1etabolites in
cerebrospinal Auid (suggesting lo1ver levels of serotonin)
con1pared to controls (McNeal & Ci1nbolic, J986).
ethics
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Learned helplessnes or
•
Is
Learned helplessness is about individuals becoming
passive because they feel they are not in control of their
0\\'11 life. TI1is is caused by unpleasant experiences that
they have tried lo control in the past (unsuccessfully).
This gives people a sense of helplessness \Vhich in turn
leads to depression. The idea \Vas based on Seligman's
( 1974) research on dogs. The dogs received electric
shocks that they could not escape from (lack of control)
and it did not take long for them to stop trying to
escape. They all beca111e passive and appeared to accept
the painful situation they \Vere in. \Vhen in future trials
there \Vas an opportunity to escape, the dogs still did
not try to do this. This is the sense of helplessness that
depressives will feel if they cannot escape situations that
are negative and out of their control.
In addition, anribution theory could also explain
depression. Weiner et al ( 1971) noted three levels of
attribution that can affect people's views of their 0\'111
behaviour:
TEST YOURSELF
Descnbe and evaluate one explanation for the
cause of depression.
r
No'v we ,yjlJ look at the effectiveness of four different
treatments for unipolar depression.
Biological: chemical
or
T\vo exan1ples of antidepressants that are comn1only
used are as follows:
Selective serotonergic re-uptake inhibitors (SSRis) see Figure 11.3. J on page 2l8 to see ho1\1 re-uptake
inhibitors work. Possible side effects include fatigue,
headaches and inso1nnia.
1. internal (personal) or external (environ111ental)
2. stable or unstable
3. global or specifi c.
Table 11 .3.2 gives an exa1nple of how the different
attributional sche1nata can be used to explain \vhy
someone failed a psychology exam.
Global
·11ack
•1 am really,
·exams are
·1rs an
general
really !Ired
an unfair
unlucky
1n1elhgenc:e
loday"
Wd'f lo lesl
day"
my ab11ily"
for exams·
Specific
"I lack
·1 am fed up
"The
"My
lhe ablllly
with studying
psychology
psychology
10 pass
psychology.·
exam was
exam
psychology
really unfalr
had 13
exams:
as 11 had
Questions,
questions
which is
I did not
unlucky"
know the
answers lo.• 1
Table 11 .3.2 Using allributional schemata to explain
exam ranure
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Monoan1ine oxidase inhibitors (MAOls) - these
work by inhibiting monan1ine oxidase (this breaks
do,vn neurotransn1itters such as norepineprhine
and serotonin) which means more serotonin
and norepinephrine is available in the synapse.
Possible side effects include hypertension (\vhich is
potentially fatal), dizziness and nausea.
Rucci et al (2011) tested out the effectiveness of SSRis
versus interpersonal psychotherapy on suicidal thoughts
in a group of29 I outpatients 1vith major depression.
Participants \Vere randomly assigned to either treat:ment
regime and suicidal ideation \Vas measured using a
questionnaire. The 231 patients \vho had shown no
suicidal ideation pre-study '"ere analysed and 32 of
these did exhibit suicidal ideation during the treatment.
For those on SSRls, the time taken for these thoughts
to en1erge \Vas 111uch longer than in the psychotherapy
group. Therefore SSR!s niay reduce suicidal thoughts in
people 'vith major depression.
Nakagawa et nl (2008) conducted a 111eta-analysis
on the efficacy and effectiveness of a drug called
milnacipraJl (a serotonin ru1d norepinephrine
re-uptake inhibitor) in comparison 1vith other
antidepressants. The studies selected for the
analysis had to be randomised controlled trials
1vith milnacipran compared to at least one other
antidepressant While there tended to be no
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differences in clinical in1prove1ncnt across all
antidepressants, people taking antidepressants called
tricyclics tended to \\lithdra\\I from treatn1ent sooner
than any other drug group. There \Vas also evidence
that milnacipran n1ay benefit patients \\lhO had adverse
side effects from SSRls and MAOls.
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Biological: electro1I
PY (E T}
See page 2 14 in section 11 .2 for a description of the
procedure for adn1inistering ECT.
Nordenskjold et al (2013) tested the effectiveness of
ECT with drug therapy compared to drug therapy
alone. A total of 56 patients were rando111ly assigned to
either 29 t reatn1ents of ECT alongside drug therapy or
just drug therapy. The researchers n1easured relapse of
depression \vithin one year of completing treatment. In
the group of patients just on drug therapy 61 per cent
relapsed \vithin the year compared to just 32 per cent
\vho had ECT and drug therapy.
There have been several meta-analyses testing the
effectiveness of ECT. Dierckx el al (2012) revie\ved the
field in terms of \vhelher response to ECT differs in bipolar
disorder patients versus unipolar depressed patients. A total
ofsix studies formed their analysis. The overall re1nission
rate \Yas nearly 51 per cent for unipolar and over 53 per cent
for bipolar disorder. The data covered over I 000 patients.
Overall, the data \Yere encouraging as they showed similar
efficacy rates for the L1vo types of depression.
Dunne & Mcloughlin (2012) reviewed the effectiveness
and side effects of three types of £CT: bifrontal (BF),
bilateral (BL) and unilateral (UL). Eight studies were
used in the analysis. It covered data on 6 17 patients.
There \Vas no difference in the effectiveness of the three
types in tern1s of efficacy - all appeared to have son1e
level of effectiveness. UL ECT impaired con1plex figure
recall more than BF ECr. Ho\vever, BF ECT impaired
\YOrd recall more than UL ECT.
Finally, Jelovac, Kolshus and Mcloughlin (2013)
revie\ved relapse rates follo\Yi ng successful ECT for
•
major depression. Thirty-two studies \Vere used in
the analysis and all had at least a two-year follow up.
Compared to relapse rates for drug therapy (5 1. I per
cent 12 months follo\ving successful initial treatment
\vith 37.7 per cent relapsing in the first sLx months),
ECT did not fare any better, with a 37.2 per cent
relapse rate in the first six months. Those who took
antidepressants post-ECT had a risk of relapse half of
those \vho took a placebo.
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rin
The idea of this therapy follows Beck's cogni tive triad
approach to the potential causes of depression. lt is a
six-stage process as fo llo\vs:
1. The therapist explains the rationale behind the
therapy and \vhat its purpose is.
2. Clients are taught ho\v to 1nonitor automatic
negative thoughts and negative self-schemata.
3. Clients are taught to use behavioural techniques
to challenge negative thoughts and information
processing.
4. Therapist and client ex"Plore ho\v negative thoughts
are responded to b)' the client.
5. Dysfunctional beliefs are identified and challenged.
6. The therapy ends \Vith clients having the necessary
"cognitive tools" to repeat the process by
themselves.
Hans & Hiller (2013) conducted a n1eta-analysis on the
effectiveness of CBT on adults \Vi th unipolar depression.
A total of34 studies formed the analysis and they had
to assess the effectiveness of individual or group CBT
as well as drop-out rates. 'lhe studies also had to have
at least a six-month follow up. It \Vould appear that
outpatient CBT was effective in reducing depressive
symptoms and these \Vere maintained at least six
nlonths after the CBT ended. The average drop-out rate
\Yas 24.63 per cent. This \Vas reported as being quite
high by the researchers but they also noted that better
quality effectiveness studies are needed to assess ho\Y
good CBT trul y is \Yi th depressive patients.
Cuijpers et al (2013) also conducted a revie1v examining
CB'f in relation to depression and comparing it to other
treatments. A total of 11 5studies1vere used and they
had to be a CBT study that either had a control group
or a comparison other treatlnent (e.g. psychotherapy or
drug therapy). CBT 1vas effective at reducing depression
in adults but the effect size 1vas 101ver 1vhen the study
1vas classed as high quality. Therefore, the positive
effects ofCBT may 1vell have been overestimated and
more high-quality studies are needed.
Bums et al (20 13) conducted a pilot study to assess
the effectiveness of CBT for women 1vith antenatal
depression. 'Thirty-six won1en who met the diagnostic
criteria for depression were rando1nly assigned to either
a CBT treatn1ent programn1e or usual care. Of those 1vho
completed nine or n1ore sessions of CBT, or con1pleted
their usual care, 68. 7 per cent of t he CBT group had
recovered fron1 their depression 15 weeks after treatn1ent
co111pared to 38.5 per cent in the usual care group.
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Rational emotive
•
,
Ellis (1962) stated that rationality consists of thinking
in 1vays that allo1v us to reach our goals; irrationality
consists of thinking in ways that prevent us from
reaching our goals. The idea behind the therapy follo1vs
an ABC model:
Activating event - this refers to a fact, behaviour,
attitude or an event.
Beliefs - the person holds beliefs about the
activating event.
Cognitive - this is the person's cognitive response to
the activating event as well as emotions.
might follow could be "I an1 a failure" or "I hate it
1vhen I do not pass an exam" and then the C 1vould be
depression.
Szentagotai et al (2008) examined the effectiveness of
REBT, CBT and drug therapy for the treatment of a
major depressive episode. A range of outcome measures
1vere taken based on a questionnaire that tested three
main depressive thoughts: auton1atic negative thoughts,
dysfunctional attitudes and irrational beliefs. A general
measure of depression ~vas also taken. There 1\lere 170
participants randomly assigned to either the REST
(n=57). CBT (n=56) or drug therapy (n=57) groups.
In tern1s of depressive sympton1s, there 1vere no
significant differences betlveen the th rec groups but the
REBT groups had an average score significantly lower
than the drug therapy group. In tern1s of the three n1ain
depressive thoughts, all three treatn1ents appeared to
decrease these in1111ediately post-treat111ent and then at
follow up.
Sava et al (2008) co1npared REBT, CBT and the use
of prozac in a sa111ple of depressives. The participants
1\lere split into the three treatn1ent groups and all had
14 weeks' therapy. AJI participants completed the Beck
Depression Inventory (see Beck, page 218) prior to
the therapy and then at 7 and 14 weeks post-therapy.
There 1vere no significant differences beh,•een the
three groups in terms of scores on the inventory but
REBT and CBT cost less for the same outcomes so are
a preferred treahnent.
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CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked by a local clinic lo choose
the most effective programme for dealing with
depression. Which therapy would you choose and how
would you run the programme? Justify your choices.
Using the exan1ple from Table l l .3.2 (page 2 i 9)
failing a psychology exam 1vould be the A. The B that
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'1 1.4 ADDICTll ON
AND IMPULSE
CONTROL
DISORDERS
DEFINITIONS, TYPES
AND CHARACTERISTICS
A range of addiction and impulse control disorders
can be diagnosed by a psychologist.
ASK YOURSELF
Whal behaviours would you expect people to
show if they had an Impulse control disorder?
According lo Griffiths (2005), there are six components
lo any addiction disorder:
Salience - 1vhen the addiction becomes the single most
important activity in the persons life. It don1inates the
person's behaviour, thoughts and feelings.
euphoria - the subjective experience that is felt
while engaging in the addictive behaviour, like a
"rush" or a "buzz''.
Tolerance - 1vhen the person has to do 111ore of the
addictive behaviour to get the same effect.
Withdra\\ral - this refers to the unpleasant thoughts
and physical effects felt 1vhen the person tries to
stop the addictive behaviour.
Conflict - 1vhen the person with the addiction
begins to have conflicts 1vith work colleagues,
friends and fan1ily.
It- Relapse - the chances of the person "going back" to
the addictive behaviour are high.
Alongside alcoholism (abusing the use of alcohol) there
are a range of impulse control disorders. They include
these disorders:
•
Pyron1ania - when people deliberately start a fire
because they are attracted to fires or seeing the fire
service in action. They may feel a sense of arousal
and satisfaction once the fire has started.
Kleptomanja - 1vhen people have the urge to
collect and hoard items in their homes. They may
go out and steal objects even if the items have little
monetary value or they could afford to buy then1.
The nlore difficult the challenge of gaining tl1e
objects, the n1ore thrilling and addictive it becon1es.
Compulsive gan1bling - 1vhen people feel the need to
gamble lo get a sense of euphoria especially if they 1vin.
They will continue to gan1ble 1vhether they 1vin or lose.
Physical and
psychological
e c
Physical dependence refers to times 1vhe11 the body
becon1es used lo functioning 1vith the drug in its
system and so "requires" the drug to maintain normal
functioning. Psychological dependence is \\•hen the
drug or activity becomes of great importance to the
person's life to n1aintrun a "stable" mental slate.
CAUSES OF ADDICTION
AND IMPULSE CONTROL
DISORDERS
There are several ideas about the potential causes of
addiction and impulse control disorders. Son1e of the1n
are covered be101v. Exan1ples of these are attempting
to ingest more of a drug or gamble more as the person
'feels' they 'need' to engage in the activity to function.
For exarnple, a person may go to the casino as they 'feel'
being on a roulette 1vheel 'calms them down'.
n ti
Could there be a genetic link to alcoholisn1? Edenberg &
Foroud (2006) reported on findings fron1 the Collaborative
Study on the Ge11etics ofAlcoholis111. Early researcll
suggested that there are three potential candidate genes
that had been found in families 1vith multiple alcoholic
members: GABRA2 CH RM2 and ADH4. A further
five genes 1vere noted that needed fu.rther investigation.
Edenberg (2013) also noted evidence relating to t1vo
variants in genes that encode t\VO enzymes involved in the
n1etabolism of alcohol: alcohol dehydrogenase (ADH I B)
and aldehyde dehydrogenase (ALDH2). Agra\val & Bierut
(2013) also noted that the sa111e two genes (ADH IB and
ALDH2) appear to play a key role in alcoholism. They
added that GABRA2 could also play a role as it encodes
infom1ation about receptor sites in neurons linked to
alcohol-related processing. Biernacka et al (2013) analysed
43 single nucleotjde polymorphisms in 808 alcoholics and
l 248 control participants. One in particular (rsl614972)
in the ADH I C gene was folmd to be a key difference
bet\\leen the two groups. This \\lllS irrespective of the sex
of the participant. Ducci & Goldman (2008) stated that
more than 50 per cent of the variance for vulnerability
to alcoholism could be accou nted for by genetics but the
exact pathways were still unkno\vn.
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is follO\Yed by a positive outcon1e (e.g. feeling a sense of
arousal v.•hen setting fire to a house or winn iJig on a fruit
mad1ine), the person is likely to repeat the behaviour.
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behaviourist
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There has been n1uch research examining personality
differences in pyromaniacs con1pared to controls. Gannon
et al (20 13) examined 68 pyron1aniacs and 68 control
participants. All \Vere given a range of questionnaires to
complete that 111easured a r<1ngc of personality traits. The
characteristics n1ore common in the pyro1naniacs 1vere:
higher anger-related cognitions
interest in serious fires
rr n
Dopainine has been linked to addiction and in1pulse
control disorders as when it is released in the body it
gives us the feelings of pleasure and satisfaction. Once
these feelings become a desire, we then repeat behaviours
that cause the release of dopamine and the cycle
continues \Vith repetitive behaviours. Yoon el al (2010)
reported that \vhen participants \Vere given a dopamine
agonist (it activates dopamine receptors), in1pulsive
choice increased, reaction times becan1e faster and
participants showed fe\ver decision conflicts compared
to a control group. One drawback is that participants
had Parkinson's disease so \vhether this can be related to
people \Yith impulse control disorder needs investigating.
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EVALUATION
lo\ver levels of perceived fire safety a1vareness
lo\ver general self-esteem
e;rternal locus of control.
Therefore, there \vere differences in the personality and
cognitive mechanisms of participants iJ1 the "''O groups.
Kennedy el al (2006) revie\ved the literature (six
studies) and reported the follo\ving about adolescent
pyromaniacs \vho set fires again after being convicted
(compared to those who did not go back to fire-setting).
The adolescents repeating the behaviour:
had a great interest in fire-setting and showed
higher levels of covert antisocial behaviours
were more n1ore likely to be rnale and older
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Behavioural: positive
r i
This follo\vs the idea of re\vards. 'vVhen an action is
follo\ved by a pleasurable outcome, the person is more
likely to engage in that behaviour again. For example,
if an addictive behaviour or i1npulse control behaviour
~
had poorer social ski lls with a h igh level of fa111ily
dysfunction.
Moore, Thon1pson-Pope & \.Yhited (1996) exan1ined
the responses on the Mi11nesota Multiphasic Personality
Assessment Questionnaire (MMPI) of28 adolescent boys
with a history of pyron1ania compared to 96 without a
history. The follo\ving subscales differentiated the hvo
groups: depression, feelings of alienation, anger, conduct
problems, family problems and school problenis.
Cunningham et al (2011) intervie\ved nine \vomen \vho
were pyromaniacs. The qualitative analysis revealed that
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they had distressing experiences and lack of support
pre-pyromaniac beha\iour and conducted the firese1ting to influence others, gain help and feel a sense of
achievement and control.
Wedekind et al (2013) studied the personality and
atlachn1enl profiles of 59 alcoholics (43 n1ale and
16 fen1aJe) . Participants completed a battery of
questionnaires as \Veil as taking part in a structured
intervie1v. Only one-third of participants 1vere securely
attached. All had high levels of trait-anxiety and sho1ved
higher levels of cognitive avoidance as 1vell as higher
scores on a number of pathological measures.
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TEST YOURSELF
Describe and evaluate one cause of addiction
and impulse control disorders.
COPING WITH AND
REDUCING ADDICTION
AND IMPULSE CONTROL
DISORDERS
-
One technique that has been used 1vith alcoholics is
token econon1y (see page 214 for a description of token
economy). Petry et al (2000) research~ 42 alcoholdependent older adults in an outpatient setting. They
1vere rando1nly assigned to t\vo groups: one to receive
standard treatment only; the other to receive a standard
trealrnent plus token economy (the TE group). The
latter had the chance to earn tokens that could go
towards prizes for submitting negative breathalyser tests
and completing set steps towards desired behaviours.
The treat1nent lasted eight weeks. The first measure
1vas the percentage of participants 1vho con1pleted the
full treatn1ent 84 per cent in the TE group and 22 per
cent receiving standard treatment only. By the end of
the treatment phase, 69 per cent of the TE group 1vere
still abstinent con1pared to just 29 per cent in the other
group. Participants in the TE group earned, on average,
about $200 worth of prizes.
•
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EVALUATION
behaviourist
•
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I
h ra
This is a therapy based on dassical conditioning. The idea
is that an undesirable behaviour (e.g. 1vhen an alcoholic
drinks alcohol) is paired 1vith an aversive stimulus
(something unpleasant). This decreases the frequency
of the behaviour as the tlvo elemen ts are associated and
the undesirable behaviour is no longer enjoyable. For
alcoholics this could be that whenever they smell or taste
alcohol they are given an en1etic drug (this will nlake
them vo1nit). 1 hey should begin to associate being sick
\vith drinking alcohol and avoid drinking or drink less
alcohol, so their behaviour \viii be changed.
Howard (200 I) examined the effectiveness of aversion
therapy using 82 hospitalised patients. The)' all 1vent
through a pharmacological aversion treatment and
these 1vere the results:
The strength of"positive outcomes for drinking
alcohol" 1vere significantly reduced.
The confidence that they could avoid drinking
alcohol in "high-risk situations" \Vas significantly
increased.
Those \Yho had a greater experience of alcoholrelated nausea pre-treatment or 1vere involved in
antisocial conduct sho,ved reduced effectiveness for
the treatment.
Thurber ( 1985) reviewed the field and reported a
moderate positive etfect for the use of en1etics 1vith
alcoholics whereas Cannon, Baker & Wehl ( 1981)
noted that the san1e effect was seen at 6-n1011th follo1vup sessio11s but that it had disappeared by 12 nlonths
post-treatn1ent. Finally, Smith, Frawley & Polissar
(1997) assessed the etfectiveness of aversion therapy
compared to counselling 1vith alcoholics. A total of 249
patients 1vent through the aversion therapy and 1vere
matched with participants who had the counselling. The
group 1vho received aversion therapy had significantly
higher rates of alcohol abstinence at 6 and 12 nlonths
post-treatment.
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See page 162 for a descriplion of ho\v CBT \vorks.
Hodgins & Peden (2008) reviewed the current field at
the time in relation to CBT usage for kleptomania The
first thing they noted \vas that there \Vas little systematic
research in the area. The main CST techniques used for
kleptomania tended to be as follo\vs:
Covert sensilisation - this is when patients have
to visualise a negative (aversive) in1age \vith the
klepto1nania behaviours. The idea is to 1nake them
associate the two so the behaviour decreases.
lmaginal desensitisation - this is when patients are
taught relaxalion techniques. They have to visualise
themselves engaging in the impulsive behaviour
\vh ile also engaging in relaxation. Impulsion and
relaxation cannot happen at the same time and the
idea is that relaxation takes over when people have
the urge to involve themselves in kleptomania
The revie\v concluded that CST appears to be the most
effective way of controlling kleptomania.
kleptomania-related consequences are used (e.g.
getting arrested and going to jail) instead of just general
aversive imagery (e.g. nausea and vomiting). It is also
effective \vhen the kleptomaniac describes the scenarios
out loud, in as n1uch detail as possible, so that lhe
anxiety continues to increase " 'ith the imaginings. This
repeated pairing of aversive stimuli \Vith klepton1ania
thoughts and ideas does decrease behaviour especially
if patients are tllen reinforced for not engaging in
kleptomania-related behaviours.
CBT has been used successfully with other impulse
control disorders. As Jimenez-Murcia et al (20 11 )
reported, it \Yorked very well with male slot-machine
addicts over a 16-week period and even an online CBTbased programrne for alcoholics sho\ved good levels of
success (van Oeursen et al, 2013).
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EVALUATION
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CHAllENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked by a local mental health
charity to choose the most effective programme
for deahng with addrcbon and impulse control disorder.
Which therapy would you chOose and how would you run
the programme? Jusltfy your chotees.
Kohn & Antonuccio (2002) noted that CBT is
very successful \Vith kleptomaniacs especially if
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•
11.5 ANXIETY
ID IS,O RDERS
(PHOBIAS}
DEFINITION, TYPES
AND EXAMPLES
ASI< YOURSELF
What types of behaviours would you expect
people with a phobia to show when in the
presence of lhe1r phobia or a s1tuallon relallng to 1t?
D finl I n
A phobin is defined as an irrational fea r of so111ething,
son1eone or some object. By irrational we mean
unreasonable and illogical. There 1nay be no reason why
\Ve fear the object or situation.
EXPLANATIONS OF
PHOBIAS
Behavioural: classical
,. . .
Classical conditioning is all about learning through
association. It is a forn1 of conditioning 'vhere the
organism (be it human or ani1nal) associates an
unconditional stunulus \Vil h a neutral stimulus. After
repeated associations, the organis1n then responds
to the neutral stimulus (no'v called a conditioned
stimulus) \Vithout having the unconditional stimulus
present anymore. Figure 11.5.1 (on the next page)
sho1vs what happens in classical conditioning.
THE CASE OF LITTLE
ALBERT
\Vatson & Rayner ( 1920) were interested in nvo ain1s.
The follo1ving is taken directly from the paper they
wrote about the case of Little Albert:
"I. Can 1ve condition fear in an animal (e.g. a \vhite
Agoraphobia is the intense fear of open spaces and/
or public areas. For example, a person may fear
leaving the house.
Social phobia is the intense fear of being in social
situations. People with this phobia actively avoid
social situations. They may also feel that other
people are judging them and they dislike social
interactions.
Clinophobia is a fear of going to bed.
Hippophobia is a fear of horses.
,. Pteronophobia is a fear of being tickled
by feathers!
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Find the names of five more phobias that interest
you. Also. find a real-life case study of someone
with a phobia.
•
rat by visually presenting it and simultaneously
striking a steel bar)?
2. If such a conditioned emotional response can
be established, \viii there be a transfer to other
animals or other objects?"
(Watson & Rayner, 1920.)
At approximately nine months of age, Little Albert
was presented with a range of stimuli (e.g. a \vhite rat,
a rabbit, a dog, a n1onkey). Albert showed no fear
to,vards any of the objects.
v\fhen Albert reached l l 1nonths and 3 days, the
experimental procedure began to test out the first ai n1.
Albert was presented with a 1vhite rat again and as before
he sho1\led no fear. 1-lo,vever, as Albert reached out to
touch the ral, Watson struck an iron bar immediately
behind the Albert's head. Albert "jun1ped violently and
fell for1vard, burying his face in the mattress'.' ( 1920: 4).
Albert lried to approach the rat again but as soon as
he got close the iron bar 1vas struck. After the hvo
associations of the rat and loud noise the rat 1vas
taken a1vay.
but not the same as the conditioned slin1ulus. For
exa111ple, 1ve may produce a fear response to 1"asps.
We could generalise this fear to other flying insects
such as bees and hornets.
Seven days later, the researchers wanted to see 1vhether
his experience 1vilh the loud noise had 1nade Alfred
fearful of 1vhite rats. He 1vas very wary around the rat
and did not really 1vant to play 1vith it or touch it When
he did reach for it the loud noise 1vas made, the san1e as
in the previous 1veek. This 1vas done five times during the
session. So, in total, Albert experienced the loud noise
and 1vhite rat occurring together on seven occasions.
Finally, the rat 1vas presented by itself and Albert began
to cry and crawled away rapidly. ·11iis 1vas the first time
he had cried during the study in response to the rat.
Extinction occurs 1vhen the conditioned stimulus
no longer produces the conditioned response. This
could be because the conditioned stimulus has no
longer been paired 1vith the unconditional stinlulus.
So, for example 1vith a person 1vho fears 1vasps, over
tinle the conditioned response of fear disappears in
the presence of the conditioned stimulus of the wasp.
Over the nexl 1nonth Albert's reactions to a range of
objects 1vere observed. He 1vas still fearful of the white
rat. He sho1ved negative reactions to a rabbit being
placed in fron t of hhn and a fur coat (1nade from seal
skin). He did not really like cotton 1vool but the shock
1vas not the same as it 1vas with the rabbit or fur coat.
He even began lo fear a Santa Claus n1ask.
His experiences can be explained via the mechanisms of
classical conditioning, as sho1vn in Figure 11.5.1.
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Loud noise
While ral
lt----M
.I
lt----M
.I
No response
I
@
I
While ral
(
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EVALUATION
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I
1----•M
I ____
Fear
_,
....__
After conditioning
•
Refer back to Core study 5.2 for AS level (page 52) that
investigated Little Hans.
I
During cond1honing
Loud. noise
+while rat
I
psychod
Fear
useful
•
h
Before conditioning
l
reduct
.1
. .__
1-1--~
F_e_a_
r _ _,,
Figure 11.5.1 Classical cond1lionlng of Little Albert
Classical conditioning rnay be able to explain 1vhy 1ve
form some of our phobias:
Generalisation occurs 1vhen 1ve produce a
conditioned response to a stimulus that is silnilar
Could it be that \ve are pre-programmed to fear certain
objects that may be potentially harmful? 1hat is, are
there certain objects or things that we are expected to
be frightened of so we are biologically prepared to fear
the1n? This theory could help us to explain fears that are
not totally irrational (e.g. fear of snakes - they can be
dangerous). Selign1an ( 1971) had proposed the idea that
we had evolved to be frightened of fear-relevant stin1uli.
So, 1ve fear objects and things that n1ight be of a survival
threat in evolutionary tenns (Mineka & Ohn1an, 2002).
We have fear-relevant stimuli such as snakes that 1ve may
be "prepared" to fear. We also have fear-irrelevant stimuli
such as flo1vers that 1ve are not "prepared" to fear.
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•
One study into this used rhesus ni.onkeys as the
participants not humans. Cook & Mineka ( 1989) wanted
to see if the monkeys could become phobic of objects
such as a crocodile, a flo"•er, a snake or a rabbit even
though they had never seen the object before. A group
of rhesus monkeys \vas split into four groups and each
group only sa\v one oft he objects. The researchers
controlled \vhat the 1nonkeys sa\v as they \Yatched a
video. Using the tedlnique of splicing the video, each
monkey sa\v the same rhesus monkey being scared of
the object that its group had been assigned. For example,
one monkey 53\V another monkey on the video being
scared of the crocodile. lhe next monkey sa\v the same
monkey on the video but this time the 1nonkey \vas
scared by the flo,ver. Each monke)' \vas then tested on
its fear to\vards the object. ·1he monkeys in the crocodile
and snake groups sho,ved fear towards a toy crocodile
and a toy snake. However, \vhen the other two groups
\Vere shown their "feared object" (e.g. the llo\ver or the
rabbit), they did not shO\v any fear. 1 he researchers took
this as showing that the n1onkeys were already prepared
to fear the dangerous objects but not the neutral objects.
Could it be that \Ve are born fearful of certain objects?
This takes the idea of preparedness further by saying that
certain phobias are encoded into our genetic make-up
(DNA) and passed down through generations.
Ost et al (1991) examined people \Vho '''ere needle-phobic
'vithin the same family. This study reported that 64 per cent
of patients \Vith a blood and/or injection phobia had at least
one first-degree relative (immediate family member) 'vith
the san1e phobia. In the general population, 3-4 per cent of
people are phobic of blood and/or needles.
Fredrikson, Annas & Wik ( 1997) examined 158 phobic
females who \Vere scared of snakes or spiders. The
participants had to report on their fanlily history of
their phobia. The researchers discovered that 37 per cent
of mothers and 7 per cent of fathers also had the same
phobia. This seenled to support the idea that the phobic
\vomen had inherited their phobia.
1-lo\vever, the researchers asked participants another
question about what had happened: they asked whether
participants had experienced direct exposure to the
phobic stin1ulus (they had been frightened by the phobic
object directly) or had experienced indirect exposure
to the phobic stimulus (they had seen someone else
being phobic towards the object). Indirect exposure
•
was the nlost con1n1on for snakes - 4S per cent of
participants - and for spiders it \YaS 27 per cent. So, even
though it looked as if the phobia \vas caused by genetics,
nearly half of the snake-phobic participants could have
their phobia explained via social learning.
EVALUATION
@ I.II
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•
The 'rie\v of cognitive psychologists is that phobias
being caused by the anxiety is linked lo the phobic:
being nlore likely to attend to negative stin1uli; and to
believe that negative events are n1uch n·1ore likely to
happen in the future. Di Nardo et al ( 1988) reported that
in a group of dog phobics, only SO per cent could report
having a previous trau ma tic experience. Ho,vever, in
a group of people \Vilh no phobia of dogs, SO per cent
could also report a previously traun1atic experience
involving a dog. The key difference \YaS that tllose
who developed a phobia of dogs tended to focus on
and become anxious about the possibility of having
a similar experience in the future and this obviously
affected the \vay they processed information about dogs.
l(jndt & Brosschot ( 1997) conducted a study to test
cognitive biases in people \vith arachnophobia. They
created a Stroop-type test \vhere participants had to
read out the colour of the ink of spider-related words
or pictures. Those \vho claimed to be arachnophobic
took significantly longer to nanle the ink colour of the
spider-related words con1pared to a control group. This
hints at phobics having an aulonlalic cognitive process
of attending to phobias sti1nuli for longer than usual.
llB\
EVALUATION
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CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Describe and evaluate the cause or phobias.
TREATING PHOBIAS
Stage 1
.l'
Spider
(CS)
Systentatic
)
lf \Ve look at the case of Little Albert again (see
page 226 ), it can be clearly seen that the conditioned
stimulus of the \vhi te rat elicited the conditioned
response of fear. The phobia had been learned.
Systematic desensitisation \vorks on the idea that the
phobia can then be unlearned. The end point should
recondition the patient so that the conditioned stimulus
(\vhich \viii be the phobic sti n1ulus) produces a
conditioned response of relaxation and not fear.
First, patients are taught relaxation skills so t11at they
understand what it feels like to have relaxed muscles.
This should enable patients to recreate this feeling in a
variety of situations including when confronted with
their phobic stimulus.
Second, ilie patient produces an anxiety or fear
hierarchy to work through \Vith ilie therapist. A simple
hierarchy, for use by a person fearful of snakes, would
be as fo11o,vs:
1. This is the least anxious situation - looking at a
cartoon snake in a children's book.
2. The person looks at a real snake in a book.
3. The person " 'atches a snake on a \vildli fe
programme.
4. The snake is in the same room as the person but
in a cage.
5. The snake is in the san1e room as the person and out
of the cage.
6. TI1e person is \vithin three feet of the snake.
7 . Tue person touches the snake.
Relaxation
techniQue
IUCS)
Fear
(CR)
I
Calmness
(UCR)
Stage 2
Spider
(CS)
+
Relaxation
techntQue
(UCS)
Calmness
(UCR)
Stage 3
Spider
(CS)
1 - - - -•...il
'----'---'-----'
Calmness
(CR)
Figure 11.5.2 Principles of classical conditioning linked lo
systematic desensitisation.
You can see from Figure 11.5.2 that in the conditioning
phase there are competing responses of fear and
relaxation. This is called reciprocal inhibition \Vhereby
it is impossible to experience both en1otions at the
same time. The idea is to promote the relaxation
response more than the fear response. If the patient is
feeling more fear than relaxation then that stage of the
hierarchy is stopped until tlie patient feels relaxed again
and is ,vilJing to have another go.
There have been 111ai1y studies that support the use of
systen1atic desensitisation to treat phobias and fears. For
example, Capafons, Sosa & Avero ( 1998) reported that
for their 20 patients \Vith a fear of flying 'vho had several
sessions progressing up their anxiety hierarchy becan1e
much less fearful of flying after the study ended Ho,vever,
as \vith most studies in Lbis area, there was no fo11ow-up
session to see 1vhether the fear reduction had lasted.
Patients can onl y 1novc to a higher stage of the hierarchy
once each stage has been successfully co111pleted; that is,
the patient is sho1ving signs of relaxation in relation to
a specific stage on the hierarchy (e.g. for stage 2 above
it \VOuld be 1vhen looking at a book; for stage 7, 1vhen
touching the snake).
Zettle (2003) sho1ved that systcn1atic desensitisation
can be applied lo people who fe:ir nlaths. 1\venty-four
college students underwent trcatrnent for six \veeks
(split between systen1atic desensitisation and a different
therapy) and had to rate their anxieties towards
matlls before, during and after the treatment. Anxiety
decreased markedly for those who completed their
systematic desensitisation even though their maths
ability never changed.
Figure 11.5.2 sho1vs the principles of classical
conditioning linked to systematic desensitisation.
Finally, Ventis, Higbee & Murdock (2001) found that
both relaxation techniques and simply laughing at tile
8. This is ilie n1ost anxious situation - the person lets
the snake go around his or her neck.
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phobic stimulus were effective in reducing the fear in
arachnophobics. All participants had been n1atched on
fear: some progressed up their hierarchy \vith relaxation
and others by laughing. I lo1vever, no follo1v-up sessions
1vere conducted by Zettle or by Ventis, Higbee & Murdock.
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F
This is another way lo I real phobias using the idea
behind classical conditioning. However, it does not
take the "gentle" approach of systen1atic desensitisation.
The patient is exposed to the largest anxiety-provoking
stin1uli straight a\vay (usually direct contact with the
stimuli - this is called in vivo). Obviously, the patient
is going to feel extreme levels of fear and anxiety when
confronted 1vith the phobic stimulus. Ho1vever, this dies
off quite rapidly as the body cannot sustain such a high
level of arousal for a long time. Therefore, the fear and
anxiety \Vil! diminish. As a result of the phobic stimulus
not causing any more fear or anxiety, the patient quickly
learns that there is no1v nothing to be fearful of. The
association bet1,1een phobic stimulus and fear has been
broken to forn1 a ne1v relationship of phobia stimulus
producing caln1.
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Ditto el al (2003) tested out the effectiveness of applied
tension 1vith people who were phobic of giving blood
(having fear of needles, etc.). A total of 605 donors
\Vere randomly assigned to one of three groups: applied
tension, a no-treatment control or a placebo control.
Participants in the applied tension group 1vatched an
instructional video that taught the1n ho1v to contract
and relax the main muscle groups in the arms and legs.
Participants in the placebo control watched the video
but they \\-ere not told to use the technique. Those in
the appHed tension group reported significantly fe1ver
phobic symptoms about being blood donors and actually
produced more full quotas of blood than the other t1110
groups. They 1vere also more likely to recon1mend blood
donation to a friend as a result Ho\vevcr. there \Vere no
differences across the three groups on the probability
tllat they would give blood again.
Holly, Balegh & Ditto (20 1 I) exan1ined the role of
applied tension on anxiety in people giving blood.
Participants \Vere 70 people randon1ly assigned to
either a control group or the experimental group \vho
\vere taught applied tension before 1vatching a video
that sho,ved sorneone giving blood. The females in the
applied tension group sho1ved significant reduction
in vasovagal symptoms (especially in those 1vho
reported high fear of needles). This 1vas backed up \vith
physiological data that sho,ved it 1vas decreased anxiety
that brought about the reduction in vasovagal reactions.
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· st)
Applied 1nuscle tension is a technique developed by Ost
in the 1980s. It 1vas developed to help people 1vith blood
and injury phobias. They had to repeatedly contract the
major muscle groups of the arms and legs to decrease
vagovasal (fainting) reactions \vhen highly anxious. It
has been reported to increase cerebral blood flo1v.
•
See page 162 for a description ofhO\V CBT works. There
have been nun1erous studies assessing the effectiveness
ofCBT in relation to phobias. For exa1nple, Lilliecreutz,
josefsson & Sydsjo (201 O) tested out the effectiveness of
CBT for blood and injection phobia in pregnant \V01nen.
A total of 30 1vomen took part in the study and they
had been diagnosed 1vith the phobia. They took part
in tlvo sessions of CST. The comparison groups were
46 pregnant 1vomen who received no CBT and 70 healthy
pregnant women. The CBT group showed significant
reductions in their anxiety levels (measured by the
Injection Phobia Scale-Anxiety) after each CBT session.
This continued after the birth of their child. Therefore,
CBT is effective in these situations and appears to be
sustained up to three months after childbirth.
Melfsen et al (2011) exan1ined the effectiveness of using
CBT for socially phobic children. A total of 44 children
\vho \Vere diagnosed \vith social phobia \\•ere randomly
assigned lo a CBT condition or a ",vaiting-list"
condition. The main outcome measure \\las clinical
inlprovement but other aspects \vere measured (e.g.
coping ability, dysfunctional cognitions and frequency
of interactions). There were significant differences
bet\\ Cen the groups post-therapy, \Vith those in the CBT
group being more likely to be free fron1 their previous
diagnosis of social phobia. In addition, Andrews,
Davies & Titov (20 11 ) tested out the effectiveness of
face-to-face versus Internet-based CBT for people with
social phobias. lhe researchers randornly assigned
70 participants to either group. Both groups n1ade
"significant progress on syn1ptoms and disability
measures': Ho,vever, the total amount of tinle that the
therapist was required differed markedly: 18 minutes
for the Internet-based CBT \vhereas it \Vas 240 minutes
1
for the usual CBT. Therefore, Internet-based CBT would
be more cost-effective in areas \vhere healthcare budgets
are linlited.
Finally, Galvao-de Almeida et al (2013) revie,ved the
impact that CBT had on people \vith phobias. Ho\vever,
all studies in the revie\v had to have functional
neuroimaging measures as part of them. A total of
sLx studies niet the inclusion criteria for the revie\\•. It
would appear that people \Vho under\vent CBT had
significant deactivations" in the amygdale, thalamus
and hippocampal regions of the brain. Therefore, CBT
appears to directly affect brain functions linked to
anxiety.
0
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EVALUATION
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CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked by a local clinic to choose
the most effective programme ror dealing with
phobias. Which therapy would you choose and how would
you run the programme? Justify your choices.
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•
DEFINITIONS, MEASURES
AND EXAMPLES
repeat this for about one hour. He \Vould than \\lash for
about another t\\'O hours before getting dressed. His mother
did discourage him to begin \vith but seeing ho"' upset
Charles got began to dean iten1S in the house ''~th alcohol
and then stopped people from ~iting as they have 'gern1s'
and it would upset Charles. Rapoport wanted Charles to
have an EEG but he refused as Charles found stickiness to
be 'terrible' like a 'disease'. Charles had drug therapy and
his syrnpto1ns disappeared for about a year. t-lowever, he
developed a tolerance for the drug but only then engaged in
this OCD behaviour in the evening so not to disrupt his day.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
ASK YOURSELF
What behaviours would you expect lo see
from someone who has been diagnosed wilh
obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD)?
Find at least two real-life case studies of people
with OCD. Write down what obsessions and
compulsions they have plus what they lhink may have
caused their OCD-related behaviours. If they are being
lreated, make a note of this too.
Defining obsession
m ul
Obsessions are recurring and persistent thoughts (even
images and thoughts) that are intrusive and inappropriate
and cause high levels of anxiety. These thoughts are not
just excessive '"'Orries about lifes problems. Compulsions
are repetitive behaviours (e.g. hand washing or checking
the order of something) or n1ental acts (e.g. counting
or repeating words). The people affected feel driven to
pcrforn1 these behaviours in response to an obsession. They
also perform the behaviours to reduce anxiety or prevent
son1e devastating event or situation from occurring.
There are a fe\v validated measures of OCD. This section
covers three.
For a diagnosis of OCD, the person must recognise
that the obsessions aodlor compulsions are excessive
and unreasonable. Also, they may consume time (more
than one hour per day) and interfere \Vith aspects of the
person's life such as his or her job and relationships.
Checking: "I ask people to repeat things several
times, even though I understood them the first time:'
Case studies
m les
•
a u
nd
Rapoport ( 1989) reported on Charles in his book 771e Boy
who Couldn't Stop \!Vashing. At the age of 12 he began to
wash obsessively. For some time he managed to keep it
under control but then spent more and more of his school
day '"ashing. Eventually, he did it so often he had to leave
school. The ritual 'vas aJ,vays the same: he "'ould hold the
soap in his right hand and out it under a running tap for
one nlinute. He would then transfer the soap to his left
hand a'\13Y from the tap for another n1inutc. He \vould
The Obsessive-Compulsive inventory (OCI) (f.oa et al,
l 9CJ8) is a 42-itern questionnaire that patients con1plete. They
ru1swer eadl statement fron10 (not at all) to 4 (extren1ely)
based on the previous rnonth in their lives. There are seven
sub-scores that are added together to niake a total OCI score:
Washing: "I wash and clean obsessively" is a
statement on the OCI that measures this. Further
examples of statements on the OCI are given belo\\1•
Doubting: "Even \vhen I do something very
carefully I feel that it is not quite right:'
Ordering: "I feel obliged to follo\v a particular order
in dressing, undressing and \vashing myself."
~
Obsessions: "Unpleasant thoughts co1ne into n1y
mind against my \Vil.I and I cannot get rid of then1:'
I loarding: "I collect things I don't need:'
Neutralising: "I feel that [must repeat certain words
or phrases in my mind in order to wipe out bad
thoughts, feelings and actions."
Using the patient's scores, a clinical psychologist can see
if a particular con1ponent of OCD is strong or \Veak,
then an appropriate treatn1ent can be chosen. If the
person scores 42 or more on the OCI it l>uggests the
presence of OCD.
The Vancouver Obsessional Compulsive Inventory
(VOCI) (Thordarson et al, 2004) is another validated
measure of OCD. This scale has 55 ite1ns that patients
con1plete and they rate each staten1ent on a scale of 0
(not at all) to 4 (very much). There are sLx sub-scales
that are added together to give a total score:
~
Contamination: " I feel dirty after touching money"
is a staten1ent on the VOCI that measures this.
Further examples of statements on the VOCI are
given belo\v.
Just right: "I feel compelled to be absolutely perfect:'
Indecisiveness: "J find it difficult to make even
trivial decisions~
The final scale, called the Yale-Bro\vn Obsessive Compulsive
Scale (Y-BOCS), is a very popular measure used in many
studies. There are two parts to the measurement and it is
used as a semi-structured intervie'" technique:
Symptom checklist - there is a list of 67 symptoms
for OCD and the intervie\'•er notes \\•hether each
symptom is current, past or ab ent (in the latter case it
is not recorded). This helps the intervie\ver determine
\vhether a group of clustered symptoms exists (the list
is divided into groups such as aggressive obsessions,
sexual obsessions, contan1ination obsessions, checking
co1npulsions, ordering con1pulsions cleaning/\\lashing
compulsions.) An exan1ple is shown in Figure 11.6.1.
Checking: "One of n1y n1ajor problems is repeated
checking."
Obsessions: "I am often upset by 1ny unwanted
thoughts of using a sharp \Veapon."
~
Hoarding: "l become very tense or upset when
I tbink about throwing anyth ing a\vay:'
Symptom checkli st
'
Washing your hands many limes a day or for long
periods of time after touching, or thinking you have
touched. a contaminated object. This may include
washing the entire length of your arm.
4 3. Excessive or ritualised hand
washing
44. Excessive or ritualised
f
Taking showers or baths or performing other
bathroom routines that may last for several hours. If
the sequence is interrupted the entire process may
have to be restarted.
showering, bathing, tooth
brushing, grooming or toilet
routine
Excessive cleaning of faucets, toilets, noors, kitchen
counters or kitchen utensils.
45. Excessive or ntuahsed
cleaning or household items
or other animate ob1ects
2. INTERFERENCE DUE TO OBSESSIVE THOUGHTS
0 =None.
1 - Mild, slight Interference with social or occ upational activities, but overall performance not Impaired.
2 = Moderate, definite interference with social or occupatio nal performance. but still manageable.
3 - Severe, causes substantial Impairment in social or occupational performance.
4 = Extreme, Incapacitating.
Q: How much do your obsessive thoughts interfere with your
social or work (or role) functioning? Is there anything that
you don't do because of them? [If not currently working,
determine how much performance would be affected if
the patient were employed.]
0
1
2
3
4
Figure 11.6.1 Excerpt from the Y-BOCS symptom checklist and an example question
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•
The Y-BOCS itself - there arc 19 iten1s here that
the intervie\vee con1pletes during the intervie\v
based on responses and observations. An example
question is sho,vn in Figure 11.6.1.
As you can see there is a part-script for the question
outlining ho\v to score it. The scores are transferred
to a grid that measures obsessions, compulsions and
other aspects of the condition. A person is given an
obsessions score out of 20 and a con1pulsion score out
of 20. Nine other items are noted on the 1-4 scale for
severity. There is also a children's version of the scale.
®
interview
quest
EXPLANATIONS OF OCD
lJ1ere are various potential causes for OCD. This section
looks at three.
There is some evidence to suggest that OCD could be
genetic. Ozomaro et al (2013) noted that the SLITRKI
gene appears to be linked to some aspects of OCD. They
examined 381 individuals 'vith OCD and 356 control
participants. They discovered three novel variants on
this gene present in seven of the OCD individuals and
concluded that the SLITRKl and variants need more
research but currently they appear linked to OCD.
Taj el al (2013) researched another candidate gene
called DRD4 (doparnine 04 receptor). A total of 173
individuals 1vith OCD 1vere corn pared to 20 I healthy
controls. They con1pleted a range of questionnaires
that measured OCD and niental health and all 1vere
genolyped for the DRD4 gene and variants. It 1vas
revealed that the 7R allele frequency 1vas higher in
the OCD group (especially so for fe1nales), suggesting
another potential genetic cause for OCD.
Humble et al (2011) wanted to test whether the
neuropeptide oxytocin 'vas correlated 1vith OCD
sympton1s as previous studies had hinted at this. Even
though the researchers 1vere testing 1vhether SSRls
affect oxytocin, the main result they reported 1vas that,
at baseline, levels of oxytocin were positively correlated
"'ith OCD sympton1s as measured by the Y-BOCS.
•
EVALUATION
I.II
® ...
reduct
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•
Cognitive-behavioural
EVALUATION
psychometrics
Those 1vith early onset OCD had the highest levels of
oxytocin. Finally, reduced levels of serotonin may be
linked to OCD and the drugs used in the studies do
affect serotonin levels (see the treatment section of
OCD on page 235).
asp
The behavioural aspect is linked to the cornpulsions that
people perforrn during OCD. Psychologists consider
it lo be a learned behaviour that is being reinforced by
the consequences of perforn1ing the con1pulsions. For
example, if a compulsive behaviour ends in a favou1·able
outcome (e.g. reductions of anxiety or hands are now
free of germs) then this is positive reinforcement. As
we koo1v, positive reinforcers increase the probability of
repeating that behaviour again. For exan1ple, if the end
goal of a compulsion is to have arranged clothes in some
form of order and this reduces anxiety and also fulfils the
compulsion to have things in order, then l\vo reinforcement
mechanisms are 1\'ork.ing here: negative (removal of
anxiety) and positive (clothes are no1v arranged in order).
The cognitive aspect of this is linked to the obsessive
thoughts that OCD individuals have. It 1vould appear
that these thoughts increase \vith levels of stress. In an
everyday situation most people can learn to control
these but people with OCD tend to have thoughts that
are more vivid and elicit greater concern. Psychologists
believe that thjs could be due to childhood experiences
that have taught these people that son1e thoughts are
dangero us and unacceptable and this has affected
their information-processing nct1vorks. When new
information is being processed, it is affected by these
processing networks and generates anxiety and stress
that can only be alleviated \Vith con1pulsive behaviours.
liiB\
EVALUATION
\81 .
ethics
behaviourist
•
reduct
I
OCD is caused by instinctual forces (driven by the id in
the unconscious) that are not under full control due to
traumatic experiences in the anal stage of psychosexual
development. The person \vith OCD is therefore fixated
in the anal stage. It is the battle bet\veen the id's desires
and the superego's morals that can cause OCD as the
ego (and its defence mechanisms) fail to control either.
Obsessive thoughts may be generated by the id (e.g. to
be messy and out of control) but the ego uses defence
mechanisms to counteract this by making the person
behave in a \Vay that is con1pletely opposite to that
(e.g. being neat and tidy). This defence mechanism is
called reaction formation. For example, if a child has
a traumatic experience \vhile potty traini ng (e.g. if
the child is harshly treated ror being n1essy) then the
obsessive thoughts of being neat and tidy re-en1erge
in adolescence and adulthood. 'TI1e person develops
OCD as a res ul t because any thoughts of being messy
cause great anxiety because or those early w1 resolved
Lraun1atic experiences.
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reduct
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•
TEST OURSELF
Describe and evaluate one cause of OCD.
TREATMENTS FOR OCD
There are a range of potential treatn1ents for individuals
diagnosed \Vith OCD. TI1is section looks at three.
D uq h
t
Another study by Askari et al (2012) examined the
effectiveness of using granisetron in conjunction with
fluvoxarnine (an SSRJ). Participants \Yere people aged
18-60 'vho were diagnosed \Yith OCD via DSM-IV-TR.
They \vere randomly assigned to either a granisetron
or placebo group. They received I milligram of their
~drug" every 12 hours for 8 weeks. All patients \Vere
assessed using the Y-BOCS at baseline then at \veeks
two, four, six and eight. Outco1ncs were n1easured in the
following ways:
•
A partial response \Yas a niinin1un1 25 per cent
reduction in Y-BOCS scores.
•
A complete response \Y3S a mi11imun1 35 per cent
reduction in Y-BOCS scores.
Remission 1vas scoring 16 or less on the Y-BOCS.
EVALUATION
psychod
researchers nieasured success by a patient having a
35 per cent or more reduc tion in scores on the Y-BOCS.
In the aripiprazole group SO per cent of participants did
reduce their scores by at least this, as did 72.2 per cent
of the risperidone group. Therefore, risperidone appears
to be more effective at treating OCD \Yhen SSRls fail by
themselves.
py
Selvi et al (2011) studied the effects that two "extra"
drugs has on OCD patients who had not responded
successfully to just taking SSRls (see page 219 on ho\v
SSRis \vork). The initial part of the study assessed
90 patients \vith OCD to assess that just taking SSRls
did 1101 \vork on reducing sympton1s. The researchers
chose 41 patients from this part of the study and
rando1nly assigned then1 to either the risperidone
(n= 21) or aripiprazolc (n= 20) group. They "'ere then
given these drugs too for eight further \veeks. The
By week 8, 100 per cent of the granisetron group
had scored a complete response and 90 per cent
had met the remission criterion. Only 35 per cent
of patients in the placebo group managed the same.
There \vere no differences in the tolerance levels of
both groups to the "drugs". Therefore, it \VOuld appear
that the additional drug helped people \\•ith OCD
reduce their symptoms.
@
EVALUATION
•
•
•
reduct
ethics
useful
T
Read about how CBT \Vorks on page 162 before
studying this sec Lion. There has been 111uch research
into the potential effectiveness of CBT 1vith people
diagnosed with OCD.
Reynolds el al (2013) \Yanted to investigate if when parents
got involved in their children's CBT for OCD it \\'llS more
effective compared to children \vi th OCD receiving
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•
CBT by themselves. Participants \Vere 50 patients aged
12- 17 \vho had a diagnosis of OCD. lhey were randomly
allocated to either a "parent-enhanced" CBT progran1me
or regular CBT. Patients received up to 14 sessions of
CBT in the trial. The n1ain outcome \Vas an analysis in
the reduction of scores on the Y-BOCS. Both forms of
the CBT 1vere equally effective in reducing the severity of
OCD so it 1vould make sense to give young people \vi th
OCD the choice of having their parents involved.
Olatunji et al (2013) tested the effectiveness of CBT and
Bl" \vith OCD patients. A total of 62 adults diagnosed with
OCD \Vere randon1ly allocated to the CBT or BT group. The
n1ain therapy lasted for 4 \veeks ( 16 hours) \vith 12 \vceks of
maintenance therapy thereafter (4 hours). OCD symptoms
\Vere n1easured using the Y-BOCS and measures were taken
at baseline, \veeks 4, 16, 26 and 52. The participants in the
BT had lower scores at the final assessment co1npared to the
CBT group so it 1vould appear that Bl' is superior to CBT
for reducing OCD syrnpto1ns in this sample.
Storch et al (2013) examined 1vhether CBT used in
conjunction with a drug (sertraline) 1vas more effective
\\'ith OCD patients than CBT alone. Participants \Vere
47 children and adolescents aged 7- 17 \vith OCD.
They \1rere randomly assigned to one of three groups:
CBT plus standard sertraline; CBT plus slo\v-release
sertraline; or CBT plus placebo. The treatment lasted
18 1vecks. Assessn1ents of OCD severity \Vere n1easured
at baseline, at 1veeks 1-9, 13, 17 and then post-treatment
using the Y-BOCS. All groups sho1ved a significant
decrease in OCD symptoms but not one group sbo\ved
1nore improvement than the others, hinting that CBT is
an effective tool for people 1vith OCD.
Finally, Bolton et al (2011) examined the effectiveness of full
and briefCBT for children \Vith OCD. The researchers took
96 children diagnosed 1vitb OCD and randomly assigned
then1 to one of three groups: full CBT ( 12 sessions), brief
CBT (5 sessions) or a waiting-list group. The measure for
OCD severity was the child version of Ll1e Y-BOCS. For
both types of CBT there \vas a significant i1nprovement
in OCD syrnpton1s compared to the 1vaiting-list group,
sho1ving that brief CBT is useful and cost-effective.
/iii\
EVALUATION
~-
•
•
reduct
useful
ethics
al
i
Psychoanalysis follo\vS the psychodynamic model
of abnormality. A psychoanalyst can use a range of
techniques to help patients deal with their unconscious
thoughts and feelings:
Free association - the patient lies back on a couch and
is aUovved to talk at length and the therapist then has to
interpret the monologue to see 1vhat coL~d be troubling
the patient. The idea is that at some point the core
problen1 \vill be exposed by the patient, especially if it is
linked to the anal stage of psychosexual development.
Drea1n analysis - the patient tells the therapist
about a dream (n1anifest content) and then the
therapist has to analyse it for symbols to uncover
the underlying meaning (latent content).
Hypnosis - this can be used to help access the
unconscious mind too.
Chlebo1vski & Gregory (2009) noted that psychoanalysis
can be particularly effective \Vith OCD that is labelled as
"late onset that coincides \vith stressors in the patient's
lives" or with patients \Vho have a borderline per onality
disorder too. This allo\VS the therapist to delve into the
unconscious mechanisms causing the OCD. Leichsenring
et al (2008) examined the long-term effectiveness of
using psychoanalytic therapy \vith OCD patients. The
researchers reported that long-term psychoanalysis
was associated 1vith a significant reduction in the OCD
sympton1s reported by patients and this \Vas still seen one
year after treatment had ended.
®
EVALUATION
psychod
•
reduct
ethics
useful
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked by a local mental health
charity to choose the most effective programme
ror dealing with OCD. Which therapy would you choose and
how would you run lhe programme? Justify your choices.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Now that you have completed lh1s chapter,
prepare a table listing all or the disorders thal you
need lo know. Then list each therapy and make a note of
how effective 1t 1s. Finally, for each disorder, decide which
therapies are approprlale and which are not.
EXAMPLES OF HOW TO
EVALUATE
For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \viii be
asked to evaluate one of the topics covered in this
section. You \viJJ have noticed that after each topic
in this chapter there are the icons for the different
issues, debates, approaches, perspectives and research
methods that could be used to help you answer the
l 2 1nark question in the exan1ination. Below are
three examples of the types of things you could \\rrite
in the examination.
You should ain1 to make at least four different evaluation
points for the 12 mark question. Our accompanying
Revision Guide has a series of student ans\vers with
marks and exarniner comments attached to them.
Treat11"tent of schizophrenia
(biological)
Research into the treatn1ent of schizophrenia has some
ethical issues. For example, the use of ECT involves
fitting elctrodes to specific areas of the head and a
small electrical current is passed through them for
no longer than one second. The seizure may last up
to one minute and the patient regains consciousness
in around 15 minutes. The argu111ent is whether a
person truly understands what the procedure involves
if they have a serious mental health issue that affects
thought processes like schizophrenia. With any long
tern1 memory problems unknown after using ECT, is
it fair to give it to patients \vho n1ay not understand
this? Ho\vever, research has sho\\•n that it is a useful
treatment for schizophrenia. Thirthalli et al (2009}
reported that in a sample of schizophrenics (split
into catatonic and non-catatonic}, those 'vho \Vere
catatonic required fewer ECT sessions to help control
their sy111pton1s. As a result of this study it n1ay be
111ore useful for those with catatonic schizophrenia
than other types. However, biological treatn1ents
for schizophrenia are reduclionist. They are based
on the idea that we need to treat the biology of the
condition (e.g. excess doprunine) without tacking
the psychological elements of the disorder. It
ignores aspects like schizophrenia being caused
by faulty information processing. Frith ( 1992)
noted that schizophrenics might have a deficient
'metarepresentation' system. This \Vould deal with
being able to reflect on thoughts, ernotions and
behaviours. lherefore, a different treatment might be
more appropriate.
Explanations for anxiety disorders
(phobias) - behavioural
There is evidence that supports the behavioural
explanation for anxiety disorders that took place
under control led conditions. Watson & Rayner
successfully created a phobia into little Alben by
banging a loud metal bar behind hin1 every time he
was in the presence of a \Vhite rat. After a fe\V t riaJs
just sho,ving him the rat caused him to cry and be
fearful of it. As this \Vas a study conducted under
controlled conditions it means it can be replicated and
tested for reliability. Ho,vever, this \vould not happen
due to ethical reasons as it 'vouJd cause immense
stress to the child. The behavioural explanation can be
said to be reductionist as it ignores other factors tha t
could be causing a phobia like could it be that we are
pre-programmed to fear certain objects that may be
potentially harmful? That is, there are certain objects
or things that '"e are expected to be frightened of so \ve
are biologically prepared to fear them! This can explain
why \Ve fear certain objects we have never even seen
as it is encoded in our genetic history - for classical
conditioning to explain a fear we have to have direct
contact \Vith the phobic sti1nulus.
Treatment for anxiety disorders
(obsessions and compulsions) cognitive
There is son1e evidence that it is a useful therapy for
OCD. For example, Reynolds et al (2013) \vanted to
investigate if \Vhen parents got involved in their child's
CBT for OCD it " 'as more effective compared to the
child receiving OCD by themselves. Patients received up
to J4 sessions of CBT in the trial. The main outcon1e \vas
an analysis in the reduction of scores on the Y-BOCS.
Both forms of the CBT were equally effective in reducing
the severity of OCD. ·n1is is useful to know as it gives
a child a choice of CBT - with or without their parent
being present. Also, this can be linked to the nalurenurture debate. If treatments are based on \Vhat causes
OCD, then if a psychological treatment is effective it
sho\\•S that OCD may be based more on nurture rather
than nature. It could be \vays in 'vhich people process
information that needs treating to help \Vith OCD rather
than the nature approach of affecting the biology of a
person by getting them to take drugs for their OCD.
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•
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Section A
(a) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, \vhat is meant by the
term 'deviation from statistical norm'. (2 marks)
(b) Explain, in your O\vn \\'Ords, \Vhat is meant by
the term 'abnormal affect'.
(2 marks)
(c) Describe two explanations of anxiety
disorders (phobias).
(d) Outline one biological treatment for
schizophrenia.
(4 marks)
(4 marks)
Section IS
•
(c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered
about the treatments for abnormal affect and
include a discussion on the nature-nurture
(12 marks)
debate.
(d) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered
about defining abnormality and include a
discussion on ethics.
( 12 nlarks)
Section C
(a) Describe the characteristics of addiction. (6 marks}
(b) Suggest how you would tTeat son1conc 1vith an
addiction to alcohol. What psychology is your
(8 niarks)
suggestion based upon?
(a) Describe \vhat psychologists have discovered
about treat1nents for addiction and impulse
behaviour disorders.
(8 marks)
(c) Describe one biological treat111ent for
schizophrenia.
(b) Describe \1•hat psychologists have discovered
about explanations for anxiety disorders
(obsessions and compulsions).
(8 marks)
(d) Suggest ho1v you 1vould diagnose someone
with schizophrenia. What psychology is your
suggestion based upon?
(8 marks)
(6 niarks)
PSYCHOLOGY AND
ORGANISATIONS
12.1 THE SELECTION
OF PEOPLE FOR
WORK
For virtually all jobs on the 1narket there has to be
a selection process by la\v. There are many different
\\1ays in '"hich an organisation can collect information
about prospective employees to dra\" up a shortlist of
preferred candidates. This section looks at the different
types of procedures and decision making that an
organisation can go through.
ASI\ 'OURSELF
What do you know about how organisations
select their workforce? Have you known anyone
who has been th rough a selection process?
SELECTION OF PEOPLE
FOR WORK
Selection procedures:
applications
Many organisations use "in house" application forn1s
to collect all of the relevant demographic, occupational
and biographical data needed to be able to select
employees "fit for the job". A standard application form
may ask for personal details, employment records,
educational records, any skills or e111ployn1ent training
and referees. Personnel staffcan look at all of the
application fonns and, fro1n the information provided,
produce a shorllist of the best candidates.
A company may also choose to use a \Veighted
application form (WAB). This is a standard application
form but certain aspects of the form have been "prescored". This means that certain areas of, say, education
or previous experience carry more '"eight in the
application. Therefore, each application can be given a
score depending on the \Veightings and the candidates
\vith the highest scores go through to the next
selection stage.
Sometimes companies ask for biographical inventories.
The most \''idespread example of these is the
curriculum vitae (CV). This contains a brief overvie\v
of the applicant's biographical and employn1ent history
and some companies prefer to receive a CV if there
are a lot of applicants as CVscan be easy to read, sort
through and even score like a v\fAB. The infonnation
provided can be "built upon" by candidates if they are
interviewed so any gaps in en1ploy1nent or education
can be explained face to face.
Selection interviews
As we have covered in AS level, structured and
unstructured intervie\\'S can be used. In terms of the
psychology of organisations, they can be used in the
follo\vi ng ways:
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
~
~
In structured intervie\vs, n1en1bers of the intervie\v
panel \viii have a pre-determined list of questions
that 1nust be asked at each intervie\V. Each candidate
gets the same questions in the same order for the
sake of consistency.
ln unstructured intervie\vS members of the
intervie''' panel \viii have certain "bits of
information" that they need to get the candidate to
talk about and therefore can use any question they
think of to get it. Therefore, each candidate has a
different intervie\V "path\vay". However, all relevant
material is covered in terms of the information that
the panel need from the intervie\v.
It 1vould appear fron1 research that the structured
intervie1v is preferred and has more validity as all
the necessary infor111ation is covered and there is a
set time for the interviews so the selection day can
rtm smoothly. There appear to be other issues with
any type of intervie1v, including the prejudices of the
panel, the gender ratio of the panel and any other bias
an intervie,ver may have. These can affect the validity
of the intervie1v as a selection tool for a job. Also,
reliability may be questioned - if at the end aJJ of the
panel do not agree on \vho is the best candidate then
the intervie\V \viii have lo\v reliability. Another issue that
organisational psychologists point out is that people
can be chosen on erroneous first impressions based on
limited information. This can obviously have a huge
impact on post-recruitment l\'Orking if the selected
candidates do not live up to \vhat they presented
at intervie1v.
Interview Record Sheet
Interviewers: KT, PL, AC
Date:
Job title of vacancy:
Interviewee's name:
Project Coordinator. UK
(Grade 3)
Score for evidence on the cnterra hsted below.
Use a scale or 1-10 where 1 weak or no evidence and
1O = very strong evidence.
Criteria
Score
Verbal communication skills
1
Teamwork skills
1
Relevant experience 1n project planning and
5
management
Accurate data input and record keeping
- t.- Willingness to undertake part-trme college
s
training
Experience in managing external contractors
•
Ability to coordinate projects with other
5
departments
Ability to work in an environment of change
5
Familiarity with relevant software
~
--
A Figure 12.1.1 Example interview record sheet
Use of psychometric
tests
Companies can choose from a '"ide range of
psychometric tests, depending on the skills they 1vant to
assess. Here are some examples:
~
Cognitive ability lests - for example, the
Comprehensive Ability Battery (CAB) Test. This
comprises 20 tests \vith each designed to test a very
specific cognitive ability. 111is gives co1npanies an
overall assessLnent of individuals but also ho1v \veil
they perform on ;111 20 tes ts.
~
Mechanical ability tests - for exan1ple, the Bennett
Mechanical Con1prehension Test. This is a 68-item
questionnaire that assesses the person's ability to
understand physical and mechanical principles
across a range of situations.
~
Motor and sensory ability tests - for exan1ple, the
O'Connor Finger Dexterity Test. This measures the
ability to use line motor skills 1vith small objects. It is
timed to see how the candidate copes with pressure.
Decision making in
selecting personnel
An additional method of making decisions during
the selection process is for the interview panel to
score the candidate on cert·ain din1ensions that were
agreed pre-interview. All panel 1ne111bers can have a
record sheet of the intervie1v so they can \Vrite do\vn
comn1ents and then generate a score for each criterion
that they want Lo assess the candidate on. They can
then simply sum up the values and the highest score is
the strongest candidate.
~
Job skills and kno\vledge tests - for example the
Minnesota Clerical Assessn1ent Battery. This is a
computer-ad1ninistered test that assesses abilities
such as proofreading, filing and clerical kno\\•ledge.
~
Personality test - for example the Sixteen
Personality Factor Questionnaire. This measures
16 basic personality elements and is used quite
extensively in personnel selection procedures.
I let other people
make the decisions
I am quite hard lo
get lo know
I enjoy being part
of a big crowd
I like to take control
or things
I trust others
I enjoy my privacy
Most
Least
creative
decisive
modest
persuasive
A Figure 12.1.2 Example questions from different psychometnc tests
One issue some people have about these types of
psychometric testing is \Yhether they have predictive
validity. That is, does performance on a paper and pen
task predict ho\v \Veil people \\•ill cope " rith the actual job
or whether they perform \veil at the tasks that had been
measured? Riggio (1999) noted that some standardised
tests for managerial jobs have been quite successful in
predicting ,vf10 is then the best nlanager or who then
performs well in the n1anagcrial role. Also, companies
have to look at test utility. Riggio ( 1999) noted an exanlple
of this whereby a co1npany can assess how much it
\ Viii gain fron1 perforn1ing such tests on applicants. A
con1puter progran1ming co1npany reportedly tested a lot
of people to fi nd "the best people for the job" and it cost
the company $10 per applicant. TI1e estin1ated nionetary
gain for fu1ding \vhich progranuners performed the best
on a psychon1etric test \\l<IS nearly $100 million. Therefore,
psychometric testing can improve productivity as well as
finding the perfect employees.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
DevlSe a system that an organisation could use to
recruit someone to a new job at that organisation.
What would you devise and on what psychology IS 1t based?
@
EVALUATION
psychometrics
questionnaires
useful
Interviews
qual/quant
PERSONNEL SELECTION
DECISIONS AND JOB
ANALYSIS
Selection of personnel:
decision making
There are a number of different main techniques that
companies can use to make decisions on selecting
employees. Below are three that are used:
~
Multiple regression model - this takes scores from
a variety of tests or intervie,vs that the applicants
have completed and con1bines them into one
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
final score. Various predictors of potential job
performance are "added together" to generate a
final score. A high final score means that candidate
correlates \veil \vilh the job on offer. Beforehand,
different criteria can be '\veighted" based on
previous appointments (e.g. better predictors have
more \veighting).
~
~
Nlultiple cutoff model - this is \vhen there are
still many different predictors of the job that
the applicants are trying to obtain, but there is a
n1inimum score set for each of the predictors or
tasks. As soon as an applicant fails to reach the
n1inimu1n score 011 any one predictor or task the
individual is elin1inated from the recruitment
process. Therefore, those \vho ren1ain have at
least the n1inimum a1nount of ability required for
the position.
Multiple hurdle n1odel - this is \Vhen there is an
ordered sequence of tasks that an applicant has to
go through. Al each stage (called a "hurdle" here),
there is a decision whether the applicant has passed
or failed. If applicants pass they continue \vitb
the next task but if Lhey fail then they have "fallen
at that hurdle" and they are eliminated from the
process. The applicant who is left after the "final
hurdle" is given the job.
The relative strengths and \veaknesses of each approach
are highlighted belo1v.
Biases in selection
decisions and equal
opportunities
A number of biases can occur during the selection
process for any job. They in dude the follO\Ving:
~
Stereotyping - for example, I la)"vard (1996)
noted that females can still be stereotyped as "not
management n1aterial" and are therefore overlooked
as they do not have the "masculine traits" needed
to take on such roles. Therefore, n1a ny female
applicants may never be called for interview.
~
Previous sin1ilar candidates - for example, Hay\vard
(1996) also notes that some intervie,vers niay see
applicants as being "sin1ilar" to other 1vorkers (this
can be positive or negative) and therefore make
instant judgn1ents based on this rather than the
applicants themselves.
/!> Decision-n1aking 1nodcls (\vhich are noted above) there could be bias introduced 1vhen 1veighting the
tasks or setting the standard for the multiple cutoff
and multiple hurdles methods, for instance. Who is
to say the person setting them is correct?
/!> Subjectivity in intervie\\tS - Riggio ( 1999) notes
that there \Vill ahvays be people questioning the
accuracy of intervie\vs. This is because a lot of
information is qualitative rather than quantitative and
therefore subject to intervie\ver interpretation bias.
Technique
Strength
Weakness
Multiple
regression
This method may give a more "rounded"
overview of a candidate. For example, a lack
of previous expenence of a similar JOb can
easily be compensated for by a strong skill
needed for the job.
If a score is very low on one criterion 1t could
prevent a person being employed who scores
well on other cntena that are also relevant to
the job.
Multiple
cutoff
This method does ensure that all eligible
applicants have the minimum amount of ability
across the different criteria for the job.
Some of the cutoff points may be subjective
and discriminate against certain applicants
unfairly. How do we calculate what the cutoff
points are?
Multiple
hurdle
This method allows for the elimination of
candidates early on 1n the process who are
unqualified - this means fewer resources are
wasted on unsuitable applicants.
This technique can be very !Jme consuming
and expensive for businesses as many
hurdle criteria could be 1n place and each
applicant needs to be assessed on them (and
the information may not simply be 1n their
application)
A
Table 12.1.1 Strengths and weaknesses or the multiple regression, multiple cutoff and multiple hurdle methods
Also, if an unstructured method is chosen then
there is reduced reliability as not all candidates will
have the same experience.
~
Snap judgments - Riggio ( 1999) also notes that the
idea of a snap judgment (similar issue to snapshot
~tudies) can happen in interviews. lntervie\vers can
make a very quick instant decision on someone
(e.g. based on \vhat the person is \\•earing or the
person's ans\ver to the first question) that may bear
no resemblance to who the person actually is or the
individual's competencies for the job.
~
Use of psychon1etrics - the general idea of
\vhether a psychometric test really is measuring
the skill it is supposed to be nieasuring can
invalidate people's scores on them (\vhich is not
good if you are recruiting people based on the
results of these tests.)
for it. There are !\VO main techniques that personnel
departments can use:
~
Functional job analysis (FJA) - this is a technique
developed in the United States to help create the
Dictionary of Occupationtil Titles (D07). This is
a reference guide to over 40,000 job titles. It has
general descriptions of these jobs as a starting point
for personnel staff to tailor them to a specific job. The
DOT classifies all the jobs using a nine-digit code
which represents the sector of \\'Ork, type of work and
hov.r niuch interaction with people needed in that job.
Once the nine-digit code has been established for a
job, personnel staff can use the description as part
of their recruitment process. Table 12.1.2 shov1s the
categories for the fourth, fifth and sixth digits.
Data
(4th digit)
People
(5th digit)
Things
(6th digit)
TEST YOURSELF
0 Synthesising
0 Mentoring
0 Setting up
Explain three biases lhal can happen during the
selection process for workers in an organisation.
1 Coordinating
1 Negotiating
1 Precision
working
2 Analysing
2 Instructing
2 Operatingcontrolling
3 Compiling
3 Superv1s1ng
3 Driving,
operating
4 Computing
4 Diverting
4 Manipulating
SCopying
5 Persuading
5 Tending
6Companng
6 Speaking,
signalling
6 Feeding,
Off-bearing
7 Serving
7 Handling
Job descriptions and
specifications
An organisation \vill produce documents that \viii
have all of the necessary information on them for
potential applicants to read and decide if they \Vant to
(or can) apply for the job. \Vhen a person specification
is produced, the organisation 1n11st have details that
are directly relevant to the job - organisations can list
personal preferences in terms of the characteristics of the
"ideal candidate" for the job. Many UK organisations
have "essential" and "desirable" aspects to person
specifications. Essential aspects are those that applicants
111ust have \vhereas desirable aspects are those that
applicants 111ay have and if they do it v.rill niake their
application stronger. 1 hese arc generated after a job
analysis has taken place.
Job analysis techniques
Job analysis is a fundamental part of any personnel
role. Personnel staff need to assess a job and then list
all of the qualities, skills and personal characteristics an
employee \vould need to do it. Therefore, they need to
assess \Vhat the job entails and \Vho would be best suited
-
8 Taking
instruction,
helping
,
~
A Table 12.1.2 Examples of functions used in FJA
Source: Adapted from: US Department of Labor. 1991 .
Dictionary of Occupational Ti/Jes. Rev. 4th ed. Washington
DC, Government Pnnbng Office.
~
Position analysis questionnaire (PAQ) - this is a
structured questionnaire that can be used to analyse
a job in terms of 187 "elen1ents" that are split into
six dilferent categories:
•
information input: \Vhat the applicant needs in
tern1s of skills
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
•
mental processes: the cognitive skills needed for
the job
~
can be linked to pay increases and potential
promotion opportunities
•
\vork output: \vhat tasks need to be performed
as part of the job
~
can provide feedback on strengths and areas of
improvement
•
relationships \Vith other people: \Vbat interactions
\viU be necessary in the job and \vith \vhom
~
•
job context: physical and social contexts that
are part of the job
can allo\Y communication bet\Yeen 1vorkers and
managers \Yhich sometimes is logistically not
possible on a day-to-day basis.
•
other job characteristics: anything else that is
necessary to the specific job being analysed.
A series ofstaten1ents are rated either with an N (does not
apply) or from 1 to 5 \Vith I being very infrequent and
5 being very substantial. The completed questionnaire
can then be used to create the job specification or job
description to ensure that the applicants are people that the
organisation 1vill want lo recruit.
@
Th.e range of techniques that an organisation can use to
collect information necessary for a co1nplete performance
appraisal of an employee include the follo\ving:
~
Objective performance criteria - these are aspects
oftbe job that can be quantified and measured
objectively (based on factual data). They could
include number of sales, nun1ber of days otf sick, etc.
~
Subjective pcrforn1ance criteria - these are aspects
of the job that cannot be accurately 1ncasured
quantitatively. TI1ese include clc1nents such as ho\Y
a nianager feels \Yorkers have been progressing in
their job or asking workers how happy they are in
their current role.
~
360-degree feedback - information about the
worker is gathered from managers, peers, customers
(if applicable) etc. to get an overall feel of the
worker. Workers are also allo\ved to give feedback
about the performance of their managers in
supporting them in their job.
~
Rankings - a n1anager can rank everyone \\•ho \Yorks
for him or her on different criteria. Then \Vhen an
individual is appraised the n1anager can compare the
individual to other \Vorkers who have a similar or the
same job to see ho\v \\•ell the person is progressing.
~
Self-rating - workers can assess themselves on
progress by completing a questionnaire where
they assign values to bow well they think they are
doing on a range of criteria pre-selected by the
organisation as those that require assessing.
~
Behaviour observation scale (BOS) - the person
who is conducting the appraisal needs to con1plete a
document highlighting how often certain elen1ents
of the job have been observed in that worker.
EVALUATION
useful
interview
questionnaires
qual/quant
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Advise a personnel department on what you think
1s the best 1ob analysis technique. wt'o/ do you
think it is lhe best one?
PERFORMANCE
APPRAISAL
AU jobs require a "revie\v" of progress and these are calJed
perfonnance appraisals. Usually, a worker is assessed
against predetern1ined standards that the organisation has,
to see how well the \VOrker is progressing in his or her job.
Performance appraisal:
reasons for it and
techniques
There are many reasons for performance appraisals. For
example, performance appraisals:
~
allo\v both the company and \Yorker to see, in a
supportive environment, ho1Y 1vell the \Yorker is
doing his or her job
@
EVALUATION
useful
questionnaires
, observations
qual/quant
APPRAISERS, PROBLEMS
WITH APPRAISAL AND
IMPROVING APPRAISALS
So, ho1v can appraisals be improved, given the above
issues? Riggio ( 1999) noted several 1vays:
~
The appraiser can use online systems to record
performance "instantly" rather than "'ailing
12 months to reme1nber how the 1vorker has
perforn1ed i11 the job. TI1erefore, t11e appraisal will
accurately reflect 1vhat has happened during the
period. This n1akes it more valid.
~
The appraiser can be descriptive rather than
evaluative \vhile being specific about performance.
~
The appraiser can give "constructive feedback"
based on things that a 1vorker can actually do
something about and change.
When conducting and analysing an appraisal a nun1ber
of problcrns and biases can occur:
~
~
Errors - these can be leniency errors in 1vhich the
appraiser ahvays assesses 1vorkers positively or
severity errors 1vhere the appraiser ahvays assesses
1vorkers negatively. In bet\,<een these is the central
tendency error 1vhere an appraiser ahvays rates
1vorkers near the nud-point of any rating scale.
Halo effect - this is a psychological phenomenon
that can be applied here. It is 1vhen an overall
appraisal is very positive based on the 1vorker doing
an outstanding job on 0 11e task. il1e idea is that if
the worker did so well on that task then he or she
11111st be doing well on all other tasks so any negative
issues 1vith the worker are overlooked.
~
Recency effect- another psychological
phenomenon that can be applied here. It is 1vhen the
appraiser only uses recent performance indicators
to judge the 1vork on in the appraisal. Therefore,
the 1vhole procedure is weighted towards recent
successes and failures rather than looking at the
1vholc picture.
~
Attribution errors - these can take the forn1 of
an appraiser giving more "extrcn1c appraisals" to
1vorkers 1vho are perceived to be 1vorking 1vell (or
not) due to effort rather than actual ability at the job.
~ Feedback given should al\vays be clear and honest
and understood by everyone.
~
Getting both the appraiser and worker actively
involved in perforn1ance target setting is
important. 1his will niake it easier to agree on final
perfonnance targets for the next appraisal.
TEST YOURSELF
Outline lllree potential problems with
appraisals.
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
12.2 MOTIVATION TO
WORK
Why do people \VOrk? ·n,is question has been tackled
by organisational psychologists from a variety of angles,
but one of the nlain areas is motivation. This section
looks at factors that affect nlotjvation in \vorkers.
A::>
YOUR. ELF
What motivates people to work? Make a list of as
many pass1ble factors as you can.
I>- To satisfy physiological needs, organisations
can make sure that 1vorkers take breaks (e.g. for
refreshments). Some companies, especially those
where the \VOrkforce is quite sedentary in an office
environment, provide exercise facilities for free. This
can improve the health of workers and make them
more productive.
I>- With regard to safety needs, organisations can
ensure that \\IOrkers have protective clothing if
necessary and use specifically designed products,
for example to reduce the strain of using computers
and keyboards all day as part of a \\lorker's job.
I>- To 1neet social needs, organisations can organise
NEED THEORIES OF
MOTIVATION
This section looks at psychological theories about
niotivation that can be linked to the 11'orkplace. Recent
research as highlighted by Greenberg & Baron (2008)
showed that challenging projects, a feeling of team
spirit and getting paid \veil 1vere the three main
motivators to work.
Hierarchy of needs
(Maslow, 1970)
One idea from humaniSnl that attempts to explain
motivation \\•as proposed by Maslo\v ( 1970, but based
on his earlier research). He created a hierard1y of needs
that starts al basic needs and nloves up to higherlevel "meta needs''. The hierarchy progresses from
physiological needs to safety needs, to social needs, to
esteen1 needs and finally to self·actualisation needs. The
1nodel is ii lust rated in Figure 8.4.1 on page 128.
A human being nlust work up the hierarchy of needs to
achieve self-actualisation - lhis is realising and reaching
one~ full potential. The basic (physiological) needs
ahvays have to be met (even if partially) before a person
can consider \VOrking up the hierarchy towards selfactualisation. Therefore, a \vorker has to be motivated
and fulfilled at a physiological and safety level before
attempting anything higher.
Greenberg & Baron (2008) set out how this can be
applied to the \vorkplace in the follo\ving \vays:
events that can bui ld a "team spirit" into the
workforce. A con1pany 1nay have a "fan1ily day"
for everyone to get together out of the pressures of
work. There is a co111pany called The Picnic People
whid1 coord inates events to gel the 1vorkforce
together, for example.
I>- Esteem needs n1ight be met through incentives
organisations create such as "employee of the month"
or annual a1vards ceremonies for the \Vorkforce.
They can also a\vard bonuses for suggestions for
improvements 1vithin the organisation.
I>- Self-actualisation needs are met \\Then organisations
nurture their \vorkforce to allo\'' people to reach
their full potential (via things such as career
progression and appraisab).
ERG theory
(Aldefer, 1972)
Aldefer (1972) built on the nlodel proposed by Maslo1v
and reduced the five main 1notivation levels to just three
as follows:
I>- Existence needs - these are similar to \v hnt Maslow
called physiological needs.
I>- Relatedness needs - these are similar to what
Maslow called social needs.
I>- Gro\vth needs - these are similar to what Ivlaslo1v
called self-actualisation needs.
The n1ain difference between Maslo,v's idea and the
ERG model is that for the latter there is no strict
hierarchy. All of the needs have to be addressed at \vork
in some form or another. 'I he greatest niotivator is \Vhen
all three are being fulfilled at \vork. Hov1ever, \vhen one
is not totally fulfilled, the \vorker may still feel a good
sense of niotivation if the other hvo are. An example
\VOuld be gaining a pay rise \vhen there is no current
chance of being promoted; this fulfils the ER but not the
G. Ho\vever, the \vorker will still feel motivated to \vork.
Achievement motivation
(McClelland, 1965)
This theory is based around the idea that people (and
\vorkers) are niotivated by different needs and motives
in different situations. TI1ere are three key needs and
motives that people are driven by and they differ from
individual to individual:
~
People have a need for achicven1ent. This is about
having the drive to succeed in a situation. Therefore,
\vorkers driven by this will love the challenge of
their job. They want to get ahead in their job and be
excellent performers. They like to solve imn1ediate
proble1ns S\viftly and \viii go for challenges that offer a
nloderate level of difficulty (so that they feel challenged
but kno\v the goal is achievable). They also desire
feedback about their efforts so '''ill thrive on appraisals.
~
People have a need for po\ver. This is about having
the drive to direct others and be influential at
\vork. \Vorkers in this caregory are status driven
and are more likely to be motivated by the
chance to gain prestige. They \\•ill '"ant to solve
problems individually and reach appraisal goals.
1be drive for power can be for personal gains or
organisational gains.
~
People have a need for affiliation. This is about having
the drive to be liked and accepted by fellow workers
in the organisation. People driven by this prefer to
1vork 1vith others and get motivated by the need for
friendship and interpersonal relationships. Therefore,
their n1aln motivator is on cooperative tasks.
Workers can be assessed on these three key needs and
motives by taking a the1natic apperception test (TAT).
To do this, \Yorkers have to look at a series of ambiguous
pictures that tell a story. They have to tell \vhatever story
they feel is behind the picture and their stories are then
scored on a standardised scale that represents the three
key needs and nlotives. From these, it can be seen if a
\vorker is driven by achievement, po\ver or affiliation.
.& Figure 12.2.1 Example pteture used during a TAT
@
EVALUATION
useful
ind vs sit
reduct
TEST YOURSELF
Outline one psychological theory or motivation
and relate it Lo a worker In an organisation of
your choice.
MOTIVATION AND
GOAL SETTING
Goals can be important in everyday life as motivators.
However, in the 1vorkplace they can be used as powerful
motivators for an organisation to get the best out of its
workforce. This section 1vill e.xamine the relationship
between goal setting and motivation in \VOrkers.
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
'
Goal-setting theory
(Latham) & Locke, 1984)
This idea appears relatively straight forward.
Performance at \Vork is affected by the goals that a
1vorkforce is set. The setting of these goals affects
people's beliefs about 1vhether they can perform a
task or not However, goals need to be specific to an
individual or group. Simply saying ",vork harder" has
very littJe effect on people as they may already feel that
they are 1vorking hard. Selling specific and achievable
goals allo,vs workers to direct their attention to1vards
achieving them 1vhile asses~ing how well they are doing.
Lf workers feel that they may not reach a specified goal,
they will be motivated to \\'Ork harder to try to attain it.
An organisation must set challenging but attainable
goals, give workers the necessary equiprnent and
support to attain the goals a11d give them feedback
throughout the process as this 1vill rnotivate then1 to
attain each goal.
VIE (expectancy)
cognitive theory (Vroom,
1964)
This theory attempts to explain nlotivation more from
a cognitive angle. Motivation is based on three factors
that are multiplicative:
~
Valence - this refers to the value that 1vorkers place
on any re1vard they believe they will receive from
ilie organisation. The overall re1vard must be one
that reflects ilie efforts put into attaining a goal and
therefore be desired.
~
Instrumentality - this refers to any perceived
relationship between effort and outcon1e that may affect
motivation. This can be bosed around rewards as well.
Ifany perfonnance or n1otivation is not perceived as
being instrun1ental in bringing about a suitable reward,
ilien it is less likely to happen - motivation will be lo\v.
~
Expectancy - this refers lo any perceived
relationship bel\veen effort and perforn1ance that
n1ay affect motivation. If \vorkers do not expect
ilieir efforts to nlake any difference to attaining a
goal tJ1en their motivation 1vill be 101v. lf iliey do feel
effort brings about re1vard then their performance
\viii increase as they 1vill be motivated.
Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted three n1ain guidelines
for selling effective goals:
~ Assign specific goals. Goals have to have clarity, be
measurable and achievable. An organisation cannot
say "do your best" and ilien hope ilie workforce gets
niotivated. Research has sho\vn that workers may
find the goal challenging but this motivates then1 to
1vant to achieve it.
~
~
Assign difficult, but acceptable, performance
goals. Goals that are perceived as unachievable
\\•ill demotivate the 1vorkforce as 1vill those that
are seen as being "Loo easy~ Therefore, a goal
must be difficult to get 1vorkers motivated but not
i.mpossible. There can be vertical stretch goals which
challenge 1vorkers to achieve higher success in
activities that they are currently involved 1vith (e.g.
sales). There are also horizontal stretch goals 1vhich
challenge workers to perforn1 certain tasks that are
new to then1.
Provide effecti ve feedback on goal attainment.
Feedback throughout the process allows workers to
kno1v how far they are progressing and 1vhat is left
to attain a goal. This keeps n1otivation at an optin1al
level. If feedback is used \\•isely, workers \viii believe
even 111ore that they can attain tJie goal and will be
nrore 1110/ivated to achieve it.
This can be expressed as an equation:
M = Vx l x E
Therefore, motivation is determined by ho\v the iliree
factors interact, so if one of them is lo\v then motivation
as a '"hole will be lo\v as a result. All have to be
reasonably high for motivation to be high too.
Managerial applications
of expectancy theory
How can the above be used by rnanagers in an
organisation to irnprove motivation of its workforce?
Riggio (1999) and Greenberg & Baron (2008) highlight
the follo1ving practical ways:
~
Managers need to define any goal-based work
outcome very clearly to all workers. Clarity is the
key to success. All rewards and costs of performance
based around these re1vards must be kno,vn and
be transparent.
~
~tanagers should get \vorkers involved in the setting
of any goals and listen to their suggestions about
'vays to change jobs and roles to help attain them.
This should help to increase VIE levels.
~
For the valence element, n1anagers should ensure
that the rewards are ones that employees desire
and see in a positive light. TI1ese n1ay need to
be individually specific as not all 'vorkers are
motivated by the sanie things. Greenberg & Baron
(2008) highlight ho'" many companies now use a
"cafeteria-style benefit plan" 'vhere employees can
choose their O\Vn personalised incentives fro1n
items such as pay, additional days off and lo,ver daycare costs for their children. ·n1e valence element
for workers is very high if they are striving for
son1ething they have chosen.
~
Progression from performance to re\vards has to be
achievable. Any perforn1ance-related goal (especially
if \Yorkers have some perforn1ance-related pay)
has to be atta.inable for all. \Vorkers whose portion
of their \\'age is based on performance need goals
that are attainable but \vhere motivation is the key
to reaching them. Greenberg & Baron (2008) state
that if there is a pay-for-perforn1ance method in the
company then this should increase the instrumental
motivation element of expectancy theory and
n1otivation increases.
®
Intrinsic and extrinsic
motivation
Extrinsic nlotivation is a desire to perform a task or
behaviour because it gives positive reinforcen1ent
(e.g. a reward) or it avoids some kind of punishn1ent
happening. In tern1s of the workplace, this n1ight nlean
workers gain extra pay or a day off for their efforts.
Intrinsic niotivation is a desire to perforn1 a task or
behaviour because it gives internal pleasure or helps to
develop a skill. In tern1s of the workplace, people 'vill
attribute success to their O\vn desires (autononiy) and
may be interested in sinlply mastering a task rather than
focusing on something such as extra pay.
Types of reward system
There are 1nany reward systems that organisations can
use with their workforce. They tend to be based around
both extrinsic and intrinsic n1otivators. They can
include the following:
~
~ Bonus - offering a bonus is are quite \videspread
in organisations linked to sales and finance. At
the end of each year (maybe after an appraisal),
~·orkcrs \viii be given a bonus payment based on
the perforn1ance of the1nselves and the company as
a '"hole.
EVALUATION
useful
ind vs sit
~
reduct
•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You need to help out a company that has recently
discovered that its workforce is not motivated. You
need to devise a strategy that the company can use and
tell managers on what psychology It Is based.
MOTIVATORS AT WORK
We have discussed the use of incentives and rewards for
"'orkers, but \vhich ones are useful and moth•ate \vorkers
to achieve goals set? The next section covers this.
Pay - having some pay linked to a certain task or
goal can increase the motivation of \vorkers as they
want to have 1nore money.
Profit-sharing - a certain percentage of any profit a
company n1akes can be "ring fenced" to be shared
by all \vorkers. Therefore, everyone may be more
motivated to attain goals and reach performance
criteria so that there is a monetary re\vard.
Performance-related pay
When \ve covered tJ1e VIE (expectancy) theory of
n1otivation we covered perforn1ance-related pay
(sec page 248). In addition, sales organisations n1ay
set n1inimu1n targets \Vhich give \VOrkers basic pay
and anything achieved above the target earns then1
commission. This should motivate '"orkers to
exceed minimum targets as they \vill gain a reward in
the process.
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
Non-monetary rewards
Career structure and promotion
prospects
As \Ve have seen, not all motivators have to be extrinsic.
There are important intrinsic motivators in the
1vorkplace such as the follo\vi ng:
These can also be motivators for 1vorkers in the
follo1ving 1vays:
~
Praise - simply gaining praise fron1 a superior at
1vork can motivate a \vorker to continue to 1vork
hard and meet targets and goals. It is a form of
positive reinforcement.
~
~
Respect - gaining respect from superiors and fello\\•
colleagues is also irnportant in an organisation. This
internal feeling of"good" can n1otivate \Vorkers to
continue to try hard at a task.
~
Recognition - sin1ply being recognised for any
"over and above" effort can n1otivate a \vorker to
continue to work hard. For exru11ple, an "employee
of the month" scheme or being 1nentioned in a work
ne1vsletter can 1notivatc people greatly.
Career structure - having a set career structure 1vhen
a 1vorker begins employment can keep workers
motivated. If a 1vorkers career is "mapped out"
sho1ving a career development within the company
then the 1vorker can be rnotivated by both extrinsic
and intrinsic motivators. T11ese 1vill include assistance
1vith career decisions, enriching the current job with
job satisfaction, in1proving comn1unication with the
worker's manager, setting n1ore realistic goals that fit
in 1vith the career structure and giving the \vorker a
great sense of personal responsibility about helping
to manage his or her own career. All of these would
certainly keep a 1vorker n1otlvated.
~
E111powennent - when workers succeed at a difficult
task or achieve a difficult goal they n1ay have a sense
of empo1vermenl. ·n1is n1ay n1ake them believe that
the next task is attainable even if it looks difficult. lt
equips them to continually try hard at a task.
~
~
Sense of belonging - making 1vorkers feel "part
of the team" and that their individual efforts are
appreciated can motivate them to keep trying hard
and reaching even difficult goals.
Prornotion prospects - as part of the career structure,
a manager could also n1ap out potential prornotion
prospects with 1vorkers. ·1his could be 1vithin their
O\Vn company or a sister company. The workers
would then have dearer ideas about \vhat they need
to achieve to be promoted which is both an extrinsic
motivator (more money) and an intrinsic motivator
(the satisfaction of being pron101ed).
®
Outline two different motivators at work and
evaluate how effective they are at motivating
a workforce.
EVALUATION
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TEST YOURSELF
•
12.3 LEADERSHIP
AND
MANAGEMENT
ln an organisation there are leaders and managers
\\•ho help run it "from the top". Leadership involves the
"ability lo guide a group toward the achievement of
goals". (Riggio, J 999: 340). This section \vill deal \\•ith
all things "leadership"; from theories of leadership to
leadershjp style and what is effective.
for "gift of grace" so it means that leaders possess a
charismatic personality that allows them to lead a
\vorkforce effectively. These leaders tend to have very
good public speaking skills, exude confidence, inspire
people, captivate their audiences every time. As a result,
the 'vorkforce is motivated to follO\\' them and attain
the goals set by them. In addition, Greenberg & Baron
(2008) revie1ved the field and produced a list of five
"agreed" traits that charismatic leaders have:
i>- Self-confidence - tl1ey sho'v high confidence about
their 01vn ability and the ability of their workforce
to attain a goal.
i>- A vision - this usually takes the forn1 of making
ASK YOURSELF
working conditions or workjng life better.
Whal do you think are the qualities of a good
leader al work?
i>- Extraordinary behaviour - they sho1v son1e unusual
or unconventional behaviours.
i>- Recognition as change agents - in other 1vords, they
THEORIES OF
LEADERSHIP
are seen to n1ake things happen.
i>- Environn1e11tal sensitivity - they sho'" realis111 about
Tus section looks at a range of psychological theories that
attempt to explain 'vhat makes son1eone becon1e a leader.
Unh•ersalist theories: great person theory. charismatic
and transformational leaders.
Behavioural theories: Ohio state studies (initiating
structure and consideration). University of Michlgan
studies (task and relationship-oriented behaviours).
what can be achieved given the resources tliey have
available.
Transformational leaders, according to Riggio ( 1999).
change ho1v the 1vork:force think, reason and behave.
They inspire \vorkers using six different behaviours:
i>- Identifying and articulating a vision - they excite
\vorkers \vith a vision for the company.
i>- Providing an appropriate n1odel - the leaders
"practise \vhat they
preach~
i>- Fostering the acceptance of group goals -
Great person theory
This follo,vs the idea that "great leaders are bon1, not
made': Therefore, you are either a "naturat» leader or
not. People's natural abilities allo'v then1 to "rise to
the top" of any organisation because of the skills they
\Vere born with. These leaders have special traits that
aJJ01v the1n to progress up the n1anagerial levels of an
organisation and then lead the con1pany effectively over
ti me. These traits are stable and effective 1vhen they a.re
used in a position of au thority.
Charismatic and
transformational leaders
Another idea is that certain leaders have the necessary
charisn1a to become leaders. They possess first-class
interpersonal skills. Charisma comes from the Greek
cooperation bet\veen all 1vorkers is promoted and a
common goal is set.
i>- Maintaining high perforn1ance expectation - excellence
is encouraged and \VOrk quality is improved.
i>- Providing individualised support - the leaders will
show ca1·e and concern for all individuals.
i>- Providing intellectual stiniulation - the leaders \viJJ
challenge workers to rethink ho'v they do things.
Ohio State studies
Researchers from Ohio State University collected data
from self-reports and observations of leaders and
their workers. From this they listed over 100 different
behaviours sho1vn by leaders. They conducted a factor
analysis on the data (this looks for relationships behveen
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
variables and clusters sin1ilar ones together) and found
that there are just t\vo broad categories of leaders:
;, Initialing structure - this includes assigning specific
tasks to people, defining groups of \vorkers, creating
and meeting deadlines and ensuring that \VOrkers
are \vorking to a set standard.
;, Consideration - this is sho\vn by leaders \vho have
a genuine concern for the feelings of \VOrkers and
their attitudes. The leaders establish rapport \vith
\Yorkers \Vhile showing them trust and respect.
They \viii listen to \vorkers more often than the
other category of leaders and try to boost the
self-confidence of their \Vorkforce.
University of Michigan
studies
Researchers al the University of Michigan exan1ined
many leaders of large organisations and also found
two n1ain types of behaviour in these leaders:
;, Task-oriented behaviours - these \Vere behaviours
that focused on the actual task being conducted. The
leaders are more concerned \Vith setting up some
structures \Vithin an organisation such as targets,
standards, supervising \vorkers and achieving goals.
;, Relationship-oriented behaviours - these \Vere
behaviours that had a focus on the wellbeing of the
\YOrkforce. The leaders \VOuld look at interpersonal
relationships benveen \Yorker and \Yorker, plus
\VOrker and 1nanager. They would also take the tin1e
to understand the feelings of their \vorkforce.
The research team concluded that the relationshiporiented behaviours were more effective at motivating a
\VOrkforce than task-orie nted ones.
@
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CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Make a grid of how the four theories in this
section are similar and are different.
LEADERSHIP STYLE
AND EFFECTIVENESS
\Ve have looked at theories that try to explain \vhy
people are leaders and then \Vhat they do once they
are in a position of authority. \\/hat happens next?
According to psychologists we must then look at \vhat
"style of leadership'' they adopt and assess ho\v effective
that choice is. The next section looks at a range of styles.
Effectiveness:
contingency theory
(Fiedler, 1976)
This theory looks at the interaction bet\veen the style of
leadership that leaders adopt and the situation that they
fi nd the1nselves in. For a leader to be effective in the
\vorkplace, the leader's style n1ust fi t 1vith the amo unt of
authority, po\ver and control the leader is given in the
organisation. There are various steps to assess 1vhether a
leader \viii be effective in a 1vorkplace:
~
Completion of the least preferred co-worker (LPC)
questionnaire - leaders complete a questionnaire
about the person 1vitlr whon1 they can work least
well. They rate them on bi-polar adjectives such as
boring/interesting and frustrating/helpful. From
this, leaders can be seen as being either task-oriented
(so they give harsh ratings to fello\v \vorkers) or
relationship-oriented (so they give favourable ratings
even though the person is the least preferred).
~
Leader-n1ember relations - this is 1neasured by
getting the workforce to assess the leaders on ho\v
well liked they are, etc.
;, Task structure - this 1neasures how well a particular
work task is structured \vith \veil-defined goals.
;, Position po\ver - this looks at con1pany policy and
examines ho\v leaders can hire and fire, discipline
and re\va rd 1vorkers.
The ideal situation for a leader to th rive is \Vhen the
leader- member relations are positive, the task is very \vell
structured and the leader has strong position powers.
Riggio ( 1999) notes that a task-oriented leader is most
effective \vhen the situation is at the extremes: either
highly favourable or highly unfavourable. In highly
Directive behaviour - this is focused on getting the
job done. Leaders can provide specific guidelines
for the task \Vilh \vork rules and distinct schedules
which they coordinate and oversee.
favourable situations, teams are already well established,
as are po\ver positions and task structure, so the leader
simply "slots in". In highly unfavourable situations, the
leader can give a failing project the necessary structure
and drive to succeed. Relationship-oriented leaders
appear more effective in the rniddle-ground projects that
need more support and coaching than goal setting.
JI>
Situational leadership
(Hersey & Blanchard,
1988)
JI> Supportive behaviour - this is focused on
This idea is also based around the task and relationship
behaviour. This theory looks a l styles that work
depending on \vhether there are lo\v or high task
controls and/o r lo\v or high relationship aspects of the
task. Therefore, four different types of situations in the
workplace can happen. 'TI1ese are as follows:
JI>
JI> Low relationship but high task - these are situations
\vhere \vorkers need structure and direction frorn
their leader to achieve a set goal but require very
little einotional support to do so. The best behaviolLr
for the leader is telling the \vorkforce \Vhat to do.
,,, High relationship and high task - these are
situations where \vorkers need both structure and
emotional support. They need help improving a skill
\vith set guidelines and need the emotional support
to do it. The best behaviour for the leader is selling
the idea to the \VOrkforce.
JI>
High relationship but lo''' task - these are situations
\vhere workers need very little guidance on what to
do but need a lot of emotional support to achieve
it. The best behaviour for the leader is participating
\vitli the workforce on the task.
JI> Achievement-oriented behaviour - this is
focused on outcomes and involves leaders setting
cha!Jenging goals to achieve but they encourage
improvement in skills and attainment
interpersonal behaviour and involves leaders
boosting these relationships by sho\ving concern for
each \vorker's '"ellbeing in a friendly environment.
Styles: permissive
versus autocratic (e.g.
Muczyk and Reimann,
1987)
These are two styles ofleadership that can be combined to
assess ho\v a leader may be acting. Permissive means that
\vorkers are not told ho\v to do their jobs and autocratic
means that \vorkers are not allowed to participate in any
decision making. Therefore, tJ1ere can be four combinations:
JI> Permissive and autocratic - leaders 'vilJ make decisions
by themselves and let the '"orkers "get on \vith it':
JI>
Permissive but not autocratic - leaders will make
decisions with others involved and will then let the
\vOrkers "get on with it".
JI>
Not permissive but au tocratic - leaders \vill n1ake
decisions by then1selves and then closely rnonitor
ho\v the workers are perforn1ing on the task.
JI>
Not permissive or autocratic. The leader will rnake
decisions 1vitl1 others involved and 1vill closely
monitor hO\V the \vorkers arc performing on the task.
JI> Low relationship and low task - these are situations
\Vhere workers are already able to perforn1 the task and
are willing to do so. The best behaviour for the leader
is delegating the workload across the workforce.
Path-goal theory (House,
1979)
Participative behaviour - this is focused on getting
ever)'One involved: leaders encourage all 1vorkers to
have a say in \vays to achieve the goal, etc.
®
EVALUATION
This idea centres on the leader's job being one that helps
the \vorkforce attain a desired goal. There are four ways
in \Vhich a leader can attempt to achieve this:
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
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TEST YOURSELF
Outline what psychologists have found out about
leadership styles al work
Leadership training
and characteristics of
effective leaders
Riggio ( 1999) noted t\\IO main approaches to leadership
traini ng. The first is to teach leaders diagnostic skills.
This '"ill allow the1n to assess a work situation and
choose \vhich leadership style \\IOuld \\IOrk best in it. This
skill can be trained into leaders via role play and \\IOrkbased examples. Elements that need assessment \11ould
be things such as \11orkforce morale, ho\11 close to the
goal the 1vorkforce is, and what training 1nay be needed
to help to the \VO rkforcc be more effective or motivated.
9 pattern
"Country club"
management
1,
The second approach is to teach leaders very specific
skills or behaviours that they appear to lack. For
example, if leaders are task-oriented they could have
training on being niore relationship-oriented so that
they beco1ne niore of a "rounded" leader. One \11ay in
which this could be done, highlighted by Greenberg
& Baron (2008), is by using the grid training niethod.
Leaders complete standard questionnaires that set out
to measure their concern for production and their
concern for people. Each leader is rated on a scale of
l to 9 for both dimensions and placed on a grid and
assessed accordingly. As you can see, a leader '"ho
is mainly concerned about production over people
scores 9.l and is deemed as having a task-oriented
management style, and so on. The ultimate goal is to
move tO\vards a 9.9 score \vhich is seen as being the
most effective leader.
9, 9 pattern
Team managementthe ideal style
High '\...
9
'
8
CD
Q. 7
0
8.
.... 6
--
.2
5
c
....
B4
c
5. 5 pattern
Middle-of-the-road
management
8 3
2
Low 1
J
1, 1 pattern
Impoverished
management
.;
1
Low
5 6 7 8 9
High
Concern ror production
2
3
4
9, 1 pattern
Task management
.A Figure 12.3.1 The grid training method
In tenns of the characteristics of effective leaders,
Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted a review of the field
and listed the niain features:
~ They have socialised po,ver rnotivation. 111is
means being motivated to achieve shared goals and
ideas. These leaders will cooperate with the entire
1vorkforce 111ithout don1inating.
~
They sho\11 flexibility. 1hey can act upon and adapt
to numerous situations instead of having a "one
style fits all" approach.
~
They are tno ralistic. Authentic leaders te nd to be
highly moral in their approach to \vork, nieaning
they are confident, hopeful and always optirnistic
about goals and their \\lorkforce \vithin n1oral
boundaries.
~ They have multiple intelligences. Effective leaders
tend to sho1v three levels of intelligence: cognitive
intelligence (informational processing). emotional
intelligence (see page 143) and cultural intelligence
(especially if part of a multinational organisation).
>-
Other noted aspects included having a drive
for success, being trustworthy. having a solid
kno,vledge of business practices, being creative and
being open about ideas.
Riggio ( l999) added lea ming to delegate and giving
constructive feedback as other vital leader qualities.
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been asked by a local company to give
training to its leaders What would you do and on
what psychology 1s it based?
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and that in group sees the leader as being encouraging
and motivated.
Normative decision
theory (Vroom & Yetton,
1973)
This theory has a focus on strategies for choosing the
most effective \vay to make important decisions in an
organisation. There appear to be five potential strategies
for decision niaking by leaders:
~
Al (autocratic) - leaders \viii solve a problem or
make a decision by t hen1selves using whatever
information they can find.
~
A1T (autocratic) - leaders \Viii solve a proble1n or
make a decision by the1nselves but only after they
have obtained the necessary inforinatio n from
their workforce.
>-
Cl (consu ltative) - leaders will solve a problem or
make a decision by then1selves but only after they
have shared it \vith the \VOrkforce individually.
reduct
LEADERS AND
FOLLOWERS
Leader-member
exchange model
It \vould appear that the theories \Ve have presented so
far are based on the ideas that every leader treats every
niernber of his of her \\IOrkforce equally and in the same
\Vay every time. This is clearly not the case in reality! The
leader-member exchange (Li\it.X) model looks into this.
Leaders form different relationships \Vith their
\Vorkforce early on in any process and, based on very
limited information, classify workers into nvo distinct
groups. The favoured ones (be it because they follo\v the
same ideals as the leader or are seen as hard \Yorkers,
etc.) forrn part of the "in group''. lhere is then, by
default, an "out group" \vhich consists of 1vorkers that
do not "fit in" with 1vhat the leader wants (be it because
of a personality clash or that they are perceived to not
be hard workers, etc.). Obviously, the in group will get
more attention and praise and recognition con1pared
to the out group. This can den1otivate the latter group
considerably while those in the in group get bolstered.
Riggio ( 1999) noted that an LMX can be of lo\\1 quality
\Vbere the leader has a very negative view of the out
group and the out group does not see the leader as
effective. An LMX can also be of high quality 1vhere the
leader has a very positive vie\v of his or her in group
~
>-
Cn (consultative) - leaders \Viii SOive a probJen1 Or
make a decision by themselves but only after they
have shared ii \vilh the \VOrkforce as a group.
Gll (group decision) - leaders \\•ill share the problem
or potential decision \Vith the \VOrkforce in a group
meeting. A decision is reached by consensus.
Originally, a leader being assessed in terms of this
theory \VOuJd have to ans,ver 7 questions \Vith a yes or
no (110\v expanded to 12). Example questions are "Is
the problen1 structured?" and "If I niake the decision
alone, is it likely to be accepted by n1y \\1orkforce?
Once all of the questions have been put into a decision
tree, the 111ost effective strategy from the five above is
recom1nended.
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TEST YOURSELF
Outline either the LMX model or the normative
decision theory in your own words.
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
12.4 GROUP
BEHAVIOUR IN
ORGANISATIONS
4. Performing - the group is now set to \vork as a
cohesive unit on tasks and to attain any goal or
goals set. The group energy is diverted tO\vards
completing tasks to a high standard. The leader is
no\v fully accepted.
5. Adjourning - once Ll1e goals have been attained,
Riggio ( 1999) defines a group as t\vo or more
individuals, engaged in social interaction, for the
purposes of achieving some goal.
A K YOURSELF
What do you think the advantages and
disadvantages are of working in a group?
GROUP DYNAMICS,
COHESIVENESS AND
TEAMWORK
G roup development
The dynamics of a group can be assessed when we
look at hO\V groups form in organisations. Tuckman &
Jensen ( l 977) noted a five-stage formation process:
1. Forming - members ofa group get to knO\V each
other and ground rules are established in terms of
conversations and appropriate behaviours. These are
based around the job (the reason) that they are \vorking
on but aho the social skills side (e.g. hierarchy).
2. Storming - this stage is characterised by group
conflict. 1'1embers n1ay want to resist any authority
from whoever becomes the "group leader" and there
n1ay be conflict bet\veen equals too (e.g. personality
clash). If nothing can be resolved then the group
dissipates. lf the conflict can be overco1ne then the
leadership stage is accepted and the group can
n1ove on.
3. Norining - this involves the grou p becon1ing more
cohesive. Identification as a group 111e111ber beco111es
stronger and the unit begins to 1vork well 011 tasks.
Group 1nembers begin to feel nlore comfortable
in sharing feelings and responsibilities plus \vays
in \vhich goals can be met. This stage is complete
1vhen all group members accept a con1mon set of
expectations of group behaviour.
there may be no longer any need for the group so
the group dissipates. This can happen abruptly (e.g.
as a charity event ends) or take longer (e.g. ne\v
goals are formed Lllat only some men1bers of the
group \\•ant to attain).
Some psychologists disagree about the nature of group
formation and cohesiveness and that the order n1ay
differ between groups. 111is is tackled in a theory
calJed puncluated-equilibriu1n n1odel. There are just
two phases that any group in an organisation goes
through:
1. Phase l . This is \Vhen group men1bers define
who they are and \Vhat they want to achieve (e.g.
goals). This phase usually lasts around 50 per cent
of the group's entire Hfeti me so new ideas tend
not to be acted upon and the group is in a state of
"equiHbrium" n1oving slo,vly tO\vards its target.
2. Phase 2. Then, suddenly, the group has a "midlife
crisis" and members realise that they \viii no t
achieve Lheir goal. They recognise that they must
change their outlook and path1vay to\vards a target
so they can take on new idea~ and work harder
to attain any goals. They 111ove into a state of
"punctuating" to cope \Vilh these changes.
Group cohesiveness,
team building and team
performance
Cohesiveness, according to Riggio ( 1999), is the an1oun t
or degree of attraction a1nong group n1embers. This can
be used to explain "team spirit" in organisations and
groups experiencing this tend to be n1ore satisfied at
work. Ho1vever, it does not seem to increase productivity.
It seems that smaller groups, 1vhere everyone is of an
equal status, sho\v the most cohesiveness. The t1vo ideas
above link to cohesiveness as the group n1en1bers have to
1vork \velJ and be as a unit to succeed in an organisation.
Greenberg & Baron (2008) note that there are some
factors that can greatl y increase group cohesiveness:
I> Severity - if the initiation to the group is severe then
lhe group becon1es more cohesive (i.e. the more
difficulties people have to overcome to be part of
a group, the more they \viii \Vant LO stick " ·ith that
group.
I> Exercises about interpersonal processes. Tasks that
can re-establish trust and cooperation can be used.
®
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I> Competition - groups tend to be more cohesive if
they are competing against other groups (especially
from other competitor organisations).
I> Tirne - the n1ore tin1e its niembers have to spend
TEST YOURSELF
Explain how groups may develop al work.
together on a task, the n1ore cohesive the group should
becon1e.
I> Group size - s1naller groups tend to be more
cohesive.
I> 1-listory - if the group has succeeded many times in
the past then cohesiveness tends to be higher.
Characteristics of
successful teams
Hackinan (2000) noted six 1nain mistakes that happen
to 1nake teams 1101 successful
Tean1 building is abou t 1naking an effort to make tean1s
niore effective in what they do. It can be used on ne\v
teains that have not reached a level of cohesiveness or
for an established tean1 that is not being as effective as
previously. According to Greenberg and Baron (2008)
there are t\VO areas that have to be covered in any teambuilding intervention:
;, Call the performing unit a tean1 but really manage
members as individuals
I> Being a team me1nber matters. There has to be
I> Dismantle existing organizational structures so
harmony and cohesiveness in a team with group
decisions being the norm. Members have to be
able to advocate ideas, enquire about ideas, share
responsibilities and value the diversity of the group.
I> Self-managemen t is in1portanL Jlvlembers have to
be able lo nianage themselves for a team to "'ork.
Various skills such as observing, setting difficult
goals, practising ne\\•skills and being constructively
critical are key behaviours.
In terms of exercises that can be used. these are the
1nost com1non:
I> Exercises to define roles - members of the group
talk about \Vhat they think their roles are and the
roles of others to see \Vhere disagreement lies. This
can then be resolved.
I> Exercises to set goals - clarification may be needed
on \vhat goals the group are trying to attain.
I> Exercises in problem solving - these can be set up
in such a way that all team members have to \vork
together to succeed.
I> Use a team for \VOrk that is better done by
individuals
I> Fall off the authority 'Balance Beam' by being too
authoritative too often
that teams \Vill be full y "empO\vered" to accomplish
the work
I> Specify challenging team objectives, but skimp on
organizational supports
I> Assun1e that n1embers already have all the skills
they need to work \veil as a tean1
Therefore, the main characteristics of a successful team
would be, according to Hackn1an:
1. The task is one lhat is full y appropriate for
perforn1ance by a tea1n.
2. The tean1 is an intact perforrning unit whose
men1bers perceive themselves as a tean1
3. The learn has a clear, authoritative, and engaging
direction for its work.
4. '£he structure of the team- its task, composition,
and core norn1s of conduct- promotes rather than
impedes competent teain\vOrk.
5. The organizational context provides support and
reinforcement for excellence through policies and
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systerns that are specifically tuned to the needs of
work teams.
6. An1ple, expert coaching is available to the team at
those tirnes \vhen members most need it and are
ready to receive it.
Decision making
The decision-making process
We have covered aspects of this in the section 12.3 on
leadership and management regarding autocratic and
permissive styles (see page 253). These affect decision
making, so reread section 12.3. One thing to add is
that consensus ought to be made, \Vhich n1eans that all
group members have agreed on the chosen action plan.
Decision style and individual differences in
decision making
Decision style has also been covered in section 12.3 (see
page 255). As there are so niany decision-making
styles, they inevitably lead to individual differences in
approaches to decision making.
Individual versus group decisions
In an organisation there \vill be decisions made by
individuals and ones made by groups. Is one method
more effective than the other? Are there times when a
group decision is the best opt ion? Are there situations
'vhere it is best for an individual to nlake the decision?
Riggio ( 1999) highlights the advantages and
disadvantages of group decisions:
~ The advantages are that different parts of the decisions
can be delegated to different members of the group
\vho have different specialities. There is more of a
kno\vledge base to dra\v on and the final decision will
be accepted by group members as they have all helped
out. The final decision will be \Vell critiqued already.
~ The disadvantages are that the process can be
very slow as everyone is involved. Also, conflict
can be generated if not everyone agrees, so there
is potential for the group simply to break do\vn.
In addition, leaders n1ay don1inate and make the
decision their O\vn.
A group decision \VOuld cover a lot rnore "bases" than
an individual pondering the issue as the group vJill
have a wide range of vie\vpoints to discuss and consider
before making the very important decision. As long
as the group is cohesive and respecting then a group
decision here would be much more favourable than a
decision made by an individual.
'Vhen a task requires creativity and it is poorly
structured, individuals work better and come up \\rith
more productive ideas than a group \VOuld. Greenberg
& Baron (2008) noted a study conducted to see if
this \Vas truly the case. People \Vere given poorly
structured ideas that needed creativity such as "What
if everybody grew an extra thumb?" and \Vere asked to
consider the consequences of each situation given to
then1. Individuals carne up with many n1ore creative
ideas con1pared to groups of between four and
seven people.
Groupthink and group
polarisation
There may be other situations \vhen a group decision
may appear to be a good idea but it truly is not. There
are t\VO things that can happen to make the decisionmaking process go \vrong: groupthink and group
polarisation.
Groupthink is what happens when a highly cohesive
group \vhere all members respect each other's
vie\vpoints con1es to consensus on a decision too
quickly \Vithout any critical evaluation. The group then
makes a very poor decision as a result. Riggio ( 1999)
notes eight syn1pton1s of groupthink:
~
Ulusion of invulnerability - as the group is so cohesive
the members sees themselves as powerful and
invincible. They then miss poorly nlade decisions.
~
Illusion of n1orality - all group n1embers see
thernselves as the "good guys" and can doing
nothing wrong.
~
Shared negative stereotypes - group me1nbers hold
common beliefs.
~ Collective rationalisations - group members easil)'
disn1iss any negative information that goes against
their decision \Vith no thought.
In addition, Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted that
group decisions are superior to individual ones \Vhen
the overall decision is complex. They use an example
of deciding \vhether l\vo companies should merge.
~
Self-censorship - group n1e1nbers suppress any
desire to be critical.
~
Illusion of unanimity - group me1nbers can easily
(and mistakenly) believe that the decision \\Tas
a consensus.
~
Direct conforn1it y pressure - all those showing
doubts have pressure applied to them to join the
majority vie\\T,
~
group to think again and not go for tJ1e first, easy
option. Leaders should also encourage nlembers to
question and be sceptical so that all decisions are
thoroughly assessed.
~
Use subgroups. Split the members of the main
group up and set lhem exactly me san1e decisionmakmg tasks. Gel them to present their findings;
differences behveen the subgroups can be discussed
to form an overall group decision. If the subgroups
agree then you can safely say that groupthjnk has
not generated that decision.
~
Admit shortcomings. You need to get n1e1nbers of
the group to be critical and point out any potential
flaws or limitations of the decisions being n1ade.
Thjs should allo'" the group as a whole to discuss
these to ensure that group n1en1bers have not sin1ply
decided on the easiest option.
~
Hold second-chance meetings. Allow group 1nen1bers
to digest the original decision then get then1 back
for a second meeting so they can discuss anything
that is '"orrying them about the decision. This allO\\TS
"freshness» to be resumed; if a decision task is tiring
group members they '"ill go for the easy option.
Having hvo "fresh" attempts at the decision should
reduce the probability of groupthink.
tv!indguards - some of the group members buffer
any negativity away from the group's decision.
Another fuctor that can adversely affect group decision
making is group polarisation. This refers to when groups
make "riskier" decisions co1npared to those 1nade by
individuals. Group polarisation follO\\TS the idea that,
after djscussion, people begin to hold even stronger
views about a decision. For exaniple, iniagine certain
n1en1bers of the grou p really want to sell off part of a
con1pany and after discussing the issue they feel even
1nore strongly about wanting to sell. However, there
may be son1e people who do not '"ant to sell. After
discussion, they feel even more strongly about not selling.
They "polarise" to\vards a stronger position than before
discussion. This shift towards the polar end of a decision
is called a "risky shift" as the group \viU then attempt to
take the riskier option if a consensus can be reached (or
just a majority one). Therefore, the majority may '"in but
then take a more extreme vie'" of the decision. Ho'"ever,
some psychologists state that group polarisation can still
happen even \Vith a "cautious risk" - the group may still
polarise after discussion but not in an extreme way.
®
There may be tin1es in any organisations 'vhere there is
group conflict. There are different types:
EVALUATION
useful
reduct
GROUP CONFLICT
ind vs sit
•
TEST YOURSELF
Explain whal e1lher grouplhlnk or group
polarisation Is and how 1t can affect decision
making at work.
~
Intra-group conflict is 'vhen people \Vithin the same
group conflict and this interferes \Vith the path\\Tay
to,vards a goal.
~
Inter-group conflict is \vhen there is conflict
between different groups \l'ithin an organisation.
~
Inter-individual conflict is when l\VO individuals
within a group or organisation have a dispute.
Strategies to overcome groupthink and
training to avoid poor decisions
Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted four different '"ays in
\vhich groupthink can be avoided:
Major causes of group
conflict: organisational
and interpersonal
~
There can be any number of reasons 'vhy group confiict
can happen 'vithin an organisation. There appear to
Promote open enquiry. A group leader could
question all decisions made in order to get the
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
be two broad categories accordi ng to Riggio ( 1999).
as foUO\VS:
~
~
Organbalional factors forn1 one broad category. For
example, status differences \Vithin an organisation
n1ight cause friction. There could be conflict between
people about the best path\vay tO\vards a goal. There
may be a lack of resources such as money, supplies or
staff \\•hich can cause conflict too. Also, \Vhen there
are groups that form a "chain of events" for a task
to be completed, there are many opportunities for
things to go \vrong and hence conflict occurs.
Interpersonal reasons n1ake up the other broad
category. These are things such as the personal
qualities of two \Vorkers "clashing~ nieaning
they do no t cooperate on tasks. It may be that
individuals si1nply cannot get along with each other
or due to a failed task may never wan t to work
with each other again. Son1etin1es, if the conflict
is between two heads of different departments
this can escalate into conflict bet\veen those
departments as a result.
Positive and negative
effects of conflict
Conflict that occurs within an organisation can have
both negative and positive effects:
~
There could be the folJo,ving negative effects. Group
cohesiveness may diminish as people do not get
on. Comrnunication can be inhibited as a resuJt of
people not talking. Workers n1ay no longer trust
each other due to conflict. Constant "bickering" can
reduce productivity and goal attainment.
~
Here are some examples of positive effects. Conflict
n1ay get group n1en1bers to rethink 1vhat they are
doing. This improves creativity and innovation (and
reduces the problen1s of groupthink). Workers 111ay
become less co1nplacent 1vith their work if conflict
is occurring. lfit n1eans that the 1vhole 1vorkforce
is listened to and consuJted then productivity may
increase as all workers feel "part of the organisation''.
Managing group conflict
Thomas (quoted in Riggio, 1992) identified five different
strategies that can be used to nlanage group conflict in
an organisation:
~
Competition - individuals n1ay persist in conflict
untiJ someone \Vins and someone loses and then the
conflict, apparentJy, diminishes \Vithin the groups
these individuaJs are frorn.
~
Accommodation - this involves making a "sacrifice"
in order to reduce conflict This can help to cut
losses and save the relationship benveen the two
groups in conflict.
~
Con1promise - each group under conflict n1ust give
up son1ething to help resolve the conflict. This can
only be acliieved if both sides can lose things that
are con1parable.
~
Collaboration - the groups need to \VOrk togetJ1er
to overco1ne the confil ct as long as resources are
not scarce.
~ Avoidance - this involves suppressing the conflict or
withdra\ving fron1 the conflict cornpletely. Neither
side can truly resolve the conflict; the differences are
still there and have not been \vorked through. This
strategy can be used if the conflict is so aggressive
that both sides need to "cool off''.
Another technique might be for managers to create a
superordinate goaJ. This is a goal that the conflicting
groups are 1villing to \\•Ork for together. This will
focus them a\\1ay from the original conflict Also,
managers can use their authority to call a vote on the
conflict situation. As a result, the rnajority of \\•orkers
will "\vin" the conflict and managers then have to
deal 1vith the losing \vorkers. Managers could also
create opportunities for both groups to get a better
understanding of one another through workshops,
discussion and presentations.
®
EVALUATION
ind vs sit
useful
valid
reduct
•
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
An organisation wants you to deliver a presentation
on why groups conflict at work. They also want
some hints and tips on how to manage group confltct. What
would you say to them and on what psychology is it based?
Some organisational psychologists examine ho\v the
surroundings at "'Ork and people's ",vork stations" affect
lheir productivity and attitude to \VOrk. This section 'vill
take a look at factors that are important for \Yorkers,
including shift patterns and potential errors that could
cause accidents.
ASK YOURSELF
How do you feel your surroundings affect how
you work? Whal things make you want to work
and whal things put you off?
PHYSICAL AND
PSYCHOLOGICAL WORK
CONDITIONS
Belo\v \Ve look at the role of physical and psychological
"'Ork conditions and ho'v they may affect workers in an
organisation.
Physical work conditions
This category includes illumination, temperature, noise,
motion, pollution and aesthetic factors. We '"ill look at
each in turn.
In tern1s of lighting (illumination), workers require
adequate levels in order to perforn1 any given task.
Artificial lighting n1ust be provided if natural daylight
is not enough to complete a task at work. Obviously,
different jobs require different amou nts and types of
light. A "'orker \vho is perforining a fine n1otor skill may
need much more illun1ination con1pared to someone
on a production line. Illumination is necessary for night
\VOrkers and rnany companies provide light that n1i1nics
sunlight so that the workers' biological n1echanisms are
tricked into believing it is actually daytime. However,
too much illumination from devices can be detrimental.
For example, the issue of glare from computer screens
has to be dealt \Vith and workers should be able to
control the contrast and brightness on their screens.
In terms of ten1perature, there must be an optin1al
level set depending on the job being undertaken. There
are rules about minimum temperature although no
rules about n1a~imum temperature. Air conditioning
can obviously keep temperature at a set level in offices.
People \vho \vork in refrigerated areas need protective
clothing to stop them from getting too cold. \Vhen
people become too hot or too cold they begin to slo'"
do\"11 in terms of cognitive functioning and motor
skill coordination so an optin1al temperature needs
to be set.
Noise can be very distracting in the \vorkplace
especially if it is loud and uncontrollable. There are
legislations that state \vorkers should not be exposed
to n1ore than 90 decibels in a "normal" \Vorking
environ1nent. Anything above this and workers will
Jose concentration and their task efficiency will suffer.
However, there are jobs where the noise \viii be over
90 decibels constantly (e.g. a pneun1alic dri ll is nearly
130 decibels), so \Vorkers will need ear protectors
to stop any permanent damage occurring to their'
hearing.
Motion can be an issue for certain types of jobs too.
Workers who use pneumatic equipment \vhere the
\Vhole body vibrates when it is used may have longerterm issues. These can include decreasing ability to
perforn1 fine n1otor skills and developing a repetitive
strain injury affecting joints or tendons.
Pollution and aesthetic factors are covered in
chapter 10. More information about noise is given in
section l 0.1. (see page 177).
TEST YOURSELF
Outline how two physical factors affect workers
in an organisation.
Psychological work
conditions
Psychological \vork conditions include feelings of
privacy or crowding, excess or absence of social
interactions, sense of status or importance as opposed
to anonyn1ity or unimportance.
Density and cro,vding are covered in section I0.2
(see page 183).
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
In terms of social interactions, there can be two
extremes that \vorkers have to contend \vith: excess
or absence. Excess social interactions can obviously
reduce productivity in workers and even though
son1e of it can be blamed on people si1nply chatting
and not paying attention to their \VOrk or the
lin1e, there n1ay be other factors that contribute lo
it. The layout of an office can pro1nole or inhibit
con1munication. lf desks face each other and have
an opportunity for face-to-face communication then
there \vill be an excess of social interaction. Solitary
booths \vill reduce social interaction. Ho\vever, there
are some jobs \vhere there is an absence of social
interaction with other \vorkers. For example, people
\vorking in laboratories \vhere only one person is
needed to handle trials will have very limited social
interactions; although sales and call centre staff
interact over the telephone, their \vorker-to-worker
social interactions may be limited.
A sense of status or in1portance can enhance
productivity in a \vorkforce. lf people are given job
titles \vhich sho\v they have son1e status \Vithin the
organisation (e.g. supervisor) then they are more
likely to be motivated to \vork. This psychological
sense of being important can boost self-esteem and
self-efficacy and has a very positive knock-on effect
on productivity and goal attainment. However, the
opposite can happen if people are not given status for
their job (especially if they feel they play a vital role in
the organisation). This can quickly dcn1otivate people
\vho will then fail to attain goals or care about the
quality of their work.
@
TEMPORAL
CONDITIONS OF WORK
ENVIRONMENTS
Temporal conditions refer to the time conditions in
which people \VOrk. There are n1any different work
patterns that people folio"' around the \vorld, from
the 9 a.111. to 5 p.111. work pattern, to shift-\vorkers'
hours, to those "on call". Below \Ve look al son1e of the
options organisations have \vhen choosing the te1nporal
conditions for its workers.
Shift work
Rapid rotation theory and slow
rotation theory
Shift work refers to when a \\'Orker does not do the same
work pattern each \veek. Workers need to alternate the
times they \vork so that an organisation can, say, operate
on a 24-hour basis. Workers alternating benveen day
and night shifts is a good example. Ho\vever, more
organisations run a rotation of three shifts per day: day
shift (typically 6 a.m. to 2 p.m.), afternoon or t\vilight shift
(2 p.m. to I 0 p.m.) and night shift ( I 0 p.m. to 6 a.m.).
Therefore, \vorkers need to change their "working day''.
There are different options that an organisation can use
for this:
~
- A metropolitan rota is \vhere \Yorkers complete
hvo day shifts, then hvo nvilight shifts, then nvo
night shifts. This is then foUo"•ed by t\vo days
off \vork.
EVALUAT ION
useful
•
ind vs sit
v alid
- A continental rota is where \vorkers complete two
day shifts, two t\vilight shifts, three night shifts, t\vo
days off work, two day shifts, three twilight shifts,
two night shifts, then three days off work. After this,
the rotation begins again.
reduct
~ CHALLENGE YOURSELF
V
A loc al c ompany wants you to help it redesign an
ofl1ce space to improve cond1bons for workers.
It wants one physical change and one p sychological
change. Whal would you design a nd o n what psychology
1s 1t based?
Rapid rotation - these are frequent shift changes
that "'orkers have to foUo\v. There are f\vO types:
~
Slo\v rotation - these are infrequent changes of
shift that 'vorkers have to foUo\v. For example,
they may work day shifts for three \veeks or more,
have a fe\v days off then \York night shifts for
three weeks or more, etc. This type of shift pattern
alJO\\IS \Yorkers' circadian rhythm (their daily
rhythm of sleep and \vake) to adapt to a particular
shift rather then it being "out of sync" \\•ith \Vork
patterns, which can happen on a rapid rotation.
Circadian rhythms need time to adapt to a change
in shift pattern. If they do not there can be longtenn health implications and some studies have
even suggested that people who \vork shifts have
higher rates of mortality. Also, when \vorking at
night, \vorkers are atten1pting to go against their
biological clock. During lhe night, humans are
expected to sleep so our cognitive functioning
decreases. This means \Ve are more prone to
accidents and making errors on tasks at njght.
Compressed work
weeks and flexitime
There are other options that organisations can use to
help \VOrkers strike a good \vork- life balance. Here are
t\vo examples:
~
~
They n1 ight adopt a compressed \vorking \veek.
Workers can 'vork three 12-hour shifts per \veek
leaving them \'lith four days off. They have still
\VOrked a standard 36 hours. l·-Io\vever, Riggio
( 1999) notes that co1npleting a series of longer
shifts is tiring and there has to be concern about
the quality of work being finished and levels of
productivity. However, research has pointed to,vards
workers feeling more satisfied with their jobs if they
follo\v this method.
lhey might offer flexitime. Workers still have a
contracted amount of hours that they have to be
engaged in \VOrk for the organisation. Ho\vever,
they can help to choose their daily working hours
as long as the total time spent at \VOrk is their
agreed contracted hours. A \vorker 111ay decide to
\VOrk 9 a.111. to 5 p.n1. on Monday but only \vork
2 p.n1. to 6 p.1n. on Tuesday and work extra hours
on days later in the week. This can allow workers
to have the flexibility of fitting \VOrk into their lives
rather than fitting their lives into \VOrk. Ho,vever, it
is unlikely that total flexibility \viii be possible. For
exa1nple, organisations may require regular tea1n
meetings.
®
EVALUATION
useful
•
reduct
ind vs sit
TEST YOURSELF
Explain how temporal conditions al work can
affect a worker.
ERGONOMICS
Ergonomics refers lo the study of attempting to match
(or improve on) the design of tools, gadgets, machines,
\VOrk stations and \vork systems for the \vorkers \vho
will have to use them. Engineers and psychologists \vilJ
work together to design, for example, \Vork stations
and son1e niachi nes and gadgets, ivith 90 per cent of
any given popuJation's dimensions covered (e.g. height,
weight, knee height when sitting do\vn, etc.).
Operator- machine
systems
Operator- n1achine systems are those \vhere human
workers have to interact with machinery to do their
job. We 1vill look at visual and auditory displays and
controls. With technological advances still happening at
a rapid pace, organisational psychologists need to help
companies v.•ith the design of machinery to n1ake the
job more efficient but also to stop errors and accidents
from occurring.
Visual displays and controls
There are three types of visual displays that can be used
in organisational machinery:
~
Quantitative - these are rusplays that project
numbers giving data - temperature, titne, speed, etc.
Digital displays have taken over from, for exan1ple,
"clock-like" displays as they are n1uch easier to read
and fewer errors occur.
~
Qualitative - these are displays that allo\v for a
judgment using \vords as the tool For example, a
piece of machinery may not project temperature as
a number but have sections sin1ply labelled "cold~
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
"normal" and "hot" - workers can then judge what
to do based on this information.
~
Check-reading - these are simpler displays where
the information is limited but highly useful For
example, there may be a sin1ple on-off button, or a
light that comes on \Vhen something is not \Vorking
correctly (or is \VOrking correctly).
~
performing a task incorrectly (e.g. a \Vorker may
simply not folJO\V an instruction).
~
An error of sequence is made. This refers to not
following a set procedure for a task (e.g. a \Yorker
may \VOrk out of sequence, causing an error).
~
An error of timing is 111ade. This refers to
perfonning a task too slo,vly or too quickly (e.g. a
\vorker may press a button too quickJy on a machine
or not quickly enough to turn it off).
Auditory displays and controls
In addition to a variety of visual displays noted above,
auditory displays can be used. Buzzers, belJs or a
constant pitched sound can alert ,,rorkers to a potential
problem or that a job is con1pleted in a production
line. Workers no longer have to be looking at a display
to know what is happening; the sound tells them. The
type of noise needs to be what Riggio ( l 999) called
"psychologically effective''. That is, a realJy loud blaring
horn or repetitive short beeps are usually perceived as
danger so a \VOrker \Vill be alerted to something that is
occurring.
Riggio ( L999) noted when it was belier to use either
visual displays or auditory displays:
~
lt is better to use visual displays \Vhen a message is
complex, a permanent message is needed, the \vork
area is too noisy, the \vorkers' jobs involve reading
information from displays, etc.
~
It is better to use auditory displays \vhen a message
is simple, the \VOrk area is too dark to see a visual
readout, \VOrkers need to move about as part of
their job, the message is urgent, inforn1ation is
continually changing, etc.
Errors and accidents
in operator-machine
systems
When a worker and 1nachine are interacting. it is
inevitable that al son1e point an error \vill be made.
According to Riggio ( l999), this can happen in four
di fferenl \vays:
~
An error of 01nission is n1ade. This refers to a failure
to do something (e.g. a \Vorker may fail to switch
something on or off).
An error of co111mission is made. This refers to
There are oilier factors which n1ay \veil aftect \VOrkers
and cause them to perform a task incorrectly:
~
There may be lack of training on using a piece of
equipment or the 111anual 111ay be too complicated
to understand.
~
Son1e workers have a personality trait caUed
accident proneness - the way they coordinate
themselves both physically and psychologicaUy
makes them n1ore likely to have an accident or
make an error.
~
Fatigue n1ay be a factor. Workers who are having to
cover a night shift are more likely to have accidents
or make an error as they are \VOrking against their
natural circadian rhythm - behveen I a.m. and 4
a.m. the human body is in a "cognitive dipn as the
body is primed for sleep not, for example, \VOrking
machinery.
@
EVALUATION
useful
ind vs sit
•
reduct
Reducing errors: theory
A and theory B
Reason (2000) differentiated between t\vo 111ain types of
errors in the workplace that can cause accidents:
~
Theory A is when the individual may be to blan1e.
~
Theory B is \vhen \VOrk systems may be to blame.
See section 9.6 for more details of theory A and
theory B.
12.6 SATISFACTION
AT WORK
ln many cases, a job takes up a large proportion of a
\Vorker's \Wking life. Therefore, it \Vould be good to
Lhink: that the worker is satisfied \vith the job. This is not
ahvays the case though. Organisational psychologists
are interested in designing jobs that \Vorkers \\'ill find
satisfying. This next section looks at these attempts.
AS" YOURSELF
What do you feel makes workers satisfied with
their JOb? Llsl as many reasons as possible. Keep
the list with you as you read this section and tick off all of
the ones that psychologists believe are important too.
~
All of these added together bring about three critical
psychological states according to Hackman & Oldman
(1980). \Vorkers:
~
ex-perience meaningfulness at \l'Ork
~
experience responsibility in terms of the outcome
of \Vork
~
have koo\vledge of the actual outcorne of the job
whid1 can help employee growth.
All of this then 1nakes \Vorkers nluch niore motivated,
their quality of work iinproves drastically, they become
more satisfied and there is less absenteeism and fe\.ver
people leaving Lheir job.
TEST YOURSELF
Ou lline three of the crucial decisions thal should
go into a job design.
JOB DESIGN
Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted that job design is
about making \VOrkers more motivated by making their
job or \vork nlore appealing. If a job involves repetitive
and boring \vork then a worker will get demotivated
very quickly. 1herefore, there have to be \Vays to create
jobs and maintain jobs so \VOrkers enjoy their time at
\\'Ork and are continually nlotivated.
Job characteristics
Job design: enrichment,
rotation and enlargement
ln addjtion to the job characteristics model, there are
other ways once a job has started \Vhich can allo\V for
increased satisfaction and motivation in \Yorkers. Three
of these are as follo\VS:
~
Job enrichment - this gives \.Yorkers more jobs to
do that involve more tasks to perforn1 that are of a
higher level of skill and responsibility. \\Torkers can
then have greater control over their job and it makes
the job more interesting. Both of these increase
satisfaction and 1notivation. One drawback ls that
this may be difficult to implen1ent across 1nany jobs
within one organisation.
~
Job rotation - this gives \vorkers regular cha nges
to tasks \Vithin their role at work. 'Ihere 111ay be
daily, \veekly or n1onthly changes to the tasks that
they are required to perforn1 and this should keep
them "fresh" and highly 111otivated Lhroughout
their working day. 'TI1is increases the v1orkers' skills
base too.
~
Job enlargement - this gives \Vorkers more tasks
to do but at the same level and usually as part of a
team effort. There is no more responsibility or they
are not required to learn ne\v skills, rather they
Hackman & Oldham (quoted in Greenberg, 1980)
introduced us to the job characteristics model.
Personnel, managers, leaders, etc. can use it to devise
and create jobs that \\•ill appeal to workers and keep
then1 1notivated. TI1ere are five critical decisions that
have to be incorporated into any job design:
~
Skill variety - docs the job require different
activities that utilise a range of the worker's skills
and talents? lt should.
~
Task identity- does the job require the complelion
of a whole piece of \Vork fron1 its inception to its
completion? It should.
~
Task significance - does the job have a real impact
on the organisation or even beyond that? It should.
~
Feedback - does the job allow for easily measurable
feedback to assess the effectiveness of the \l'Orker?
It should.
Autonomy - does the job allo\v the \VOrker some
freedom in terms of planning, scheduling, carry out
tasks and organising teams? It should.
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
perform a \Vider variety of differing tasks during
their \Vorking day.
Designing jobs that
motivate
Taking all of the above on board. Greenberg & Baron
(2008) examined four different \vays in \vhich a
manager could follo\v to design a job or jobs that
motivate the \vorkforce:
~
Combine tasks - have \vorkers perforn1ing a variety
of different tasks ralher than just one task that is
part of a "bigger picture''.
~
Open feedback channels - ensure that workers get
a lot of feedback about each and every task that is
assigned LOthcn1. This \viii in1prove task efficiency.
productivity and niotivation.
~
Establish client relationships - try to 1nake the job
so workers have to 111eet the clients \Vho will be
buying the finished product. This allo\vs then1 all to
engage in feedback discussions.
~
Load jobs vertically - give \Yorkers more
responsibility for elements of their job. This gives
\Vorkers some degree of autonomy \vhich has been
shO\vn to be a core element of job satisfaction.
~
~
EVALUATION
useful
reduct
valid
•
ind vs sit
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
You have been approached by a local company
that needs your help 111 designing jobs that make
workers satisfied. What would you recommend to the
company and on what psychology is 1l based?
MEASURING JOB
SATISFACTION
There are numerous ways in \vhich \vorkers' job
satisfaction can be measured by an organisation. This
allows them to assess ho\v 1nuch they are allo\,ring
people to enjoy their \VOrk and be motivated.
Rating scales and
questionnaires
There are some standardised rating scales and
questionnaires that an organisation can use to n1easure
the degree of satisfaction individual workers feel 'vith
their job. Here are t\VO exan1ples:
~
Job descriptive index - this is a self-report
questionnaire for \VOrkers. It measures satisfaction
on five dimensions: the job, supervision, pay,
promotions and CO·\\i'Orkers, as sho\vn in Table
12.6.l. Phrases are read and the \VOrker has to answer
"Yes~ "No': or"?" if undecided. Each ans,ver to
each phrase is already assigned a numerical value
based on standardisation scoring. Therefore, the
worker's satisfaction can be su1nmed for the five
different dimensions to sec \vhether all or just one
or hvo di1nensions are bringing about satisfaction or
dissatisfaction.
Think of the pay you get. How well
does each of the following words
describe your present pay? In the
blank space beside each word or
phrase wnte:
Think of your present work. What
Is It like most of the time? In the
blank space beside each word
wnte:
Think of the opportunities for
promotion that you have now. How
well does each of the following
words descnbe them? In the blank
space beside each phrase wnte:
y
for "Yes" 1f it describes
your work
y
for "Yes• if it describes
your pay
y
for "Yes" if it describes
your opportunities for
promotion
N
for "No" if 11 does not
describe 11
N
for "No" if it does not
N
for "No" if it does not
describe them
if you cannot decide
?
?
if you cannot decide
?
describe it
if you cannot decide
Work on present job
Present pay
--- Routine
- - Satisfying
- - Good
---- Income inadequate for
normal expenses
---- Insecure
---- Less than I deserve
-
Opportunities for promotion
--- Dead-end job
---- Unfair promotion policy
--- Regular promotions
- - - -
Think of the kind of supervision
you get on your JOb. How well
does each of the following words
describe this superv1s1on? In the
blank space beside each word or
phrase wnte:
Think of the majority of people
that you work with now or the
people you meet in connection
with your work. How well does
each or the following words
describe these people? In
the blank space beside each
word write:
Think of your job in general. All in
all, what 1s 1t l1ke most of the time?
In the blank space beside each
word or phrase write:
-
-
y
for "Yes" 1f 11 describes
the supervision you get on
your job
y
for "Yes" If 1t describes the
people you work with
y
for "Yes· 1f it describes
your job
N
for "No" if it does not
describe it
N
for "No" If 1t does not
describe them
N
for "No" if 1t does not
describe it
?
if you cannot decide
?
if you cannot decide
?
if you cannot decide
Supervisor on present Job
People on present job
- - Impolite
- - Praises good work
- - Doesn't supervise enough
--- Boring
---- Responsible
---- Intelligen l
Job 1n general
______ ,_
Undesirable
Better than most
Rotten
A Table 12.6. 1 Job descriptive index - the five dimensions
Source: Smith, Kendall & Hulin quoted in Riggio (1999)
I>
Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire - this is also
a self-report questionnaire for \VOrkers. It measures
satisfaction on 20 dimensions (e.g. supervisors, task
variety, responsibility, promotion, potential). Each
iten1 is read and the worker has to rate ho\v much he
or she agrees with the statement on a five-point scale
from very dissatisfied to very satisfied. Again, each
\vorker generates a score overall and for each of the
20 dimensions so satisfaction and dissatisfaction can
easily be identified. Exan1ples of the 20 dimensions
are given in Table 12.6.2.
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
3 The chance to do different
things from time to time
1
2
3
4
5
4 The chance to be "somebody"
1n the community
1
2
3
4
5
5 The way my boss handles
his/her workers
1
2
3
4
5
6 The competence or my
supervisor in making
decisions
1
2
3
4
5
7 The way my job provides for
steady employment
1
2
3
4
5
8 My pay and the amount of
work I do
1
2
3
4
5
9 The chances for advancement
on this job
1
2
3
4
5
10 The working conditions
1
2
3
4
5
11 The way my co-workers get
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1 Being able to keep busy all
the time
2 The c hance to work alone on
the JOb
along with each other
12 The reeling of
accomplishment I get from
the jOb
A Table 12.6.2 Excerpt from the Minnesota satisfaction questionnaire
Source: Weiss et al. 'Vocational Psychology Research', University of Minnesota, copyright 1977. Reproduced by permission.
Critical incidents
incidents make for a satisfying job for the 1vorker. This
is good as the qualitative data can give a '\vhole feel"
Critical incidents technique is a way of collecting
information aboul 1vorkers on their job performan ce.
Workers can fil l in questionnaires about their progress
for the j ob, kno1vi ng exactly what satisfies a 1\lorker
across a range of tasks and jobs.
and be intervie1ved about i t. Their fel101v 1\lorkers
and n1anagers can do the san1e. The intervie1vs or
questionnaires 1vill ask people about any incidents
Interviews
at \\1ork, both positive and negative, which have
contributed to success ful or unsuccessful tasks
happening. There 1\lill be hundreds of these. A job
analyst can then analyse all of them to see 1vhich
These can take the form of structured or unstructured
and usually follo" ' one of the above. Reread about these
types of interview on page 3 from AS level and apply
them to organisati ons.
®
EVALUATION
questionnaire
qual/quan
'
•
the content of 1vork within the job, how much
they had advanced (or could advance) within
the job
•
ho1v much they felt the)• had gro1vn 1vith the job.
interview
useful
These have to be present to achieve job satisfaction.
JI> Hygienes - these are related to the context of the job
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
and include:
A company wants you to set up a system that
effectively measures Job satisfactJOn 1n its workers.
•
how company policies and administration affect
the job
•
1vhat level of supervision 1vorkers have in the job
•
1vhat interpersonal relations are like 1vithin
the job
•
1vhat the 1vorking conditions are like 1vithin
Lhe job
•
salary.
Create such a system and then evaluate your efforts.
ATTITUDES TO WORK
Another area of interest for organisational psychologists
is researching people's attitudes to work. By uncovering
the reasons why people 1vork an organisation gets a
clearer picture on motivational needs, productivity and
ho1v people see their jobs.
These have to be absent/nega tive for job dissatisfaction
to occu.r.
Theories of job
satisfaction and
dissatisfaction
Therefore, workers need a range of rnotivators to be
present to be satisfied with their job but 1vhen hygiene
factors are absent this leads to dissatisfaction. Riggio
(1999) does note that other organisational psychologists
have tried to replicate Herzberg's findings but they keep
failing to find these hvo distinct factors.
We have already looked at motivation to 1vork
and these theories can easily apply here 1vhen
it comes to job satisfaction and dissatisfaction.
Ho"•ever, another theory that can be applied here
is Herzberg's ( 1966) hvo-faclor theory. He believed
that job satisfaction and job dissatisfaction are t1vo
indepe11de11t thi11gs "'hen it comes to the 1vorkplace.
Prior to this, many psychologists believed there was a
continuun1 fron1 being satisfied to being dissatisfied
at 1vork. Herzberg surveyed n1any 1vorkers and
asked the1n what 1nade them feel especially bad or
good about their job. I-le analysed the contents of
these surveys and concluded that there are t1vo main
factors at work here:
JI> Motivators - these arc related to the content of the
actual job and include:
•
level of responsibility 1vithin the job
•
ho1v much 1vorkers had already achieved in the
job
•
1vhat recognition 1vorkers had received 1vhile
doing the job
Job withdrawal,
absenteeism and
sabotage
A variety of things can happen once a person becomes
dissatisfied \Vith his or her job. These include job
withdrawal (leaving the job), job absenteeism and job
sabotage. We 1vill look al ead1 in turn.
Job withdra\val (or ernployee turnover) can con1e in
two fonns: voluntary and involuntary. Involuntary
withdrawal is when an organisation has to lire people
for various reasons (e.g. the con1pany is not n1aking
enough profit or the worker is not perforn1i ng his or
her job properly or up to the standards expected).
Voluntary \Vithdrawal is when the worker decides
to leave and the main reason is that the 1vorker has
found other employment (this could be linked to job
dissatisfaction but not always). This does "damage" an
organisation as it may have lost a very valued men1ber
of its team and is no1v faced 1vit h the cost of advertising
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
The main reason for this is illness. Organisations have to
be prepared for a certain number of instances occurring
per worker and have policies in place to deal \Vith it
(e.g. use ten1porary \VOrkers or use an agency to find
cover \VOrkers). Voluntary absenteeism n1ay well be a
measure ofjob dissatisfaction but, as with \Vithdra\val
above, the reason!> vary so \Videly that it is another lo1v
validity altempt (people may just take the odd day off to
do other things but really love their job). Therefore, as
Riggio (1999) points out, there are problems \Vith using
this as any n1easu re due to the complexity of reasons
that people give for voluntary absenteeism. Greenberg &
Baron (2008), ho\vever, noted a study that had found the
relationship. This is sho,vn in Figure 12.6.1.
and interviewing the people \vho could take over
the position. Research has been rare in this area as it
can be very difficult to dissect what is voluntary and
involuntary \Vithdra,val and even \Vithin each category
there may be subgroups of different reasons 1vhy people
may leave their job. Therefore, il is a lo\v valid method
of measuring job dissatisfaction.
Job absenteeism can also be categorised as voluntary and
involuntary. Voluntary absenteeisn1 refers to instances
1vhere the worker has chosen to take the time otf (e.g.
the \vorker may choose to have an extra day for a long
\veekend or may have errands to run such as going to
the vet). Involuntary abscnteeisn1 refers to times when
the '"orker does not choose to be off \vork but is absent.
Many days
present
(tow absenteeism)
Absenteeism rose among
workers whose job
satisfaction decreased
over time
''
''
''
''
Absenteeism decreased
among workers whose JOb
sal1sract1on rose over time
Job satisfaction
increased
''
''
''
''
',
''
''
''
''
''
' ',
Job satisfaction
decreased
Few days
present
(high absenteeism)
Two
years tater
ln1tiat
measurement
Time
.A. Figure 12.6.1 Relationship between Job satisfaction and absenteeism
Job sabotage is about rule breaking and 1vorkers making
a conscious effort to stop themselves and others from
\vorking for an organisation. This can be caused by
frustration as workers begin to feel po\verless in their
job. It can also be brought about as an attempt to make
1vorking conditions better, for instance to gain better
\vages or physical conditions in a factory. Finally, it can be
an attempt to challenge authority as workers feel that their
managers or leaders are not perforn1ing in their job. This
is an extren1e form of dissatisfaction so cannot be used
to discover job dissatisfaction on a daily basis and in the
majority of \Yorkers.
TEST YOURSELF
(2008). committed \Yorkers are much less likely to
Outline what psychologists have told us about
attitudes to work.
\vithdra\V from the organisation and \vork tasks, they
are "'illing to make some life sacrifices for the good of
the organisation and their productivity \viii be higher.
Organisations have to enrich jobs, match the values
of their current employees with their O\vn values, and
when recruili ng choose en1ployees whose values are the
closest 111atch to Lheirs.
Organisational
commitment
Organisational commitment refers lo the attitudes
that workers have to,vards the organisation that they
\\!Ork for. lt looks at ho'v much they get involved \vith
the organisation they \vork for and \vhy they choose
to stay in employment there. Greenberg & Baron
(2008) note that there are three types of organisational
comn1itn1ent:
Promoting job
satisfaction
~ Continuance comn1itment - \vorkers stay in the
~ through the selection process
job as it is probably too costly for them to leave
it financ ially. The longer \Yorkers have been in
the same organisation, the n1ore difficult it is to
leave when they reflect on all that they have given
to the organisation and \vhat it has given them.
Therefore, workers are not \Villing to risk leaving
the organisation.
~ Affective commitment - \Yorkers stay in the job
because they strongly agree \vith the organisation's
goals and overall beliefs and vie,vs. They fully
support \vhat the organisation does and how it
does it. As long as the goals and beliefs of the
workers niatch those of the organisation, the
\vorkers feel con1n1itted to the job.
~
Nonnative commitment - \vorkers stay in the job
because of pressure from other people. They may
not want to leave a company because they fear
"what people might say" about them doing so.
They do not \Vant to disappoint their organisation
by leaving and even though they n1ay feel a bit
dissatisfied, they remain committed to the job.
All of the sections in this chapter have ideas about
promoting job satisfaction:
~
by exploring \vhy people are motivated to work
~
by identifying what leaders are present in rhe
organisation
~
by identifying h0\\1 groups \VOrk in the organisation
~
\vhen considering the physical surroundings of the
\vorkplace
~
through assessing job satisfaction.
®
EVALUATION
'
useful
reliable
ind vs sit
qual/quan
CHALLENGE YOURSELF
Using all or the sections in this chapter.
hO\Y
do you think an organisation can promote JOb
sabsfaction 111 its employees? On what psychology is your
idea based?
So, why would an organisation be concerned about
con1mitment? According to Greenberg & Baron
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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS
EXAMPLES OF HOW
TO EVALUATE
For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \vill be asked
to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. You
\viU have noticed that after each topic in this chapter
there are the icons for the different issues, debates,
approaches, perspectives and research methods that
could be used to help you anS\\'er the 12 mark question
in the examination. Belo\v are three examples of the
types of things you could \vrite in the exan1ination.
You should ain1 to niake nt lenst four different
evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our
accompanying Revision Guide has a series of student
answers \Vith marks and examiner comments attached
to them.
Personnel selection
Some of the selection procedures niay be subjective. For
example, Hay1vard ( 1996) noted that females can still
be stereotyped as 'not management n1aterial' and are
therefore overlooked as they do not have the 'masculine
traits' needed to take on such roles. Therefore, many
fen1ale applicants may never be called for interview.
This may not be based on any truth or objective
reasoning. Also, there n1ay be bias in some methods.
For example, a lot of information is qualitative rather
than quantitative and therefore subject to interviewer
interpretation bias. Also, if an unstructured method
is chosen then there is reduced reliability as not all
intervie1vee's 1vill have the same experience. Also,
someone has to decide the different 'hurdles' in the
multiple hurdles approach to selection but this might be
based on one person's idea and is therefore not objective
and more likely to be biased. Ho\vever, selection
procedures can be useful in reducing the candidate pool
do,vn to those who arc best suited to the job. With the
n1ultiple cutoff 111ethod, as soon as an applicant fails
to reach the niini1nun1 score 011 any one predictor or
task they are elin1inated frorn the recruitment process.
Therefore, those who re111ain have at least the mini1num
aniount of ability that is required for the position. This
can make the whole selection procedure more valid as
a result as you are interviewing people 1vho have the
qualities you need for the job.
Need theories of motivation
One problem 1vith these theories is that they genernlise
without taking into account individual differences. For
example, Maslo\v's Hierarch of Needs suggest '"e all
progress up the pyramid in the sanie \Vay. \Ve could all
progress up the pyramid in different 1vays with different
motivations and needs - so111e people may never want
to self-actualise in the \vorkplace, instead choosing to
do it 1\tith leisure activities outside of 1vork therefore any
attempt to 'involve all in the same \vay' may not 1vork
very well. The measuring of the needs as predicted by
some theories like the Need for Achievcn1enl can be
subject.ive. V\lorkers can be assessed on these three key
needs and motives by taking as Thcn1atic Apperception
Test (TAT). To do this, the worker has to look al a series
of ambiguous pictures that tell a story. They have to teU
whatever story they feel is behind the picture and these
are then scored. One personnel n1e1nber may score the
response in a different way lo someone else working in
personnel.
Measuring job satisfaction
!vlany of these methods are based on questionnaires
so they may be more valid than an intervie1v because
workers n1ay be more likely to reveal truthful answers
in a questionnaire as it does not involve talking faceto-face \Vith someone. Therefore, information from the
Job Descriptive index may be more valid compared
to an intervie\V using some of the same questions.
However, some \Yorkers may give socially desirable
ans\vers as they want to look good rather than giving
truthful ans1vers - this lo1vers the validity of measuring
satisfaction. A 1vorker 1nay 1vant to look niore satisfied
about their job if a stern nianager is going to read the
responses so that they appear to be enjoying their work
and so they look good, especially if it is linked to a
potential promotion at work.
Exam centre
Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.
Section A
(a) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, \vhat is meant by the
(2 marks)
term "selection intervie\vs':
(b) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, \Vhat is meant by the
(2 marks)
term "intrinsic motivation':
(c) Describe t\VO \vays in \vhich you could improve
motivation in \VOrkers.
(d) Outline one theory of leadership.
(4 marks)
(4 marks)
Section IS
(a) Describe \Vhat psychologists have
discovered abou t organisational \\TOrking
conditions.
(8 n1arks)
(b) Describe \vhat psychologists have discovered
about performance appraisals.
(8 marks)
(d) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered
about personnel selection decisions and include a
discussion about questionnaires.
( 12 marks)
Section C
(a) Describe one \vay we can measure job
(6 n1arks)
satisfuction.
(b) Suggest ho\v you \vould improve job satisfaction
and motivation in a \vorkforce. On \Vhal
psychology is your suggestion based? (8 marks)
(c) Describe t\vo \vays in \Vhich physical
work conditions can aft"ecl people in their place
(6 n1arks)
of \\Tork.
(d) Suggest how you n1igh1 redesig n an office to
reduce any negative psychological effects it n1ay
have on a worker.
(8 nlarks)
(c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered
about leadership style and effectiveness and
include a discussion about hO\V useful the
(12 marks)
findings have been.
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M CENTRE (A LEVEL)
The questions, exan1ple answers, nlarks a\varded andlor comments that appear in
this book/CD \Vere written by the author. ln examination, the \vay marks would be
a\varded to ans\vers like these may be different
This unit constitutes 50 per cent of the A level
qualification. Students need to have studied
two options fron1 the five on offer. Por this unil,
the focus is on knowledge and understanding of each
option with rnethodological assessn1ents, issues and
debates, and approaches and perspectives added too.
Also, students have to "thin k on their feet" during the
exam via a rnethods question. The exam lasts for
3 hours and is marked out of 80.
The structure of the exam is as follo\vs:
Students then repea t this with their second option.
Section A
Example queslions could be as follows:
1. (a) Explain, in yo ur 01vn words, what is meant by
the tenn "intrinsic motivation''. (2 nlarks)
(b) Describe one cause of anxiety disorders
(phobias). (4 nlarks)
(c) Describe hvo \vays in \\ hich 1ve can control
pain. (4 marks)
Section (a). For the 2 mark question, you must \\•rite
out a definition of \Vhatever the key tenn is, in your
O\\'n 1vords (you can base it on an actual definition).
The answer \vould have to be clear and accurate. For the
4 n1ark question, if ii asks for a study then briefly cover
the ainl, met11od, results and conclusion. The ans\\ er
would have to sho1v a dear understanding of the study
or area being tackled. If the question asks for t1vo things
then ensure that you supply t\vo brief outlines of \vhat is
being asked.
1
/!> Section A - there are usually hvo short-ans,ver
questions that are expected to directly test
kno\vledge and understanding of some aspect of one
option. 111ere is a 2-mark question and a 4-mark
question so this section carries 6 nlarks in total
/!> Section B - this is usually a structured essay broken
into t\\10 parts. Part (a) \\1ould allo\v students to \vrite
about \vhat psychologists have found out about a
certain topic \Vithin the option (it is specified in the
question). Part (b) would ask students to evaluate
\vhat psychologists have found. Part (a) is marked
out of8 and part (b) is rna rked out of 12 so this
section carries 20 rnarks in total.
/!> Sectio n C - this is norrnally a sn1aller structured
essay split into two parts. Part (a) usually asks
students to 1vrite about ho1v sornething could be
measured or how a narned topic is useful in the real
1vorld. Part (b) usually asks students to suggest ways
lo inlprove a measure or in1prove something in real
life based on the psychology they have studied. Part
(a) is marked out of 6 and part (b) is marked out of
8 so this section carries 14 marks in total.
1
Section B
Exan1ple questions could be as follo1vs:
2. (a) Describe \vhat psychologists have
discovered abo ut the misusing of health
services. (8 rnarks)
(b) Evaluate what psychologists have
discovered about the misusing of health
services and include a discussion on case
studies. ( 12 marks)
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EXAM CENTRE (A LEVEL)
Section B. For Lhe 8 mark question, you need to
demonstrate everything you know about the area in
the question. This can include studies, theories and
research methods. Try to outline theni in as much detail
as possible, but remember it is only marked out of 8 so
you need to select four or five things lhat you can \vrite
about. The ans\ver '"ould have to sho'v excellent
use of terminology and be accurate and detailed to
sho\v understanding. It should be structured and
organised well.
For the 12 mark question, it is based on how many
different points you make, based on \vhat the question
is asking (similar to what you \\1ould do in part (c)
of section B in Paper 2). You 11111st tackle the issues/
debale/research niethod that is specifically asked for
in the question. Evaluation points can be taken froni
supporting or conflicting evidence, issues and debates
and methodology.
Section C
E.xample questions could be as follo1vs:
3. (a) Describe the cause of one disruptive behaviour
seen in the classroom. (6 marks)
(b) Suggest ho1v you 1vould correct and
prevent disruptive behaviour in the classroom.
On \vhat psychology are your suggestions
based? (8 marks)
For (a). to be likely to get into the top band the
description \vould have to be appropriate with relevant
evidence and sho1v a clear understanding. For (b), to
be likely Lo get into the top band the suggestion 1vill be
likely to have explicit links to psychological kno1vledge
and be accurate, coherent and detailed.
When evaluating, use the general tables that appear
in Chapters 1 and 2 (niethods, issues and debates,
approaches and perspectives) and apply theni to the
topic area of the question. lf you have conipleted the
Dr. Evaluation tasks in the book then you 1vill already
have many of these.
In
Page numbers in lrnllcs refer to question
sections.
A
abnormal affect 216-21, 238
abnormality 207, 238
behavioural model of abnorn1ality 209
cognitive behavioural approaches 210
cogniti\·e model of abnormality 209
deviation from ideal mental health 208
deviation from social nom1~ 207
deviation from stotlStical norms 207, 238
elfccth-eness ;ind appropriateness of
treatments 2 10
failure to function adequately 208
medical or biological model of
abnormality 208
problems with defining ond diagnosing
abnormality 208
pS)'chodynamlc model of abnormality
209
pS)1chotheraples 209
absentee.ism 270
accidents 172, 176
accident reduction 173- 4
causes: theory A and theory B 172, 264
cognitive overlo:1d 173
individual and systems errors 172
personality factors in accident proneness
173
shift work 173, 174
achievement 129, 247
addiction disorders 222, 238
behavioural explanation (positive
reinforcement) 223
biochemical explanation (dopamine) 223
cognith e or personality explanation
223-4
coping with and reducing 224-S
definitJOns 222
genetic explanation 222-3
physical and psrchological disorders 222
aggressive behaviour study 47, 50
aim 47
conclusion 49
design 47-8
cvalualion 49 -50
pa rticipant> 47
procedure 48
results 48- 9
alcoholism 222, 22<1, 238
aversion therapy 224
behavioural techniques 224
genetic explanation 224-5
Alderfer, Clayton P. 246
alpha space 193
animals 11
cognitive maps 202-3
crowding and ~odal density studies
183-4
perceptual development study 25-8, 28
anxiety disorders (obsessions and
compulsions) 232-6, 238
anxiety disorders (phobias) 226-31, 238
application forms 239
weighted application forms ( \VABs) 239
applied tension 230
approaches to study io\-entory (AS!) 124-5
attention deficit h)'l>eractivity disorder
(ADH D) 132- 3
attractiveness and smells study 82, 86
aim 82
conclusion 84
design 82
evaluation 84-5
participants 82
procedure 83
results 83-4
nttracti\'eness study SS, 59
aim 55
conclusion 57
design SS, 56
evaluation 58
participants 55, 56, 57
procedure 55-6,56,57
results 57
attribution theory 130
Ausubcl, David 116
autism spectrum disorders 119
autocratic leadership styles 253
aversion therapy 224
B
bad.>•'aJ'd searching 144
lily pad problem 144-5
Bandura, Alben 130
Beck, Aaron 218,220
Beck Depression Inventory 221
bees 202-3
beha,>iour modification 135
behaviour-modification techniques
113-14
cognitive behaviour modification 135-6
beha,~ourist perspective
abnormality 209
alcoholism 224
learning 112-13
phobias 226-7
progran1med learning 113
Bennett Mechanical Comprehension Tesl
240
Bennett, Milton 124
beta space 193
Binet, Alfred 137
biofeedback 167-8
bipolardisorder 216
Blanchard, Ken 253
body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) study
JOI, 106
aim 101
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conclusion 105
design 101-2
evaluation 105
participants 102
pro~urt 102
resu Its I 03-4
Bnush AbU11yScale(BAS) 138, 140, 141
Brophr. Jere 129
Bruner. Jerome 115-16
bullying 132
causes 133-4
effects 134
bystander behaviour study 38, 42
.ii1n 39
conclusions 40
design and procedure 39
diffusion of responsibility 39
evaluation 41
participants 39
n.>:>ults 40
c
Cl\reer structure 250
Cl\SC studies 3
Miinchauscn syndrome 15 1
schi7,>phrenia 211
Cl\Sinos 200
catastrophes see disasters; emergency
situations, technological catastrophe
Cattell, Raymond 142
Chernobyl 172
children 10-11
aggress\\'e behaviour study 47-50, 50
attrncbvcncss study 55-8, 59
child development 115
educational pcrfonnance and exposure to
noise 179-80
moral beha,,iour study 60-3, 64
Pediatric Pain Questionnaire 160-1
Chu Allent ion Test 182
clas~ical conditioning 226
Little Albert 226-7
cognith'\'approaches to learning 115-17,
146
cognitive behaviour modification 135-6
motivation 128- 9
cognitive behavioural therapy 2 10
depression 220-1
kleptomania 225
obscssivc-comp1~sive disorder (OCD)
23S-6
pain manngcmcnl strategics 162
phobias 230- l
schiiophreni(I 21 S
cognitive maps 201, 206
animals 202-3
errors 201-2
individual differences 202
map de,ign 203-4
muh1dimens1onal scaling 201
•
sketch maps 20 I
virtual war·6ndmg 2()11
way-finding 204
cognitive pS)'Cholog)'
abnormality 209
alcoholism 224
eyes test study 21-3, 24
false memory study 17-20, 20
lying bdiaviour study 13-1 S, 16
perceptual development study 25-8, 28
phobias 228
p)TOmania 223-4
conlffiunity environmental design 199-200,
206
C'..omprehensive Ability Banery (CAB) Test
240
compressed work 1~ecks 263
co1npulsions 232-6
compulsive gambling 222
conditioning 111-12
classical condilitlnlng 226-7
higher-order conditioning 112
operant condilioning 112- 13
consumer behaviour 180-1
contingency theory 252-3
control 164
noise 178
controlled observations 4
creativity 143
unusual use:. test 143-4
crowding 183, 206
animal studies 183-4
coping with crowd mg 186-7
effect on health 185
effect on performance 185
n10difying architecture 185-6
pro-social behaviour 184-5
visual escape 186
Curry, Lynn 123
D
decision making 258
decision style and ind1v1dual differences
in decision making 258
individual '-crsus group decisions 258
defensible space 195-6
urban renewal :ind hou>lng design 198-9
density see crowding; social density; spat la I
density
depen dent variables CDVs) I, 2
depression 216
biologict1I (chemical or drugs) trealment
219-20
biological (genetic and ncurochcmical)
explanation 217-18
cognitiveexplanation 217-18
cognitive restructuring 220-1
el~ctro-convulsive therapy CF.CT) 220
learned helplcssn~ or attributional style
218-19
manic depression 216
•
rational emotive behaviour therapy
(REBn 22 1
sex differences in dept"ession 216-17
types 216
developmental psychology
aggressive behaviour study 47-50, 50
attracti\•eness study 55-8, 59
moral bdJa,•iour study 60-3. 64
Oedipus complex study 51-3, 54
diffusion of responsibilil)• 39
disasters 188, 206
evacuation plans 189-90
Herald of Free E11terprise 172. 191
tornado and hurricane preparation 189
treating post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) 190-1
discovcrylcarning 115-16
discrimination study 43, 45
aim 43
conclusion 45
design 43, 44
evaluation 45-6
participants 43, 4'1
procedure 43-4
results -14. 45
disruptive behaviour in school 132, 146
allention deficit hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD) 132-3
behaviour modification 135
bullying 132
cognitive behaviour modification 135-6
conduct 132
effective classroom management 135
effective discipline 134-5
poor teaching style 133
dopamine 212, 223
dreanu and REM sleep study 71, 78
aim 72
conclusion 75
design 72
ewluation 76
method n
participants 72
procedure 72-3
results 73-5
dyslexia 118-9, 146
causes and effects 120
educational strategies 121-2
E
ecological validity 7
educational performance 141
emergency situations 188, 206
contagion behaviour 188
evacuation plans 189-90
July bombings, London 2005 191
preparedness 189
script> 188
treating post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) 190-1
emotional intelligence 143
emotions study 65, 70
aim 65
conclusion 68
design 65-7
ev;iluation 69
participants 67
procedure 67
results 67-8
Ent\\istlc, N.J. 124-5
equal opportunities 2~2-3
ERG (existence, relatedness and growth)
model of needs 246-7
ergonomics 263
operator·1nachine ~yste1ns 263-4
ethic~ 7-8
ethnocentric bias 8
exam centre (A Level) 275
Section A 275
Section ll 275-6
Section C 276
exam centre (AS Level) 107
Unit I Section A 107
Unil I Section B 107
Unit 2 Section A I08
Unll 2 Section R 108-9
expecrnncy theory 248-9
expository teaching 116
eyes test study 21, 24
aim 21
conclusion 23
design 21-2
evaluation 23
pan1c1pants 22
procedure 22
re:.uhs 22
F
factor-an:ilytic approach to intelligence 142
false memory study 17, 20
aim 17
conclusion 19
design 17
cvaluat Ion 19-20
participants 17
procedure 17- 18
rcbuhs 18- 19
fc:1r arousal 169
Fiedler. Fred 252
field experiments 2
flexitime 263
flooding 210, 230
Fontan<1. D. 124
formal teaching styles 124
four stage learning sy>tem 126-7
Freud, Sigmund 51, 229
Little I lans 51-2. 229
G
Gardner, Howard 142
GAS (general adaptation syndrome) model
of stress 163-4
alarm reaction 163
exhaustion stage 165
resistance stage 163
gender-based ;ubject ;election study 96,
100
rum 96
conclusion 98
design 96-7
evaluation 98-9
par1icipan1s 97
procedure 97
results 97-8
generalisations I 0
giftedness 119-20
educational strat~gies 121, 146
goal-setting 247
goal-setting theory 248
Grasha, Tony 123- 4
group behaviour in organi>alions 256
characteristics of succcssfu l 1eoms 257-8
decision making 258
group cohesiveness. team building nnd
team performance 256-7
group conflict 259-60
group development 256
groupthink and group polarisatio n 258-9
group confiict 259
managing group conflict 260
organisational and interpersonal causes
259-60
po>itive and negative effects of conflict
hum:ulistic applications to learning I 14- l5
h)'POChondriasis 150
I
imagery 168
impulse control disorders 222. 238
causes 222-3
coping "ith and reducing 224-5
l)'Pe5 222
independent variables (JVs) I, 2
individual explanations 8
informal teaching styles 124
intelligence 137, 146
British AbilityScale(BAS) 138, 140, 141
concept of intelligence and IQ 137
creativity and unusual uses test 143-4
emotional intellisence 143
factor-analytic approach 142
intelligence and educational perfonnance
141
multiple intelligences 142
proble m-solvin g 144-5
reliability, validity and predictive val id ity
of tests 141
Stanford· Binet test 137
triarchic theory 142
Weschler tests 137-8
interpersonal skills 147-8
intcn~cws 3
structured and unstructured interviews
239-40.268
260
group polarisation 259
groupthink 258-9
strategics lo overcome groupthink and
training lo ~'·oid poor decisions 259
H
Hassles Sc:nle 166
hcallh and safet)• 172
accidcnl proncne.< 173
accident; 172
human error and the illusion of
inndncrabilily 173
individual and system errors 172
reducing accidents at work 173-•I
reorganizing sh ift work 174
health promotion 169, 176
communities 170- 1
fear arousal 169
providing lnfonnation 169-70
schools 170
specific problems 17 l, 176
worksiles 170
Yale model of communica1ion 169
Hern/ti of Fn:c E111crpri5I! 172, 191
lierse)', Paul 253
high initiative teaching styles 124
higher-order condilionlng 112
House, Robcr1 253
housing estates 198-9
J
job analysis techniques 243-4
job applications 239
job descriptions and specifications 243
job design 265
designing jobs that motivate 266
enrichn1ent. rotation and enlargement
265-6
job characteristics 265
job satisfaction 266, 273
critical incidents 268
interviews 268
job withdrawal, absenteeism and sabotage
269-71
organisatio nal com mitment 271
promoting job satisfucrion 271
rating scales a nd ques1ionnaircs 266-8
theories of job satisfaction and
dissatisfaction 269
Johnson & Joh nson Live for Life Program
170
July bo rnb ings, London 2005 19 l
K
kleptomania 222
cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) 225
Kolb, Da'id I 26
Kyriacou. Chris 125-6
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L
laboratory experiments 1-2
emergency ~ltua1ions 188
Latham, Edwin 248
leadership 251, 273
charismauc and transformational leaders
251
great person theory 251
leader-men1ber e~change (L\1X) model
255
nonnatl\'C decision theory 255
OhiO Stale s1udics 251-2
University o( t.lichigan studies 252
leadership style and effectiveness 252, 273
contingency theory 252-3
leadership tra1mng ond characteristics of
effective leaders 254-5
path -goal theory 253
permissive vcr1>11~ autocratic 253
situational leadership 253
learn ed helplessness 130- 1, 218-19
le urn ing 112
bch aviour-modificMion techn iques
113- 14
conditioning 111-13
cooperative learning 114
discovery learning 115- 16
exp06itory teaching or reception learning
116
learning circles and the open classroom
114- 15
programmed learning 113
Sun1mcrhill School 115
underlying theor)' of cognitive
development 115
underlying theoc) of humanism 114
zone of proxirnal development (ZPD)
116- 17
learning cffcchvcncss 126
4 -mat sys1en1 126-7
PQRSTmethod 127
SPELT method 127
lcarnlng styles 123, 146
approaches to study inventory (ASI)
124-5
formal and Informal s t)'les 124
high init iative and low in itiative 124
Kolb's learning s tyles 126
o nion model 123
six s1ylcs of learn ing 123-4
teuchcr-ccntred and ~tudcn1 -ccn1red
s1ylcs 125-6
IJfe events 16<1-5
Locke. Gary 248
longitudinal studies 10
low ini1iativc teaching s1yles I 24
l)ing behavi011r qudy 13, 16
aim 13
conclusion 15
design 13-14
evalua1ion 16
•
partlcip:tnts I •I
procedure 14
results 14-1 5
M
magnetite 203
manic depression 216
mans·end analyi.is 144
map design 203-4
Maslow, Abraham 128, 246
McCarthy. Berrucc 126-7
r.tcQeUand, David 129, 247
McGill Pillll Questionnaire (t.IPQ) I 58- 9
memory and brain function Mudy 78. 81
aim 78
conclusion 80
design 78- 9
evaluation 80
participant; 79
procedure 79
results 79
mental health 208- 9
addiction :tnd in1pulse control disorders
223- 5
anxiety disorders (obscs.\ion< and
compulsions) 232-6
nnxiet y disorders (phobias) 226- 31
depression 2 l 6-2 I
schizophrenia 211 - 17
treatmcnb 209- 10
mental health diagno<is study 87, 91
aim 87
condus1on 89
design and procedure 88, 89
C\'Olllllltion 90
participants 87-8, 89
results 88-9, 89
Milgram, Stanley 29- 32
Minnesota Qencal Assessment Battery 241
moral behaviour study 60, 6./
aim 60
conclusion 62
de...ign 60- 1, 62
evaluatlon 63
participants 61, 62
procedure 61
re<ults 61-2, 62
moti\~\llon 128, 146, 246, 273
attributing caus~ to bchavltlurs 130
behaviourist theory 128
changing attributions 131
cognitive uppronch 128-9
designing jobs that motivate 266
effecth·e praise 129
ERG theory 246-7
extrinsic and intrinsic motivation 128,
249.273
goal·s<'lting 247-8
humanistic theory 128, 129
learned helplessness 130- 1
•
Mnslows hierarchy of needs 128, 246
motivators at work 249-50
need for achievement 129, 247
self-efficacy 130
VlE cognitive theory 248- 9
l\luczyk, Jan P. 253
t.lulcahy, Bob 127
multiple intelligences 142
multiple personality disorder (t.tPD) study
92, 95
aim 92
conclusions 94
design and procedure 92
evaluation 9-1-5
participan1 92
results 93-4
Munchnusen syndrome 150- 1
case studies 151
Munchausen syndrotne by prox1' 151
music 180. 206
consumer behaviour 180-l
performance 181-2
stress reduction l8 l
N
natural disas1ers see disasters; emergency
situations
naturalistic observations 3
nature and nurture 9
perceptual development study 25-8, 28
Newn1an, Oscar 195-6, 199
noise In
anti-social beha,iour 179
educational perfonnancc in children
179-80
fuctors that make noise annoying 178,
206
music 180-2
pro-social behaviour 179
transportation noise and occupational
noise 178
non-verbal communications 147, 176
appearance 148
fucial expressions 147
gestures 147- 8
paralanguagc l 47
personal space invasion l 48
normini\•e decision theory 255
0
O'Connor Pinger Dexterity Test 240
obedience study 29. 32
aim 29
conclusion 31
design 29
evaluation 31-2
participants 30
procedure 30
results 30-1
observations 3-4
obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) 232
biomedical cxplnnatton 233
case :.tudies and examples 232
cognitive behaviour.ti therapy 235-6
cognitive-behavioural aspect 234
drug therapy 235
measures 232- 3
psrchoanalrtic therapy 236
ps)'Chod}11amic e.xplana1ion 235
Obsessive·Cornpulsi\'e Inventory (OCI)
232- 3
occupational noise 178
Oedipus complex study 51, 54
aim 51
ca:.e histor)' Sl - 2
conclusion 52
design 51
cvaluat ion 53
participant 51
results 52
Ohio State University studies 251-2
open classrooms 114- 15
operant conditioning 112- 13
opcrator-macl1inc systems 263
auditory displ.1ys and controls 264
errors and accidents 264
rcdud ng errors 264
visual displays and controls 263- 4
opportumty sampling 4
Ost, Laro-Goran 230
p
P:tcific \Vcstcrn Airline 172
pain 156, 176
acute and chronic organ pain 156
definitions of pain 156
gate con1rol theol) of pain 156-7
ps)'chogenic pain 156
specificity thCOl)' of pain 156
pain management 161
a lternat ivc techniques 162
cognit1ve strategies 162
rncd1cal techniques 161- 2
pain measurement 157, 176
children l 60- 1
McGiU Pain Questionnaire (MPQ) 158- 9
Pain Behavior Scale (UAR) l 60
self-report measures 157-8
visual rating scales 160
pnn1languagc 147
participtmt observations 4
particip.mt v;irinblc> I
participant• 4-5
aggressive behaviour study 47
attractiveness and smells study 82
attractiveness study 55, 56, 57
body dysmorphic disorder (BOD) study
102
bystander beha\•k)ur stud)• 39
dtSCriminatlon stud)' 43, 44
dreams and REM sleep siudy 72
emotions study 67
eyes lest study 22
fube memory s1udy 17
gender-based subject selec11on study 97
independent groups 5
lying beha,~our study 14
matched pairs 6
memory and brain function ~tudy 79
mental health diagnosb s1ud)' 87-8, 89
moral behaviour study 61, 62
multiple personality disorder (MPD)
study 92
obedience study 30
Oedipus complex 'tudy 51
percep1ual development s1udy 26
prisoners study
repeated measures 5- 6
path-goal theory 253
patient adherence to medical advic;e 152,
176
improving adherence l53-'I
letters 154- 5
measuring adherence and non-adherence
153
memory intervenilon 155
rational non-adherence 152-3
text messaging l S4
types and extent of non -adherence 152
patient mbuse of health services 149, 176
delay in seeking treatment 149-50
hypochondrlasb 150
t.limchausen S)lldrome 150-1
patient-practitioner relationship 147
disclosure of 111fonnation 149
doctor·centn.>d and patient-centred styles
148-9
non-vt-rbal communications 147- 8
type I and t)'J)C II errors 1n diagnoslS 149
verbal communication• 148
Pavlo'" Ivan 111-12
Pediatric Pain Qu~tionnaire 160-1
perceptual development stud)' 25, 28
alm 25
conclusion 26
design 25
evaluation 27-8
participants 26
procedure 26
results 26
pcrfonnancc upprnisal 244, 273
problems and blasc> 245
perforn1ance-rclu1cd pay 249
permissive le;tdershlp styles 253
personal space i 92- 3, 206
alpha space and beta space 193
measuring space simulation 193
space in\'Jsions 193, 19-1-5, 106
stop-distance 193
personnel selection 240
biases in selection decis1or1S and equal
opportunities 242-3
decision making 241-2, 273
use of psychometric tests 240-1
phobias 226
applied temion 230
behavioural explanat:Jon (classical
conditioning) 226-7
biomedical or genetic cxplanatioo
229-30
cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT)
use of psychometric tests 240-1
public building design 200, 206
casinos 200
housing estates 198-9
shopping malls 199-200
pyromania 222, 223- 4
Q
quantttative and qualitative data 9-10
questionnaires 2
230-1
cognitive explanation 228
extinction 229
flooding 230
generalisation 229
psychoanalytic eiq>lanation 229
systematic desensitisation 229-30
types and exan1ples 226
physiological psychology
attractiveness and smells study 82-5, 86
dreams and REM sleep study 7 1-6, 77
emotions study 65-9, 70
memory and brain function study 78- 80,
81
Piaget, Jean 115
pigeons 203
planning strategies 14.J
positive reinforcement 223
post-tr.lumaticstrcss disorder (PTSD) 181
treating post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) 190-1
PQRST method ofleaming 127
praise 129
predicti\'l? validity 24 l
Preschool Head Start Progr.un 171
prisoners study 33. 37
aim 33
conclusion 36-7
design 33
evaluation 37
participants 33-4
procedu re 3.J
results 34-6
problem-solving 144-5
programmed learning 113
promotion prospects 250
psychodynam ic perspective
abnorma lily 209
obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD)
235
psychology of individual differcnct'S
body dysmorphic disorder (BOD) ;tudy
101-5, 106
gender-based subject selection study
96-9, JOO
mental health diagnosis study 87-90, 91
multiple personality disorder (MPD)
sludy 92-5, 95
psychometrics 9
intelligence tests 137-41, 146
pain measurement 158-61
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R
random s;impling 4
rational emotive behaviour therapy (REBT)
210.221
reception learning 116
reductionism 11
Reimann, B.C 253
reliability 8
in telligence 1csts 141
research I
animals 11
case studies 3
chi ldren 10- 11
design of study 5-6
ecologica l v:11idi1y 7
ethics 7- 8
ethnocentric bias 8
field experiments 2
generalisations IO
individual versus situational explanations
8
interviews 3
laboratory experiments 1- 2
nature and nurture 9
ob.crvations 3-4
participant> and sampling 4-S
ps)'chometrks 9
quantitaO\'l? and qualitative data 9- 10
queshonna1rcs 2
reduction~m 11
reliability and validity 8
snapshot ;ind longitudinal studies 10
usefulness 7
reward systems 249
career >lructurc and promotion prospects
250
non-monetary rewards 250
Rogers, Carl I 14
Rosenhan, David 87-9
s
sampling •1-5
schizoph rcn ia 211. 238
biochemical explanation (dopamine
hypothesis) 212
biochemical trcJtments 213
case studies 211
characteristic• 211
cognitive bd1avioural therapy (CBT) 215
cognitive explanation 212-13
•
electro-convulsive therapy 214
genetic explanation 211 - 12
lok~n economic'> 214-15
type:. 211
self-efficacy Ll-0
self· UlStructional trainmg 135-6
self-selected sampling 4
Seligman. Martm 130- 1, 219
~hift work 262
con1pressed \\'Ol'k weeks and flexitime
263
rapid rotation theory and slow rotation
theory 262- 3
shopping malls 199-200
situational cxplanat ions 8
situational leadership 253
situational "ariablcs 2
Sixteen Personality Faclor Questionnaire
241
snapshot studies 10
social density 183, 184-5, 206
animal studies 183- 4
social psychology
bystander behaviour study 38- 41, 42
discrimination study 43-6. 1/6
obedience bludy 29-32, 32
prisoners study 33- 7, 37
Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS)
164- 5
space see pl.'l'sonal space
spatial density 183, 185
special educational needs 118, 1116
autism spectrum disorders 119
dyslexia 118- 9. 120
gilicdncss 119-U>
integration '"rsus separation 120-1
SPELT method of learning 127
squirrels 202
SSRJs (selectt,·c sero1onerg1c re uptake
inhibitors) 219, 220, 233, 235
Stanford Unh'Crsity, USA 137
Sternberg, Robert 142
>lop-distance 193
stratified i.ampling 4
stress 163
daily hassles 166
environmcnw I ol ress 197
GAS (general adnptallon syndrome)
model 163-4
life events 164- 5
locus of control 164
muoic and ~cress reduction 181
personality 166
stress management 167, 176
medical techniques 167
pre1·entingstrcss 168
psychological technique~ 167- 8
physiologic;1l measurcs 167
physiology of stress and effects on heahh
163
self-report questionnaires 167
•
stress inoculation therapy 168
work 164
student-centred learning styles 125-6
Summerhill School 115
systematic desensitisation 210, 229- 30
T
teacher-centred learning styles 125-6
teaching styles 116, 124, 133
teams 256-7
characteristics of successful teams 257- 8
technological catastrophe 188, 206
territory 192-3. 206
defending primary territory 195-6
defending public territory 196
theory A 172, 264
individual errors 172
theory B 172, 264
system errors 172
111ree ]\,file Island 172
Titanic 172
token economies 173-4, 214-15,224
topicevaluution 145, 175, 205, 237, 272
transportation noise 178
I riarchic theory of intelligence 142
Type A behaviour 166
Type B behaviour 166
u
University of Alabama at Birnlingham
(UAB) Pain Behavior Scale 160
Uni,-ersity of Michigan studies 252
Uplifts Scale 166
urban living 197
adaptation level 197
behaviour constraint 197
casino environments 200
etfeclS on health 197-8
effects on social behaviour 198
environmental stress 197
overload 197
shopping mall atmospherics 199-200
urban renewal and housing design 198-9,
206
usefulness 7
v
validity 7, 8
intell igence tests 141
psychon1e1ric tests 241
Vancouver Obsessional Compulsive
Inventory (VOCI) 233
variables 1-2
verbal communications 148, 176
VIE (valence, instrumentality and
expectancy) cognili"e theory 248
managerial applications 248-9
\'Olunteer sampling 4
Vroom, Victor 248. 255
Vygotsky, Lev 116-17
w
Wei ncr, Bernard 130. 219
Weschler Adult lntdligence Scale (WAIS)
137- 8, 139, 141
Weschler lntcUigcncc Scale for Children
(\\llSC) 137-S. 141
Wilkins, M. 125-6
Wolpe. Joseph 229
\\Ork 16~, 239
altitudes to work 269-71
biases in selection decisions and equal
opportumties 242-3
career structure and promotion pro peels
250
decision making In selecting personnel
240,241 - 2
group behaviour in organisations 256-60
health and s.,fcty at work 172-4
health promotion al 1~ork 170
job analysis techniques 243-4
job applications 239
job descriptions and specifications 243
leadership and nmnagcmenl 251-5
motivation 246-7
mo1i11alion and goal-selling 247-8
motivators al work 249-50
non· monccary rewards 250
performance appraisal 24•1-5
performancc-rela1cd pay 249
sel<'Ction interviews 239-40, 273
types of reward sys1en1 249
use of psychometric tests 240-1
work condit.i ons 261 , 273
ergonomics 263-4
physical work condi1ioos 261
psychological \\'Ork conditions 261-2
1e1nporol conditions 262- 3
work sa1isfucrion 265
job design 265-6
job withdrawal. absenleehm and sabotage
269-71
measuring job .;;i1isfaction 266-8
organisational commiunent 271
promoting job satisfaction 271
theories of job s.'lisfuct Ion and
dissa1bfac1ion 269
y
Yale model of communication 169
Yale· Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale
(Y·BOCS) 233, 234
Yetton, Phillip 255
z
zone of prox.imal development (ZPD)
116-17
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International AS & A Level You can rely on:
Fully comprehensive and structured approach to guide learners through the course
logically
Focus on the development of essential high level research skills, with a
student-centred approach to learning
Extensive and relevant exam practice so that student s fully understand the
requirements for the Cambridge A Level exams
Support for a range of learning styles with 'Ask Yourself' and 'Test Your self'
questions that ensure every student gets the practice they need for exam confidence
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