Canadian Anthropology Society
Rationality and Fantasy in Styrian Villagers
Author(s): John J. Honigmann
Source: Anthropologica, New Series, Vol. 12, No. 1, Modernization and Tradition in Central
European Rural Cultures (1970), pp. 129-139
Published by: Canadian Anthropology Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25604819
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Rationality and Fantasy
in Styrian Villagers
by JOHN J. HONIGMANN
RESUME
decrit
L'auteur
graduellement.
cette tendance:
capacite
Deux
une
comment
un village
facteurs
autrichien
psychologiques
orientation
rationnelle
se modernise
semblent
alliee
favoriser
a une
grande
d'imagination.
in the homes
The modern complexion of rural life witnessed
and on the farms of workers and farmers in the Styrian (Austrian)
impressed me greatly when I1 first came to
village of Altirdning
know that community in I960.2 Since then, during return visits, I
have
noted
increasing
numbers
of
farmers
and
nonfarm
workers,
the latter commuting from the village to jobs (Honigmann
1963),
as
comforts
domestic
and
other
electric
baths,
appliances,
adding
as
well
large,
new
farm
machinery,
silos,
and
modern
barns
for
the dairy cattle. My ability to be impressed with those phenomena
no doubt stems from the fact that I first visited Altirdning a few
Pakistan. There my in
years after having done fieldwork inWest
terest had been directed to community development and I found
I
to be extremely slow. Naturally
the pace of modernization
looked for an explanation of the different trend inAustria.
Increasingly through the years my inclination has grown to
for the progress of change
augment psychological
explanations
and modernization with another viewpoint which I designate by
it is
the term, situational dynamics
1966). Though
(Honigmann,
1
at the University
is professor
of anthropology
of
John J. Honigmann
in Chapel
Carolina
Hill.
2
came
in
for fieldwork
1964
from theWenner
1960, 1962, and
Support
Gren
Foundation
for Anthropological
the American
Research,
Philosophical
and
the Research
of the University
Council
of North
Carolina.
Society,
North
r>
Anthropologica
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JOHN J. HONIGMANN
130
to develop the theory here, briefly it can be said that
unnecessary
traits favorable to modernization
constitute only one
psychological
factor in the situation that supports them. I assume that people are
highly likely to adopt new forms of behavior that are presented in
a situation so largely different from the old that it demands nearly
the more dramatically
totally new forms of adaptation. Naturally,
the
of adaptation,
the new demands
challenging
is likely to be.
Illustrations are
the resultant change
islanders
of the Manus
(Mead
provided by the modernization
1956) and by what happened within a single generation to Eskimo
trappers who moved off the land and sea to homes and jobs in a
different and
greater
modern, eastern Arctic town (Honigmann and Honigmann,
1965).
Confronted by new arenas of action, participation by the Manus
in their new situations led them to
and Baffin Island Eskimo
new
and
As a result, their cultures be
values.
meanings
develop
came substantially transformed. Particularly
the dairy farmer in
a
him to mod
in
situation
that
has
allowed
is
located
Altirdning
ernize. The valley with its abundant meadows, mountain stands
to markets
of timber, and accessibility
resources
for him to utilize. Postwar
economic
opportunities
while
a
cooperative
contains
varied ecological
increased his
prosperity
processing
plant
and
of
marketing system enabled him effectively to take advantage
new
Government
those opportunities.
propagating
agencies
contri
techniques inword, print and by demonstration have also
theworker, backed by his income,
buted to the process. Meanwhile
like the farmer, learned new standards of life from advertisements
sources.
and other published and broadcast
introductory remarks set the context of what follows.
attempt to rule out the assumption that personality
scarcely
They
factors play a part in cultural modernization,
though they do pose
the question whether from the standpoint of motivation, so-called
traits are not precipitated by a modern
"favorable" psychological
as they further the process of mod
izing cultural situation as much
ernization. In the absence of historical material to cope with that
These
I will be concerned mainly with identifying two psycho
in the village of Altirdning.
currently detectable
logical
in
could
strains
these
contrary directions, they are
pull
Although
and
congruent with the tenor of
supportive
actually mutually
first,with its several
modern life in the village community. The
problem,
strains
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RATIONALITY AND FANTASY
IN STYRIAN VILLAGERS
131
I call a rational orientation and the second, which
manifestations,
cultivates imagination, I perceive as revolving around fantasy. I
shall take each in turn.
THE
RATIONAL
ORIENTATION
In
I would
the category of rational orientation
put the
attitudes
view
toward
their
that
work
work,
particularly
villagers'
is not intrinsically onerous or undesirable but that it carries intrinsic
rewards as well as opportunities for self-actualization
(Cf. Maslow
Hence work falls into the company of play and art. Un
possess a high level of need-achieve
questionably Altirdningers
ment but achievement as I identify it in the specific context of this
culture carries overtones not included in the term as it is used by
psychologists
studying the relationship of personality to economic
development. The villagers' concern with achievement is illustrated
in almost every issue of theweekly Ennstaler when public attention
is drawn to individuals who have reached what
the community
an
to
status.
note that
be
admirable
Brief
regards
paragraphs
certain youths have sucessfully passed examinations entitling them
n.d.).
to
as
practice
or
journeymen
plumbers; men and women
birthdays
or
wedding
from agricultural
to a man's
anniversaries;
school
fifty years'
are
master
masons,
identified who
young
are announced,
membership
and
in the war
or
hairdressers,
advanced
celebrate
people's
graduations
recognition
veterans'
is given
society.
In
the village, passage rites, like graduation fromVolksschule
or First
Communion, are celebrated in the family, the child being the target
of attention manifested by gifts or a journey on which he is taken
to some showplace in the vicinity by an aunt or uncle. These
ritual
gestures, like the attitudes towork, are indicative of a readiness or
capacity
for vigorous
action,
self-assertion,
doing,
or
achievement
on which the modernizing
at least partially
trends in Altirdning
rest. They reveal a correlation between achievement and
personal
is further evidenced
identify which
by the frequent use oi
and terms of reference that
honorifics, like "Herr Professor,"
utilize the individual's occupation
the postmis
("Frau Gruber,
A person is not only
tress," or "Herr Franz, the cabinetmaker").
to achieve;
motivated
the fact of his achievement
in some fields
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JOHN J. HONIGMANN
132
at
least is likely to be periodically
inforced by the way his social being
recognized and socially re
is identified with his role.
I would
the language of Herbert J. Gans
(1962),
Following
identify these Austrian villagers as routine-seekers rather than as
action-seeker and this characteristic is also suited to modernization.
a maessig
(temperate),
Nationally
they very much appreciate
stable way of living and rank high the economic and emotional
to Gans
security of the individual and his family. According
the routine-seekers'
(1962:28),
"way of life is marked by a
highly regular and recurring scheduling of behavior patterns, and
into routine. There may be
nearly all their activities are organized
a regular menu for every day of the week, which differs little from
one week
in the
to the next... A similiar regularity is observable
of holidays, giving of gifts, and in many of the other
person strives for novelty
spheres of life inwhich the middle-class
It is
life is episodic.
and variety." In contrast the action-seeker's
the chance to face and
given to a search for thrills and welcomes
are not so Dionysian
overcome
(to
Altirdningers
challenges.
except
employ a familiar term for a similar cultural orientation),
on
possibly in the case of a few men who look for the opportunity
on
But
to lose themselves in drunkenness.
weekends
Monday
celebration
morning even they are almost certain to be ready for work.
is good, but in the routine-seeker's hierarchy of values, it
Variety
it interferes with prior
should not be cultivated to a point where
attach to variety is
necessities of life. The value Altirdningers
expressed
in
several
ways.
New
experiences,
the
absence
of
are at least ideally encouraged.
People
monotony,
like to vary their diets from day to day; they believe that a change
is essential
of air benefits health and that periodic Erholung
on
cannot
go away
holidays
(though farmers complain that they
as other people can). An informant maintained a change of water
to be healthful, the different chemical elements found in various
influences. Holi
localities exerting different, useful physiological
one
are
occasion that allow
fantasy
days with their accompanying
and vacations
to introduce variety
even the highly routinized farmers occasionally
into lives. Before turning to that aspect of the personality, how
ever, let me remark on one further, related tendency that is more
in some people than in others, the inclination to
highly developed
Such
become obsessively
preoccupied with even mild dilemnas.
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RATIONALITY AND FANTASY
IN STYRIAN VILLAGERS
133
people worry long and intensely, for example, over a broken im
plement, an unfulfilled obligation, an expected guest who might
arrive
while
are
they
absent
from
for an
home
major task that must be done soon but which
?
another ?
maybe rain in the case of haying
obsessiveness
goes
a
readiness
to become
or
hour
two,
or
a
for one reason or
is blocked. With
when
depressed
"impor
tant" things go wrong, as well as a strong consciousness
of self
in social relationships
(to which is related my previous observation
on the villagers' developed
sense of personal identity). Obsessive
and
and
rehearse
very deliberately
self-preoccupied
people
thoughtfullly plan their actions, ponder the possible consequences
of alternative lines of conduct, and calculate the possible cost or
gain in respect or good feeling that a given course of behavior
carries in their society. One day my hostess said that she had
given her radio to a repair firmwhose owner had called to pick it
up immediately upon her request. He had promised to return it
equally promptly. The woman recalled that her neighbor had also
given a radio to the same firm and had suffered from a torturously
In detail she spelled out that
long delay before itwas delivered.
she wouldn't dare to reveal to this neighbor how quickly her radio
was returned (for she was counting on its quick return) lest it
make the neighbor jealously resentful of the special attention that
my hostess had received. The neighbor might angrily mention the
differential treatment to the firm's owner, causing the latter to
become annoyed with my anxious hostess. Obsessive
self-concern,
careful planning,
are
dependable,
and
even
reflective thoughtfulness
when
impersonal
or
insure that people
organizational
goals
are
at stake. By contributing to diligent and careful work habits, the
trait directly supports modernization and the economic productivity
on which development
in turn depends.
To be sure, excessive
concern
and
self-consciousness
can
hamper
living.
Yet
a
commu
nity like Altirdning, where everybody is supposed to be cautious,
and gives it
rational, and concerned, is tolerant of obsessiveness
much scope. Therefore
it is unlikely that obsessive behavior will
lead to social difficulties as quickly as itmight in a social system
whose
culture is marked by greater flexibility and less demanding
of responsibility.
In the latter, an obsessive person would
stand
out much more conspicuously
and might more quickly land in
trouble with his fellows.
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JOHN J. HONIGMANN
134
SYMBOLIC
RICHNESS
AND
FANTASY
turn now
to the second and imaginative
strain in the
in
of
these
which
personality
Styrian people,
symbolic richness
and fantasy are cultivated and manifestly enjoyed.
By symbolic
richness3 I refer to the culture's stock not only of Christian saints
and related religious figures but also of other and presumably older
folkloristic concepts, like the Bishop and related characters belong
ing to the midwinter ceremonies or the clowning woodcutters who
is cut up summertime.
make people
the Maypole
laugh when
are a recurrent theme in the village repertory of
Woodcutters
them, for
ceremony burlesques
fantasy and humor. The Maypole
in
and
manner,
uncouth
blackened,
dressed,
they appear
roughly
out
the
of
social
which
members
this
stereotype by
relatively
acting
are rather fondly regarded by the rest of
low-status occupation
I
the
community.
Fantasy
is expressed
in
but
special
masquerades,
clowning,
tales, and other activities which
engage not only
explanatory
children but adults as well. The referents of the symbols involved
are
not
solely
person-like
include
occasions,
seasons,
and special day of the year like St. Michael's
Day and the night
of St. John's Day. Fantasy revolves around the special significance
of time and place, and includes nostalgic attachments to certain
farmers
Here
(Almen).
places, like the high moutain meadows
in the
in
them
milk
their
cattle
summer,
formerly pastured
leaving
care of an ideally young and beautiful dairy maid who used much
in cheese-making.
of the milk
technology, better
Changing
the
have deprived
for young women
markets, and new values
Almen of much of their economic significance, but an emotional
attachment to them and to their former economic utility continues
in song and story. On weekends
and holidays people visit the
ones have in recent years
meadows.
famous
Several,
high-lying
become tourist and ski resorts connected to the lower valleys by
for
roads and ski-lifts. Their modern use as summer quarters
heifers, who are cared for by grandfather or hired man, evokes no
romantic
See
3
My
Mead,
sentiments.
in this section
influenced
has been
thinking
1947.
310,332;
1939, and
1935:v-x,
by Margaret
Mead.
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RATIONALITY AND FANTASY
IN STYRIAN VILLAGERS
135
Part of the appeal of tourism in this part of Austria
lies in the
it
to
store of
for
into
their
gives
profitable opportunity
villagers
dip
symbolic richness and to renew their attachment to folkloristic
for example, are prepared
concepts. Fires on St.-John's Night,
more by the management
of large resorts than by individual
farmers or their children. In the adjoining communtiy of Oeblarn,
tourism has developed
where
into an especially
thriving sideline
followed by farmers and others, each Thursday
the community
The
of
presents a Volkstuemlichenach
(An Evening
Custom).
are
are
as
to
entertainments
treated
which
traditional
guests
as
or
in
the
for
who
them
important
participate
present
villagers
are
summer
for
vacations.
the
visitors'
the
they
enlivening
During
of 1967, Irdning (the market
a
also presented
attached)
summer
town to which Altirdning
is closely
to
festival that appealed
costume
guests.4
Other behavior related to the nonrational
sphere of imagi
nation is revealed when villagers
idealize
(all but a few skeptics)
what they hold to be "natural":
the country, rye bread, wild ber
ries, wild mushrooms, and herbal medicines. They rate such items
?
cities
superior towhat they conceive to be artificial counterparts
and white flour, for example, inwhich the hand of civilization has
intruded. At first glance, a stranger might suppose that the tradi
tional conservatism of the peasant
is making itself evident. How
ever, like the rest of fantasy, the dichotomy between natural and
artifical and the ideal preference for the former over the latter,
are dealing with a kind of
has not held up modernization. We
so
of values,
that attachment to sentiment
compartmentalization
to interfere with the importance of being practical.
isn't allowed
in the village would ever insist on herbal medicine to the
Nobody
of
point
refusing to call a doctor in case of serious illness.5
4 In
on bygone
and dwelling
rural customs
sentimentalizing
(as in respect
to many
other
cultural
is far from unique.
After
all,
traits), Altirdning
which
studies premodern
folk customs, with much appreciation
Volkskunde,
and
a
relish is
field in Europe
and has influenced
the ethno
very well
developed
in the Soviet
Union
and Dunn,
graphy of rural life even
(Dunn
1967:94).
5 I have not
found fantasy
to include an image of limited good or that
resultant
of envy to which
Foster
has called attention.
syndrome
(1965)
My
informants on this subject
to think that an
principal
gave me no grounds
in this community.
Several
image of limited good sundered human
relationships
times in responding
to my invitation to talk about
local expressions
of envy in
with
statements
behavior,
about
how
hard
people
responded
they or others
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136
JOHN J. HONIGMANN
What
then are
the functions of the imaginative life in this
culture and how do they relate to the pronounced
rational
orientation
in personality whose
congruence with cultural mod
ernization I have emphasized?
In my study of the displacement of
summer pasturing on the Almen and the worked-over
retention of
this pattern of ecological
in sentiment and fantasy
adaptation
that the
1964), I used that example to hypothesize
(Honigmann,
are a nostalgic
simultaneous
Altirdning
villagers
people who
a practical
so
and rational orientation of personality
possess
genuine that it prevents them from clinging to tradition for its own
sake. The
rational orientation in their personality
is manifested
when theyweigh alternatives and make a selection in terms of what
Hence
promises towork best or will bring the greatest advantage.
as
their sentimental
it was
to Alpine
attachment
pasturage
practiced in the past "costs" them nothing and provides them with
emotional release without obstructing other behavior.
Such senti
mental attachment to tradition, I suggested then and repeat now,
even makes change more palatable
then it otherwise would be to
a practical people hopeful of progress.
fieldwork,
Subsequent
which has been in part the basis of this paper, has confirmed and
the hypothesis.
elaborated
I would
augment the explanation
are not a highly spontaneous
Austrians
cautious,
rational,
planful,
and
sometimes
by pointing out that the
people. They are far too
obsessive
to act
impul
sively. Gaiety is deliberately procured through moderate drinking.
Rituals which feature fantasy and bring out the symbolic richness
of the culture also serve as channels for a degree of pleasurable
emotional release that is beyond anything invested in everyday
social relationships. Altirdning
partakes of the highly ordered,
bureaucratized
national
character of Austrain
culture. People
accept an ordered life as desirable because of the manifest advan
tages it brings. The epitome of this attitude may be seen in the
mountain streams that descend to the village as they begin their
such a stream
and the sea. Although
long journey to the Danube
have
to work
had
to achieve
the degree
of success
that their less fortunate
rivals might
to be saying
one works
seemed
that when
hard,
envy.
They
success
can be achieved.
to anyone
is available
Success
tries for it.
who
is
This
of
with
the
course,
belief
that
is
work
attitude,
congruent
good.
are a long way
Such views
is limited.
from the notion
that good
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RATIONALITY AND FANTASY IN STYRIAN VILLAGERS
137
is called "wild" or "natural"
its flow is closely
(it is a Wildbach),
confined in a stone-lined channel and regulated by weirs to protect
the surrounding land. Similarly the countryside is neatly cropped,
the river bottom drained, the mountain roads ditched to slow up
runoff water, and the high slopes reforested after timber has been
cut. Artifice is deeply embedded
in the rural setting and just as
firmly do
forethought, reason, and practicality firmly contain the
emotional life and sentiments. There
is nothing contra
the people
themselves never confuse ideal
dictory here because
and real. Both are equally valuable
in different ways
and
people's
rewarding.
embodied in certain seasonal rituals helps to bridge
Fantasy
the world of children and adults and thereby helps to reinforce a
basic attitude toward young people.
In Altirdningers'
conception,
children are not to be rigorously excluded
from the adult world.
Rather
to be present in adult company, may
they are allowed
overhear adult conversation, and are generally tolerated as long as
they behave properly, that is,with restraint. Introduction to adult
tasks commensurate with a
responsibilities
begins early, with
child's ability and strength. One
object in such early training,
whether it occurs in home or schooUs to familiarize children with
the adult world's
values
in the
and purposes.
Consequently,
village at least, a clear-cut youth culture is hard to identify. My
23-year old son independently confirmed this observation when,
fresh from the U.S.,
he remarked
(mistakenly, I am sure) that
people in the village didn't seem to enjoy themselves. He explained
that he saw few groups of young people abroad and found small
a youth culture
opportunity for sociability.
(He soon discovred
in the adjacent market town, Irdning. Here cafes are
mostly taken
over by young people in the
evening but revert to older adults on
at least until nightfall. We
Sunday,
rarely saw or heard of
Altirdning youth in such parties.) In the village, young people may
enter a tavern or attend a
(fair) in a group, but they
Gartenfest
would be involved in the company of adults who sit at the same
table drinking the same drinks or who dance the same steps in
to equally
familiar tunes. While
response
young people and
older adults follow somewhat different patterns of dress,
clothing
is not extremely divergent between age
categories and as a result
possesses no overtone of being emblematic of age status. Therefore
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JOHN J. HONIGMANN
138
a high degree of continuity exists between adults and children in
It manifests itself, first, in the fact that adults believe
Altirdning.
in the grown-up world
children should early be incorporated
and, second, in the identification that adults feel with children.
Such identification is partly mediated by the generations' common
in many fantasies, particularly those associated with
participation
Christmastide.
Such engrossment with fantasy is undoubtedly
in
children
who, if they are young, don't even distinguish
stronger
between
and
the
adults do make
reality
imagination. While
more
commitment
children's
distinction, they encourage
thorough
to folkloristic figures. They may even admire the child's ability
to believe thoroughly or with more conviction than they themselves
can any longer muster. Fantastic
figures do sometimes embody
moral
themes or inspire fear in children. Then
they serve for
not
children's socialization,
but
augmenting
substituting for the
to
of
adults.
adults
supervise children,
socializing power
By aiding
folklore of this type may well lend itself to achieve that degree of
that Altirdningers
restraint, and "oversocialization"
discipline,
a
serves
as
to
and
that
useful
modernization.
possess
adjunct
The whole
setting in which parents and children play out
their fantasies is replete with what Margaret Mead
calls
(1939)
"plot". By this she means essentially that human relationships are
of bogeymen,
endowed with heightened
Fantasies
complexity.
with
their grottos, and mountain
gift-givers, saints associated
shrines add to the complexity of the child's realm, peopling the
world with additional
figures whom he cognizes as able to affect
his welfare and who people his imagination. From plot, Mead's
for symbolic richness freshly
theory states, derives a readiness
installed in the following generation. This hypothesis seems to
hold forAltirdningers where a capacity for fantasy and symbolic
richness coexists with rationality. Both orientations are congruent
with a readiness
for modernization.
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The
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