L ON O M AN S G RE E N A N D C O LT D . , . O F P A T E RN O S T E R RO W ALB ERT DRI VE L ONDON S W I 9 NI C O L ROAD B OM B AY C H ITT A RA NJ A N AVE NU E C ALC U TTA 3 6 A M O U NT RO AD M A D RA s , , . . , I 7 , , REEN A N D C O 5 5 F I F T H AVE NU E N E W Y OR K 3 L ON G M A N S , G . , L ON G M A N S 2 1 5 V I C T O R IA , REEN A N D C O STREET T ORON T O I G , F IRST P U B L IS H E D S E C OND EDITION T HI RD EDITION N E W I M P RE SSIONS F O U RT H N EW I M . 7anuary 1 EDITION P R E SSIONS Octob er C OD E N U M B ER 1 1 938 A ugust M ay 1 939 1 9 40 F eb r uary 1 f arce 94 1 1 9 42 [M ay 1 94 3 yanuary 1 9 44 944 , M ay 1 945 9 42 , 62 397 A ll r igh ts reser ved " 6 P r inted in G reat B ri tain by William C lowes CI S ons , Lim ited B eccles LIBRARY OF ALBERTA P R EFA C E T O F O U R T H E D I T I O N latest edition few ch anges h ave been made save in th e final c h apter wh ic h is necessarily of a more tentative ch aracter th an th e rest of th e work For th e most part alterations h ave consisted merely of ch anges of tense but som e addi tional stress h as been placed on one very importan t factor in the p eriod immediately pr eceding th e present war th e infl uence ex ercised by th e ex istence of a d ominant German Air F or ce It h as indeed become increasingly apparent th at ’ th e rapi d growth of the Luftwafie after Hitler s advent to power placed British foreign policy at a n unprecede nted dis advantage and rendered it liable to some misinterpretation at th e time O ne small ch ange in terminology demands explanation N o o fficial name h as yet been accorded to th e present con fl ic t ut th e least inappropriate suggestion th us far seems to be T h e Second W orld W ar T h is title h as accordingly been adopte d and in conformity th e Great W ar of 1 9 1 4—I 9 1 8 h as bec o m e T h e F irst World W ar N o attempt h as been made to take th e story of events beyon d S eptember 1 93 9 for this constitutes a distinct landmark T h e conclusion of hostilities will be the obvious occasion TOI furth er pursuing th e narrati ve I n th is { , f , . , . . , . 1 8 th , 1 9 43 . D R . . PR E F A C E wri ting this book I have tried to observe certain principles and to incorporate certain features In the belief that an explanation of these may be of service to teachers using th e b ook in class I s h ould like to draw attention to the following points I I llustrations These have been included partly with th e ’ idea of making pupils feel more friendly towards th eir tex t book and partly with th e idea of aiding th e memory The cartoons ( all of which are contemporary with th e events on wh ich they comment) may help both to clarify an issue ’ and to implant it more firm l y in the reader s mind T h e picture ch arts are summaries of movements or causes of great importance presented in th is w ay to assist th e memory of the m any studen ts best approached through their visual sense T h e Running S ummaries at th e side of th e page s h ould 2 enable easy reference to any point and again assist th e me m ory T h ey should prove val u able for purposes of revision T T h ssary o P t i l erms may save the conscientious i a e G l o o l c f 3 th e trouble of consulting a dictionary or h elp to eliminate woolliness of definition in those who wo ul d never dream of doing such a th ing Some trouble has been taken to avoi d conventional historical p h raseology but at times such terms are unavoidable and those wh i ch have proved inescapable are collected in the glossary Al though in general the limitations of the youthful vocabulary have been kept in m ind throughout the book there has been no attempt to write in monosyllabl es for th e illiterate—a course wh ic h would have been b ound to destroy all style and with it all interest 4 T h e B ibliography is purely for the reader with some love fo th e subject of h istory It may safely be stated th at th ere are no fir st cl ass works of history completely suited to th e taste and powers of any one under sixteen years of age Th e works recommended are simply less technical than most others T h r o o r i o n s o f t h is book h ave been f ramed wit h t h e t e p p 5 defini te idea of reducing the excessive space customarily devoted to the French R evolution and N apoleon R ussia on th e other hand is given greater attenti on than usu al for th e IN . , . . ‘ - , . . ‘ - , . - . . . . , . . , , . , , , . , , . r . - . . . . , , , v m P RE FA C E 1X reason that while th e R evolutionary period is customaril y treate d in form with great thorough ness R ussia o ften receives barely a mention from the teach er harassed by th e pressure T h e text book may t h us be used of a too too solid syllabus In general th e story has to fill in th at particular gap be en kep t fairly strictly to th e internal history and interplay and those seeking comprehensive of th e Great P owers information on Spain Switz erland Scandinavia and the N eth erlands will I regret have to consult other works Such compression is I think unavoidable in a work of th is length if the main points are to emerge clearly For the same reason th e pursuit of clarity all military and diplomatic detail except the most essential h as been omitted In sub I hope stitution I h ave included biograp h ical detail wh ich is more p i cturesque M any such details it is true may not be of great importance but th ey may serve to arouse interest in th eir subject T h e alternative is Fisher like generaliz ation which however brilliant means very little to Finally the story has been kept to the th e non adult mind path of politics and economics apart from the excursions into personality It is perh aps th e fashion to include a few pages on th e painting music literature drama arch itecture “ costume transport science and religion of the period but I have avoided following it in the belief that in a work of this siz e such a revi ew cannot b e more than th e merest catalogue of m eam ngless names , - . . , , - , , , . , , , , . , , . , . , , , , , - . , , - , . , , . , , , , , , , , , ‘ , . I should like to record my deep gratitude to a number of friends wh o h ave helped me in some way during the writin g of this book M r G Auty M r J W Hunt and M r I T e n en al l read th e manuscript and o ff ered me the most valuable criticisms T o M r R F I Bunn too I am indebted for many excellent suggestions and for a most h elp ful interest ’ M iss M argaret Hunt showed woman s intuition at its most brilliant in di vining what I was aiming at from the rough t almos brutal) sketches I sent h er and finally I cannot be ( sufficiently grateful to my sister M rs D ora W hittle who performed a labour of love in preparing 3 none too legible manuscript for the press . . . . . v ery i . , . . ’ . . . . , , . , . , , , . , . D . R . C ON T E N T S OH A M ' ER I II . . The Causes T h e P rogress 1 F rench R evolution of th e French of th e R evolution, 1 789 7 95 — Appendix Some [ R evol ution ! C h aracters of th e . III . N IV V . . The apoleon , 1 France under M onarchies . The Second 1 8 48 VII . —1 8 of — 1 8 1 793 5 Congress System , VI W ars and the Career T h e R evolutionary I , 8 I 5—I 8 3 0 the Bourbon —1 8 8 4 O rleans and 1815 R epublic and the Second E mpire, 1 7 The M etternich P eriod in Germany and the Austrian E mpire 1 8 1 5—1 85 1 , V III IX X XI . . . . T h e U nification of Bismarck and the 1 85 1 — 1 87 1 T h e E astern R ussia and Italy U nification Question P oland, , —1 8 7 0 1815 1 , 1 8 1 5—1 8 7 8 —1 9 1 4 7 89 x of Ge rmany , C xi ONT ENT S C HA P T E R XII PA G E German E mpire and R epublic 1 8 7 1 — 1 90 7 The . th e French T h ird , XIII Balkans and th e Approach to the W orld W ar 1 9 00—1 9 1 4 Th e . F irst , XIV Th e . A ppendices . Fi rst W orld W a and After r M aterial A Glossary I ndex for F urth , er Study Of P olitical T erms —1 1914 9 39 2 92 M A PS PA G E Europe 1 E urope 1815 789 T h e R evolts of 1 8 3 0 R aces Austrian in th e " of 1 8 48 The R evolts The U nion The Un ification The Balkan E mpire of N T h e Pre W ar - Italy of Germany ions at , 1 8 78 Alliances The Scramble for Africa E ur op e 1 9 1 4 E urope after the First W orld W ar C HA P T E R I ~. Th e C auses of th e Fr ench R evolution 3 The R evolution was not the event of a single month or year In its most novel V iolent or revolutionary aspects, it lasted fr om 1 7 8 9 to the rise of N apoleo n but j ust as its e ff e cts Car ried forward to the 2 0th c entury so its causes stretc h ed back into th e 1 7 th and 1 8 th centIi ries t r uss n T h e prime cause was the existing system of government the methods of the A ncien Regime Indeed it is charitable to o, dignify this with th e name of system for I n general it came 32 1m Rm “ So chaotic I n fact was the organi z ation of nearer to chaos government that there still existed 3 6 0 di ff erent feudal codes rts of France In one town of? law applying to di ff erent p a alone there were 2 9 feudal courts ! In matters of taxation th e chaos i s shown by the fact that when a geographer m 1 7 8 9 tried to prepare a map showing th e customs dues of the various districts he h ad to gi ve it up as being too complicated for human ende av our—for ex ample a boat bearing wine from the South of France to P aris paid o ver 40 tolls and lost a In th e spher e of administration an fortni ght in the process over worked central government tried to regulate aff airs in over towns hi ps and struggled h Opelessly agai nst over whelming arrears of business—one parish for i nstance wh ich petitioned the g overnm ent for a loan to repair its leaking church roof waited over ten years for an answer But in spite Of all t h is utter confusion two principles stand out—that all power was concentrated in th e handsof the King and his personal advisers and that all the burdens of taxation were borne by th e classes least able to support them I n the magni ficent p al ace of Versailles ( a glance at which ( a) C m Will explain the French Revolution better than a doz en text b ooks) remote fr om contact with any but the nobility and th e clergy Louis XVI controlled the destinies of Fr ance T h ere were royal Councils a royal Controller of Finances . . , , ' ‘ ' , . , . , , . , . , , . , ‘ , , “ , . , . o , , . , 1 , 1 I LLUS TRATED H I S TORY O F M ODERN EUROP E royal deputies in the P rovinces known as Intendants royal officials everywher e through whom th e King governed— but the system rested primarily and throughout on Louis himself “ for h is word was law The XIV had said “ — with vanity but with accuracy is myself L ouis XVI was “ later on to remark concerning a disputed I ssue The thing 13 legal because I wish it S uch a statement sums up the whole nature of th e government of the A ncien Re i There was no m e g vestige of popular or middle class influence in government for though there remained a few of th e old medie val institu tions these had lost all effective power of opposing the King The last time the States General or French P arliament had met was i n 1 6 1 4 In fact the will of the sovereign was so completely the law that any critic of the government or O pponent of some powerful nobl e was liable to find hi mself arrested quite arbitrarily by means of a writ known as a lettre de cach et and lodged in prison with out a trial or even an accusation of having committed any partic ular ctime A s allies and buttresses in thi s system of royal power th e Crown had the clergy and the nobility—the First and Second ’— all the rest from lawyers down to peasants being E states the Third E state Together the first two E states numbered some out of a population of Yet the whole system of the A ncien Regime in France was directed to their profit They owned nearly all the land the nobility were gathered round Louis at Versailles in useless attendance and did no work ; the higher clergy drew princely rents and shared the general characteristics of the nobility ( Here it is important to note that th e lower clergy, such as the parish priests were poorly paid and had plenty to do W hereas bishops drew some livres (g2 500) a year parish priests — 0 o too o ten received only livres 0 2 f all (£ ) consequently we 5 find the latter all in sympathy not with their superiors b ut with th e Th ird E state ) E xtraordinary privileges were posses sod by these two classes in return for no services whatever the most outsta nding being exemption from nearly al l taxation The full extent of these privileges can best be seen by examining the corresponding burdens of th e peasant N ot T h e financial burden of the peasant was crushing only did he pay the poll tax and the twentie th of his income , , . , . , , , ” . . - , , . , . , , _ , . b ) Privileg ed position of nob les and clergy , ‘ , , . . , . ‘ . , “ , . . . ( c) U n arivileged po sition of p easant . - T HE C AUS ES O F T HE F RE NC H REV OLUT I ON 3 which most nobles paid , but in addition he paid a tithe of th e produce of h is l and to th e Church another large land tax to th e King a gabelle ( or salt tax—and everyone over s even years of age had to buy 7 lb of salt a year) a customs duty if he took h is goods through a village and a money due to th e ’ local lord when his grapes went to the lord s wine press or h is ’ corn to the lord s m i ll ( and they had to go) By a system of witness of game or its game laws h e had to b e the powerless g hunters destroying his crops he alone of all classes was not exempt from militia service and as if these burdens were insufficient h e was liable to forced labour on the roads or public buildings (corvee) It is little wonder that the peasantry taxed more and more h eavily as the expenses of the French government mounted in the 1 8 th century and seeing their superiors living in the greatest luxury were on the verge of revolt Some of them were annually imprisoned s and several hundred executed 2 000 condemned to the galley for o ffences against the salt laws alone And yet it was nOt so much from the peas antry as from the (d) G ri m ore prosperous membe rs of the Third E state—the educated section of l awyers and doctors especially that the impulse towards revolutioncame The reason for this is th at though not suff eri ng the economic burdens of the peasant the y resented their exclusion from o fficial positions at the head of th e army the navy and the diplomatic service They resented their inability to o ffer open criticism of a ridiculous system of government They resented the lack of religious freedom if a P rotestant service was discover ed the p astor might be hanged and the congregation all s ent to the galleys They resented the liability of the Third E state to suff er torture breaking on the wheel and forms Of mutilation which were spared nobles and clergy Above all they felt th emselves “ unfairly excluded from all share in government W hat is “ t h e Third E state ? said one of their leaders E verything W hat h as it been hitherto in our form of government N oth ing W hat does it want To become Something It is not surprising that al most all of the revolutionary leaders came from this cl ass N aturally there was a further reason apart from their G auss 1 1 : ‘ actua l grieva nces to account for the leadersh i p of the reform 333 5s; - , a , - , . - , - . - , , , ' ‘ , , , , . , . e - ~ . , , , , . . , . _ , , . , . ” . . ” . . . , , _ T h e B urden of ' the Thi rd Th e peasant sh oulders th e wh ole b urden E state wh ile th e ( P h oto Hach etu ’ , . nob le pr esses on it to increase th e weigh t and th e priest suppor ts it m er ely with one finger . , . T HE ' C A US E S OF TH E F RENC H R EV OLU T I ON 5 , _ 1 movement b y th e b ourgeoisie I t was of course they rath er a oso than th e peasants, who enjoyed ethe possessions and self m m but above all confidence ne cess ary to direct a r evolution it was they wh o h ad th e requisite political education This i n t h e o f o it c l e uc ti th y oun works certain h a d d l i a f e o n a d p French phil osophers of the 1 8th century wh ose infl uence i n causing th e revolution was extremely important In the Famous all over E urope as a firS t place t here was Voltaire historian a populariz er of science a tragic dramatist and a poet he was also an unsp aring critic of existing institutions and especially of th e C h urch In matchless s atire h e poured scorn on the pretensions of the Church the folly of govern ments and the creduli ty of those who are taken in by both He hi mself had known the inside of the Bastille the great prison of P aris and what a lettre de cach et could mean O ver some flagrant miscarriages of justice he fought for years to secure the reversal o f a verdict and the rehabilitation of th e honour of a wr onged man Too often death or hideous mutilation had done their irrevocable work but what human eff ort could achieve Voltaire did He became at once th e most adm i red and the most feared man of E urope—whil e th e very classes he criticized nobility and royalty competed for the honour of entertaini ng so great a literary man and political force O nly his great enemy the Church could never forgive h im for his criticism—and his deism T h e friend of the two most com plétely unscrupulous monarchs of the 1 8 th century Frederick the Great of P russia and Catherine of R ussia h e was equally wil ling to hold up a monarch to ’ admiration for enlightened intentions and to ridicul e for unenlightened achi evements W ith four estates on the borders of France and Switzerland he co ul d speed from one to th e other according as i ntelligence reached him that French or Swiss officials were on h is track O nl y at the end of his life — a s he secure in France in h is final days indeed he came to W P aris to see his last play produced th e popul ace went mad with hero worship as it thronged to welcome the man wh o had fought inj u stice so long and so bravely ew B ut oltaire kn “ ’ “ humanity Ah he s aid they d come in just the sam e Yet with al l his devastating crowds to see me e xecuted satire and h is wit and for all his campaigns against religious . “ , , , . ‘ . . , , 7 . - . , . . . - , , , . , , t . , . , , . , ‘ . . , . , , , , . , . , , ‘ - . . : . . . , , ' - . ” . , , . , I LLU S TRATED H I S TORY O F M ODERN EUROPE f ersecution antiquated and un air taxation and tortur th s e i p fiercer crueller Bernard Shaw of the 1 8 th century had nothing positive to suggest to take the place of monarchy He was no “ “ democrat I had rather he remarked be ru led by one lion His contrib ution great though it than by a hundred rats was was negative not positive Together with Voltaire may be mentioned the work of the group known as the E ncyclopziedists led by D iderot They set out to write an encyclopaedia whi ch should be an account As it went on it became more and of all exi sting knowledge ’ morea criticism of the A ncien Regime—indeed it was obvious that no account of contemporary knowledge could be given wh ich did not demonstrate at the same time the folly and injustice of existing claims and practices in Church and State A group known as th e E conomists advocated the abolition of all taxation except that on land (which would be paid princip al ly by the clergy and the nobility) but for a general scheme of government they too like Voltaire and D iderot had no other solution than enlightened despotism A more positive contribution was made by a far less — 5 sensational figure than V ltaire o M ontesquieu A deep 823327 55) student of politics he saw the importance of geographical conditions After conducting an experiment by freezing a tong ue and observing that the little taste papillae were smaller and less sensitive in the cold than the heat he came to the conclusion that people in hot climates would feel both physical and mental matters more passionately than dwellers in cold or temperate regions hence that they woul d be less able to keep th emselves calm and under control hence th at a strict despotism was best suited for them though N orthern E uropeans might be trusted with the introduction of a democratic element In E ngland he found th emodel he sought and accordingly ’ in his ch ief book D e l E sprit des Lois (which ran through twenty he held up the E nglish two editions in eighteen months ) constitution with its parliament its independent judges and its constitutional king as worthy of imitation by France He was especially keen on the idea of the various parts of the — overnment parliamen t king judges for example—working g of each uite separately and acting as checks on the power q other thus helping to preserve the liberty of the individual , , , , . ” . , ” , ' . , , , . ’ . , ‘ ‘ . , . , , ‘ , . . , . - , , ~ , , , , . , , , , , , . , , , , , . T HE C AUS ES O F T HE F REN C H REV OLUT I ON I ncidentally b e im agined far more of this than there act u ally was in th e E nglish constitution but his influence both was on th e French and American revolu tionary leaders profound ’ But the philosopher, wh o more than all others provided (4) R ositive creed was R ousseau His stormy and uncon iii/I a p ventional l fe in the course of which he was driven out first i from his native city of Geneva and then from his adopted France typifies th e spirit of revolt which was to flare up in the A poet and a musician who had written a R evolution he turned his attention to p olitics and successful opera preached the equality of men—a doctrine which naturally brought on his head the wrath of the French government His greatest political work D u C ontrat S ocial sketches his ideas — the asis gov rnment h e seeks a justification for the fact of of b e that man though born free is everywhere in is This justification he can everywhere subject to gover nment ) ly if the ideas and desires of th e people are really carried find qn out by the government—or as he puts it if the General W ill is sovereign O nly thus is liberty retained and equali ty reali z ed O bviously however the General W ill is much less likely to be carried out in a monarchy th an in a democracy where the p eople govern themselves It is true R ousseau did not think a democracy was workable in a large state because he wanted a direct democracy wh ere all men actually decide reat issues not a representat i v e democracy like ours w h ere g “ we elect other people to decide them for us The E nglish “ people he wrote is free only during the election of its M Ps As soon as t hey are elected it is a slave it is nothing His solution was the division of a large state into a number of small direct democracies and the binding of these into a kind of federation But it was the spirit of democracy rather than th e practical details which a ff ected the R evolutionary leaders Catching frOm R ousseau also a certain amount of h is strong vein of sentiment and emotion and love of nature ( new developments in 1 8 th century France which had concentrated rather on reason and self control ) they developed the passion and violence without which th e R evolution co uld not have been made Rousseau thus supplied not only th e main doctrine—the S oveireignty of th e P eople the Supremacy of , , ‘ , . ‘ om , , r . , , . , . , , ‘ , , . , , . , . , , , . , , - , , , . ” , , ” . . , . , , . , . , - , - , . , i ) na I LLUS T RA TED HIS T ORY 8 — l e era il W l but th e G n people ready to r ebel ‘ . th e OF M ODERN EUROPE emotional spiri t wh ich mad e - . upplied the theory it was left to Em u or practical example In x7 76 the thirteen E nglish Colonies revolted issued their D eclaration A M ERI C AN Rsvow 1 Independence and by o f o n n 7 83 had secur ed their freedom as the U nited States of America France anxi ous to obtain revenge for her loss of Canada and India in the Seven Years 4 willingly helped the Americans agai nst 6 W ar 5 E ngland and e njoyed her most successful war o f the century She little thought what co nsequences were to foll ow French soldiers who had served in America poured back to France full they had helped to free a of American democratic ideas nation whose only real grievance was not that the E nglish did tax them but th at they migh t tax th em An extra tea duty of t h reepence the sole tax payable b y Americans to E ngland in broke up the British E mpire W hen th e French 1 7 76 compared this with the overwhelming burdens of the peasantry at home it rapidly became apparent that if the Americans were j ustified in revolting against the E nglish the French were far more justified in revolting against the French Th e Americans rebelled not against misgovernment but simply for the sake of self government the French with th e a dditional spur of misgovernment were not slow to learn th e lesson It is no accident that one of the earliest leaders of the French R evolution was the M arquis de Lafayette returned six years before from the W ar of Independence C A US IV of the American R evolution did not end But the influence T HE B A N K Y o RUP th ere perhaps even more important th e cost of the war to TH F REN C H France meant the last straw on the already cracking back of C ROW N her finances All th e century the situation had been getting worse T h e enormous luxury of the French court under Louis XIV and XV ( and under Louis XVI too although h e was by comparison very economical and had only 2 000 hors es and 2 00 carriages in the royal stables whi le h is Queen servants and four M arie Antoinette managed with onl y pairs of shoes a week) alone accounted: for one twelfth of the whole revenue of the government The ridicul ously ine ffici ent system of tax ation ( by whi ch the nobles clergy and crown wh o owned three fifth s cf the land escaped extremely C A US E T h e ph ilosoph ers, th en, America to furnish th e I II . s . ’ , . , , . , - - , - , . . - - “ . , , . , , , ‘ . - , , . , . E TC : r , E . . , , , , , , - . ’ , - , , , H I S T O R Y O F M O D ER N ILLU S T RA T ED E U RO P E lightly while the peasantry owning th e remaining two fifth s paid practically everything) h ad nothing to commend it By 1 7 85 even the nobles and clergy were beginning to see that th e situation was impossible Further th e cost of tax collection sometimes done by selling the right of collection to th e highest bidder who m ade what h e co ul d swallowed a ludicrous proportion of the taxes Thus the salt tax, for ex ample brought in livres but cost to collect and necessitated the employment of about tr 00ps and agents to suppress smuggling Above all the constant wars for over a century and th e ruinous loss of th e French E mpire in the Seven Years W ar had necessitated continuous borrowing and piled up an enormous amount of debt E ach year of above 4 7 2 mil lion livres income 2 3 6 million livres or one half had to b e set aside to pay interest on debts— and even then th e monarchy had five times defaulted by reduction of interest or repudi ation of debt in the 1 8 th century W hen on top of this chaotic and dangerous situation the government of Louis XVI joined in the W ar of American Independence and expended an unnecessary livres on purchasing the defeat of E ngland it purch ased also its own bankruptcy The situation could no longer go on Controllers General in rapid succession tried to grappl e with the prob em and wheth er t h e started with l y reform i ng ideas like Turgot and N ecker or spendthrift ideas like Calonne or just conservative ideas like Brienne all rapidly came to the same conclusion—that nothing could be done until the exemption of the nobles and clergy from the bul k of taxation was given up It was primarily in the hope of destroying the immunity of nobles and clergy equalizing tax ation and thus filling the royal treasuries and secondarily in the expectation of granting in addition a few much needed ’ reforms such as the ab olition of lettres ae cach et that N ecker in 1 7 8 8 advised the King to call the States General the r epre sentativ es of the three E states for the first tim e in 1 7 5 years M inister and M onarch little thought that their device for ending bankruptcy would begin revolutio n It was natural of course though it surprised the govern ment that the calling of the States G eneral and the official preceded it r equest for lists (cah iers) of grievances whi ch , - , , “ . . , ' ' , , , - . , , . , , . , , - , , . ' , . - . , , , , ‘ . , , , , - , . . , . , , - , , , T HE C A U S E S O F T HE FR E N C H R E V O LU T I O N hould open th e fl ood gates of criticism B ut th e issue of t all depended on how the demands of the Third Estate were to be handled by th e King—and unfor tunately for France Louis XVI was a King in name and in power b ut not in ch aracter Full of the b est intentions—had he not rapidly appointed as Controller General first one outstanding reformer, Turgot then another N ecker — h e could never be relied on to carry out those inten tions consistently—had he not dis missed Turgot and N ecker with equal promptitude As we shall see at every stage inth e R evolution he was to encourage reform and then to draw back Such inconsistency was to bring its inevitable reward it is not the strong brutal ones of this earth wh o most frequently lose their thrones not men like W il liam the Conqueror and Henry VIII but the inconsistent well intentioned ones like Henry VI and “ Charles I W hen you can keep together a number of oiled “ ivory balls one of h is relatives said of Louis you may do something with the King M i ldly interested in reform more interested in his kingship but most interested in hunting Louis XVI was to hesitate to temporize to yield and to deny til l the forces wh ich he had released caught him up in their torrential current an d swept him and th e monarchy to de “ struction N or was he m ore fortunate in his advisers N ecker lacked firmness and the one great man who wa3 later to try and save the King M ir abeau died at a critical moment For the most part in fact Loui s was under the fatal influence of h is wife M arie Antoi nette E xtremely unpopular among the French as the representative of t h ehated Austrian alliance which had led to the Seven Years W ar and lost the E mpire they could find no greater term of abuse for her than ’ ’ l A utrich ienne —the Austrian woman Ignorant of the need ’ for reform uns ympathetic to her people s needs and incapable ’ of grasping th e political situation she poisoned Louis mind first agai nst Turgot and then against N ecker and everywhere advised a fatal firmness at precisely the wrong moments “ — She indeed knew her own mind T h e King said M irab eau has only one man about him h is wif —but unfortunately ’ h er mind was not worth knowing France s destiny rested in th e hands of a King who was too weak minded to be stable and a Queen who was too stro ng minde d to be sensible s - . , ' ‘ , . - , , . , . , - , . , , ” . , ’ , , , , , . . ° , , . , “ , , ' , . ‘ , ‘ . , , , . ” , , e , . - - . m m l l l. I LLU S T RA T ED H I S T O R Y O F M O D ER N E U R O P E Finally as; a last factor in lead ing to the R evolution w e may mention th e extraordinary climatic co nditions of 1 788 which iruined th e harvest raise d corn to a famine price and l y to be follow caused widespread starvation on ed b y th e desperately s evere winter of early 1 7 89 when a ll th e great rivers of France were fr ozen and even the port of M arseilles in the extreme south was blocked with ice T h e consequence was even greater distress than usual A free trade treaty with E ngland admitting our cheap goods had al ready caused much industrial suffering N ow there gathered in P ans hordes of people from the surrounding countryside h oping to find food and shelter i n urban conditions Thus came into being th e P aris mob—idle desperate ready to cheer on th e most extreme measure and destined t o control t h e fortunes of events on more than one vital occasion So there was all the material for a great combus tion An outworn ine fficient unfair and bankr upt system of govern ment a strong body of opinion created by th e philosophers a weak th e successful example of the American revolution king widespread economic distress and a mob in P aris It needed only one spark to set it all alight O n M ay 5th , 1 78 9 the States G ener al m et " , , " , - , , ‘ , ” . - . . , . ' ‘ , , “ , . . , , , ’ . ' . - , . stem of th e A nciéfi Régime ‘ f ES T M OO Th e Example of th e Th e Bankruptcy of the C rown T HE C A U S E S T HE F RE N C H RE VOLUTI ON ; CHA PTE R II T h e Progress of th e R evolution, F rom th e M 1. f eeting o —1 795 1 7 89 th e S tates G eneral to th e - . War , 1 — 1 8 7 9 79 2 The government of Louis XVI preparatory to calling th e States General had asked for cah iers of grievances It got them— over of them From every part of the country th e Third E state sen t up the same demands : reform of taxa tion ( with abolition of the privileges of the First and Second E states as the first step ) a settled constitution with a regular parliament and no lettres de cach et and the abolition of all feudal rights and dues The remark of the men of one district “ How happy we should b e if the feudal system were ’ destroyed l expresses perfectly th e main trend of th e peasants requests It might have been thought that Louis and N ecker would examine these grievances d raw up a programme of reforms and present it to the assembly which was meeting af ter so ’ a B L o f reat an interv that was not ouis way Instead l u t g placing himself at th e head of th e reform movement h e immediately made reform more difficult by expecting th e three E states to deliberate separately as they had done in th e mediaeval past T h e effect of thi s would b e that reform measures voted on by E states as E states would be defeated by two E states to one ( First and Second 0 Third E state) O n the other hand if all met in one assembly the fact that th e Third E state had twice as many representatives as either of th e oth ers would mean that reform measur es could be carried It would requir e only a very few individuals from the poorer clergy to support the Third E state and they wo uld have a clear majority It was thus essenti al to th e cause of reform th at th e E states should m eet as one and not three assemblies Louis h ad seemed to recognize this by granting the T hird E state double representation and now typically he nullified th e , - . , . , , . , ” . , , , . . , “ , . , , . . , , . , . ' , , , , , . O F T H E R E V O LUT I ON T HE P R O G R ES S 1 7 8 9- 1 7 95 , 15 whole eff ect by insisting on separate meeting Thwarted in this ’ way and irritated by the absence of any positive lead in N ecker s opening speech the Third E state soon lost its first fine careless rapture R efusing to admit the policy of separation under th e leaders h ip of M irabeau it called itself The N ational ’ Assembly and left the other E states to join it if they would Soon the parish priests began to trickle Over and within four days the rest of th e clergy followed Finding that Louis had ordered the hall where the N ational Assembly was meeting to be closed for repairs th e Third E state took the worst possible interpretation of the action Straightway they ad j ourned to T h T nni a local te nnis court and there solemnly swore th e famous C ou t Oath Tennis C ourt O ath that they would never separate until a constitution was firm ly established W hen called to a special ’ royal session to hear Louis firm command to meet separately, th e T h ird E state refused to follow the nobles and clergy in obeyi ng the royal order to re tire M i rabeau put it precisely “ to a nobleman who acted as messenger for the King Tell your master that nothing but bayonets will drive us from here ’ “ ( I f they come we buzz off quick he is reported to have added i n an underto ne to a friend ) But they did not come The vacillating Louis left the Third E state undisturbed soon T h E tat lm ate am e the clergy C ame back again and on June a7 th 1 7 8 9 the three to f m th e ’ N ati nal E states amalgamated o ffici al ly by the King s command The A m b ly joy was universal and there were cries of the R evolution i s J un 7 89 over —somewhat prematurely as it subsequently proved M eanwhile events were moving rapidly outside the Assembly m un and T h e increasing hunger of the P aris mobs and the m a ssing of th N ati nal G M L troops by ouis led to a state of uneasiness C rimes of violence became freque nt The government could keep no orde1 A s a measure of self defence the P arisian electors set up a comm ittee in the HOtel de Ville and a volun tary militia later known as th e N ational Guard From the press now entirely neglecting the feeble orders of the government there poured a flood of rev oh 1 tionary pamphl ets while in open spaces s i1 c h as the gardens of the P alais R oyal young orators and journalists like C amille D esmoulins ( who was soon to start a brilliant political newspaper) fired the mob by their intoxi cating eloquence T hen came the dismissal of N ecker from h is post of Controller It seemed that Louis had fol lo wed h is . , , . ‘ , . , . - , e . s e - r ‘ - . ' . . - , . s , , , , es or o . sse ‘ , e 1 , . . e e . . - . , , , . . f o I LLU S T R A T E D 16 H IS T O R Y OF M O D E RN ' i ’ E U R OP E ' Queen s advice and got rid of th e only reforming element in his court The result of it all was a mob explosion for whi ch D esmoulins gave the signal First stealing arms f rom the depot at th e Inval ides they moved to storm the Bastille whi ch summed up as it were the whole id ea of r oyal despotism Therep olitical prisoners often lingered and there th e unfor tunate victims of lettres Zle cach et l earnt to loathe th e system of arbitrary despoti After several hours assault and 2 00 killed and wounded the mob managed to induce the Governor to surr ender on the promise of s afety for himself and his men P ouring into the great fortress it f ound—seve n prisoners four forgers two madmen and a notorious rake Typically it also massacred b oth governor and garrison tearing out their hearts and bowels P aris was soon to see that th e friends of liberty could be T h e deed was hailed thr oughout the land and tyrants too " thro ugh E urope as h eroic ; the B astille th e symbol of despot ism had fallen and July 1 4th was to become the national holiday T h e rebels were now in command of P aris T h e committee at the HOtel de Ville became a r egular town government 0r C ommune with a m ayor at its head L afayette ; who had learned his politics in America was installed as command er of th e N ational Guard Accepting these measures th e mob was soon quieted and th ose wh o Were anxious for more disorder wer e suppr essed by L afayette ’ and the Guard It remained to secure Louis approval of accomplished facts : He had little alternative Three days : later h e came to P aris and h ad to recognize th e new govern m ent of P aris and th e N ational Guard and wear in his hat th e cockade of the P arisian tricolore— the emblem of the In R evolution N or was all the activity confined to P aris th e provinces there was a universal move to storm the forty th ousand B astillesf—the feudal castles— and ev erywh ere t owns organiz ed committees of electors into Communes and gave th emselves self government on th e P arisi an model Soon in the A ssembly on August 4th occurred one of th e most remarkable n ights in history. A nobleman suddenly rose to propose the a bolition of all feudal rights and dues An emotional atmos phere was created O thers followed t of a Salvationist meeting N oble after noble rose akin to tha ' . , " ' “ . , , ' . , ' - , ' ' . ' , ' ' . , , , - - - . ‘ , , , - . . “ = , , . ' , . , , ' ' ' ' . . , ' “ _ . . ‘ ‘ - . , , ’ . . , . , I LLU S T R A T E D HI S T O RY O F M O D E RN EU R O P E amid scenes of weeping and embracing to announce h is agreement in the surrender of his own privileges An orgy of self sacrifice set in ( and naturally others got sacrificed in the ’ process ) and by eight o clock next morning thi rty decrees h ad been passed and th ewhole fabric of French law altered O ne effect of th is should never be forgotten T h e night of August 4 th gave the peasants practically all they wanted from the R evolution as time went on and extremism and violence grew the peasants turned naturally to anybody who co uld promise them secur ity in their newly won rights They were not democrats and they happily accepted N apoleon later b ecause he seemed to make secur e for them their pr1 ncipal gains from the R evolution The Assembly next concentrated on the production of a preface to the new constitution— T h e D eclaration of the ’ R ights of M an It was in vainthat a realist like M irabeau urged that in such a time of anarchy people needed to b e r eminded not of their rights but of their duties M ost of th e members of the Assembly in their idealistic inexperienced philosophic and phrase drunk sort of way im agined that the mere statement of th egeneral principles guiding the R evolu tion would be almost sufficient to free manki nd from the whole load of past oppression So they produced a document designed not for the France of 1 78 § alone but for all times and all peoples M en were by nature equal the people were soverei gn and must participate in the making of law which was the expression of the General W ill liberty of person and speech were sacred rights reb ellion against injustice a holy d uty A statement of democratic principles so complete naturally led to great expectations—which in the nature of As one facts at the time it was simply impossibl e to ful fil sensible person remarked It was not wise to lead men up to the top of a mountain and showthem a promised land which ’ was afterwards to be refused them I t was time for the mob to take a hand agai n W hen the ’ Assembly accepted the idea of Louis being able to hold up proposed laws for a six year period feeling ran high and the additional facts that he refused to accept the D eclaration ’ ’ and the nobles and clergy s sacrifices of August 4th inflamed m atters W hen added to this there was the ever increasing , ” . - , . . . ~ , . , ' i D eclaration . ‘ . . , , , - , , ' . . , , , , . ' . . - . , - . , , T HE PR O G R E S S OF T HE R E V O LU T I O N , 1 789 1 7 95 - 19 and th e news of royal negotiations with th e loyal Flanders R egiment coupled with a lavish military banquet at Versailles aff airs came to a h ead P aris decided to stage a ’ M arch of the W omen to Versailles to air its grievances Women Were chosen as their hunger cries would be shriller though in fact many men some appropriately painted and petticoated swelled the throng Hearing of the M arch Lafayette set off after them with th e N ational Guard to prevent disorder In respo nse to popular requests he per suaded the King that 1 t wo ul d be mor eacceptable to the people if he and th e N ational Guard not the Flanders R egiment were entrusted with the defence of the palace U nfortunately King nd ” wh i e Lafayette was asleep the mob attacked and penetrated $533 P fi' the palace and eventually he was abl e to calm them down only by promising that the King would come to P aris So the ’ — whole royal family the baker the baker s wife and th e ’ ’— baker s son were brought to P aris and lodged practically as prisoners in the palace of the Tuileries T en days later th e Assembly decreed that it woul d follow The importance of these two moves can hardly be overestimated M ob actio n had again been decisive Lafayette was obviously unable to control the forces he h ad helped to set in motion and both King and Assembly were virtually at the dictation of th e most extreme elements of P aris T h e trans actions of the Assembly were public it became th e mob fashion t o attend its debates to cheer the most revolutionary speakers and boo and hiss and — jeer at the rest even to waylay them afterwards and the whole effect was to make m oderate deputies stay away and leave aff airs to be regulated more and more by the extremists Soon another decisive step in the R evolution was taken by 7 5 . the Assembly D esperate for money it turned its eyes to the C h vast property of the C hurch lVIirab eau helped to secure th e g fgy passage of the measure which was put into effect by th e s or paper currency based not on gold b ut i ssue of assignat on the forfeited Church land U nfortunately the standing temptation of paper mone y with embarrassed governments is to print off far more than the nature of its backing whether gold or land warrants—and an assignat which started by being worth a hundred francs by a successive process of infl ations degenerated in seven years to th e value of about a h alfpenny famine . , ‘ . , , , , . , . , , e . l ‘ , . ‘ , , . . . , . , i . . , ‘ . , , , . , , r “ . . E U ROP E ILLU S T RA T E D H IS T OR Y O F M O D E RN 20 measure too The “ , , off ended m0st of the clergy who h ad witness anti cleric al d ecrees m uch more , so on however, to extrem e In j uly 1 7 90 the famous Civil Constitution of the C lergy was passed by whi ch the State not the P ope became th e paym aster of the clergy wh o thus became state o fficials and w hose leaders were ap pointed by a form of election R ome was allowed no power at all in the scheme Loui s a good Catholic h eart brokenly agreed but when as h é had feared the P ope in April 1 79 1 solemnly condem ned the whole measure his remorse knew no bounds ; From th is point must ’ ; b e d ated his determination to seek foreign aid in checking th e ever increasing m omentum of the R evolution At last he resolved to flee W hither he could either find loyal French troops in E astern France or accept the help of his brother ih law th e E mperor Leopold and whence at th e ’ " head of an a rm yi of foreigners and emigre French nobles ; he could r eturn to dictate term s to the Assembly I t was a fatal pl an even h ad h e succeeded in escaping and one from which M irabeau who had at l ast come to i b etter terms with the court a nd wh o was doing h is best to keep the R evolution within reasonable bounds would certai nl y have dissuaded him But M irabeau had died in April 1 7 9 1 , with the ful l and despairing realiz ation that the monarch y was d oomed “ “ I carry with me he said the last rags Of the monarch y R emoved f rom his wise adv ice Louis proceeded on his ras h course At night disguised asa valet he escaped in a coach with M arie Antoinette and his family but news Outstripped h is slow rate of progress and at Varennes a little town near ’ th e fronti er a butcher s cart across the road finished his h opes At the HOtel de Ville Lafayette who had taken charge issued It was a terrible journey orders for the return of the captives E xposed to every form of insult they w ere brought for them back humiliated by ruffians who poked their heads through th e ’ coach windows and spat in the Queen s face and by the alter nate jeers and stony silence of the c rowd In twenty four ’ hours M arie Antoinette s hair turned completely whi te It the was the end of th e last remnant o f th e royal prestige — complete extinction of the blaze of popul arity which had at ’ At first surround ed the good naturedm reforming Ki ng - , . Th e i C ivil ti on of th e , C lergy, M y 1 7 90 , , . . , - , , , ' , “ l \ “ - . T h e fl igh t to V eren nee, J une 1791 ‘ - - , , , . ' , “ ? s , l ‘ - , . . ” , , . , . , , _ " “ . , , . , f - , , . , . , - . . ‘ ‘ - . ' ILLUS T R AT ED H I S T OR Y OF M O D E R N E U R O PE Varennes the monarchy had died All that P aris had to do a ’ year later was to bury it The net result was the growth of a deliberately republican movement M i rabeau was dead Lafayette rapidly lost h is great popularity by Ordering the Guard to fire on a rioting mob in the Champ de M ars the Ki ng was disgraced—the leadership of a ffairs drifted into th e hands of the politicians who were m aking their name by their eloquence in the political clubs The most important of these clubs was the Jacobin Club (so called since its parent br anch met in th e di sused convent of St Jacques ) which within two or three years of its formation rapidly affil iated over four hundred branch organiz ations in the provinces The history of the control of the Jacobins till I 7 94 is the history of the R evolution O riginally embracing all shades of reforming Opini on it gradually became confined to ex tremists as they Succeeded in getting their policy approved Already now on the question of republic or monarchy one group of monarchical supporters was driven out Anoth er Club th e Cordelier Club limited to P aris and composed of working men rather than the professional classes was extremely democratic from th e very beginning M eanwhile th e Assembly weary of its activities was anxious to complete the new constitution and dissolve itself At last in September 1 7 9 1 the Constitution was dul y accepted by the hapless King and P aris again celebrated the end of ’ the R evolution U nfortunately the Constitution was far from perfect O n paper the King was allowed a considerable amount of powe r which was quite unacceptable to the new republicans ( though he could be baulked from using it by the financial hold of the Assembly) Voters were to have a fairly high property qualification—a measure which annoyed But the really vital defect was that the Com th e extremists mu nes in th e provinces were allowed to be almost entirely self governing—the central government had practically no control over them As the U S Ambassador remarked “ The Almighty Himself could not have made it work unless T o increase the di fficulty He created a new species of man the members of the Assembly unselfish ly declared themselves ineligible for r e election in the new Legislative A ssemb ly . . , C lub . , . , , " . - . , . . , . ‘ . , , ‘ - , . , , . ” , , ‘ S eptem b er . . , . . - ‘ . . ” . “ - , T HE P R O G R ES S O F T HE R E V O LU T I ON ' , —795 1 78 9 23 1 thus cutting off from the conduct of aff airs the onl y body of men wh o had begun to accumulate any experience in them . . 2 . F rom th e W ar to th e E stab lish ment of the D irectory, 1 79 2 — 1 795 It was the war which conditio ned the rest of the R evolution T h a ” wn M any of the members of the Assembly wer e idealistic pacifists o who had earlier passed a motion renouncing all wars of ’ acquisition T h e threatening attitude of the émigre nobles on the border however ( by now about in all and led by ’ ’ Louis brother ) and the danger of Louis suddenly receiving help from Austria and P russia led to the atmosphere of fear whi ch produces war At the same time a group of politicians known as the Girondins (from the Gironde I n th e south west TG hi ndin of France ) began to desire war from motives of their own T hough still members of the Jacobins and thus extremists of a k ind they were b y no means the most extreme element there ’ since a lth ough they ardently desired to preserve th e work of the R evol u tion and even to advance to a republic they were opposed to the terrorist views of the most Left wing section U nder the leadershi p of V ergniaud and R oland though still ’ more under that of R oland s wife M adame R oland wh ose salon was th e centre of th egroup they forced themselves into the mi nistry N ow they became filled with the idea that war would both unite the country and place it behind its leaders ’ and at the same time reveal Louis sympathies with the ’ country s enemies—and thus provide an excuse for getting rid of h im In April 1 7 92 the Council decided on war against W A ustria and the Assembly agreed on the basis of war against ’ Kings peace with all peoples It was a ch al lenge against the rulers of the world—one which they were not slow to accept The i mmediate consequences were disastrous The entirely unprepared French army was routed in the Austrian N ether lands and the King took the Opportunity of vetoing two decrees and dismis sing some of his Girondin mi ni sters including R oland The mob m anger invaded the Tuileries and Louis was compelled to fraternize with them to drink their h ealth and to wear the red cap of liberty Lafayette made a last effort to save the monarchy by leading th e Guard against the Jacobins but he came up against the invincibl e e . to , . , , , . - ro . , , , - . “ , , , ’ , . , ' . ‘ , , . . ' . , , . , . , s P aix aux P euples , of th e Revolution Th e figh ing b asis cap of lib er ty, and swor d t . . Guerre aux N B e . —T h . T yrans . com b ination of olive b r anch , I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T O R Y OF M OD E RN EU R OP E deposition of th e King was the first step in t h e reor ganization of the d efences France was indeed in a parlous condition In th e Vendee district insurrection agains t the government had broken out prompted by Catholic horror of th e measures against the Church N ow on August 1 9th th e P russians ( who had joined with th e Austrians annoyed by the confiscation of the lands of German nobles in Alsace) crossed th e frontier and captured Longwy and Verdun The resulting fear led to further extreme measures against r oyalist support ers in P aris and on the night of September 2 nd M arat ( another leading spirit of the Cordeliers who ran ’ a virulently democratic paper L A mi da P eu organized a l e p ) vast massacre of priests and royalists who were being h eld in prison O ver 2 000 perished in this foul way The R eign of Terror h ad begun with a vengeance Suddenly the face of the war altered O n September 2 oth at Valmy the P russians were repul sed It was a mere cannonade and the P russian retirement was rather more due to their suspicion of Austrian preoccupation with th e N eth er ’ lands R ussian designs on P oland and D anton s bribing But it meant a activities than to French reorganization wonderful diff erence to th e French spirit The invasion was “ checked— the revolution might be preserved Here and “ now, said the great German poet Goethe begins a new era in the history of the world W ith in a few weeks the French occupied the Austrian N etherlands conquered b y the battle of Jemappes and proceeded to advance to the R hine and the Austrian dominions in Italy The Convention ( in which the Jacobins were even stronger than in th e old Assembly ) intoxicatedly voted that France wo ul d give her help to all peoples desirin to recover their liberty and thus hur led a further challenge at the world The trial of th e King followed He had no chance al though technically by the I 7 9 1 constitution his ministers were “ responsible for all his actions But as R obespierre said You are not judges—you are statesmen and the King was unanimously declared guilty W hen it came to a question of the punishment the Girondins and D anton who really wished to save him hesitated thus to lay themselves open to a charge ’ of monarchism and it was R obespierre s policy of executio n The . . , . , , , , . , , . . . . , . , ’ , , , . . . , ” , ” . , , . tr , . , . ' , . , . , , , , T HE PR O G R ES S OF T HE R EV O LU T I ON , 1 7 89 - 97 1 7 95 which triumphed T h e consequence was further terror, dictatorship and war with most of E urope W ithin a month E ngland and Sp ain had entered the war W E" objecting on principle to the doctrines of the R evolution and m m th e execution of the King but even more because of the positive { 3 33 danger to their national securi ty resulting from the French advance to the P yrenees their occupation of the Austrian ir threat to Holland and their violation of N etherlands the the T reaty Of U trecht of 1 7 1 3 11hm ediately the French armies suff ered reverses again and the consequences were seen in the institution of a R evolutionary Tribunal and a Com m ittee of P ublic Safe y for dealing speedily with opposition t And indeed there was opposition to deal with for with the introduction of conscription there W as a further r eb ellioh I n the west By April the last Girondins had been excluded from the C ommittee and th e stage was set for another act in T h e tension increased when the th e sanguinary drama leader o f the French armies D um ouriez tried to induce h i s men to march on P aris and suppress th e Clubs failed and deserted to the Austrians At once the M ountain ( the T h nd a extremest section of the Convention so called from their m "7 9 3 I raised seats ) worked hand in glove with the Commune to destroy th e l ast advocates of moderation the Girondins and th eir leaders were guillotined in a batch— the perpetual fate R oland who h ad escape d of moderates who start revolutions wandered hunted and miserable in the country till he heard of the death of his wife and t h en com m itted suicide A furth e ’ rebellion broke out in th e Giro ndins support but it was soon defeated and th e only permanent result was that one N orman girl Charlotte Corday burning with hatred of the brutal and irreligious policy of th e Jacobin leaders sought an interview with M arat was admitted to him as he sat in his bath and murdered him with one sure thrust of her knife M eantime the Convention had drawn up the new constitu R o g anize “m tion which was extremely republican including votes for all m en and plebiscites on important questions But it was never app lied Government rested in th e hands of th e Committee of P ublic S afety and the Convention merely agreed automatically si nce they knew what resistance meant to w h atever it proposed Al togeth er the Convention sanc . . , e: 0. , , , , , , . , . , . , ' . ‘ ‘ , , , , e e . t , ( ‘ , . , , , , , , r . , , , , , , , . e r , , . . ‘ , , , . ‘ I LLUS TR A T E D HI S T OR Y OF M OD E RN E U R OPE ' 50 decre es in t h ree years , without eVen sO m wch tioned I ' of as giving a single one them a second reading All over th e country the Committee used th e l ocal Jacobin societies to en force its poli cy Age nts were sent down to enforce obedience the work of organizing the conscript armies being brilliantly ’ achieved by C arnot T h e O rganizer of Victory R esistance was m etruthlessly, and blood fl owed ri otously in P aris l h onest The terrible R ob esp ierre was now in the ascend ant— in money matters no loVer of women, and b elieving in h is democratic R ousseauite creed far mor e sincerely th an any other of the revol utionary leaders—but vai n and fanatical and determined to enforce h is own ideas of virtue at all costs Believing that terror was necessary to inspire virtue h e nized—there is no other word for it—the R eign of Terror orga O th ers helped him either from pure criminality or more often because th ey realized th at the choice was between being Fouquier Tinville the ruthl es s a guillotiner or a guillotined ; P ublic P rosecutor claimed nearly 3 000 victims in a few months — from M arie Antoinette d 0wn to nobles priests Girondins and even harmless women like M adame du Barry whose days A of glory 1 n th e cour t of L ouis XV were long since over dreadful bloodlus t grew developing into a kind of worship Tremendous crowds attended th e of M adame Guilloti ne ’ R ed M ass and it is possible that the government deliberately ordered executions with the object of providing entertainment for the populace and distracting their mi nds from the war At N antes over 4000 were butchered in four months some by being sent out in a boat whi ch was then deliberately sunk and at Lyons 2 000 perished in mass executions conducted by volleys of gunfire N o one was safe T h e Commune more off ended R obespierre b y beginning extreme than anyone effor tS to introduce socialist measures and by trying to destroy It succeeded in establishing T h e all Christian worship ’ W orship of R eason as the religion of France in getting the ’ Convention to pass a law of th e M aximum limiting the price and in introducing a revolutionary of bread and corn calendar which eliminated saints days and Sundays Then The leaders of th e R obespierre struck aided by D anton Com mune went the way of the rest and R obespierre appointed creatures sui table to himself ' . . , “ ‘ . , . ’ . Rob espierre end th e ‘ ‘ l ' , ' , - . , . , , - , , , , , , . ‘ . , . ‘ , . , “ . . , , ‘ . , ‘ , , - . . , , . T HE P RO G RE S S 0 T HE RE V OLU T I ON 1? “ , 1 3 8 9 7 1 795 29 - b ut ful l of now however th e French were trium ph anntwagain and D anton revolutio nary f ervo ur Si ckening T h end or urpose conceived th at the Terror had worked its p d and h appy in the love of a young girl h C h ad A p il 1 7 94 of the b loodsh e ust a ried t t o sc all a halt to th e whole ghas tly r ried h e m j business It was fatal ; R obespier re immediately accus ed h im counter revolutionary sentiments and D anton and of D esmou l ins his great friend followed whither they had sent R obespierre now under practically no 3 0 m any others r estraint established the worsh i p of the Supreme Being ( h is own particular form of religion) and proceeded with th e Terror By one ruth less law known as th e Law of P r ai rial suspects were deprived of th e help of counsel and could b e condemned to the one possible punish ment death on th e ’ reputation of a bad moral character al one—which might be made to mean anythi ng After thi s in fifty days nearly But opposition grew—too many leaders , far 1 500 heads fell less hOnest men th an R obespierre feared that their turn was com i ng next A m om entary al liance among them lost him his h old of the Committee of P ublic Safety and his control of the Jacobin Clubs He was shouted down in the C on v ention lodged with his closest followers I n prison and though he was released by the Commune which still favour ed him he was recapture d I n the Hotel de Ville as h e was ab out to sign an i llegal appeal to the tr00ps T h e next day he and h is followers had th eir turn Strangely enough though those wh ooverthrew R obespierre were far worse men than he the d at fall of R obespierre meant the end of th e Terror The e fi x countrytn ow was so obviously tired of th e bloodshed that the pi 1 1, 1 7 94 new rulers from th e sole motive of gai ning popularity destroyed the organization which had made the Terror possibl e —the R evolutionary Tribunal the Committee of P ublic Safety and the Jacobin Clubs and repealed the Law of P rairial ; Yet another new constitution was voted by th e Convention in whi ch the electorate was restri cted to tax payers ( a reaction again st extr eme democracy) and power was split between a two housed Assembly and a D irectory of l h e D M five m en A ided by the prolongation of the war and by public not ’ feeling ar oused against E ngland s unsuccessful attempts to d a l anding on th e west coast prom ote a r ising in La Vendee an - By 1 , , . , , ' ‘ e . ' ~ ~ r - , ‘ , . - , , , . . . . , ‘ - . , , ' , ' “ , . . , . . - , , ‘ . . , “ f . ' 1 . ‘ , , , , . . , , . err e, , . , “ , “ , , , . , ' ' - 11 . , 11 30 HI S T O R Y o r M O D ER N ILLU S T R A T E D E U R O PE the men who had ousted R ob espierre kept their hold on afl airs ’ and their leader Barras soon secured one of the D irectors W hen there was a royalist rising in P aris they positions ’ ordered out the troops and a whiff of grape shot dispersed the mob T h e ofli cer in command was a s allow skinned Corsican named N apoleon Bonaparte who thus began by ’ being the D irectory s servant and was soon to prove its master ' , , . ‘ - , - . , . How ar e we to explain this almost incredible French R evolution—this astounding mixture of highest idealism and deepest villainy resolute cour age and contemptiblecowardice, breathless reform and starkest tyranny C h iefly by bearing — f this act in mind that France a country in dissolution undergoing a radical reshaping of her organ s of government at the critical moment was plunged into war both nation al and civil W ar—we can see th e same process going on under our eyes in Sp ai n to day—b y generating fear which in turn produces reckless violence strips off our all too th in veneer of civilization and tolerates th e most outrageous bestiali ty at th e same tim e as it calls to the fore bravery and patriotism It thus has th e elements of fantastic contradiction in itself Further th e particul arly democratic creed of th e French Revolutionaries based on philosophy and sentiment rather l than practicabi ity or experience encouraged a pathetic belief that the mob is al ways right and robbed leader af ter leader of the will or courage to call a halt to mob violence when it was manifestly wrong By the system of open debates in Assembly Convention and Clubs the advocate of modera tion was always liable to be shouted down and accused of th e unforgivable o ff ence of counter revolutionary sentiments A t critical moments too the undue importance of the M unicipal Governme nt of P aris or Commune which was early captured by th e ex treme Left told to disastrous eff ect agai nst the more Thus partly because of the war m oderate Convention internal and external ,partly becaus e of the genui ne di fficul ty d from the shackles of of keeping a hold on a country fre e ce nturies partly because of the unrealistic theories of th e partly revoluti onaries and the practice of open debating because of the independence of the Commune the conduct of affairs inevitably d ri fted to the extremists and the R evol utio n , , , , , . - , , . . , , , , . , , , - , . , , , , . , . , , , , THE P RO G RES S OF T HE F RE N CH RE V OLUT ION . E U R OPE d eveloped from a movement for peaceful reform to an orgy of b lood letting Yet itm ust n ever bef orgotten th atwhen the i fieriz y Of v olence died th e permanent b enefits of refor m rem ained—not d emocracy because France h ad sh own herself ’ incapable of it, but equality before the law admini strative reform fairer taxation liberated ind ustry and commerce th efoundati on of schools coll eges mus eums libraries and the metric system the abolition of feudalism and the distribution of feudal land among the peasantry the transference of th e m ajor share i n th e State fr om nobles and clergy lto th e It was the greatest achievement of N ap oleon b ourgeoisie not t o des troy the R evolution but to preserve m any of its essentia ls - - H I S T OR Y O F M O D E RN I LLU S T R A T ED 32 . _ _ _ _ ' ' ~ 1 , ' ' , , , , , , , , ' , , _ 1 . / “ . AP PEN D I X — T O C HA PT E R I I S ome C h aracters o f the Revolution M I RABE AU _ _ (died 1 7 9 1 ) ' t A rath er terrib le, b rilliant, diss olute nob le, wh o h ad am ong oth er ’ m isdem eanour s r un off with anoth er m an s wife and em b ez zled great sum s of m oney, M irab eau was to find th at h is unsavoury reputation was to b aulk h im of h is greatest am b ition R ej ected b y h is own ediately b ecam e E state, h e was elected b y th e T h ir d E state and M “ “ A m ad dog, am I th eir leader h e said at h is election B ut ” H e led elect m e and despotism and privil ege will die of m y b ite th e opposition to th e C rown till th e T h ird E state b ecam e th e N ational A ssem b ly, and advocated th e nationalization of C h urch land Knowing h e was b ig enough to dir ect th e m ovem ent h e tried desperately to str ik e an alliance with th e court, for h e could see h im self in th e r6 1e of a R i ch elieu But it took too l ong to b reak down ’ M arie Antoinette s distrust , and wh en at length h is advi ce was accepted h e allowed Louis to pay h is deb ts for h im and th us gave room for suspicion of h is fidelity to th e R evolution T o rob h im of th er frigh tened Assem b ly passed a law th at h is am b ition th e ra M irab eau, m em b ers of i t were not eligib le to b ecom e royal m i nisters b eaten, with graceful b ut desperate h um our m oved an am endm ent ” H ad h e lived b eyond to except th e nam e of M de M irab eau A pril 1 7 9 1 h e migh t h ave saved th e m onarch y—b ut it is only 3 ’ ‘ m igh t His powerful face was fearfuuy pock m arked, and th i s, com b ined with h is violence of expression and b urning eyes , m ade h is oratory frequently irr esistib le in th e Assem b ly—th ough it h as since b een proved th at h e got o th er people to wri te h is speech es for . . . ' - . . . . ' . . . . . . . - H IS T OR Y O F M OD E R N I LLU S T R A T ED j ournal ’ E U R O PE ' L A m i au P euple, and b y h is organization of th e S eptem b er M assacres A painful skin diseas e m ay h ave h elped to produce th e nervous v iolence wh i ch satisfied itself b y causing oth ers to b e executed W arm b ath s gave h is skin troub le relief, and it was in one of th em th at ’ h e m et h is death b y C h arlotte C orday s knife His creed was sim ple ‘ ’ 2 7 o, 00 0 h eads to cut off and m ankind will b e h appy was th e estim ated num b er of th e F irst and S econd E states - ' - . . - . - . . D A N T ON ( executed 1 7 94) T h e m ost deserving nam e of statesm an of th e revolutionary figures A lawyer univers ally regarded as a goodnatured fellow h e aided th e extrem e dem ocratic s ecti on b y h is foundation of th e C ordelier C lub A n ardent patr iot h e resented th e treason of th e ’ T uileries and led th e m ovem ent for th e deposition of th e King b y ’ 1 79 2 e on A ugust 1 0th pl anning a cou p d etat at th e H otel de Vill’ and th e consequent attack on th e King s p alace H e accepted responsib ility for th e S eptem b er M a ss acres and m ade th e T err or possib le b y th e creation of th e R evolutionary T rib unal and C om m ittee of P ub lic S afety on wh ich h e h ad a prom inent place B ut h e kept th e end in view as well as th e m eans and w h en h e h ad h elped to place th e arm i s on a victorious footing h e h ad no desire to pro long th e T error and lost h is life for advocating its ab olition He would h ave saved th e G irondins too h ad th ey accepted h is proposed alliance U nf ortunately for h im h is reck lessness and uns crupulous ness in m oney m atters gave a weapon to h is Opponents His b road powerful h ead express ed th e bigness wh i ch was h is essential ch aracter istic (R ob espierre was a th orough ly small m an in b oth features and H e died b itterly regretting h is sh are in creating th e m ind) ’ As h e passed R ob espierr e 5 h ouse on th e m ach inery of th e T error “ I nfam ous R ob espierre you will way to th e guillotine h e sh outed A nd th en on th e scaff old itself h is superb courage was follow m e ! “ S h ew m y responsib le for one of th e m ost fam ous rem arks of h istory it is wor th th e troub le h ead to th e people . of th e , , ‘ . , , , . , . , . , e . , , , . . , . . , , ” ” . R OBE S PI E R RE (executed ) 1 7 94 A narrow, b igoted T h e m ost puzzling figure of th e R evolution l e c r c sion, h e r v n i l l a wy r f n re a t el q uen c e int e l i n e o d e i c a e o o o o i , , g g p dancy at th e J acob ins b y h is unswerving and gained a gradual ascen fanatical devotion to th e ideas of R ousseau (wh ose C ontrat S ocial lay always on h is desk) and b y th at h onesty in m oney m atters wh ich ’ ‘ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ Virtue and terror were earned h im th e title of th e I ncorruptib le ‘ ’ — h is two key words virtue consisting of ch aste m orals , dem ocratic ’ ‘ O pinions, and b elief in th e S uprem e B eing, and terr or b eing th at wh ich was m eted out to all wh o h eld oth er v iews He cam e into h is own after h e h ad h ounded first th e G ir ondins th en D anton to death ‘ ’ as b eing too indulgent and instigated th e T error in its fullest form until, f righ tening all b y indiscrim inate th reats, h e caus ed h is next n T h i m O h d or 9 th , r i t e r m s e ctive victim s to com b ine again s o p p . . - . , . Ro b espierre . ILLU S TR A T E D 36 HI S T O R Y O F M OD E R N E U R OP E r I I (J uly 2 7 th 1 7 94) h e was arrested in th e H otel de Ville wh ere and togeth er with h is closest th e C om m une still supported h i m associates wh o were devoted to h im was guillo tined th e following H is feline features and spiteful gr een eyes ( b linking b eh ind day b lue tinted spectacles) togeth er with h is invariab ly neat appearance and th e h igh h eels worn to increas e h is h eigh t gi ve som e i ndication of th at j ealousy and pride wh ich m ade h im so fatally certain of h is He provides th e supr em e exam ple in own wisdom and virtue h istory of th e truth th at th e m isguided h onest m an is infinitely m ore terrib le th an th e worst scoundr el yea , , , , , . _ - , , . ’ . CHA P I E R III ‘ ’ T h e Revolutionary W ars and th e C ar eer — N apoleon, 1 7 93 1 8 1 5 , of . 1. From th e F irst C oalition to th e Peace W e have now to follow th e career f o A miens, 1 793 — 1 802 of the genius who is at T h rim once the most fascinating and the most repellent personality W e have seen how partly because of her of modern tim es doctrines and partly because of her occupation of the Austri an N eth erlands revolutionary France h ad been driven to face a E urop ean coalition in 1 7 93 and how th e price of her pre liminary failure against it was the Terror and a move towards dictators h ip By 1 7 95 however the ge ni us of Carnot (who not only planned campaigns and organized armies but turned 9 m t m O gan up i n person i n ci vi li an dress to lead the advance wh i ch of to y recaptured th e A ustrian N eth erlands at Fleurus and th e enth usi asm of the ragged French troops had eliminated Holland too had not P russia and Spain from the attack only been defeated on land and had her fleet captured by a C ll p at H ll nd cavalry charge over the m e but had been compelled to S i gn a and S pain peace treaty which put h er military forces at the disposal of France T hus of the First Coalition besides Austria only ’ the originator and paymaster P itt s government in E ngland remained ’ E ngl and s record in the war so far had been uni nspi ri ng an unsuccessful landing in Brittany her troops defeated in th e N etherlands Toulon captured only to be lost soon after and “ ’ an unimportant Lord Howe victory (as N elson called it) ’ outside Brest on the Glorious First of June The ambition of the D irectory in France was thus to knock out first her more dangerous land opponent Austria and then concentrate on her commercial and naval rival E ngland It will be noticed that though the French conscript soldier still maintained indeed it was one of the secrets of his success—an astounding e , . , , . , , o , i ze: r . Vi c , . , o , - , , , , , . , , , _ ‘ . . , , , . , . r , o . ., a se a ” I LLU S T RA T E D 38 HI S T OR Y OF M OD E R N E U R O PE " ’ ’ faith in liberty and equality the actual government of France the D irectory was moving far from the original 1 7 9 2 position of enthusiasts who would remodel the world for a new faith and was considering the war along the classic Louis X I V ’ tradition of foreign conquest glory and natural frontiers ch indeed still o ff ered the new liberty to all peoples T h e Fre n —but i ts particular quality only too often turned out to savour of the old tyran ny The attack on Austria was planned in two directions N or only was Austria to be directly attacked along the R hine D anube route by two armies but a third was to enter Italy capture the Austrian possessions there and then join in the attack on Austria itself by a passage through the Tyrol T h e soldier appointed by the D irectory on the motion of Carnot to command the Italian expedition was the N apoleon Bonaparte who had already proved his w orth in ousting the E nglish from T oulon in 1 7 9 3 and th e royalists from th e streets A penniless friendless one meal a day of P aris in 1 7 95 young artillery o fficer in 1 789 he had welcomed the R ev olu tion as a keen di sciple of R ousseau and had maintained sufficiently close relations W ith R obespierre to be thrown into pri son onhis fall But h e had learnt to despise the mob and to loathe mob violence in the scenes he witnessed in P aris and gradually his strong sense of order triumphed over hi s early revolutionary principles Still partlyin disgrace he had been on the spot i n the diffi cult situation of 1 7 95 and his prompt order to fetch cannons and fire on the mob had saved the His rewards were the command of the Ital ian D irectory E xpedition and the hand of a mistress of the D irector Barras by name Josephine Beauharnais with whom he was passion ately in love and whose aristocratic connections would help his social progress to equal his military advancement O n M arch 1 1 th 1 7 96 after a two day honeym oon Bona parte departed for Italy W ithin a month he had pulled h is lax ill equipped and disorganized troops together and was ‘ His Words to them on the Opening of the ready for action “ You are badly fed and nearly naked campaign are famous I am going to lead you to the most fertile plains in the world You will find there great cities and rich provinces You will Four days after h e find there honour glory and wealth ‘ , , , , ‘ , , , . , . . , , , ‘ . , , - - . , , - , , . , . , , . , , . - , , , . , - , , . - . . “ , , . RE V OLU T I ON A R Y W A RS A N D C A R E E R O F N A P OLE ON 39 ent ered I taly he h ad succeeded in his first object of separating the Austrian and Sardinian armies and the King of Sardinia was demanding peace from a general Whose troops h ad pr acti “ cally no artillery no cavalry and no boots The rest of the campaign continued on th e same lines By brilliant strategy and marching he contrived to m anoeuvre numerically superior opponents into positions where th ey could engage o nl y a s mall proportio n of their forces against the entire strength of the He h ad too a most powerful moral weapon French Army " ’ th e appe al of the doctri ne of libe rty to th e enslaved I talians A month after setting foot on Italian soil he had forced the L di bridge at Lodi and entered lVIilan capital of Lombardy and th e Austrian h eadquarters amid the rejoicing of its Ital ian populatio n A temporary check came wh en for some months the enemy h eld out inM antua, but finally by the battle of R ivoli in early 1 7 9 7 resistance was crushed the Austrians Ri li became demoraliz ed and the victorious Bonaparte was p ul led up from ch asing them out of Italy right into Vienna itself only b y th e Austrian acceptance of the severe treaty of . , ” . , , . , “ , , . ‘ ‘ . o . , , . . _ , , , vo , ' . _ C am poe Form io By th is treaty Austria was compelled to recognize not only ’ F rance s conquest of the Austrian N eth erlands and her newly won Rh ine frontier, but also th e loss of Lombardy and its incorporation into a new state, th e Cisalpine R epublic, which , nominally independent, in fact was entirely ti nder French control In return Bonaparte threw Austria a shameful bribe Venice , which h ad no quarrel with France and which had preserved her existence as an independent republic for The Italians , wh o had helped the F rench, were 1 1 00 years . ' f — . _ . w ’ soon to find that liberty was not every here applied and that even where it was it was expensive From Venice and th e Cisal pine R epublic and the P apal States (whi ch were equal ly at h is mercy) N apoleon poured back tribute over the Alps in the form of cash and masterpieces of art—the P apacy alone for instance had to pay francs compensa tion for the murder of a French envoy by the R oman people Thus withi n a year Austria had been beaten out of the Coali tion N orth Italy completely reorgani z ed France enriched and glorified and the name of N apoleon Bo naparte sent u n r oughout E urop e gi g t h p thus ‘ . , , , , . , , , , . T r eaty of 7 97 I LLU S T R A T ED H I S T O R Y OF M OD ERN E U R OP E There remained to France one stubborn opponent E ngland who W ould never rest while a major sea power occupied the coast of the Low Countries and constituted a permanent threat to her security Accordi ngly 1 7 9 7 witnessed a determined e ff ort to crush her It was indeed a critical year for E ngland with no allies an immi nent revolt in I re land mutinies in th e fleet corn shortage a financi al crisis and our hold on India threatened by the French inspired T ippoo Sahib But the schemes of France went astray in spite of the fact that Holland and Spain had now to move their fleets at h er dictation At the end of 1 7 96 an attempted i nvasi on of Ireland had been scattered by storms nor were th e efforts of 1 7 9 7 and 1 798 in the same direction to advance th e cause of W ol fe Tone and his united Irishmen much more successful The graver danger at the moment however came ’ from France s compulsor y allies rather than her own dis organized navies—till Jarvis ( in name ) and N elson ( in fact) defeated the Spanish at Cape St Vincent and D uncan disposed of the D utch at Camperdown E ngland for the moment was safe It was left to the conqueror of Italy to devise a more brilliant if fundamentally impracticable s cheme of attacking th e obstinate island His method was characteristically clever , ' - , . . , , , , , , , , - . , . , . , , - . ” . . , , . and com preh ensiv commerce was the life blood Bonaparte planned to ’ E gypt (which belonged to Turkey ) ruin E ngland s the M editerranean and possibly even advance overl wrest India from our grasp The fascination which had exercised over his mind from boyhood urged h i m to ad th e scheme as well as that vaulting ambition which co “ This little E urop say M y glory is already threadb are too small a field Great celebrity can be won o nl y in E ast The D irectory Bonaparte was becoming them in E urope So with and antiquarians 400 whole expeditipn fina vassal republics ( the iled for E gypt He sa - , , , . , . . ” . . , - . HI S T O RY O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T E D E U R O PE prospect of a certain surrender to the enemy By luck and skill in hugging the coast of Africa h e again eluded the E nglish fleet landed in France and received a delirious welcome as the conqueror of E gypt and the m an who C o ul d recapture Italy ’’ W ithin a few weeks he had carried out a coup d etat by an alliance wi th one of the D irectors and dismissed the Assembly For once his nerve here failed him for he nearly fainted and was saved only by his brother Lucien the P r esident wh o was in th e plot and who ordered in the troops in the nick of time He now established a new government of three Consuls of wh om he was the first and the onl y one who counted A S how of democratic government was still preserved but no one was taken in by appearances The new dictatorship was approved by an overwhelming plebiscite—a political weapon used with gre at e ffect by the Bonaparte fam ily long before Hitler ar ( 1 M ussoli ni imitated the procedure Secure i n his new power Bonaparte marched to restore th e In actual fact th e tide had already situatio n in E urope ’ b egun to turn in France s favour but Bonaparte monopoli z ed the credit By 1 8 00 his military genius and a good slice of luck had recaptured Italy at the battl e of M arengo while in Germany the Austrians were badly defeated by M oreau at Hohenlinden R ussia had already quarrelled with Austria and E ngland and retired and by the Treaty of Luneville of 1 8 0 1 Austria had again to recognize the French republics in Italy Switzerland and Holland The full weight of France could thus be brought to bear once more against E ngland and a particul arly difficult “ situation developed i n the form of the A rined N eutrality of the N orth a league of the Baltic pow ers ( Prussia Sweden D enmark and R ussia ) opposed to the very extensive right of ’ search claimed by the British admiral ty over neutral powers This was a cl aim which h ad caused wars with Holland in the past , was to cause a war with th e U S A from 1 8 1 2 to 1 8 1 4 and might have brought the Americans in against E ngland in 1 9 1 5 had not Germany adopted th e even more drastic policy of S inking American vessels by her submarine campaign ’ R ussia too was prompted by P aul s passion for M alta which had now been sei zed by the E nglish The British G overnment dealt with th e situation partly by relaxing some “ . , ' , . , . , , ‘ , , . , . , ’ . . ' , . , . , . , , . . , , ” - , , ‘ , . , . . , , , . . 1804 I Emperor 1804 3 C onsuls 5 Directors 1793 16 th en10 Committee of Public S af ety 1793 - THE D RIF T T O D I C TA TORS HIP . I LLU S T R A T ED 44 H IS T O R Y O F M O D E R N of E U R O PE the harsher claims (e g that iron timber and corn coul d be sei z ed in any ship trading with the enemy in any circum stances ) and partly by smash ing th e D anish fleet at the Battle of Copen h agen 1 8 0 1 where N elson did f amous telescope h t e ( trick to disregard the instructions of his superior Sir Hyde P arker ) Furth er th e assassination of P aul by a court party in R ussia tired of his insane freaks was very helpful as his successor Alex ander I was opposed to France So 1 8 0 1 finished with E ngland triumphant in the Bal tic and th M editerranean and even farther afield for Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope had been taken from the D utch and Trinidad from th e Spanish—but with France equally supreme on land O n both S ides there were overtures for peace and in M arch 1 802 th e Treaty of Amiens was signed The most important terms were that E ngland was to restore the Cape to the D utch and M alta to the Kni ghts of St John while retaining Ceylon and Tri ni dad and in return France was to evacuate R ome and South Italy and restore E gypt to Turkey So the treaty was made and Bonaparte now approved First Consul for Life by another overwhelming plebiscite could devote his genius to the arts of peace . . , , , , , . , , , , . . , , . , . , . , , . , , , . 2 . F rom th e Renewal r W a f o to 1 81 0 its nature however th e P eace of A miens could be no more than a breathing S pace In th e first place it did not mention the question which was possibly of the greatest importance to E ngland—the French occupation of the old Aus trian N etherlands ( the modern Belgium ) In the second d without the place it left both sides still deeply suspicious an real will to peace France refused to give any greater freedom to E nglish trade E nglish caricaturists refused to be kinder to Bonaparte France was obviously planning an extension of her influence in the N ear E ast India and the W est Indies and equally E ngland would brook no important colonial rival The atmosp h ere was all ready for the break which E ngland determined to came over th e question of M alta violate the treaty by holding on to M alta till Bonaparte stopped investigating the possibiliti es of reviving his power in E gypt Bonaparte determined to violate the treaty by holding on to Of , , . . . . , , , , . . RE V O LUT I O N A R Y W A R S C A R EE R O F N A P O LE ON AN D 45 South Italy til l E ngland termi nated her occupation of M alta By 1 803 the tw o rivals were at grips again France being aide d by Spain after th e E nglish seizure of some Spanish treasure ships destined as subsidy for France T h e struggle too had become a more personal one with the more and more open dictatorship of Bonaparte in France by 1 8 04 when he had become the E mperor N apoleon the S pirit of R evolution was becoming less and less prominent and the ambition of one man rath er than the burning z eal of a n ation was to determine th e remaining ten years of the conflict W ith the idea of a direct attack on E ngland N apoleon now T h pm t d j marshalled an enormous force i n camp at Boulogne The m m “0, “ E nfl lm d Channel he said is a ditch which it needs but a little courage to cross So an army of men was held ready for the adventure and some 1 500 fl at bottomed ferry boats constructed But th e sch eme depended entirely on the ’ absence of th e British Fleet for N apoleon s first idea of slipping across one dark or foggy nigh t was obviously absurd when it was realized that even after the h arbour had been enlarged five or six tides would be required to embark so gr eat a body of men Accordingly he directed his fleets to escape blockade eff ect a junction with th e Spanish lure the E nglish away from th e Channel by a feifit attack on th eW est Indies , race back across the Atlan tic before the E nglish realized the scheme and secure an overwhelming predominance off Boulogne for the necessary period Villeneuve the French Admiral was successful in the first part of th e scheme—h e escaped according to plan with the Spanish to the W est Indies drew N elson there duly gave him the slip and Set off back to E urope But within three da s N elson b ad reali z ed the manoeuvre y had sent off a fast ship to race Villeneuve and warn th e Admiralty and had begun to followi n person with the Fleet ’ The British Admiralty in fact learnt of Villeneuve s return twelve days before N apoleon did—and he only got it once more from the E nglish newspapers M oreover the French fleet at Brest h ad not escaped blockade at all Villeneuve seeing his schemes tottering obeyed h is alternative orders and eventually put in to Cadi z deeply pessimistic at the state of h is fl eet bad masts bad sails bad officers and bad seamen o bsolete naval tactics we only kno w one manoeuvre to . , . , , , , , . e , cc . ec e . , ” ‘ , , ” » ‘ . - , _ . , , , \ , . , , , , . . , , ‘ , , , , , . z , , . , , , _ . , - , , , , , - . , HI S T OR Y OF M O D E R N I LLU S T RA T ED 46 form line, E U R O PE ' and that is just what the enemy wants us to do In a rage N apoleon broke camp at Boulogne and prepared to march instead against Austria From the refuge at Cadiz where Collingwood had th e nerve to begin blockading th e th irty fiv e French and Spanish ships with a total force of three vessels Villeneuve was moved to emerge by the taunts of N apoleon In O ctober 1 805 his thirty three sail faced the twenty seven of N elson and Collingwood off Cape Tr afalgar ’ and when the day finished the N elson touch ( breaking th e enemy line in two and concentrating an overwhelming force on one half of it at a time) h ad won its last and greatest triumph The French N avy was broken and for the rest of the war E nglish sea power supreme from the beginning of hostilities was to be quite unchal lenged E ngland was safe The hapless Villeneuve committed suicide from invasion M eanwhile a Third Coalition consisting of R ussia Austria and E ngland had been formed to combat the ever increasing designs of N apoleon Speedily the men from the Boulog ne camp were marching to Central E urope as only the French ’ — armies could march N ap oleon wore his long boots as they put it Before the year was out the great success of Trafalgar had been off set by the surrender of a hopelessly outmanoeuvred Austrian army at U lm and by a crushing defeat of both Austrians and R ussians at Austerlitz The news of this came as a death blow to P itt old and worn out at forty seven from ’ the strain of over ten years warfare N apoleon promptly proceeded to take more territory from Austria including V enice and the Tyrol abolish the Holy R oman E mpire ( wh i ch had endured at least in name for a thousand years ) and set up a union of west German states known as the Confederation of the R hine whose princes were sworn to carry out his orders in matters of foreign policy The turn of P russia came next P russia had delayed joining the coalition until late and her armi es had not been reserved resent Austerlitz A separate engagement was a t p for their honour and in 1 8 06 the battlefield of Jena witnessed the most crushing defeat ever inflicted on P russian arms Then in 1 80 7 advancing to the E ast with the help of th e ’ P oles to whom again he appeared as th e li berator N apoleo n enco untered th e R ussians at Friedland and beat them so ‘ . , . , - , - . - , ‘ , . , . , . . , , , - , ‘ . ‘ , . , . - - - , . , , ' , , . . , ' . , . , , ‘ , , W A RS A N D C A REE R O F N A P O LE ON REV O LU T I ON A R Y 47 erely that Alexande r decided to reverse his whole policy and make peace The Treaty of Tilsit first broached by the T aty of two E mperors on a raft on the R iver N I em en represents the ’ By its terms Alexander N apoleon s power h eight of ’ recognized N apoleon s conquests on the Continent in return for th e promise of a free hand in E astern E urope and a s h are in th e Turkish E mpire when it was to be annexed M ore important still he agreed if E ngland should refuse to give up ’ her coloni al conquests or her right of search to join N apoleon s Continental System ’ The Continental System i s th e basis of N apoleon s career T h After Trafalgar N apoleon had been driven from this point to see that E ngland could not be conquered by sea and h e th erefo re sough t to use against her not a military or naval but an economic weaponf—in other words to strike a death blow to her trade and wealth It was a policy which the earlier Revolutionary governments had initiated but which he was to systematiz e For this purpose he issued from Berlin in 1 806 after the Battle of Jena, and later from M ilan a series of orders known as th e B erlin and M ilan D ecrees the T h gu n eff ect of which was to forbid France or any of her allies or subject territory to accept British goods which were to be “ f confiscated whenever ound British ships were to be excluded from all ports and by thus cutting off our means of export while still all owing us to import certain French goods i allowing us to buy but not to sell apoleon hoped to e N ( ) rob us of our gold reserve start a financi al crisis and bring E ngland to bankruptcy It followed that if the scheme were to be successful it would have to b e applied practically all ’ over E urope hence his eff ort to makeit really a Continental System applying as widely as po ssible The importance of th is move cannot be overestimated as it meant that the wh ole of E urope must be controlled in order to beat E ngland N apoleon in other words was beginning to bite off rather a dangerous amount Yet his capacity for ch ew mg seemed unlimited by 1 80 7 he had crowned hi mself King of Italy in the old Austrian dominions in the north made his brother Joseph King of N aples in th e south mad e another broth er Louis King of Holland and a third Jerome King of W est whil e phalia (formed from the W estern lands of P russia ) S ev re , . , . , . , , , . e . ' , , . , . , e , , , . , , . , . , , . , — , ‘ , . , , , . , , ' , , , , , , H I S T OR Y OF M OD ERN ILLU S T RA T E D 48 E U R O PE from E astern P russian territory he had formed the Grand D uchy of W arsaw M aster of the Continent and secure in the . new R ussian alliance he hoped that the exclusion of E nglis h goods would soon settle his last outstanding problem ’ E ngland s retaliation was swift and e ffective By a series of O rders in Council of 1 8 0 7 and later all countries which ’ accepted N apoleon s orders were declared to be in a state of blockade and any port excluding British vessels was to be deprived of the opportunity of welcoming those of other E ngland thus aimed at starvi ng th e Continent of nations alternative sources of supply causing rising prices and hardship in each country and therefore discontent against N apoleon who had started the wh ole business T h e absence of any French navy worth mentioning made the E nglisn blockade practicable and wh en the British Government heard that N apoleon was planning to seiz e the D anish navy it took prompt if lawless action ordered the D anes to hand over their fleet to E nglish keeping till the end of th e war and on their refusal bombarded Copenhagen till the vessels were duly surrendered The l ast naval competitor being th us removed E ngland could carry out her O rders in Council efl ectiv ely and the grim tra d e war began to stifle th e commerce of E urope T h e first country to revolt against the system was P ortugal which had long carried on a very profitable trade with E ngland N apoleon used th e occasion typically collecti ng fiv e French armies on Spanish soil for the advance on P ortugal th en when this was conquered b ul lying the Spanish royal But family into resigning their throne to his brother Joseph the move was fatal His doctrines of liberty m ade no impres sion on the extremely backward and intensely Catholic Spaniards E ncouraged by their priests they firmly resolved not to accept the rul e of the man who by 1 8 09 had caused th e P ope to be kidnapped and th e P apal States to be incor P M oreover the hostili t y o f the eninsula to r ated in F rance o p N apoleon supplied E ngland with the base for her army she — r looking f o a highly important development was W ith the battle of V im iero in 1 8 08 fortune began to desert the French in the P eninsula For the moment N apoleonr estor ed matters by coming from Central E urope to take charge h imself b ut , . . , . , . , , , . , , , C apture of Exits” s ' . , , . , , . , , , . . , . , . , , . . , I LLU S T RA T E D 50 HIS T OR Y OF M OD E RN EU R OP E Sweden compelled to adhere to the Continental System and Holland now completely incorporated in th e French E mpire ’ following Loui s Bonaparte s unwillingness to apply the System rigorously N apoleon m i ght hope that his mastery of E urope was secure and that th e last remaining problems of E ngland and th e P enins ul a would soon be cleared up , . 3 M osco cam w pai gn, 18 1 1 . F rom 1 81 0 to Waterloo ’ apoleon s hop es of 1 8 1 0 were not to be realized The Continental System rapidly made him more a nd more unpopular as trade stagnated as tea and co ff ee and sugar and tobacco became unobtainable or enormously expensive as ships were laid up and firms closed down The conscrip tion and taxes he applied to his d ependent allies or conquests made matters worse and completely failed to compensate for al l the improvements in other directions that h is Government In 1 8 1 1 came the revolt which was to prove th e h ad made beginning of the end T h e Czar tired of doing without E nglish and overseas goods annoyed at the annexation of a ’ ’ relative s territory ( O ldenbur g) slighted by N apoleon s marriage with an Austrian rather than a Russian pri ncess ’ and dissatisfied at N apoleon s failure to help him in his E astern ambiti ons broke away from the Continental System The res ult was the most tremendous military disaster in history — the M oscow camp ai gn I n 1 8 1 2 with an overwhelming army of men forced from almost every country in E urope N apoleon crossed the river N iemen into R ussia to teach A lexander h is lesson Before such a force the R ussians co ul d onl y retreat and as they retreated th ey devastated the country of supplies and shelter T h e vast army coul d not b e death and desertion carried off tho usands so that long fed before the cold set in two thi rds h ad disappeared N apoleon struggled on to M oscow hoping that its capture would end not onl y th e war but al l the diffi cul ties of supply O utside th e capital was fought the greatest battle of th e campaign Borodino—W hich the French won at the cost of hors es and men with the dead left seven or eight deep on th e field of conflict M oscow was in their grasp—only for them to find th eir longed for haven turned into a r a ging inferno when N . , , , . , . , . , A lexander b reaks f rom C out1 neutal S ysunn , , . , ' . , , . , . , . , - . , . , . - I LLU S T R A T ED 52 E U R OPE Russians fired the city rather than let it fall a prey to their opponents There was nothing for the French to do but turn back—and since R ussian armies blocked other routes to retreat over the desolate line Of the advance The dreadful sight—and sounds—of Borodino had to be encountered again “ but one m an at least was not sickened the most beautiful battlefield I have ever seen in my life remarked N apoleon By N ovember the cold had come to complete the catastrophe As they struggled on with N ey in the rear h eroically fighting a battle a day against th e ever harassing R ussian forces the E mperor realized that his presence was essential in P aris if he was to reb uild the s h attered military strength of his E mpire As before in E gypt he l eft his forces to escape as best th ey coul d and h astened ahead b ack to E urope By D ecember th ere were Finally Of the who started on the 6 0 degrees of frost great campaign a tattered starving disorganized delirious and s h ell shocked remnant of 2 0 000 recrossed the N iemen N ot more than a thousand were of any further military use T h e largest army in history had been completely wiped out The tide of disaster did not stop at that point E ncouraged by th e shattering blow to the French in R ussia P russia and soon Austria were again at grips with th e old enemy thus forming with E ngland and R ussia the Fourth Coalition P russia since Jena had witnessed a remarkable revival of national spirit and efficiency Although allowed by N apoleon men the P russians had adopted to have an army of only a system of short service and thus had a reserve Of about s trong within three years The P russian W ar M inister 1 S ch am h orst had also revised methods Of arms training and tactics had secured the introduction of universal liability to serve and th e abolition of degrading punishments , such as flogging and had thus completely reorgani zed the P russian military forces M oreover P russia had been for tunate in two Stein and Hardenberg who transformed in five statesmen years a practically m edia v al into a modern state Stein had secur ed the emancipation of the serfs thus allowing them liberty to leave their ancestral soil and work for wages any where they pleased had broken down restrictions by which certain trades only for certain land was only for nobles th e Th e retreat from M oscow H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N . , , ‘ . , ” , . . , - , . , ‘ . . , , , , - , , ~ , . . . m y ou th . ' , of P russia , . . , , . , , , , , ‘ , . , , , . , , - REV OLUT I ON A R Y WA R S A N ' C A RE E R OF N A P OLE ON D 53 burgesses had abolished th e monopolies of th e Old gilds ; had given a measure of municipal self government by allowing th e cra ftsmen and landowners in each town to elect a council and had set up a new M inistry of State wh ich had been lacking before competent to deal with not one but all the various provinces combined in the Kingdom of Prussia Harden ’ berg s most famous l and law had given the peasants two thirdsof their former land as freehold the other one third going to their lords in place of servi ces owed N ew patriotic literature h ad appeared education was being reformed ’ universities had been founded at Berlin and Breslau P russia at last felt itself not onl y united in desiring to overthrow S o began T h e W ar of N apoleon but competent to do it ’ Li beration By a miracle of organization N apoleon with in three months T h W u 1 “ b m“ of the R ussian campaign had a new army of a quarter of a million in th e field But he had enormous odds to face including yet anoth er powerful opponent Sweden whose ’ ruler, Bernadotte though one of N apoleon s marshals ’ “ declared he was not going to be one of the E mperor s customs o fficials? Bernadotte having thus refused to apply th e Continental System was tempted to j oin th e Allies by the promise Of being gi ven N orway Agains t the P r ussian forces N apoleon won three battles including the big victory of D resden but he was becoming less superhumanl y active and Finally h e missed anopportunity of following up th e retreat numbers triumphed after th e P russians A ustrians R ussians and Swedes had managed to join up their armies and at the L ip ig m 3 battle of Leipzig 1 8 1 3 ( sometimes known asth e Battle of the the French forces were overwhelmed R apidly th ey retreated across Germany with th e Allied forces i n pursuit R ejecting a very generous peace o ff er which would have given ’ " France her natural frontiers and thus left her with th e R hineland and Belgium N apoleon laid himself open to th e inevitable—an invasion of France At th e same time in Spain W ellington had at last succeeded in capturing M adrid and expelling Joseph after the battle of Vittoria and was Vitt ia h f ushi g the Frenc orces back towards the yrenees so t at P h n p th e E nglish were invading France from the south while th e Allies Operated from the east - , . ‘ - , . , , , C . ‘ . . « e er . , , , . , , ” , “ , . , , . , , , e , z ‘ , . . ‘ , . or , , . . I LLU S T RA T E D H I S T OR Y OF M OD E R N On EU R OP E the sacred soil of France itself in spite of the fact that the army th e marsh als and the country were longing for peace N apoleon put up a brilliant fight against overwhelming odds W ith armies which included youngsters ignorant even of the way to load a rifle he actual ly won four victories before Blii ch er the P russian commander w isely decided to give up chasing such a military genius and marched straight on P aris W ith the capital at the mercy of the Allies the marshals compelled h im first to accept terms and th en to abdicate By the treaty of Fontaineb leau he gave up the throne but was allowed the title of E mperor an income of about and the little isle of E lba as his kingdom The Bourbons were restored in the person of the broth er of the executed Louis XVI who took th e title of Louis XVIII and promised to rule h y the terms of a Charter which guaranteed a P arlia ment and a constitution By the First T reaty of P aris France was restored to her I 7 92 boundaries which still gave her h alf a million more inhabitants than in 1 7 90 although she lost all her great conquests such as Belgium and Holland Italy and Germany She had no i ndemnity to pay and she kept most All other questions were to be of h er stolen works of art referred to a E uropean congress which soon met at Vienna From N ovember 1 8 1 4 to February 1 8 1 5 the Allies thrashed out the thousand questions that arise at the end of a war and were just on the point of falling out irretrievably over the division of the spoils when the staggering news was announced that N apoleon had escaped fro m E lba and land ed in South France O f all the episodes in the career of N apoleon none is mor e ’ remarkable than The Hundred D ays of h i s liberty between the exile of El b a and the exile of St Helena He landed with only a few h undred soldiers in a country which less than a year before had been heartily glad to see the back of him Louis XVIII i ns tantly despatched forces to capture h im “ M arshal N ey vowing that he ought to b e brought back in a cage But the magnetism of his personality the memory of d in common th e shabby treatment of the campaigns share ur b on government the fe ar of th e army by the restored B O peasants that h e government was about to confiscate the lands they h a d secured at the beginni ng of th e R evolution all , , , , . , l ' , , . , . T reaty of F ontai ne b leau, 1 8 1 4 , , . , , ' pin t ru m P aris “ - . , , , , . ' . , . . , . The D ays, 1 81 ' ‘ 5 . . . , , . , , , R E V OLU T IO N A R Y W A R S A N D C A R EE R O F N A P O LE ON ' 55 led to a very di ff erent result The tactics of N apoleon helped d a parliament ; he also too for he promised peace an exhibited his considerable talent for falseh ood When he informed the first troops sent to capture hi m that he had been summoned to P aris by the Allies So the soldiers including S up m e N ey simply fell in behind him and helped h im to continue i533 ; his march to P aris E r e long Louis XVIII was in flight while the F rench newspapers underwent a rapid ch ange of tone ’ ’ the scoundrel Bonaparte becoming fir st N apoleon then ’ Three weeks finally Our great and beloved E mperor sufficed for him to establish himself again as master of France Sure of the hostility of the Allies he determined to take the o ffensive and marched into Belgium to strike at the E nglish and D utch under W ellington and the P russians under Blii ch er, before they could be joined b y the Austrians and the R ussians The campaign of W aterloo consisted of two conflicts for as W ate loo, x s i f poleon had only hal f the f orces O his o pponents he sought Na i h e end to engage th em separately O n June l 6 th he defe ated th e P russians at Ligny but fatal ly neglected to follow up th e ’ victory The next day he challenged W ellington s army at Quatre Br as imagining the P russians to be i n flight But W ellington knew th at the P russians had retired i n good order and would probably succeed in joining him during the day He therefore stood h is ground on the defensive while “ N apoleon certain that W ellington was a bad general and his army a bad army ordered a series of charges against the British position and confidently expected the result of h is sixtieth pitched battle to be victorious But the attacks of the French colum ns for all their d ash could not penetrate th e th in British lines w hos e rifle fire was so deadly and when ’ Blii ch er appeared in th e late afterno on N apoleon s fate was sealed In France the parliament demanded h is abdication On his return from the campaign and resisting the temptation to start a civil war for his own th ro ne he gave i n and surrendered to th e E nglish as the most generous of his t no ice and he was enemies The compliment however ou b anished to the inaccessible island of S t Helena in the South Atlantic Six years later he died after interminably discussing and arranging the history of h is career to present it to th e best advantage E urope woul d never again be troubled by h is . , . re , , , . ‘ ‘ , ‘ . . , » , ' . r , l ' . ' , . v , . . , , , , . , , “ , . , , , , ‘‘ ” . , , . . , . , . , HIS T OR Y O F M OD E RN I LLU S T RA T ED 56 E U R OP E brilliant talents his restless energy his inflexible will and h is complete lack of moral sense W ith an eye as ever to th e best eff ect on publi c opinion he directe d in h is will that hi s “ ashes shoul d rest by the banks of the Seine in the midst of the French people whom I have loved so much And this was the man who in 1 8 1 4 had remarked that h e cared little for the lives of a million men It is in structive to consider th e causes of the extraordi nary n f R ’ N p l on u and success and of the equ ally tr emendous failur e of N apoleon failu In the first place it must be realized that h e was a general of “ unparalleled brilliance W ellington said that his presence tal nt in the field was worth a di fference of men But as the years went on a certain decline showed itself not in his talents but rather in his energy—still tremendous enough but not quite so superhuman as before At Ligny for example th e neglected pursuit of the P russians made a vital E ven more important is the fact that as the s cale difl er ence of the war grew, as hundreds of thousands instead of tens of thousands became involved so it inevitably followed that h is marshals rather than hi m sel f must direct a greater proportion And though the marshals were mostly young and of the army ’ talented and brave they had not N apoleon s genius and they quarrelled among themselves—in Spain for example they ’ refused to help each other s armies and in R ussia One even tried to murder another W hen ex M arshal Bernadotte King of Sweden des erted N apoleon in 1 8 1 3 the simple advice “ he gave to h is new allies was When you face the marshals when you face N apoleon retreat But while attack vital in causm g both m i litary reasons were of course ’ N apoleon s rise and his downfall another set of reasons is equally important It must n ever be forgotten that in his early days N apoleon was practically carrying the French R evolution to downtrodden p opulations eager to welcome it N ti nal l d m To Italians ruled by Austrians,to P oles ruled by R ussians to f l a inn—at r Germans longing some larger state than the hundreds of f o fi t W th N apol n to all dissatisfied with th e petty princedom s in Germ any la against absolute rul e of their m onarch N apOleon appeared as a kind E ven in E ngland N apoleon al ways relied on of savioix r being supported by a popul ar uprising should he land I n h is ris e was inspired b y th e two enormously other words , , , . , , , , ” . , , , , ” easo s or a o e s . s ccess re . e s ” ' . , , , . , , ' . , . , , , , , - . , , , “ ” , , . , , . a o lb c . cr ti c rs o e ee , i eo , , ter ~ ' , . . , H I S T O R Y OF M O D E R N I LLU S T RA T E I) E U R O PE powerful forces whose history is the history of the 1 9th century — the forces of democracy and nationalism Yet strangely enough it was also precisely these two forces which caused his downfall W hile he fought against governments he was but when h e fough t against peoples consistently successful he began to fail The Germans for ex ample turned against him wholeheartedly after 1 8 06 when h is rule h ad proved to give them little freedom The Italia ns the Swiss the D utch were all over taxed In R ussia and Spain the French ’ revolutionary do ctrines made no impression at all on very backward peoples and here he was faced with disaster right Further after his introduction of th e from the beginning Continental System the m i ddle and lower classes in every country felt the e ff ect of his r ul e in high prices and strict customs rules and declining trade E verywhere the tide of sentiment turned against N apoleon and he was defeated by the hostility of those whose good will had enabled hi m earlier Finally it is obvious that N apoleon in his to triumph increasing pride and self confidence and in his determination To beat E ngland to beat E ngland simply took on too much he introduced the Continental System : to maintain that It was a task system he had to control the whole of E urope beyond the power of any one man or any one nation even when the man was N apoleon and the nation the French E ven if he had crushed all E urope utterly he would have gone on to the Tur kish E mpire to India to the Americas A a demon he hi m sel f restless demon of energy drove him on— was aware of when he loved to picture himself as the M an of His schemes were all too big D estiny driven on by Fate I f it had not been W aterloo it he simply could not last would have been another battle a little later . , - , . . , , , . - , , . , _ . , , , . , , . , - . , . , . , . , , . , , . . 4 ’ . N apoleon s A chievements in F rance It rem ains to consider th e work of N apoleon in the domain of peace and here at least he achieved somethi ng of per m anence As a general his enormous military talents all came to naught in th e end because he took on too much as a statesman he gave to France institutions whi ch in different His empire of course, forms have endured to this day , . , . ) , WA RS A N RE V OLU T I O N A R Y D C A R EE R OF N A P O LE ON 59 perished with h im but his scheme of local government wh 1ch solved a problem Over which th e revolutionaries had failed disastrously is the basis of the m odern French system France was divided into D épartements the D épartements were sub and the Arrondissements in d ivided into Ar rondissements turn contained C ommunes or towns In each D épartement there was a P refect in each Arrondissement a sub P refect in each C om m une a M ayor— all more or less ap pointed by the government of France Thus control over the provinces was regained and France no longer had the feeling of being a host of separate uni ts with separate policies ’ In the realm of education too N apoleon s government was E du tion responsible for some important reorganization E lementary education was badly neglected but secondary education was encouraged by th e foundation of secondary schools ( to b e run by th e Communes) and lycées or sem i military secondary schools ( to be run by th e government) Science and mathe maties held important places in these second only to military training at E ton at th e sam e period it must be remembered the main idea was still to flog Greek and Latin into the hapless — il U f A university too was ounded not one in any p p special place but the U niversi ty of France— consisting of sevente en Academies in different distr icts forming local centres ’ Another innovation of N apoleon s well illustrates his T h L gi n °f Hm “ mental ity A s a clever m an who had himself risen solely by virtue of his abilities he was determined that the great state positions sho ul d b e open to all men of tal ent irrespective of birth Accordingly while he allowed the émzgrés to r eturn, he no longer permitted them to consider themselves th e true nobility of France instead he cre ated a kind of nobili ty of intellect by means of a new foundation the Legion of Honour There were various grades in the Legion awarded for services in such matters as politics civil service local government, ar t music literature and to this day the little red ribb on in th e buttonhole of the Legionary is to the Frenchman a “ if cheapened honour cherished M en N apoleon said “ are led by toys In religious affairs too N apoleon for all his irreligious T b . nature l eft a mark on the destiny of France D uring th e ‘ , . , . , - , , ' . ' . ca , , . , - , ‘ . , , e , m , , , , , . e . i ' , , ' . , , . , , , , , ” , . , , , ” . , , , , . e o HI S T O R Y O F M O D E R N ILLU S T RA T E D E U RO P E the extremists had severed France from th e Catholic Church and though the worship of th e fancy religions then introduced such as the Goddess of R eason or the Supreme Being had passed rapidly France was not yet part of the Catholic system agai n N evertheless th e over whelming majority of her peasants were Catholic at heart even if the intellectuals were not N apoleon anxious to secure hi s régime by winning the favour of the peasants and at the same time to pacify th e religious strife in th e west of France determined to come to an agreement with the Church Accordingly in 1 8 0 1 he made a Concordat with the P ope by which Catholicism again became the religion of France though other religions were not forbidden But he drove a hard bargain—th e State was to choose bishops control th e C h urch and pay the clergy and above all the Church lands lost at the R evolution were to remain in their present hands Th us the peasants were won over to N apoleon not only because h e restored their religion but because he confirmed them in th e gains of the R evoluti on The Concordat of course did not please everyone—one of his marshals for instance was over “ heard to remark The only thing lacki ng at th is ceremony is the million dead men who died to get rid of thi s nonsense N apoleon however knew he was building on firm ground in he saw in religion appealing to the old religious i nstincts “ what he called the cement of th e social order —something useful in binding men together in keeping them satisfied and quiet something that young ladies were to study particular ly to make them meek and obedient wives R eligion was in other words for N apoleon a mere instrument T h e true depth of his Catholic devoutness may be gauged by the way he later annexed the P apal States and caused violent hands to be laid on the P ope N evertheless in the Concordat h e built soundly for France at the time ’ M ention must also be made of N apoleon s work for th e industry and commerce of France Commercial exchanges and chambers of commerce were created and advisory boards set up in connection with many manufactur es arts ’ and crafts By a system of high protective tarifl s French industries were s h eltered from foreign competition technical sch ools priz es loans and exhibitions encouraged new R evolution _ , , , , . “ , . , . , , . , , , . . , , ' , , ” . , , ” , , , . , . , , . , . . , , . , , , , , R E V O LU T I O N A R Y W A R S A N D C A RE E R O F N A P O LE O N 61 processes and France deprived of certain staple articles by th e Continental System managed to develop e ff ective sub stitute foodstuff s in the form of chicory for co ff ee and beet N ew cotton machines were invented and for cane sugar Further by maintaining a stable factory acts pass ed currency based on gold instead of the old unreliable r evolu tionary finance N apoleon won to his support all the business interests In this direction the creation of the Bank of France was a step of great importance In fact by an elaborate series almost the whole of the of decrees N apol eon regulated national life—art theatre press commerce i ndustry religion T h e defect in it all was th at the high tari ff s inflicted great h ardship on many consumers in the form of increased prices and that regulation of industry can hinder as well as aid its development N evertheless whatever can be said in criticism of his pub “ ’ general financial and commercial policy N apoleon s great schemes of public works h ave permanently b eautified and enriched Franceu Canals bridges and roads gave France an infinitely finer system of communication M useums were founded and th e Louvre was completed and filled with th e priceless treasures stolen from Italy P alaces like F ontai ne bl eau were restored T h e planning of a great group of arterial roads radiating from the Arc de Triomphe and th e clearing of th e T uileries Gardens gave P aris the start of its modern beauty E verywhere the N apoleonic influence was It is in fact little wonder that he was immensely popular felt with the French up to about 1 8 08—until in other words his plans grew too vast h e began to lose and b e cost France too much in men and money ’ N apoleon s greatest achievement i n peace however was T h C od. the Civil Code or Code N apoleon—a summary Of the laws of France on such topics as rights and duties marriage divorce paren tage and inheritance and a statement of the general principles which should govern these matters After the old tangle of Frankish R oman R oyal P rovincial and Baroni al laws it was cr ystal clear T h e Code was of course not entirely the work of N apoleon the decision to compile one had been taken before h e came into power but he attended regul a rly the meetings of the committee who framed it and , , - . . , , , . , . , , , , . , , . ' , , , , , . . . . . , , , , , , . , , , , , , . . , , , , , . , , e , , I LLU S T RA T E D HI S T O R Y OF M OD E R N E U R O PE exercised a decisive influence on its development O ther codes on commerce and criminal law followed b ut the first was recognized to be outstanding in merit and was soon widely adopted by di ff erent states in E urope and in South America Thus N apoleon gave one of the main bulwarks of domestic peace—a great legal system—not o nl y to France but to the world . , . . In brief and to sum up the whole significance of the career — apoleon h e gave to France institutions and the social of N benefi ts of the R evolution ; to E urope a taste of modern overnment and such a stir that the vast orce f o f n a t i n a li t o v g to the world th e most appalling example in was aroused h istory of colossal talen ts unr estrained b v religion or morality . C HA P TE R I V T h e C ongr ess S ystem , 1 1815 T h e A rrangements at Vienna, . —1 8 1 0 3 . 81 5 The E uropean Coalition having finally disposed of N apoleo n at W aterloo was now free to resume its peace conference at Vienna The problem which confronted the Allies was twofold first how to reward the victors and punish the ’ vanquished without setting all at each other s th roats and secondly how to prevent a recurrence of the great catastrophe th at had convulsed E urope for over twenty years These weigh ty tasks however did not prevent the Congress fro m being one of the most sparkl ing social ev ents in E uropean history where brilliantly uniformed kings emperors and ambassadors gave attention to the lighter pursuits of dancing and love making in the intervals between the more serious business of spying and intrigue The bills for hospitality were enormous and cost the E mperor a fortune The only enter t for wh ich guests paid was provided it s not sur tainm en i prising to learn by Sir Sydney Smith From th e political point of V iew the outstanding personalities of the Congress were the Czar Alexander the Austrian Chancellor M etter nich the E nglish Foreign M inister Castlereagh and more surprisingly the French representative Talleyrand In the matter of sharing the spoils certain arrangements had already been agreed on by the treaties of 1 8 1 4 but there was grave disagreement over others It was agreed for example that Louis XVIII should b e restored to the French throne on condition he r ul ed by a Charter which guaranteed a parliament and that France should pay an indem nity and suff er an army of occupation for a few years Pr ussia however wanted Alsace and Lorraine which were inhabited largely by German speaking peoples and which had been absorb ed into the French kingdom just over a century before , , . , , . , , , , , , - . . , , . , . , , , , T erritorial D ents , , . , . , , , , . , , , - , . L H I S T O R Y O F M OD E R N IL U S T R A T ED EU R O P E The incorporation of Belgium in Holland was supposed too to compensate th e D utch f or the loss of the Cap e of Good Hope to the E nglish who also kept Heligoland M alta the Ionian Islands Ceylon and part of the W est Indies ’ In Germany N apoleon s Co nf ederation of th e R hine was of course abolished but the old Holy R oman E mpire was not set up again instead a loose conglomeration of thirty nine states known as the German Confederation took its place ’ and E verywhere in fact N apoleon s changes were cancelled rotting thrones he had pushed down were propped up again in South Italy and Spain The royal connections of the Spanish Bourbons and the Austrian Hapsburgs reappeared in all their glory — u nited in their hatred of parliaments uni ted in their colossal incompetence divergent only in that the Spanish Bourbons had hearts which were cruelly hard whereas the Austrian Hapsburgs merely had heads which were painfufl y soft Thus the m ap of E urope was redrawn and the weak points T h w ak f n — in the draughtsmanship are easy enough to see the Congress th ttl m nt took no notice of the very fact which had caused th e ov er th r ow oleon th e factor of nationality nations and peoples of N a p were bandied about as though they were goods to supply ’ ’ compensation here or constitute a barrier state there rwegians Belgians Boers Finns I talians Serbs P oles were N o placed under foreign governments they intensely disliked Very little was done to satisfy the desires of the P ol es and the ’ Germa ns awakened by N apoleon s work for large and power N othing at all was ful states to represent their nationality done for the Italians W ars were simply bound to occ ur to upset the treaty one by one in the 1 9th century its provi si ons were cancelled and nearly always by force : In this respect the Treaty of Versailles in 1 9 1 9 after the Great W ar tried to learn a lesson from th e mistakes of Vienna and gave far greater attention to national demands by setting up a host of new states such as C z ech o Slovakia P oland Jugo Slavia The second object of the Congress the prevention of any Th Quad upl Allian and such outbreak in future was thus rendered impossible at th e th of course start by bad treaty provision s But the Congress C ng S ystem did not re alize this at the time and the powers agreed to a system which was a novelty in E uropean politics By a ' , , , , , ‘ , , . , - , . , , . , , , , . e e , esses o e se e e , , ‘ ‘ . , , , , , , ' . ‘ , , . . , , - - , , e . , , r ce e . , e o ress . , , , . S YS T E M T HE C ON G R E S S , —83 1815 1 67 0 Quadruple Alliance R ussia Austria Prussia, and England agreed not only to ally if necessary in defence of the Vienna S ettlement but to meet in future congresses to discuss pro blems There is thus in this the germs of a League as occasion arose of N ations idea except that it was confined to the four great t h owers and thus ave itsel f a dictatorial atmosphere at e g p ’ very beginning The idea was particularly C astlereagh s, though he was later to disapprove of the developments the Alliance underwent Sometimes confused with this practic al attempt to lessen the T h Holy A llian conflicts of the great powers is another alliance the Holy Alliance This was not a military alliance but a league of S overeigns who promised to rule on Christian principles acting as fathers to their peoples and brothers to each other I t was the creation of the religious and well meaning Alexander and had no eff cct worth mentioning. Castlereagh “ disapproved of it terming it a piece of sublime mysticism and “ E ven M etterni ch called it nonsense a loud sounding “ ’ nothing and said that the Czar s mind was quite clearly aff e cted b ut though no one except Alexander took it seriously every soverei gn i n E urope signed it with th e exception of the Sultan (wh o not being a Christian had not been invited ) the P rince R egent and the P ope It was one of those amiable gestur es of good will like the Kellogg P eace ’ P act of 1 9 2 8 oiI tlawing war which people sign because t h ey really s ympathiz e with its objects and because they know that there is no particular provision for carrying them out when they prove inconvenient The confusion with the en because Liberals in E urope, Quadruple Alliance has aris ’ finding the adjective holy in connection with M etternich " too rich to forget insisted on referring to the R ussia Austria ’ Prussia group as the Holy Alliance Thus in intention both the Quadruple Alliance and th e D f t f Holy Alliance were instruments to preserve the peace and an 213m “ atmosph ere of broth erhood W hen criticism is directed against th e effects of the Congress, it should be remembered th at it was in fact a quite original attempt to improve th e lot of mankind U nfortunately however the problem of peace is a th orny one In the absence of international govern ment peace implies keeping territories and governments ‘ , , . , . , , . . e ce , , . , . - u “ , , ” - . ” , , , , , , , , , ‘ , ' . ‘ - , ‘ . e ec s o , , . , , “ . , . , , I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T OR Y OF M OD E RN E U R OP E rranged as th ey are except in the rare cases when both parties to a dispute can agree on a peaceful alteration B ut when one side feels genuine injustice and the other refuses to remedy the grievance P The Italians in Lombardy for instance might have appealed peacefully for a centur y to the Austrians to clear out and nothing come of it In that case it is possible that keeping the peace will perpetuate what one side passio n ately feels to be a wrong This was the problem with th e Vienna settlements everywhere there were outraged national ities longing either to thr ow off their rulers or else to claim a constitution and a parliament But everywhere th e Quadruple Alliance was anxious to keep the peace Thus it is not di fficult to see t at the Alliance so good in intention developed into D irected by men who had spent their wh ole lives in fighting the French R evolution and its heir N apoleon it was inevitable that the Alliance should regard extreme nationalism and democracy of the French kind as wicked delusions which had plunged E urope into untold bloodshed So the Alliance became in eff ect a kind of trade union of Kings in P ossession to stop the possibility of P eoples in P ossession A S thi s aspect of it came more to the fore it incurred the hatred of Liberals all over E urope and the E nglish support of it grew more and more lukewarm The guiding spirit became not Castlereagh with his practical comm on sense nor Alexander with his religious enthusiasm but the supreme anti Liberal M etterni ch M etternich knew—or thought he knew—that th e first breath of democracy and nationalism would blow the ramshackle Austrian E mpire to the ground for in it lived Germans P oles Cz echs Croats Slovaks R uth enes M agyars Serbs and Italians al l more or less restrained by Vienna And it was M etternich who had “ declared that democracy could only change daylight into darkest night and who had attacked the ideas of the French “ R evolution as the disease which must be cured the volcano whi ch must be extinguished the gangrene which must b e burned out with the hot iron the hydra with jaws Open to swallow up the soci al order a , . , , . . . . , , . , , . , , . , . , , , , , - . , ' , , , , , , , , , . _ ” , , , , ” . , T H E C ON G R ES S 2 . ' S YS T E M —1 83 0 1815 , T h e Later C ongresses a As yet however in 1 8 1 5 th is side of the Quadruple C The first problem whi ch the C h ap lle A lliance was not uppermost Allies had to tackl e was the position of France France was proving punctual in the discharge of her obligations but was nat urally resenting the army of occupation Accordingly in 1 8 1 8 11 Congress of the four powers met at Aix la Chapelle and th ere it was unanimously agreed to withdraw the arm y of occupation and to invite France to goo operate in future congresses The A l liance thus wis e prevented France becoming a permanent enemy of E urope history is yet to tell treated Germany in so statesman whether the Allies of like a fashion In other respects too the Congress was a great success Agreement was reached in th e protection of Jews in E urope on Swedish debts to D enmark on the treat ment of Bonaparte in St Helena on the old matter of the Significantly however E nglish claim to a Channel salute the powers could not agree on a joint expedition to punish the notorious Barbar y pirates because of fear of R ussian vessels in the M editerranean Above all in one highly important m atter there was considerab le disagreement before R ussia and P russia gave way These two powers wanted th e Quadruple Alliance not only to guarantee all the frontiers established at Vienna but all the governments in other words " ’ it would be the Alliance s duty to intervene whenever there was a successful revolution m any country in E urope P russia — even wanted an international arm y under W ellington to b e kept at Brussels for this purpose Castlereagh however managed to secure an agreement limiti ng promised interv en tion to the case of France if she shoul d again undergo a revolution which obviously threatened the peace of E urop e “ — His argument was masterly nothing would be more immoral than the idea that forc e was collectively to be prostituted to the support of established power without any consideration of the extent to which it was abused Till there was a system of perfect justice everywhere he main tained it would be wrong to guarantee all existing govern ments I n opposing th e Russi an and Prussian pla n h e was doubly , , , e . . , . - - , - ‘ . , . , . , , . , . , , , “ . , . ~ , , , . . , , , . _ ” . , , . t oi o , H I S T O R Y OF M O D E R N ILLU S T R A T ED E U R O PE spurred on by hi s government at home now coming under the ’ influence of Canning and anxious to limit Britain s promises and commitments on the Continent as muc h as possible for fear of being involved in fu ture wars which were not our ’ l concern So C ast ereagh s view of the limited A lliance The Congress broke up after triumphed—for the moment having agreed to meet again whenever circumstances demanded It is worth remembering that the Congress of A ix la Chapelle was the first conference of the E uropean powers ever to be held except to make a peace treaty at the end of a war The Congress system in 1 8 1 8 thus as —Castle “ reagh said appeared to be a new discovery in the E uropean government at once extinguishing the cobwebs with which diplomacy ob scures the h orizon bringing the wh ole bearing of the system into its true light and giving to the counsels of th e Great P owers the e fficiency and almost the simplicity of a single State U nfortunately any hopes that E urope had suddenly dis covered the way to govern itself peaceably were soon dashed to the ground By 1 8 2 0 there was a rising tide o f protes t against established governments and the spirit and arrange ments of Vienna In Spain a revolution against the restored Bourbons forced the king to grant a very democratic constitu tion drawn up in a previous revolt of 1 8 1 2 A similar r ev olu ti on followed in P ortugal whi le on the other side of the Atlantic the Spanish colonies which had thrown off the rule still refused to acknowledge the of Spain during the war rights of their mother country over them In Italy there was restlessness everywhere fomented by th e Carbonari a secret society aiming at democracy and the expulsion of foreign rulers 1 8 2 0 saw two revolutions on Italian soil—the Spanish King of N aples being also compelled to adopt the 1 8 1 2 constitution and the King of P iedmont having to grant a measure of democracy In Germany um v ersity students agi tated for German union and a constitution and a leader of the opposition to these ideas Kotzebue an anti Liberal writer and a secret R ussian spy was assassinated In E ngland there were riots at Spa Fields brutal acts of repression like the P eterloo M assacre and even a plot to murder the whole Cabinet Accordingly M etternich and with him the C zar, , , , ‘ . . , . ” - - . , , , , , ” . . ~ . . , , . , , . . , ' , , , , . - , . T HE C ON G R E S S YS T E M S —1 83 0 1815 , alarmed at the spread of such movements and won Over fr om his earlier Liberalism demanded a new Congress wh ere measures might be concerted against such violence ’ T h e Congress of T roppau th us met in 1 8 2 0 to consider th ese f fi gg g and kindred probl ems Castlereagh knew from th e start that T pp u 8 ° the objects of M etternich and the Cz ar were to use th e Alliance to interfere to put down the revolutions in N aples Pied mont and Spain and perhaps even restore to the latter country h er revolted South American colonies But while he too detested revolutionary movements h e was not prepared to see E ngland associated with the other two powers in such wholesale revolution breaking His reasons were th reefold partly that there had existed genuine grievances in N aples and Spain ; partly that th e O pposition i n P arliament would be very embarrassing on the matter ; but principally th at ’ internal aff airs of other countries were no business of E ngland s where th ey did not directly interfere with her interests E ngland th us refused to join in the decl a rations of th e oth er three powers concerning their right to interfere to suppress revolutions—indeed Castlereagh even declined to participate in th e C ongr ess sending instead of a participating r epr e sentativ e only an T h e direct result of t h is Con gross and of its sequel at Laibach in 1 8 2 1 was th us not only the suppression of the N aples and P iedm ont constitu I nt n “ tions by the use of Austrian troops but th e beginning of a $3 “ split in the Alliance which was to widen fatally in th e next fewyears By 1 8 2 I the situation had been still further complicated by a T h G k Ra m” revolt of the Greeks against their T urkis h rulers T h e Greeks undoubtedly relied on the aid of their co religionists the R ussians who anyway were notoriously anxious to break up the T urkish E mpire and extend their influence south to the M editerra nean E ngland and Austria on the other hand were equally anxious to uphold Turkey as a bulwark against R ussian expansion T h e C z ar h imself was face d with a di fficult problem—should he h elp fellow Christians and extend R ussian influence or should he show his usual disapproval of ? For the moment Castlereagh and M etter nich revolutions ’ were a b le by playing on Alexand er s fondness for the Alliance ’ to hold R ussia ofl Turkey A new Congress to consider this now , . ress o ro . 1 a . 2 , , , . , - . . , r - , . t ' , , ~ erv e , . e . - , , . , , . . - , , , . ree ILLU S T RA T E D H I S T O R Y O F M OD E RN E U R OP E and the Spani sh question however was called to meet at Verona in 1 8 2 2 Before it met Castlereagh worn out by incessant labours and saddened by his unpopularity among the E nglish lower classes had lost his reason and with typical efficiency though left unguarded for only two or three minutes had succeeded in cutting his th roat His position as E nglish Foreign Secretary was filled by Canning who was determined to break up the E uropean Alliance wh ich had become the tool of reaction W e have seen that Castlereagh him self by refusing to associate E ngland in suppressing the revolutions in Spain th e Spanis h colonies N aples and P iedmont was already drifting apart from R ussia P russia and Austria Canni ng who unlike Castlereagh was not one of the original framers of the ’ Alliance had no parent s fondness for it and th erefore determined to speed up the process of destroying the C ongress System He did this the more readily in that his sympathies ’ were more liberal than C astler eagh s and he marked an innovation in the conduct of foreign aff airs by appealing for pop ul ar approval through brilliant speeches aimed at E nglish public Opinion At the Congress of Verona in 1 8 2 2 then Canning took a firm stand against Allied intervention in Spain France however decided to intervene on her own responsibility backed by the other three powers and within a year th e Spanish king had been restored by French troops to complete power in which position he was free to conduct a magni ficent revenge on the late rebels setting up the Inqui sition once more and imprisoning and executing so many hundreds that France and the Alliance grew ashamed of the man they had helped And now that absolute monarchy was restored in Spain came the crux of th e matter—would the king backed by France go on to reclaim his revolted South American coloni es South O n this point Canning was absolutely decisive America off ered the prospect of valuable trade for E ngland Spain refused to promise open trading conditions for E ngland with her colonies if she sho ul d recapture them therefore quite simply—Spain must not be allowed to recover her lost possessions The Alliance was distinctly warned off interferi ng in South America by a double stroke In th e first place , , . C anning , , , , , , . , . . , , , , , , . , , , , , , ‘ . , . , , . , , , , , , . , , , , . . . I LLU S T R A T ED 74 . H IS T O R Y O F M OD E RN E U R O PE destroying t h e T urkish and E gyptian navy almost accidentally at N avarino Bay and thereby making certain of independence for the Greeks But there was another e ffect too —the powers of E urope were hopelessly divided over the matter E ngland if only for a moment was ranged with R ussia and France against P russia and Austria It could no longer be pretended th at there was any e ff ective Quadruple or Quintuple Alliance T h e Congress System was dead So on the questions of intervention in Italy Spain th e Spanish colonies and Greece E ngland had gradually drawn away from h er Continental allies By 1 8 2 8 Castlereagh and Canning had smashed the system the former had helped to create because both could see that the Alliance was being turned to uses of which E ngland could not approve C anning indeed revelled in the work of destroying th e first experiment in international co operation—as he said not long before his “ — death Things are getting back to a wholesome state again He did not add E very nation for itself and God for us all “and D evil take the hind most but that wo uld have com f f the description more aith u l ly l t d e e p The Congress System thus broke down in the first place ’ because vital issues ar ose such as the matter of the Spanish colonies on which E n gland could not possibly agree with the other powers In the second place it never really c aptured the sympathy of E uropean public opinion even in the way that the League of N ations has This was partly because it did not represent the small powers and partly because the views and characters of men like M etternich and Alexander made the Alliance appear something like a league of tyrants for the suppression of liberty constantly urging intervention to put down popular movements Thirdly E ngland as usual soon after the end of a war began to object to th e policy of Continental obligations which the war had rendered necessary ’ There came the inevitable desire to have our hands free again to be without alliances and commitments which would certainly bring us into war if another E uropean conflict developed l This was indeed one of the chief motives in leading Canning Actually however in causing to smash the Congress System “ resisting th e th e break up of the Alliance he claimed to be spirit of foreign domi nation and it is in this ligh t as th e , . , , , . . . , , , , , . , . . , , - . ” . , ” ' , . Reasons for , , . , . , , . , , , . ‘ , . , , . - , , , , , ers Exclusionof Small PoW . . ts in st Liberal M ovemen In terventionAga . M EI T ERN IC Il - ’ C annings A nti C ongress Pol icy - . DivisionsAmongPowers . TURKEY . AUS TRIA PRUS S IA G REEC E REA S ON S F OR B RE A KD OWN FRAN CE RUSS IA EN G LAN D OF C ON G RE S S S YS TEM I LLU S T RA T E D 76 H IS T O R Y OF M O D E R N E U RO P E ’ to see C annm g s and But though E nglish ch ampion of freedom th at one tends ’ E ngland s opposition to the A lliance historians love to picture Canning in breaking up the Con gress System as a sort of George the Giant Killer tackling th e wicked R ussian and Austrian ogres we must remember that wh at he was really doing was simply getting back to the ordinary post war British policy of isolation W e can easily ’ exaggerate E ngland s liberalism if we lose sight of the fact that Castlereagh for example was the leading spirit in th e Tory Government which approved th e P eterloo massacre and ruth lessly opposed all working class political movements at ’ ’ home ( Canning s resistance to foreign domination did not go so deep either as to make hi m propose to abolish the British E mpire which was founded on it ) E ngland thus ’ destroyed the System a little out of love of liberty but much more from the typical E nglis h desire to avoid Con tinental obligations and because the Alliance threat ened 0 m interests i n 1 m portant and pocket touching matters, such as trade with th e Spanish colonies , . , , , - . , , - . ‘ . , , . , ‘ , - . CHA PT E R V France 1. Bourb on and O r leans — M onarch ies, 1 8 1 5 I 848 under th e 1 83 0 T h e Restored B ourb ons, 181 5— he final defeat of N apoleon at W aterloo in 1 8 1 5 meant for L ui XV I I I the second retu r nof the Bourbon line in the shape 01 8 5 8 II Already previously restored by the Allies in ’ had left P aris when the news of N apoleon s landing a was anno unced with a speed remarkable in V iew of N ow in 1 8 1 5 he was back ncing age and figure exh ibit in h is fat gouty and unromantic personage e R ight of Kings T his fact however did not mean whole gains of the R evolutionary and N apoleonic periods were lost and that France simply went back to the position before 1 7 8 9 Louis a sensible old gentleman ’ retained most of N apoleon s great institutions such as the Code the Legion of Honour th e system of local government and at the same time had promised to rul e constitutionally b y th e terms of a Charter Thi s Charter—a suggestion of th e A llies in 1 8 1 4 to make his T h C h arter return less unpopul ar and bri be the French people over from Its main e ff ects were N apoleon—is of extreme importance to provide France with a parliament and to secure her from the possibility of absolute governmen t such as the Bo urbo ns had exercised before 1 7 8 9 All F renchmen were to be subject to the same system of law all wer e to be free from th e ’ possibility of arbitrary imprisonment by lettres ae cachet and all were to be equally eligible for important Civil and military positions Furthermore liberty was guaranteed in the form The middle of a free press and complete religious toleration ’ classes fearswere quietened by a provision that those who had purchased confiscated property during the R evolution were All these were valuable concessions to enjoy it undisturbed s o , 1 1 - . , , . , , . , . , , , , ' , , , ' . ~ e , ’ . ' . , , . , . . 77 1 34 H I S T O R Y O F M O D ER N dLLU S T R A T E D E U RO PE to Liberalism but to Frenchmen wh o had known th e ex treme theori es and practices of 1 7 9 1 the new parliament appeared extremely undemocratic To possess a vote one had to be over thirty years of age and pay 3 00 francs in direct taxation while to be a M ember it was necessary to be over forty and to pay 1 000 francs This meant th at of a population only people had the right to vote—and of here was a sure source of future trouble and agitation “ T h W h it Lo ui s XVIII in 1 8 1 5 found hi mself in some ways in a ver y o T similar position to Charles II of E ngland in 1 66 0—a sensible and easy going monarch willing to let bygones be bygones “ and chi efly anxious not to go on h i s travels again But like Charles II too he found himself s urrounded by groups of returned nobles who were fiercely keen to recover their positions and revenge themselves on their late enemies O f th ese nobles the relentless leader was Charles of Artois the A min ’ Ki ng s younger brother So just as th e E nglish R oyalists of 1 66 0 savagely persecuted the C rom wellians against all the wishes of Charles so the French R oyalists of 1 8 1 5 ( returned in full strength by the upper middle classes to the P arliament) savagely persecuted the Bonapartists against all the advice of ’ A W hite Terror was organized in 1 8 1 6 in the cours e Louis o f which 7 000 supporters of N apoleon were imprisoned or ’ executed and M arshal N ey bravest of the brave was shot Fortunately this excess in turn produced th e opposite reaction and by 1 8 1 7 when the upper middle classes had lost t heir panic struck fear of Bonapartism the more moderate councils of Louis began to have e ffect T h M u der Till 1 8 2 0 P arliament and Louis thus proceeded along fairly of th Du d B erri liberal lines when all at once the extreme R oyalists ( 01 U ltras as they were called ) were presented with a m agnificeni O pportuni ty in the murder of the D ue de Berri a son of Artois by a Bonapartist They were not slow to see the value of th e crime to their c ause and just as Hitler in 1 93 3 used th t R eichstag fire to persuade the German people that Com m um sm must be crushed so the U ltras used the m urder of th i D uc de Berri to persuade King and P arliament that Lib eralisn and Bonapartism must be stamped out So by 1 8 2 1 when severe law limiting the freedom of the p ress was passed th short Liberal p h ase of Bour bon r ul e was ending : Lo ui s XVIII . , . _ . e err r e ” - , , . , , . r , . , ‘ , ‘ . ‘ , , . , , , - , . e r e e “ e , , , . . , , . , , e FRA N C E U N D E R B O U R B ON A N D O R LEA N S M ON A R C H IE S 79 too racked by a terrible disease was literally breaking up hi s horrified valet even discovered pieces of his toes in pulling He thus lacked the physical strength to o ff his stockings In S pain for instance as we resist Artois and the U ltras h ave seen the French intervened to restore the absolute rul e All the same by the time of the unsavoury Ferdinand ’ Louis reign closed in 1 8 2 4 a great deal had been done for France by h is government—a heavy war indemnity paid off the country rid of the foreign occupying troops th e army reorganiz ed and France readmitted to the ranks councils and alliance of the Great P owers The reign of Artois now ascending the throne as Charles X 8 —8 0 24 3 was almost bound to come to grief before long I f Louis XVIII was the Charles II of French history Charles X was the James II He longed to restore the French monarchy to all “ its ancient power and despised constitutional kingship I had rather chop wood than reign after the fashion of the King h e sai d Further he had as passionate a con o f E ngland viction as R o b espierre that his enemies were not o nl y mistaken The first acts of his re1 gn were typical At h is b ut sinful c oronation ceremony while he lay prostrate on cushions he was pierced in seven sectio ns of his anatomy via seven apertures in his clothes with a golden needle dipped in holy oil said to have bee n miraculously preserved from the 5th c ent ury He then visited hospitals to heal the diseased with his holy touch Before long acts were passed making sacrilege punishable by death and above all granting ooo francs compensation to the nob les for losses su ff ered during th e R evolution The religious orders were encouraged to return while by 1 8 2 7 a censorship was applied to all books and journals and the N ational G uardf th e middle class citizen militia had been disbanded lest it should prove unfavourable to such royalist schemes But even this pace was too slow for C h arles in face of the growing protests of the Liberals and Bonapartists he resolved on sterner measures dismissed the last of his moderate R oyalist councillors and appointed as his chief minister the P rince de P olignac an U ltra of the U ltras ’ li E vents now moved fast towards their conclusion P olignac s P o gna aims were simple to reorganize society to give back to the clergy their weight in state aff airs to create a powerful , , . , , . , “ . , , , , , , , . , 1 . , . . , . ” , . , . . , , , , . . , , . , - , , . , , . , . . , , 1 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N I LLU S T R A T ED E U R OPE ristocracy and to surround it with privileges —a programme which would have completely cancelled out the R evolution To carryi t out he had as he claimed the assistance of visions from the Virgin M ary T hese however proved of doubtful value O pposition to him boiled up even in P arliament which reproached Charles with choosing a minister who did ’ not represent them Charles s answer was the one which might have been expected of him to dissolve P arliament The new elections however showed an ever greater majority against P olignac Charles therefore to deal with this situation issued in July 1 8 3 0 a series of drastic proclamations known as the O rdinances of St Cloud By the term s of th ese ordinances even stricter laws were passed to control the press the newly elected P arliament was declared dissolved before it met and three quarters of th e electors were deprived of their right to vote The whole e ff ect woul d have been to destroy “ ” completely th e Charter At last you are ruling said ’ Charles s daughter in law with more enthusiasm than accuracy The opposi tion was instantaneous foremost in it being th e very printers who were supposed to set up the O rdinances and the journalists whose livelihood was threatened by the enslavement of the press Their leader in th e preliminary agitation was a wr iter Thiers whose name is to recur many times in the history of th e next forty years It was not he however whose action was decisive W hile the Liberal deputies and the upper middle classes were still wondering what to do The revolutionary th e working classes had taken action tradition was strong in P aris and it did not take long for a mob under R epublican leaders to seiz e the HOtel de Ville N otre D ame some important guard houses and ar senal s and ’ tricolore The crown their captures with the fluttering troops who anyway had no great enthusiasm for the Bourbons were unable to make headway against the barricades of the populace constr ucted by cutting down th e trees of the boule The disheartened var ds and tearing up the paving stones soldiers h ad no food owing to the fact that the rebels had captur ed the military bakeries Yet even at this stage of the revolt Charles and P olignac did not realize the gravity of th e tion The latter comforted by a fresh vision from th e situ a a , . , , , . , , ‘ . , ' . ~ ~ . , , . , , , , . . , - , . . , - - , . , , . - , , . , . , , . , , , , - - , , ‘ . , , , - , . . , . FRA N C E U N D E R B O U R B O N A N D O R L E A N S M ON A R C H IE S 85 Virgin M ary declared that a couple o f hour s four men and a corporal would settle the whole business But the next day the mob proceeded to rout the troops who wer e guarding th e T ui leries Seeing th e evident success of the popular insurrec tion the middle class deputies realiz ed that they had better take advantage of it and T h iers returned from the day he had b een spending tactfully in the country Ch arlesnow in haste off ered to dismiss P olignac and restore Loni but th e time was past for such concessions th e C h arter E vents were fast moving towards th e establis h ment of a repu b lic wh en T h i ers on j uly 3 0th h ad th e walls of P aris posted with placards in favour of Louis Ph ilippe D uke of O rleans head of a younger branch of the Bourbon line He was a prince wh o migh t be calcula ted to appeal to th e middl e and lower classes since he was the son of the P h ilippe E galité ’ wh o had voted for hi s cousin Louis X V I s death and since But h e h e had fough t on the revolutionary si de at Jemappes was not well known and when a day later h e appeared at ’ the HOtel de Ville to receive the call of th e people h is reception was distinctly lukewarm until he embraced th e v eter aff r epub lican Lafayette and received from his hands th e sacred tricolore T h e main fact however was that at th e critical moment Thiers had produced a candidate when all was confusion—and so the claims of Charles X and the grand son ih whose favour he soon abdicated and th e R epublic for which th e revolutionaries had been fighting were pushed into the background Charles X and his family were soon on ship for E ngland and Louis P hilippe of O rleans the Citi z en ’ King was Ki ng Of the French—ou condition he rul ed as a constitutional monarch , , , . . - , . d ' . , , , , . , ' , , . , , ‘ , , . , , , , . ‘ , , , . 2 T h e Orleans M onarchy, . 1 1 848 83 0— reign of Louis Ph ilippe proved to be eighteen years of £ 93? 3 u disappointment Clever sensible kindly and well E lihpp. intentioned he yet came to grief in an even more undigni fied way than h is pr edecessor Apparently with much to attract th e people to him—hi s revolutionary parentage and past his years of poverty during wh ich he had ear nt his living by giving lessons in drawing and math ematics h is simple and unaff ected The 3 . , , , , . . , , , I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T O R Y O F M O D E RN EU R OP E ways—h e nevertheless failed to capture the loyalty of anyone beyond the wealth ier m iddle classes The old R oyalists despised his democratic habits of lighting his own study fire sh aving himself living principally on soup and strolling round th e shops with no greater protection than an eternal umbrella They thought nothing of his proudest accomplishment—that he had learnt in exile from a waiter with whom he shared lodgings how to cut ham in beautifully thin slices T h e working classes equally disliked his government for the simple reason th at though it was their blood which had established it it did nothing at all to improve their lot T h e consequence was th at almost every year of h is reign there were plots and attempts to assassinate him which Louis P hilippe for h is f u l f art met with cheer and un ailing courage He had some p amazing escapes once an infernal mach ine consisting of an arrangement of twenty four muskets to be fired simultaneously m owed dow n th e front of his bodyguard in a procession one Another time a bullet lodged of the bullets gra z ing his chin “ — it is only in hunting in his hair but h e was imperturbable me th at there is no close season he remarked humorously T h e problems which faced his government were enormo us In the first place he had to secure recognition of his accession in E urope which frightened of French revolutions might have been tempted to intervene to restore Charles X N ich olas I of R ussia indeed nearly did only he was soon too busy suppressing a P olish rebellion against h imself But by an inflexible policy of peace—much as th is was distasteful to certain elements in France—Louis P hilippe calmed down the fears of th e powers and first of all winning over th e new W hi g Foreign Secretary in E ngland P almerston he soon T o do this however he had to secti r ed general recognition sacrifice certain opportunities of action wh ich would have appealed strongly to a large section of the French The first such occasion was the Belgian revolt of 1 8 3 0 The Belgians forcibly joined with the D utch by the Vienna T heir T reaties of 1 8 1 5 li ad resented the union ever since main grievances were the use of the D utch language as o fficial the religious di ff erence between Cath olic Belgium and Protestant Hollan d and the fact that the D utch practically monopoliz ed all official positions At one time for example . , , , . ‘ , . , , , . _ , . - , . , ' , . . , , , . , , , . , , . , , , . . , , - . , , . , , thirty nine ambassadors and all th e nine generals T h e Belgians it is true were allowed hal f of the number of M P s but as th ere were three and a half million Belgians to two million D utch in the country even this seemed unrepre them Further as some of th e sentativ e and unfair to Belgian M P s were government officials who depended for th eir livelihood on not o ffendi ng the D utch king these men constantly voted with the D utch a gainst their own com - . , . , , . , , , . . . , patriots This by giving the D utch a majority led to all laws passed being more or less against the Belgian interest Bread for example the main article of Belgian diet was heavily taxed while potatoes the principal D utch fare escaped Laws in general too tend ed to favour the D utch commercial and sea faring interests rather th an the Belgian industrial ones and inclined to the D utch preference for free trade rather than the Belgian desire for protection Belgian T h e consequence newspapers too were severel y censored of all this was a steadily growing state of unrest leading to mon ster petitions against D utch injustice Then came th e July revolution in P aris one or two high handed actions b y , . , . , , , , , _ . , ’ , , - , . _ , , . - . , - 88 H I S T O RY O F M O D E RN I LLU S T RA T E D ‘ EU R O PE the D utch king— and the performance of an oper a dealing sympathetically with the N aples rising against the Spanish led the Brussels mob to riot in imitation The D utch army was successful ly resisted other towns followe d the example of Brussels and soon a N ational Congress had declared Belgi um to be independent of Holland A separate constitutional monarch was voted with the usual democratic institutions of two houses of parliament liberty of speech and worship and so on This was where France and the other powers came in Woul d they accept such a cancellation of one important clause in the Vienna Treaties P There was no doubt of ’ France s answer for the difficulty of Louis P hilippe so far had been to restrain the enthusiastic French from rus hi ng to th e assistance of the Belgians Fortunately the other powers too in conference at London agreed to accept Belgian independence and off ered to guarantee the neutrality of th e new state—but only on condition that Belgium shoul dered over half the debt of the N etherlands did not include Lux em burg in its boundaries and chose a king of whom the powers approved The Belgians annoyed at these terms promptly ’ invited Louis P hilippe s son to be the new king—knowing that this would be highly disagreeable to everyone except France 1 1 11 Louis P hilippe was now faced with a delicate choice—if he 3 53 3 accepted on behalf of his son he wo ul d risk involving France in another E uropean war while if he did not he would o ff end He was firm and sensible enough to refuse h i s own people and to agree to the E nglish nomination P rince Leopold of ’ Saxe Coburg the future Queen Victoria s uncle The Belgians then accepted Leopold and there was no E uropean war about the matter—but there was a general feeling in France that Louis P hilippe had been outmanoeuvred b y Actually P almerston and his prestige su ff ered accordingly he was able to recover a little of his reputation whe n in 1 8 3 2 ’ the D utch ki ng W illiam wh o had refused to accept the powers decision invaded Belgium The D utch started sweeping all before them in a brilliant ten day campaign and Louis P hil ippe was h astily authorized by the powers to inter vene to protect Belgium This he did successfully and so was able to claim that Fr ance after all had aided Belgian independence . , , . , , , . . , . , , , , , . , , . , . , - . , ' , . , , , , , , , . - . , , . H I S T OR Y OF M OD E R N I LLU S T R A T ED 90 E U R O PE French one Both agreed to withdraw their claims on con dition the oth er did Then suddenly P almerston revived the claim of his candidate whereupon Guizot and Louis P hilippe went secretly to work and within a s h ort time astounded E ngland by arranging a double marriage—of Isabella to an old nobleman who was rumoured to be incapable of producing children and of th e Infanta (who woul d thus inherit the Throne ) to a son of Louis P hilippe For once someone had But while France rang with stolen a march on P almerston ’ applause over the matter and the King s pop ularity revived a little E ngland smarted withdre w her friendship and two years later watched the O rleans dynasty dethroned without ’ lifting a finger to save it Thus th e King s o nl y bold piece of foreign policy had the unfort unate e ffect of losing him his sole ally in E urope D amaging as the foreign policy of Gui z ot and th e King was to the reputation of the monarch their h ome policy was even ’ more so Both were highly intelligent men and G uizot s reputation as an orator a scholar and a historian philosopher stood second to none Yet both completely failed to realize ’ the need for state action on behalf of France s poorer classes or for any political or social progress At a time when France in turn undergoing her Industrial R evolution was beginning to learn the horrors of factory life slum dwellings and propertyless workers Guizot could get no further than th e In his view the onl y fas h ionable doctrine of laissezf aire concern of the government in such matters was to keep outside them Apart from a law providing elementary education and a factory act limiting the employment of c h ildren th e ’ eighteen years of Louis P hilippe s reign saw no real effort to improve the conditions of the masses T hat S ome improve ment was needed may be seen from the single fact that nine tenths of town dwellers examined for the army during th e reign were rejected as physically unfit All this time however th e wealthier middl e classes the bankers and industrialists were prospering greatly—railways were built while the pro duction of French wine increased two fold coal four fold and machinery ten fold Thus the situation was doubly galling — the working classes to be not only poor but poor in a for period of prosperity And the only c ontribution the govern . . , . . . , , , . - . , , . - , , . - , . , , - , , , “ . , . , “ . _ - . , , , - , , - - , - , . , . i RA N C E U N D E R B OU RB ON A N D O R LE A N S M ON A R C HIE S 91 ment seemed to make to the matter Was to break up strikes by bloodshed suppress trade unions and political clubs and deny the ever increasing clamour for an extension of the right to vote to poorer citiz ens It was th e refusal of this demand wh ich ultimately brought Pma nlitaa y about th e fall of the monarchy The parliamentary system f m d m and d had never really functioned smoothly under Louis P hilippe ’ The exact extent of the King s power was rather vague and there grew up a general feeling that he was exercising more influence than he should as a constitutional monarch Further there had not as yet been time for the fh rm ation of two highly organi z ed parties to assure one side or the other of a constant majority, and so even an upright man like Guizot maintained himself in power by a system of briber y Government posts pensions business contracts ( especially in connection with th e new railways ) were dis tributed among members of parliament Gui z ot W as thus supported th roughout th e years 1 840 to 1 8 48 by a parliamentary majority though he was actually bitterly Opposed by most of the country W hile the right to vote too only out of was restricted to such a small class — — ff h a state o f a airs co u ld continue indefinitely C W 3 So parliamentary reform became the rallying cry of all wh o were opposed to the co nservatism of the King and his minister Some like Thi ers prob ab ly wanted to extend the franchise slightly to capture power for th emselves O thers like th e R epublica ns aimed at th e vote for all men in order to carry out a complete reform of the social system In any case a great campaign for parliamen tary reform was begun and against th e slightest concession to this Lo ui s P hilippe and Guizot resolutely set their faces By 1 846 or 1 847 moreover the dissatisfied in France were S o ial able to look to certain positive programmes of reform i n place of the unorganized revolutionary vi olence of earlier ears y O ne of these increasingly attractive alternatives to th e stagna tion of Louis P hilippe was the new doctrine of Socialis m propounded since 1 8 2 8 by a series of brilliant French writers Socialism claimed that by abolishing private ownership of great ind ustries banks transport systems and the like and by putting them under the control of the state all citi z ens wo uld thus be more or less equal partners in th e wealt h of th c o untrv , , - . r e re o r . e e . f , . , - . , , . , . , , . ‘ ” - . , , ‘ . , ‘ , . , . , c , . , . , r , , , e , I LLU S T R A T E D HI S T O R Y O F M O D E R N E U ROPE and the grotesque inequalities of capitalism would be avoided O ne of the foremost Socialists Louis Blanc in his book ’ L Organisation da T ravail tried to show how th e state would begin to take over the control of industry by running national works and workshops for the benefit of the unemployed He sh owed too h ow the whole unemployment problem would be solved when the state which would not be concerned merely with private profit acted as the general employer His ’ phrase the right to work became a main demand of the poorer classes who naturally saw in Socialism not only a means of avoiding the dreaded spells of unemployment but a meth od of winning for themselves a much fairer and greater s h are in the wealth of the country than they enjoyed at the time Soci al ism in various forms thus began to attract the loyalty of the town masses from the O rleans dynasty Socialism itself underwent a rapid development from 1 8 2 8 when it was full of idyllic schemes such as the proposal that men should work in fields to the sound of grand pianos till by 1 848 it had become an almost scientific doctrine N ot only were there ’ Blanc s proposals and hundreds of suggestions for really practical undertakings ( such as the cutting of a Suez Canal ) but i n addition the Germans M arx and E ngels were maturing th e elaborate creed known now as Communism or revolution ary Socialism The second alternative to which the working classes could turn was Bonapartism It might seem di fficult to understand where the attraction came in since N apoleon had led the French to disaster But it must b e remembered first that th e military triumphs of the E mpire had been a great source of pride to Frenchmen and satisfied their age long passion for ’ glory and secondly that the principles of B Onapartism had been entirely reconstructed since 1 8 1 5 In exile at St Helena N apoleon h ad cleverly edited the history of his career to s h ow that the constant warfare was more or less accidental and caused by other nations and that his dictatorship was intended He would have given France peace to be purely t emporary prosperity and Liberal institutions had E urope perm i tted him to fulfil his life work he decl ared These elements in ’ N apoleon s defence of himself were seiz ed on and magni fied by the heir to the Bonaparte claim Louis N apoleon Bonaparte . , , , . , , , , . ‘ , , . . , , , . , , . . , ' - . - ‘ , . . , , , . , - . , , , FRA N C E UN D E R B O U R B O N A N D OR LEA N S M ON A R C HI E S 95 ’ Above all th e ministry of Guiz ot the austere wirepuller in eight years of power had sim ply maintained aff airs in an immovable position and barred all progress As Lamartine “ I f that were all th e th e republican poet and historian, said genius required of a statesman charged with the direction of aff airs there would be no need for statesmen—a mil estone To nearly everyone it became clear wo uld do just as well ’ th at the first step to progress was to shift the milestone ’ ministry as G uizot s government was rapidly nicknamed T o accomplish a real change in the direction of the govern ment however it w as necessary to enla rge the franchise for the existing class of wealthy electors was quite satisfied with Guiz ot T h e agitation for parliamentary reform grew universal ; there was not so much a desire to uproot th e monarchy weak though support of it was as to make th e government more democratic and more aware of industri al and social problems T h e full resul t of the 1 848 revolution like th at of 1 8 3 0 though everything had been leading up to it was neverth eless somethi ng of an accident T h e opposition started a big series of R eform Banquets At th ese after th e dinner opposition orators woul d speak on th e need for giving more people the vote Gradually they developed from a request for modified electoral reform to ’ omission of the King s name from the toast list and a demand for a republic with a vote for everybody In February 1 848 a great R eform Banquet was announced with a R eform P rocession Scenting danger the government banned th e banquet a number of complic ated moves followed and the organiz ers finally decided to call off the procession Half th e banqueters did not know whether th e whole aff air was really on or off but by this time the P aris masses had got it into their heads that someth ing exciting would happen anyway and so turned up for the procession in force Then th e government made the fatal mistake of calling out the N ational Guard to disperse the crowd—fata l because the Guard simply showed th eir sympathy with the crowd and so encouraged it A more ruth less man than Louis P hilippe would have ordered out th e regular troops to fire on the Guard and perhaps quelled th e wh ole matter by a brutal display of force Louis P hilippe old and peaceful refus ed to face the prospect of blood and ‘ , , , , . , , ” ' . ‘ . , w l , , , . I “ , , , . ‘ , . , . , , . ' - . , . , , . ' , , . . ‘ ' , , . , , , ILLU S T R A T E D 96 HI S T OR Y OF M OD E R N E U RO PE onsented to dism i ss Guizot The next day an accidental clash between a small section of the crowd and some troops led to the barricades going up all over P aris again and the working classes preparing to resist the troops by force : In the fighting which ensued th e troops put no heart into the work and when the King reviewed them instead of Vive le he go t shouts of Vive la réforme D iscouraged at the Roi collapse of all his work murmuring This is worse than Charles X the old King lost heart for the first time and abdicated The O rleans monarchy mourned by very few was at an end A temporary government was formed in P arliament and France became a republic for th e second time in her history The Tuileries meanwhile had been looted by the mob some of whom were drowned in the floods of wine released from the royal cell ars c . , ‘ , , ‘ ' , ” , , . . , . , . , CHA P T E R T h e S econd Repub li c VI and th e — 1 848 1 8 7 1 1. T h e S econd Republic, 1 S econd E m pire, 848— 1 85 2 The O rleans monarchy had fallen what was to take its N o one was very clear except that there was a gener al place feeling among the revolutionaries that the new government must be a republic Among those who had created the r evolu tion however there were two distinct elements There wer e the leaders of the intellectual middle classes like Lamartine who wanted a republic largely for sentimental reasons (such as adm iration for the old R oman R epubli c for the first French ’ R epublic of 1 7 9 2 for the G irondins for republican virtue and so on ) But there were also the leaders of the working classes like Blane wh o wanted a republic so that it could proceed to pass socialistic measures to raise the standard of ’ Further it must always be remembered th e labourer s life th at behind th ese two elements lay yet another of completely di ff erent views— the peasantry and small landowners of France conservative in instincts deeply suspicious of republics and anything that happened in P aris and desiring above all thi ngs law order and security in th eir property It was never this last class which created revolutions but it was precisely this class whi ch provided the support fir st for N apoleon I to end the disorders of the First R epublic and now soon for N apoleon III to triumph over: the Second R ep ublic In 1 848 then Lam artine taking a lead managed to secure approval by the mob of a list of names for the new govern ment To this list the working classes compelled him b y demonstrations to add some of their own representatives notably Louis Blanc This provisional gover nment thei arranged for elections to be held : A vote was given to all , . , , . , , , , , . , , , . ‘ , , , . , , , ' . , , , , , . , . 08 T HE S E C ON D R EP U B LI C AN D T HE S E C O N D E M P I RE 99 ’ — wheth er they could read or not and France s electorate suddenly leapt from to The res ults of the elections by giving nearly all the seats to the mod erates and only a few to the socialist extrem i sts showed that what ever P aris was France was still really a conservative country But th e P aris worki ng cl asses were important for since February th ey h ad been armed and they weredetermined not to let their e fforts merely serve the interests of the middle classes as h ad been th e case in 1 8 30 T hey therefore looked especially to Blanc some Of whose ideas the government had promised to carry oii t ! 6 Blanc a Soci alist had long advocated N ational Work 3 £ 3 9 2 “ ’ shops —a seri es of state owned enterprises not only to absorb the unemployed but to form the first steps towards sociali zing He had to work all the vital elements in economic life however with a government which was by no means Socialist and which therefore tried to limi t the application of his ideas T h e result was th at though N ational W orkshops were set up in response to popul ar clam Ofi r they were nothing like the ’ works h ops of Blanc s dreams The work o ff ered was almost — h replanting trees paving roads entirely Of t e labouring order building railway stations—for wh ich a rate of two francs a day was paid The unemployed and even many of the employed flocked to the national works—with disturbi ng results In the first place the government very unimaginative in supplying work and frigh tened of o ff ending weal thy manufacturers by setting up in competition to them began to order the same pieces of work to be done over and over again to employ all the applicants As this got more absurd greater and grea ter ’ numbers were placed on inactivity pay of one franc a day Taxation began to mount to pay for all this and a financial crisis occurred The interests of tax paying middle classes and property less working classes were now seen to be clearly opposed and the government consisting almost entirely of the former decided to close the W orksh ops To do this with T h W a l out breaking too many promises it o ff ered the workers and idlers of the N ational W orkshops the choice of j oini ng the army or clearing land i n the provinces —an o ffer summed up “ b y One French historian as a choice between being shot by th e Arabs in Algeria or dying of fever in th e swamps of , ' , , . , , , . , ‘ ” , ' . ‘ , , or o , . , _ - , . , , . T , . , , , . , , _ . , ‘ . , - . - , , , . e k 1 00 I LLU S T RA T ED HI S T OR Y OF M OD E RN E UR OPE Sologne Consequently in June 1 848 the armed masses of P aris rose to a fresh revolution against their new government U p went the barricades over went buses and locomotives to strengthen them The P aris worki ng classes observed dis cipline well and fought bravely but they were opposed by the government the army the N ational Guard the upper and middle classes and the whole of the provinces Heavy artillery was used to smash the resisting streets and the blood of over Frenchmen flowed before the revolt was crushed After the struggle was over thousands more were deported It was a dreadful experience and it rendered certain the future downfall of the R epublic , for the working classes would never forgive it and the m i ddle classes would Loui s N apoleon had never feel co nfidence in its stability things made very easy for him The question of the P residency of the R epublic had not as yet been settled The three main candidates were Cavaignac P the gener who had just beaten the aris revolutionaries ) a l ( Lamartine and Loui s N apoleon Bonaparte nephew of th e r enjoyed f a reat mperor The last named had thus E g amazing history A romantic youth believing firmly i n h is ’ destiny as h is uncle s heir he had been involved I n scrapes revolutions or love aff airs in half the countries of E urope I n 1 8 3 1 he h ad joined the Italian Secret Society the Carbonari in their revolt against the P apal rule in R ome and had eventually to escape from the Austrians disguised as a footman E xiled from France he wrote books on military subjects to make himself popular with th e French army and on social In 1 8 3 6 subjects to show his care for the French people with a few followers he had endeavoured to invade France raise the garrison of Strasbourg and claim the throne from Louis P hilippe—but had shrunk from using violence had ke a good speech to the soldier s and con failed even to m a sequently had seen the whole aff air degenerate into a sc h is own arrest and forcible U ndeterred b y this miserable failure he Boulogne in 1 840 with fifty men and a capti was supposed to represent the Imperial e ’ invasion developed into an undi gnified N apoleon tried to escape by swimm ing out , . , . . , , , , . , , . , . , . . . , , , - . , . , , . , , , , . , , . , , , , , , , , , o ‘ 1 02 I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N EU R OPE ' and poor Lamartine with his ideals so swi ftly outpaced by events only The new P resident was to enjoy a S pell of office of four years He immediately set out to combine enjoym ent with popul arity O ne step in particular which th e Assembly took he s trove to undo casual labourers had been disqualified fro m voting by a law that they must have resided continuously for three years in the same di strict Lo ui s N apoleo n ch am pioned the cause of these men and thi s combined with his plans outlined in 1 8 50 for railways roads harbours canals model farming drainage and sanitation increased h is popularity with the lower classes His period of o ffice woul d expire in 1 8 52 and there was a law against r e election Y et he was now planning to secure r e election by illegal methods partly through ambition partly because he was deeply in deb t and needed a continuation of his P residential income At th e same time some of the leaders of the Assembly were clearly plotting to get rid of th e P resident and T h iers for example Openly boasted that before a month is up we will have Louis Bonaparte under lock and key It was the P resident who struck first At 1 0 p night of D ecember 2 nd 1 85 I —the anni versary of after he had held his usual eveni ng reception ’’ engineered coup d etat began , , . . , , . , , , , , , , , , . - . - , , . , , , ” . . , , the opposition—both police and pris ignorant of the fact that they were part of Troops were posted in strategic positions forced to print proclamations announcing residential position P is w o ke up a r p supreme over his opponents He prop for a further ten years after holding confirm him in his power After the little barricade work on D ecember 3 was restored with th e loss of about 500 there were some outbre aks which people being arrested of whom I of . . , . - , ' , , H IS T OR Y O F M O D E RN ILLU S T RA T E D 1 04. EU R OPE that I broke th e law onl y to do what was right T h e votes of over have just granted me absolution The use of ’ ’ ’ th e word absolution tends to S how that the cou p d etat really ’ weighed on Louis N apoleon s conscience as is also evidenced by th e fact that he released all the prisoners by 1 859 Indeed it h ad some business to weigh on his conscience since h e had solemnly sworn before God to be faithful to the French ’ R epublic as established in 1 848 But a politician s promi ses “ ’ as h e himself observed are even more brittle than lovers oaths . ' . ‘ , . , , . , , . 2 Th e E m pire . T h e S econd E mpire, 1 852 — 1 87 0 It was not long before there occurred the logical sequel th e restoration of the E mpire A year of useful reforms h ousing schemes abolition of Sunday labour provision of baths wash houses asylums—combined with pageantry and triump h al tours to impress some and wandering round slums on foot to impress others and Various public bodies began to urge him to become E mperor The invitation did not fall on unwilling ears O n D ecember 2 nd 1 852 the seco nd French R epublic ended and the second E mpire began the ex P resident assuming the title of N apoleon III A further plebiscite confirmed the step by to while did not vote N aturally P arliament was allowed very little power political meetings and associations were forbidden newspapers were heavily taxed and all steps taken to see that opposition was too weak to overthrow the E mperor This dictatorship N apoleon III with his queer mixture of ideal s and ambitions proposed to modify later when France had settled down For the moment however he was careful to point out that an isolated plebiscite was a different matter from perpetual democracy and aptly expressed the di fference “ by saying that he did not mind being baptized with the water “ f but that h e re used to live with h i of u ni versal su ff rage feet in it T h e reforming zeal of the new E mperor was soon evident For some years it was s aid that he never visited a town with oui making better arrangements for its future In P aris iI collaboration with the P refect of the Seine Baron Haussmann , . , , - , , , . . , , - , . . , , , . , , . , , , s , ” . Rofol ml . . , , I LLU S T R A T E D 1 06 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N E U R O PE he instigated the biggest slum clearance scheme on record Thousands of narrow insani tary unlit streets with vermi nous dwellings were destroyed to be replaced by magnificent wide bo ul evards complete with trees and lamps—a piece of reform which had th e secondary object of making the erection of barricades more difli cul t W ater and gas mains were laid ’ along the P aris streets In th e improvement of the country s communications the E mperor S howed an equal z eal railway telegraph and steamship services all expanding through h is interest A period of prosperity marked by great financial speculation began for France There were no S igns as yet of the adventurous foreign policy which was to bring rui n on the Second E mpire as it had done on the First and there a as ’ So acute an every S ign of N apoleon I I I S care for the masses observer as the E nglish P rince C onsort soon remarked of the “ Louis N apoleon wish es for peace enjoyment and E mperor cheap corn The court life of the E mperor rapidly became notable for its brilliance R ebuff ed in an attempt to secure a bride who had the merit of royalty S ince the other sovereigns of E urope for the most part regarded him as an upstart he concentrated instead on looks E ventually he married a beautiful Spani sh noblewoman whose love letters to him had been written though he did not know it by Prosper M erimee the famous novelist The E mpress E ugeni e as she became was unfortunately less well equipped mentally than she was physically Th is would not have mattered in itself had S h e ’ not endeavoured to influence the E mperor s political policy This however was reserved for the future for the moment with spiritualistic diversions all was enjoyment at Court l t bles talking and accordion s p aying by themselves rand a ) g ( receptions appearances at the O pera visits from interesting people such as P asteur Verdi Gautier the interminable love aff airs of th e E mperor and the rather more innocent pastim e ’ — blind man s buff It was N apoleon III in of the E mpress fact with his love of amusement and his rebuilding schemes wh o gave that atmosphere of elegance and entertainm ent to Paris which h as made Of it th e M ecca of E nglishmen escaped to holiday abroad There was something in th e N apoleonic character however, - . ’ , , , , - . . , , , , . . , , . , , , . Th e C ourt . , , . , , , , , . , . . , , , , , , , , , , . , , , ' . , T HE S E C ON D R EP U B LI C T HE S E C ON D AN D E M P I RE io7 wh ic h could not be content with either reform or enjoyment T h ough by no means a hardened militarist N apoleon III was unable to resist the traditions of his uncle and the pressure His ambition and sometimes his F o ign of certai n army leaders ideals prompted him to undertake military campaigns but h e lacked th e rut h less character of the first N apoleon and after a successful beginning h is foreign policy led him to disaster T h e first foreign venture was comparativel speaking a ( ) T h y C m an success Already possessm g a personal gri evance against the W a 8 54 856 ’ Cz ar N icholas for refusing to address him as brother in the customary m anner between sovereigns and anxious to assert French claims wherever possible he had quarrelled with T h e question at i ssue was the guar dians h ip of the Russia Holy Places of P alesti ne which N apoleon claimed had been accorded to Charlemagne and h is French successors W hen Russia not only refused to surrender this righ t but demanded ’ from Turkey the pro tectorsh ip of all the Sultan s Christian subjects—which would have given R ussia the right to inter fere widely in th e Turkish E mpire—N ap oleon III supported by E ngland prompted Turkey to refuse The subsequent invasion of Turkish territory by R ussia and the sinking of th e Turkish fleet at Sinope caused E ngland and France to ally for th e purpose of r educm g R ussian influence It was decided to send a j oi n t expedition to the Crimea to compel R ussia to keep her warships off the Black Sea and thus lessen the likelihood of their threa teni n g th e B alkans and Anglo French interests in the M editerranean The key to the Black S ea was the fortress of Sebastopol and for a year E nglish and French generals vied with each other in committing m is takes in besieging it E ventually when French soldiers had lost their lives after su ff ering the untold m i series of campaigning in a Crimean winter Sebastopol was taken — R ussi a requested peace and the war ended The E mperor had had some awkward moments in for example he h ad reached the point of wanting t o take charge in the Crimea himself a resolve from which h e was persuaded only by the entreaties of Queen Victoria, whose truly femi nine heart had been mildly fl uttered by h is expert a ddresses But the end of the war compensated for . , re . , , “ e r , , ri e r. . 1 ‘ , . , . ‘ , , . . . , - . , . , , , . , , . , - 1 T reaty of Paris, 1 8 56 HI S T O R Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T RA T E D 1 08 E U R O PE everything and the Treaty of P aris of 1 8 56 with R ussm compelled to accept the neutralization of th e Black Sea gave the E mperor his first taste of the sweets of victory T h e next foreign venture appeared equall y succes sful at first though it was before the end to involve N apoleon III m a bewildering series of difficul ties complexities and contra dictions The enthusiasm of th e E mperor as a young man for the cause of Italian unity has already been noted T h e young Carbonaro of 1 8 3 0 had however naturally to be more careful now that he was in control of the desti nies of France His problem may be briefly stated—how to aid the Ital ians in their struggle for national unity without ( a) making an Italy which would be too powerful a neighbour ( b ) ofl endi ng the very important clerical circles in France who would not wish ’ to see the P ope s rule over the P apal States abolished and (c) get ting into trouble with too many other nations A s a further complication may be added (d) that unless he did something to help the Italians he would o ff end Liberal circles in France He was thus bound to o ff end one of two parties in France and probably h e wo ul d have done best to go all out on one side or the other Instead he tried to please both and failed to satisfy either W hen he became P resident in I 848 he had found French troops helping the P ope against M azzini and Garibaldi who were trying to establish a R oman R epublic For a time he continued this policy—to please the clericals—but combined th is with assurances that he would make the P ope carry out a liberal policy—to please the anti clericals After the 1 848 episode Italian problems for a whil e took a secondary place in ’ th e E mperor s mind though Count Cavour P rime M inister of P iedmont and Sardinia the centre of Itali an hopes staked a ’ strong claim on the E mperor s gratitude and future services by sending a contingent of Sardinian tr oops to help the French in th e Crimean W ar At the T reaty of P aris Cavour raised the question of Italian unity ; the E mperor however did nothing further till a violent incident jogged his memory In 1 858 a number of fervent Italian patriots led by O rsini attempted to assassinate the E mperor as he was driving to the The explosion of the bombs ki lled eight people and O p éra wounded 1 50 but to th e great relief of th e F renc h th e E mperor , , , . I talian m m m tm (2 ) , , , . . , , . ' , , , - . . , , , . ~ , . - . , , , . , , , , . T h e D ui ni fi tem m , . , , . I LLU S T R A T E D 1 10 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N E U R OPE Shortly afterwards the Austrian ambassador was amazed to “ h ear N apoleon III say to hi m I regret that our relations with your government ar e not as good as they have been and it was not long before Cavour by arranging provocative frontier incidents had tempted Austria to invade P iedmont and neglect the French warning not to do so T h e war had ’ begun and with the French army under th e E mperor s personal command two big victories over the Austrians were registered at M agenta and Solferino Lombardy was freed it remained to complete the task by sweeping th e Austrians from Venetia Suddenly came the astounding news that the E mperor had concluded an armistice with the Austrians le aving an infuriated Cavour and P iedmont in the lurch M any motives had been suggested for this sudden reversal of policy among th em the fact that the E mperor sickened with the horrors of war at first hand had lost all stomach for the enterprise P erhaps a more important consideration W as one h e h imself advance d— th at h is victories had been by a narrow margin and that attacki ng Venetia meant capturing the four tremendously di fficul t Austrian fortresses known as the Quadrilateral Further there was a lurking fear of P russia n intentions in h is mind and probably too there was an increasing conviction that Italian unity might be an awkward th ing for France wh en accomplished At any rate he retired from N orth Italy though h e shortly afterwards by diploma tic means prevented Austria from annexing M odena P arma and T uscany thus allowing them to throw in their lot with P ied m ont For th ese services he claimed his reward of Savoy and N ice—confir m ed as usual by a plebiscite T h e whole ’ adventure of 1 8 59 shows up N apoleon I I I s Italian policy in all its contradictions—helping Italian unity in the north (while his troops still kept the P ope in power in R ome) then backing out at a critical moment—o ff ending half France by beginni ng at all and the other half by stopping when he did All the same by 1 8 59 Italy had provided a second field for th e victories of French arm s the French army was regarded as the best in E ur ope and the E mperor was at the h eight of his ower Success f ul minor enterprises in Syria and Chin a p c ontributed to the general e ff ect The following year, however, m arked the turning of th e tide , . ” , ‘ ' , . , . . , . , , , . - , . , . . , , , , . , . , , “ . , , , . . . HI S T OR Y O F M OD E RN ILLU S T R A T ED 1 12 E U R O PE In 1 8 59 th e E mperor true to hi s policy of allowing greater liberty as time went on allowed all political exiles to return and thus laid his E mpire open to attack from a number of men who feared noth ing In 1 8 60 too he allowed P arliament more fr eedom to criticize and amend proposals brought before it wh ich contributed to the same res ul t Above all in 1 8 6 0 he provoked widespread discontent among the manufacturing classes by concluding a commercial treaty with E ngland f f represented by the amous ree trader Cobden) By this ( agreement the French duti es on E nglish textiles iron steel and hardware goods were lowered considerably in return for E nglish reductions on French wines silks and fancy goods This exposed many French manufacturers to the ful l blast of ’ E nglish compe tition and the E mperor s popularity suffer ed accordingly A further forei gn adventure dragging on over several ’ years lowered the E mperor s prestige in a serious fashion In 1 8 6 1 when the M exican R epublic defaulted on its debts and was refusing to pay interest on bonds held by foreign creditors France E ngland and Spain agreed to send a joint expedition to enforce payment W hen the object of the expedition had been obtained E ngland and Spain withdrew their forces but N apoleon III urged on by E ugénie and the clerical party retained his tr00ps there and embarked on a His plan specially designed to far more ambitious project enhance French prestige and please the clerical elements o ff ended a t his Italian policy, was to overthrow the anti religious M exican R epublic and substitute a Catholic E mpire M aximilian brother of the Austrian E mperor was persuaded by the prom i se of French support to undertake the position T h e fighti ng that followed was lo ng of imperial claimant and expensive but by 1 8 6 4 French arms h ad duly installed him on his throne U nfortunately for N apo leon III however another power now came on the scene in full force —th e T h e U nited States engaged in a desperate U nited States civil war had thus far been powerless but on the conclusion of the war in 1 8 6 5 a warning was given to France that th e U nited States would tolerate no interference with the M onroe France in other words must keep out of M exico D octrine N apoleon alread y or be prepared to fight the U nited States , A n am nesty , , . , , , . , - . , , , , , . , . ' , , . , , , , . , , , , . , . , , , , . , . , . , , . , , , , . , H IS T OR Y O F M OD E R N ILLU S T RA T E D 1 14 E U R O PE Holstein having thus fal len to the stronger side th e and war broke out victors had quarrelled ove r the spoil between Austria and P russia E urope expected the struggle to be a protracted one and N apoleon had visions of a strong France at th e end of the war dictating policy to both of the He thus consented to remain neutral exhausted oppone nts th e more especially as he was bribed to do so by Bismarck who promised h i m a free hand to absorb Luxemburg Alarmed however by the rapid P russian success at the battle of Sadowa when Austri a was overwhelmed in a single defeat N apoleon rath er hysterically began to demand compensa ’ tion for France in German territory in the R hine district besides plotting to get not only Luxemburg but Belgium Bismarck all along th e line cleverly outmanoeuvred h is ’ oppo n ent and used N apoleon s propos als for two vital ends The first of these was to force the south and west German States through fear o f France to ally and eventually to unite with P russia The second was to reveal details of th e secret negotiations at two critical moments—one just at the outbreak The result was thus by display of the Franco P russian war ing N apoleon as eager to grasp surrounding territory to throw E uropean sympathy into the P russian rather than the French scale and to rob N apoleon of any possibility of E nglish support and , , . , . , , . , , , , ‘ , . , . , , . - . , , , in 1 8 7 0 . The fatal moment for the E mpire had now come W ith first D enmark then Austria beaten the south German States won over to P russia by fear of France Italy bribed by th e acqui sition of Venetia in 1 8 6 6 through P russian help E ngland off ended with France from knowledge of her ambitions in At home Lux embur g and Belgium N apoleon was isolated physically he was a dying man h is prestige was low Bismarck decided that the moment had come to strike And ’ most foolish and fatal of all Bismarck s plans were facilitated l n every respect by France even more anxi ous to come to grips with P russia The actual conflict arose over the candi dature for the vacant Spani sh throne for which a Hohenzoller n prince was on the insistence of Bismarck a reluctant candi date France nervous of P russian progress and determined not to be again outwitted demanded the wit h drawal of th e The P russian king W illiam agreed to persuade candidature . , , , . , , . . , , . , , , , . , . , , , T HE S E C ON D T HE S EC ON D AN D R EP U B LI C E M PI R E 1 15 ’ his relative to withdraw and France s main object was — satisfied But certain circles in the Government not so much the E mperor h im selfé — were anxious for aneven more resound ’ ing diplomatic triumph to enhance the E mperor s tottering prestige and so a furth er demand was formulated that i n no circumstances must P russia ever renew such a candidature W illi am who regarded th e incident as closed saw no point in seeing the French ambassador again on the subj ect and h is d ecision was explained m a despatch to Bismarck known as the E m s Telegram Bismarck before publishing this slightly altered it to read so that the impressi on gathered was that W ilhelm deliberately refused to see the French ambassador A howl of wrath with the express object of insulting France — f arose in th e P aris press and a momentary war ever a — thing to rouse swept over the government which a t a ll a s e f y y men and h ad a m onth before had re duced th e army by “ proclaimed th at at no epoch was the peace of E urope more Again it must be emph asiz ed that N apoleon did assur ed not share in the general French confidence or in the fatuous “ blindness of the commander who said that there was not so much as the button of a gaiter missing But the sick man gave in before the 1 m per1 ous W 111 of E ugénie who revelled in “ T his is my th e prospect of the conflict and boasted proudly , . , . ' , , , , , . _ . ; ' - “ , c ' - , ” . r , , war ” . After a few very minor Th e m and Lorraine invaded by an enemy vastly better equipped and trained Some heavy fighting sufli ced to shut up the main French army in the town of M etz where besieged it could help no ot h er part of France T h e E mperor dispirited and in ago ny proposed to fall back on P aris with th e remaining principal force Such a decision woul d have prolonged th e struggle and given France a chance of drafting millions more into th e conflict But E ugeni e and her advisers could not brook th e temporary h umiliation and forbade such a step assuring the E mperor that his t h rone was lost if he retreated So against all h is own inclinations the harassed E mperor who had now little control over h is troops moved to the relief of M etz was caught as was almost inevit able i n an unfavourable position and witnessed the crushing f h is army at Sedan defeat o On September gr d cam e to S eth . D isillusion was to come speedily successes , th e French found Alsace . . , , . , , , . ” . ' , _ . , , , , ‘ , , . 1 16 I LLU S T R A T ED P aris th e HI S T OR Y O F M OD E R N EU ROPE dramatic despatch The army of Chalons h as surrendered I myself am a prisoner N apoleon W ithin a day the mob had invaded th e Assembly with cries of D own ’ with the E mpire and Gambetta a fiery young politician al ready distinguished for his daring opposition to N apoleon had proclaimed th e new R epublic—the third in French hi story There was no contest not a finger lifted to save th e E mpire N apoleon himself accompani ed W illiam as a prisoner into Germany soon to be released and to die in E ngland whither E ugenie escaped from P aris with the help The E mpire it of her American dentist had al ready fled has been said crumbled like a cas tle of cards under th e flick ’ ’ of a child s fingers So the reign of N apoleon III which Opened in revolution It had been a thing of contrasts It ended in revolution had combined dictatorship with democracy professions of peace and the fir st P aris international exhibitions with support of nationalism in N orth Italy territorial ambitions with opposition to it in R ome and M exico Beneath its ’ gas lit pomp lay squalor industrial and moral And th e whole contradictory natur e of the E mpire had been perfectly mirrored in the character of N apoleon hi mself idealistic and self seeking reforming and reactionary profound and super Less complex in character E ugénie had however ficial done almost as much as her husband to bring about the down Her influence on the R oman question on M exico on fall She at any rate th e Franco P russian war had been decisive learnt her lesson, for in the long years of her exile till she died in 1 9 1 9 at the age of ninety four she never again interfered in politics A vigorous old lady even after the terrible blow of th e loss of h er son ( killed fighting for the E nglish against the Z ulus ) she maintained her activity to the last learning to ride a bicycle buying one of the first motor cars and even wanting “ to fly at the age of ninety But the E mpress E ugeni e sh e “ said died in The E mpire had collapsed but meanwhile the new R epublic For fo ur months P aris besieged like M etz fo ught on escaped in a balloon endur ed heroically while Gambetta B ut organized ar mies and resistan c e in the countryside before long M etz had to give in or the point of starvation . . ‘ , , \ , . , . , , , , . , ‘ , . , , . . . ‘ - , . , - , , , . , , , . - . , , , , - , , . , . , , - , , ” . , , Repub lic , , , . , , . , . , 1 18 I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N E U R O PE and nearly French so ldiers laid down their arms The P russians thus released from conducting the siege were employed in adding to the forces before P aris or in holding ’ back Gambetta s attempts to relieve th e capital Till the last th e P arisians resisted till everyth ing had been eaten including the elephant in the Zoo and the rats of the streets and the fuel exhausted Then there was no and sewers alternative but to capitulate The terms of the treaty of Frankfort of 1 8 7 1 were regarded at the time as extraordinarily severe though they pale some what by comparison with the Versailles treaties of 1 9 1 9 at France was to pay an unpre any rate in financial details cedented war indemnity of five thousand million francs in three years to safl er an army of occupation and to l ose T h e l ast A lsace and most of Lorraine including M etz provision especially engendered a state of bitterness whi ch an conflict of 1 9 1 4 in the usual way in speeded on the E urop e which one war begets another . “ ' . ' , , . , . . , , . , , . , , . CHAPT E R VII Th e M F rom th e C ongress of Vienna to the Outbreak f “, From the end of the N apoleo ni c wars to the revolutionary movements of 1 848 the history of Germany and Austria is dominated by one man—M etternich Few statesmen have had so difficult a series of problems to face and few have received so much blame both then and s1 nce for their attempted solutions In some respects he was and is a greatly misjudged man In any case for more than a generation he o ccupied a u ni que position—not only as C h ancellor c f Austria but as the embodiment of the older E urope of the monarchies whi ch was fighting a desp erate battle with the newer E urop e of the revolutionary ideals ’ To understand M etternich s pre eminence we must remember that it was he more than anyone who wit hi n four years of his appointment as Ch ancellor in 1 809 had success ful ly manoeuvred Austria away from the temporary alliance with N apoleon and brought her in with the Allies It was his skill in 1 8 1 4 which inspired the manifesto of the Allies invading France to the eff ect that their quarrel was with N apoleon “ I know M etternich o nl y he co ul d not the French people exclaimed N apoleon It was he too h ave thought of that whose S pirit was so active at the Congress of Vienna and whose diplomacy was so successful in bringing the famous Final Act — a Final Act summary f the a rangements to completion o or r it may be remarked of 1 2 1 articles which took twenty six Above all it secretaries all day to write out a single copy was he who with Castlereagh was the inspirer of the Congress ’ — m ovement the movement to establish a Concert of E urop e “ to put all heads under th e or in the words of a contemporary sam e thi nking cap 1. “m m P eriod in G e r m any and th e A ustrian E m pire, 1 8 1 5 1 85 1 etternich o Revolution . , , . . , . - , , . , , , . . , , , , , - , , . , , , _ ‘ , , , ” . 1 22 I LLU S T RA T ED HIS T O R Y O F M O D E R N E U R OPE bound to win It has required th e ruth less e fficiency of modern dictatorship to suppress the liberal movement M etternich himself was often ac utely conscious of the fact “ that h is task was almost hopeless I have to give my life to propping up a mouldering edifice he once remarked in a moment of pessimism while the E mperor Francis “ — put the matter even more strongly M y realm is like a worm eaten house—if one part is removed one cannot tell Let us see how M etternich strove to act how much will fall “ in his own words as a rock of order in Austria and Germany It will be remembered that the Allies of 1 8 1 3 in th e W ar of Liberation had taken advantage of the national fervour of Germany aroused by the Continental System and th e oppressive demands of N apoleon As N apoleon had employed all the forces of national feeling in the early days of victories so the Allies had later been able to use the same weapon against him with deadly eff ect N apoleon himself with his usual prophesied that the Allies would pay for their acuteness encouragement of nationalism when it turned against their own empires The arrangements of the Congress of Vienna in regard to Germany and the Austrian E mpire not less than illustrate how little importance the Allies really elsewhere attached to nationalist principles The Austrian E mpire as recogni z e d by the treaties of 1 8 1 5 included as its main sections Austria proper (which was really German) Bohemia and M oravia (inhabited chiefly by Czechs, Slovaks and Germans ) Hungary (M agyar with many notably Serb and Croat) Galicia (mainl y m inorities Ruthenia ns and P oles acquired during the partitions ) Transylvania (R oumans of Latin stock) Illyria and D almatia Serbs and Croats and L ombardy and Venetia Italians ( ) ) ( It thus contained besides oddments like the M agyars repre — the great racial divisions Teuton ( the Germans ) s f n t a t i v e o se Slav ( Czechs Croats P oles Serbs ) and Latin ( R oumanians As yet with th e exception of the Italians and and I talians ) of ossibly the Germans the new wine of Austria itself p nationalism and democracy had not yet reached the heads, or even the lips of most of these peoples and thus the strength of th e central go vernment in Vienna was not in i m mediate . , . . . , , ' - , ” . , ” , . , , ' , . , . , , . , , . , , , , , , , , , , , , . , , , , ' , , , , , . , , , HI S T O R Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 1 24 EU R OP E d anger of being challenged T his was all the more so since th e government at Vienna permitted a wide variety of local diff erence employed local officials rather than bureaucrats from Vienna and generally allowed a very considerable degree of liberty— provided that no political agitation of any kind took place Hungary enjoyed a separate parliament or D iet in which its intensely feudal nobility frequently asserted their privileges against Vienna It W as furth er no part of ’ the policy of M etternich to attempt to Germani z e or ’ Austrianize the whole of the E mpire—h e was not keen enough on nationalism to enfo rce his own partic ul ar brand of it while he correspondingly deni ed the right of the other brands ’ to break away from his international E mpi re The govern ment of Vienna however while well meaning and not unduly tyrannical was for the most part inefficient It was badly in need of reorgani z ation and M etternich made several eff orts notably in 1 8 1 1 and in 1 8 1 7 to induce his imperial master to accept schemes of reform P urely internal matters however were the subject on which he possessed least “ influence I have sometimes ruled E urope he Once remarked but I h ave never governed Austria In the matter of race alone Germany presented a very di fferent picture from the Austrian E mpire as it was inhabited solidly by Germans P olitically however it had even less unity Before the N apoleonic wars some hundreds of petty states had existed acknowledgi ng the authority in name though not at all in fact of the Holy R oman E mperor who ’ coincided with t h e ruler of Austria ; N apoleon s campaigns in Germany however had broken down many of the old divisions and substituted new and much greater units such as the Confederation of the R hine In these a great deal of reform had been c arried out in administration and large sections of Germany had thus been released fr om cr am ping mediaeval restrictio ns for the first time The peacemakers of Vienna could naturally not allow such N apoleonic creations to survive—they had collapsed anyway with th e breakdown ’ of N apoleon s power—and consequently a fresh settlemen t W as necessary in 1 8 1 5 The Congress of Vienna made no attempt to revive th e long since obsolete Holy R oman E mpire which had long ago . , , . , , . , , ‘ ‘ , ‘ . , - , , . , , , . , , ” , ” . , G erm any , , . , , . , , “ , , , , - , . , , ' . , , ’ . “ ' - , I LLU S T RA T ED 1 26 HIS T O R Y O F M OD ERN E U R OPE gran t a constitution The natural consequence was an out break of liberal agitation, particularly among the numerous university students and their professors In 1 8 1 7 occurred ’ the W artburg Festival a meeting to celebrate the battle of Leipzig and th e tercentenary of the R eformation and to form The a closer uni on among German u ni versity students students marked th e occasion by burning a number of selected ’ guys some boo ks and periodicals whose views they resented and a few emblems of P russian mili tari sm which was disliked both for itself and for havi ng adopted French fashions T h e ’ emblems concerned included a corporal s cane a pig tail f corsets as sported by the as worn by the infantry and a pair O caval ry It was onl y a student demonstration but its spirit was unmistakable and M etternich took good notice of it the more so since he suspected the still liberal Czar Alexander of fomenting similar trouble throughout E urope Two years later occurred a much more sensational student act the murder of Kotz ebue He was an unpopular author of reactionary views and a spy in R ussian pay who was regarded as poisoning the mind of Alexander against liberalism At once M etterni ch sei z ed his opportunity He won over Alexander so completely from the last of his liberalism that in “ T o day I deplore all that I said 1 8 2 0 the Czar said to him and did between 1 8 1 5 and I regret the time lost we must study to retrieve it You have correctly judged the ’ condition of things Tell me what you want and what you want of me and I will do it It was a remarkable admissio n ’ “ but then as M etternich said Alexander s mind never could M ore i mportant still pursue one line of thought for long he used the occasion to secure the passage through the D iet of the Conf ederation of a series of laws designed to crush all political agitation These originally propounded in Carlsbad were known as the Carlsbad D ecrees By them a strict ’ censorship was everywhere set up investigators of recent activities were appointed student societies were suppressed political meetings were forbidden by their Operation professors were dismissed Liberal leaders sentenced to years The result was for M etternich a triumph of imprisonment liberalism in Germ any and Austria was crushed for nearly a T h e German race robbed of the right generation to come . . The W artb ur g F estival 1) ‘ , , . ‘ , , [ , . , , - , , . , , , . (3) The m urd er of Kotz eb ue . , . . . - . . ” . , - , , ” . T h e C arls b ad D ecrees . , , , . ‘ , , , , . . , T HE M ET T E RN I C H P E R I OD G ER M A N IN Y political expression had to find scope for its genius in the fields of such strictly non politic al subjects as science and music The stranglehold which M etternich thus secur ed was 1 3 3 . remarkably complete Though the fall of the Bourbons in France in 1 8 3 0 produced repercussions all over E urop e R P h in luding revolutions in Belgium oland and ome t e c ) ( Austrian E mpire and Germany remained free from serious disturbance I n South Germany indeed the inhabitants of four states succeeded in wringing c pnstitutions from their rulers but that was all In fact from the Carlsbad D ecrees till the revolutionary movements of 1 848 there was no event of outstanding interest for the future of German nationalism There was however one movement pri mari ly econom 1c 3 3n d whi ch was destined to have the greatest resul ts In 1 8 1 8 P russia had abolis h ed a remnant of hampering mediaevalism when she repealed all h er internal customs duties and made the transit of goods from one district of P russia to another quite custom s free She also invited neighbour ing states to join h er in forming a single large customs area within whi ch no duties would be payable The invitation was made a little more pressing by putting enormous tari ff s on the goods of ’ those who did not accept T his Z ollverein or Customs U nion as it soon became , showed remarkable signs of success —so much so that it was resented by other German states who formed opposition gr oups The opposition groups how ever found themselves forced by economic pressure to link up with the P russian one so that by 1 8 2 9 the U nion centring round Bavaria had joined and by 1 83 4 that round Saxony By 1 844 the Zollverein covered nearly all Germany Thus though Germany still lacked any eff ective political union it was on the way to economic union and the importance of this fact must not be overlooked M oreover through the Z ollv erem P russia rather than Austria appeared to be taking th e lead in Germany N or was economic advancement especially in Pr ussia confined to matters of customs N ew roads had been built a modern postal system initiated rail ways constructed steam power introduced while side by s ide with this great developme nts in education s uch as th e founding of , - . 1 . , , , _ , , . , . , , . , , , , . . - . - , . ‘ . , , , . , , , . “ . , , ‘ . . , . , , . , , - , , , , . 1 28 dev elop HIS T OR Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T E D of E U R O PE polyt echnics schools gymnasia were apparent After a period during which P russia S eemed to los e all desire to follow the tradition of her great reformers of the 1 8 06 period Stein Hardenberg and Scharnhorst she began to revert to her policy of equipping herself as a really m odern state The changes on th e th rones of Austria and P russia during thes e years are matters of some importance In 1 83 5 the E mperor Francis steady conservative far from brilliant but trusting implicitly in M etternich died He was succeeded by Ferdinand described by P almerston in his usual round terms “ ’ as the next thing to an idiot Henceforward M etternich s advice was not always followed and from about 1 840 on h e had constantly to intrigue to secure his position at court ’ The presence of an opposite party to the Chancellor s at court encouraged liberalism in Austria to hope once more In P russia too the greatly respected old man Frederick W illiam III like M etternich and Francis a survival from N apoleonic days al so died , and was succeeded in 1 8 40 by Frederick W illiam IV T h e character of the new king who was known to be religious humane and anxious to avoid all forms of persecution caused a great revival of the partly neglected aspir ations for constitutionalism and a greater degree The composition in 1 840 for example of of national union ’ the famous patriotic song D ie W acht am R hein ( T h e W atch ’ on the R hine ) showed which way sentiment was moving The appointment of well known patriots and even Liberals as th e principal P russian mini sters together with a rel axation of th e censorship seemed to confirm P russians in the opinion that their king was indeed of democratic opinions U nfortu nately however it is obviously di fficult for a king ( or a pope ) to be democratically inclined when the increased demands resulting from his encouragement begin to outrun what he Frederick who was in truth no democrat at h i m self desires all but a religious autocrat who had humane sympathies He soon terminated rapidly found himself in thi s position the experiment of a milder censorship Hé did however agree to do somethi ng towards the establishment of the constitution which Frederick W illiam III had promised P russia as far back as 1 8 1 5 when he permitted a P arliament or As h e allowed it no more D iet to meet for P russia in 1 847 , , , . , , , , ' . A ch ange of m onar ch s . , , , . , , ” . , . . , W illiam IV in P russia , , , , . , , , , . , ‘ , ‘ . - , Revi v al of Li b er alism , . , , . , , . ' . , . , , I LLU S T R A T E D 1 30 HI S T OR Y OF M OD E RN E U R OP E most of the Austrian E mpire was in an intensely backward state with th e nobility still preserving m edia v al feudal privileges over the peasantry and enjoying complete exem p tion from taxation Already in Hungary led by the fiery young journalist Loui s Kossuth a movement to introduce democratic reforms had arisen His first demand was that th e debates of th e D iet should be held in M agyar not Lati n Imprisoned for hi s insistence on reporting parliamentary debates Kossu th emerging after four years continued the campaign with heroic determination In h i s eff orts to outwit the police and the law he was reduced to having his pamphlets lith ographed instead of printed and then finally to having them copied out by hand In 1 847 this ardent democrat was elected as member for Budapest to the Hungarian D iet where though the nobility disapproved of most of his ideas all co ul d accept hi s championing of Hungary as against Austria Imm ediately on receipt of the news of th e 1 848 revolution in France sensing that the hour of democracy had struck Kossuth on M arch grd came out with a flaming speech in the Hungarian D iet From the charnel house of the Viennese system he said a pestilential breath steals over us which paralyses our nerves and deadens our national spirit He demanded not o nly that Hungary should be equal to Austria in all respects enjoying a separate Hungarian ministry b ut ’ that the nobles privileges shoul d be abolished and a con with liberty of the press of stitutional system established ’ meeting and of association Support of Kossuth s policy was not lacking from the populace of Budapest who succeeded in ’ ’ making their own nobles accept a P eople s Charter In ’ M arc h and April a series of laws ( the M arch and April Laws ) were carried and the triumphant democrats were ready to force their acceptance at Vienna M eanwhile in Vienna itself events had moved in the same direction Taking their cue from France and from Hungary 3 number of students and professors held a great demonstr ation on M arch i 2 th The mob cheerfully developed this the following day to fighting and an invasion of the palace and secured important promises from a paralysed and inefficient government The outcry naturally began with yells of D own ’ with M etternich and the government could thi nk of nothi ng , . . Kossuth , , . . . , , , , . , ’ . , , . , , - . ” , , ” . , , , , . , , ‘ . ‘ , . Vienna . , “ . . , . , T HE M E T T E RN I C H P ER I OD G ER M A N Y IN better to do than sacrifice the aged Chancellor to the storm When it called troops into Vienna they o nl y fraterni z ed with T h M tt m h ’ th e rabble M x to u s etternich s s r s s i n arch e e e o n M O ( p ) 1 5th the government prom i sed a constitution and the formation of a N ational Gu ard and then on M arch 1 7 th had to accept the Hungarian demand f or a separate ministry responsible to the Hungarian D iet al one These events were rapidly paral leled l n other sections of the R I taml tiom y m d Empire Before M arch was out the Austrians had been driven if h em ia . ' e e ‘ er c . , . ev o o . out of M ilan and Venice and th e King of Piedmont had declared war with the intention of expelling them from th e entire Italian peninsul a At A graini n Croatia the Croats demanded the restoration of their ancient rights hile at Prague capital of Bohemia the Cz echs framed constitutional demands similar to those of the Hungarians T o all th ese a nerveless Imperial government agreed O nl y 1 n Italy where war was deciding the issue and in Galicia wh ere the energetic Austrian governor Count Stadion kept the P oles in check was there any real resistance In April a single liberal con A Hungary was to stitution for all the E mpire was announced enj oy a separ ate arrangement , . , , w , . . . , _ , ’ , , , , . . . eontim H I S T O R Y OF M O D E R N I LLU S T RA T E D 132 E U R O PE The salvation of the Austrian monarchy h owever soo r In M ay it touched its lowest depth s came in spite of itself wh en after a feeble e ffort to Oppose furth er d emands by Vien nese agitators the E mperor and his family sudde nl y left Vienna for Innsbruck on the frontier At the beginning of 11 . S la m m “ o f f f h f e une too a great Congress the di erent branc es o t h j Slav race Opened in P rague to discuss possible ways of organiz ing their racial kinship a movement which seemed dangerous to an E mpire of which the ruler was not by race Slavonic But j ust when things seemed at their worst for th e From Italy came news of th e E mpire the tide began to turn first success of the Austrian commander R adetsky I n P rague itself the Austrian Governor W indischgr atz resisted in th e deman d of the mob for armaments and after a struggle m w ggm i? which his palace was attacked and h i s wife shot dead at a window he withdrew with his troops from the city bombarded it all night and by morning had completely subdued th e rebels The Czechs of Boh emia had failed and one part of the E mpire at least was sav ed T h e solution of the rest of the di fficulty for the Imperial government was to come from the very fact which had cause d most of the trouble—the existence of such a W elter of di fferent nationalities within the E mpire The important point to bear in mind is that not only was th e E mpire so composed but each state within the E mpire was practically a smaller The Croats and T h C m “ edition of the E mpire in its varying races R oumans under Hungarian government now found for “W m “ example that the rul e of Hungary was rather less to their taste than that of their previous and more distant masters the Austrians W hen they clai med from the Hungarians the same liberty as the Hungarians claimed from the Austrians they were denied it Before long the Croats under th eir beloved leader J ellacic, who was a great h ater of th e M agyars and a loyal servant of the E mperor were at war with Hungary ’ T h ey trusted J ellacic s optimistic view that loyalty to the House lollaci of Austria would earn them more concessions t h an revolt It was the obvio us if unsavoury policy of the I mperial gove r n ment to accentuate these national jealousies and then sit back and watch its various enemies rend each other in pieces Fresh hope gleamed for the monarch y th e more so since , . , . , , , , 1 v . , , , , ' . . , . , , e e , , o , , , . . . , e . , , , . , . , , . , c . , . , H I S T O R Y O F M OD E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 1 34 EU R O P E intervention but in vain By J uly an advance by R ussia from the east the ruthless Austrian general Haynau from th e west (fresh from triump h ant barbarities in Italy) and J ellagic from the south rendered the result a foregone conclusion ’ The frantic Hungarian government s belated concessions to its minorities were useless Kossuth and the Hungarian generals quarrelled senselessly and finally Kossuth abdicated and fled into Turkey burying the Iron Crown of St Step h en on the way The last Hungarian army now laid down arms and surrendered to the R ussians The R ussians handed control over to Haynau who found the task of ordering the and hundreds of imprisonments so scores of executions congenial that at last even Vienna grew ashamed and recalled him It is a matter of minor importance but of some interest to note that both Kossuth and Haynau later paid visits to England Kossuth won a tremendous welcome from the people and a reception by P almerston in spite of the opposition of the entire Cabinet Haynau however who had received the nick ’ name of Hyena on a visit to a London brewery was chased by liberal minded draymen Th ey would have undoubtedly administered a little of the ch astisement irr which th e dis tinguish ed visitor specialised had he not been rescued from th em in the nick of time I t remained for Austria to take advantage of h er escape In Italy with the decisive defeat of the P iedmontese at N ovara and th e suppression of the Venetian R epublic the anti Austrian movement had collapsed The Imperial govern ment was there restored in doubled firmness R oumans Croats Czechs Hungarians P oles all underwent for their varying activities a tightening up of control By the end of 1 8 5 1 th e government felt su ffi cientl y secure in Vienna to abolish the constitution for the E mpire wrung from it in April But while 1 8 48 and reaction was everywhere triumphant no portion of the E m pire received greater national independ ence or constitutional freedom as a result of the events of 1 8 48 to 1 8 5 1 it must not be forgotten that the feudal privileges of the nobility and the serfdom of the peasantry had disappeared Just as the first French R evolution in spite never to return of the dict atorship of N apoleon preserved the benefits it had won for the peasantry so did the revolutionary movements of , . , , . . , , . . . , ‘ . . . , , ‘ , - . . . ‘ - , , . . , , , , , ' - . , . , , . , , ‘ HE W EN T A WA Y W I TH A F LE A 11: m s EA R . —Old S ayi ng. A B LE FLE A WHI C H WA S S KE TC H OF A M OS T RE M A RK ’ F OUN D IN G EN E RA L HA YN A U S E A R . A h urnorous pr esentation of one of th e draym en wh o rough h oused ’ ’ Haynau on h is fam ous visit to Barclay s Brewery T h e fiea s rem ark I t is ob vious refer s to a th r eat of disciplinary action against th e dr aym en ’ ’ wh ere P unch s ( and E ngland s) sym path ies lay ' - . . . HI S T OR Y OF M OD ERN I LLU S T RA T E D 1 36 achieve th e s a me result Hapsburg power 1 8 48 of in pite s EU R O PE of th e r e es tablishment - . 3 . T h e Revolutionary M ovements in G erman y The sto ry of the revolutionary struggles of these years in It must first be noted that th e G ermany must now be told German demands were bound to diff er somewhat from th ose in the Austrian E mpire since German liberal feeling was not complicated by racial differences Consequently whereas th e subject nations of the E mpire wished to weaken th e central government to gain greater local liberties most German Liberals rather wished to set up a s tronger centr al governme nt togive expression to their national pride ’ Frederick W il liam I V s accession to th e throne of P russia dem ands was as we have seen, the signal for revival of German liberal ism and h e h ad so far kept th e promise of Frederick W illiam III that in 1 847 he had cal led a parliament for his ki ngdom W ith the bad harvests starvation and typhoid epidem i cs of ands had become more urgent 1 8 46 and 1 8 4 7 the liberal de m and the P russian parliament had framed requests for freedom trial by jury an income tax and a single of expression A N ational N ational German P arliament elected by the people for the Pa liam ent whole of Germany They were prepared to let th e old powerless Confederation D iet exist side by side with this Frederi ck W illiam however had q ui te other ideas—h e h ad refused a wr itten constitution and he had instead of setting up a democratic P arliament for al l G ermany wished simply to He was in enl arge the powers of the Confederation D iet particular concerned with the problem of Austria for her lands being chiefly non German m i ght lead to her exclusion “ Germany without Austri a from an all German P arliament “ T h attitud he said face wi thout a nos e would be worse than a It is d ick of F t kings of th i s stamp who get the big things done in history and Frederick W illiam was thr oughout extremely nervous of allowing P russia to take the lead He thus soon fell out with his newly called Prussian parliament and dissolved it “ The fall of Louis P hilippe in February 1 8 48— going out by the same door as he came in by as the Cz ar N icholas bluntly — roused the same f erme t in r m a n a s it in G e d t i t a n di th e u y p . . ' ' , . , , . , , . , , , , , , r . . , , - , , , . , - ” - e . , ” e . re er , . . ” , ' ILLU S T RA T E D 1 38 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N E U R OPE verythi ng demanded He afterwards referred to it as th e most terrible day in his life W hen the German Vorparlament met at Frankfort on M arch g1 st it thus felt confident in the fact that the monarch s of both Austria and P russia were too weak to oppose the national movement The Vorparlament ( a hundred and forty six members of Which came from P russia but only two from Austria) was thus able to order elections to be held for a real parliament or N ational Assembly and to dissolve itself By M ay this N ational Assembly had met also at Frankfort It was an extraordinarily talented body containing most of the w ll known names in literature and scholarship at the time M any of its members like those of th e parliament of the first French R evolution were lawyers many were state officials landowners and manufacturers on the one hand and working class citize ns on the other however were sadly lacking It was essentially representative of the professional middle clas ses A number of tremendously di fficult tasks co nfronted th e Assembly the first one being the co nstruction of a constitution which wo ul d be at once liberal and acceptable to the various state governments It was not too hard to draw up a list of ’ citiz ens rights such as equality in law freedom from arbitrary arrest freedom of speech of press and of public meeting ’ th e French D eclaration of the R ights of M an has always served as a classic example of this sort of thing It was again quite easy to announce that all German states should have a constitution and a really representative government All this was actually pronounced as law in D ecember 1 848 W hat was not so simple however was to get it all carried out by Austria P russia and the other governments even if they were temporarily weak Yet a far more serious problem arose when the position of Austria was considered Before this happened th e Assembly had already lost prestige when it reluctantly ’ approved Frederick W illiam s withdrawal of support from the German party in Schleswig Holstein who were fighting against the incorporation of these two duchies into the D anish monarchy (An attempted explanation of thi s one of th e most complicated questions in E uropean history will occur in A day of bloodshed and riots in Frankfort a later chapter ) e . . . - , , , . , . ' , e - , . , , - , , . . , . , , , , , ‘ . , , . . , , , , , . . - , . , , . G E RM T HE M E TT E RN I C H PER I OD I N AN Y h ad followed, extremists in the mob demonstrating in favo ur of continuing the war and if necessary fighting the King of Consequently by the time the Assembly came to P russia too tackle the vexed question of who or what was to b e the central ' . ’ uthority in the new Germany and what exactly Austria s position was to be much of the early confidence had departed T h e difficulty about Austria was the fact that most of the P po d luti n f Austrian E mpire was non German T h e Assembly was thus th A u t ian dim ulty faced with th ree possible solutions—to admit all the Austrian E mpire into the new Germany to admit onl y the German part of it or to admit none of it All of them had fatal ’ It would be nonsensical to admit Austria s objections thirteen di ff erent races into a state specially formed to express German nationalism but to exclude them would be to o ffend Austria The third possibility of omitting Austria entirely was viewed with horror by Frederick W illiam and by many other Germans too—a sentiment still visible in th e refusal of Hitler and the N azis to accept an Austria permanent y sepa rated from Germany Thus th e solution eventually favoured was th esecond that of inviting Austria to be a part of the new state in vir tue of Austria proper but to exclude her E mpire This coul d not be acceptable to Austria as it woul d mean that she would be split into two diff erent states The Austrian government therefore naturally refused such an invitation and maintained that the whole Assembly should be abolished possibly with larger and the old Confederation restored powers As yet however she could not take any more active T h e 1 steps in opposition for with th e E mpire crumbling on account fla x: of th e various nationalist movements sh e was powerless The opposition of Austria to the ideas of Frankfort thus T h A m b ly compelled the Assembly to look to the next greatest state fl F d i k Prussia for leadership It was not b yany great majority that W illiam th ’ G e m an the Crown of the new German E mpire was o ff ered to C wn Frederick W illiam for by this time there were few illusions on the subject of his views and character He had too by now recovered his position in P russia somewhat by granting a constitution which still preserved a great deal of monarch ical power N evertheless if it could not be Austria it must be Prussia and so the invitation was dul y tendered to Frederick William ( M arch a . , re se so - o e . s o s r c , . , . , . , , _ _ l . , , . , . , , , , . , , - , . e sse ' , o ers re er c . , e ‘ ro , . . , . , , r H I S T OR Y OF M OD E RN ILLU S T RA T E D 1 40 E U R OPE monarch now feeling more confident had little ’ h esitation in refusing th e crown of shame o ff ered by a re volutionary assembly— or rather declaring that he wo ul d not accept it until it was o ff ered by the various kings and princes of Germany which was an impossibility Further he knew that Austria was entirely opposed to the whole movement and equally to P russian l eadershi p of it and that acceptance of the crown might meanwar T h e Cz ar N icholas too was almost equally likely to pour troops into Germany to stop a nationalist liberal movement There was moreover h is h istoric duty as King of P russia—would it not b e better from th at point of view to follow the ideas of a young politician named Bismarck and aim at absorbing Germany into P russia rat h er th an sinking P russia into Germany ? So Frederick W illiam kept to the path of c onservatism and prudence “ admitting frankly that Frederick the Great would have been the man for such an occasion—as for h i mself he was not a great ruler He followed this up by refusing the consent of Prussia to the whole laboriously compil ed national cons titution and by withdrawing the P russian delegates from Frankf ort Prussian troops too were employed to put down any conse quent insurrections in Germany Austria had already with drawn h er delegates the other monarchs soon followed s ui t, and by th e end of 1 849 the last vestiges of the Assembly and its constitution had disappeared Thus ended in failure a great design to combine German nationalism and democracy nobly planned but fantastical ly diff i cult of execution It is one of th e greatest tragedi es of 1 9th century history that Germany co ul d eventually achieve union not by the idealism of Frankfort but only by the M achiavellia nrealism of Bismarck T h e story has one tail piece I n 1 849 Frederick W illiam gave h is assent to the creation of some more acceptable and less democratic al ternative in the form of a union of any willing states under P russian l eadership This started promisingly receiving the adhesion of several petty states and a few of the larger ones besides the approval of a the late delegates to Frankfort A constitution was even drawn up elections held and a parliament called—but at the critical moment owing to the oppositi on of Austria and the largest states Frederick W illiam abandoned this his lates t o ff spring, T h at , , ‘ . , , , . . , , , , , ” . , . , , . , . , . - . - . . , , . “ , , , , 1 42 I LLU S T R A T ED H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N E U R O PE wh ich accordingly perish ed For a moment he thought of resistance when the old Confederation was resurrected by Austria and encouraged to support one notorious German tyrant in his quarrel with his subj ects But at the last moment after P russian troops were mobiliz ed he again gave way and at O lmutz agreed to the Austrian demands N othing was left but to consent to the revival and the activities of the Co nfederation in its 1 8 1 5 form So Austria secur e again in its own house triumphed all al ong the line not o nl y over revolution but also over P russia O f all the turmoil of 1 848 in central E urope the only notable gain for liberalism apart from the freedom won by peasants from their lords in the Austrian E mpire was the watered down constitution wh i ch survived in Prussia M onarchy was on top agam the v ar1 ous rabbles subdued natl onall st claims frustrated I n 1 8 5 1 as though to c omplete the restora tion of the old E urope shak en but still supreme there returned to Vienna to live for some years yet as a revered E lder ’ S tatesman —M etter ni ch . . , , Silica S ub m ission, , . . , , , . , , M onar ch y on top . , , ' . , , , ‘ , . CHAPT E R VIII Th e U nification of I taly, —1 8 70 1815 Vienna to t h e 1 848 Revolutions f In consider1 ng th e hysterical nationalism which marks ’ ’ M ussolini s Italy and Hitler s Germany we are o ften apt to forget that Italy and Germany are such recent creations E ngland was already a single national state in the M iddle Ages but both Italy and Germany consisted of many diff erent states until only two generations ago Further in the case of Italy some of these states were under foreign rul e N ational ism to both Germany and Italy is thus rather a new and exciting thing while the first flush of enth usm sm for it has somewhat worn — W ith so off in older states like France and E ngland much by way of general comment let us now follow th e process by which dur ing th e 1 9th century the country Italy ’ or geographical expression a s M etternich put it ) became ( the state Italy T h e arrangements of th eCongress of Vienna affected Italy T h w rk f N apoleon no less than the rest of E urope N apoleon in his first and i subsequent Italian campai gns h ad played havoc with the then existing divi si ons and now it was necessary to put something in their place He himself had aroused at first the enth usiasm of Italians by his pro m i ses of reform a nd freedom and indeed the French government had everywhere introduced modern ideas and improvements in admi ni stration He had reduced the divisions of the country to three established the enlightened French legal codes constructed roads and bridges U lti m ately however as with all territories he conquered N apoleon had betrayed the trust of th e inhabitants by repressive police measures and taxation He had too robbed Italy of its mos t ’ precious works of art His Kingdom of Italy moreover had included only the north N evertheless he had inspired many Italians with a genuine desire for freedom and reform and th e 1. From th e C ongress o , . [ , ’ . , . ' , . , , , ‘ , . e . , . , . , , , . , , . , , ‘ . , , . , 1 43 o 1 44 HI S T ORY OF M OD E R N I LLU S T RA T ED E U R O PE Congress of Vienna might have seemed a suitable moment for h iving shape to t ese aspirations g U nfortun ately as we have seen pretty frequently by now th e Congress of Vienna had littl e realization of the importance Cons equently when Italy of either nationalism or reform was reorganized in 1 8 1 5 most of the old political division were restored and th e power of Austria was doubled by her This meant that in all there were some acquisition of Venetia th irteen states set up in Italy which with some uni mportant These reading f rom exceptio ns fell into five main groups south to north were ’ ( A) N aples and S icily or the Kingdom of the Two S icilies poverty stricken infested with brigands and ruled with cruelty and inefficiency by Ferdinand I a member of the Spanish Bourbon family ( B) Th e P apal S tates ruled b y the P op e and therefore by now invariably by an Italian but disputing with N aples and Sicily the claim to be the worst governed section of the country The clergy had a strangleh old over freedom of thought and the Inquisition and torture were employed against those whose politics were liberal or whose ideas in general were at all modern It was dangerous to proclaim th e theory that th e earth revolved round the sun since the media eval Churc h had thought otherwise O nly about 2 per cent of the rur al popul ation could read The development of communications was somewhat hindered by th e fact that before long the P ope prohibited the introduction of the railway and th e telegrap h into his dom ains M o e n a r m a T a n a c C d P a n d u s ( ) y in Central Italy were three independent duchies A ll of them were b etter governed th an the states of the south as their rulers were more mildly disposed and more concerned with the cul tural welfare of their T his applied subj ects than were the P ope or Ferdinand ’ especially to the D uchess of P arma N apoleon s second wife But all three rulers as far as th e easy going M arie Louise th e Italians were concerned were tain ted with one unforgivable sin— they were Austrians ( D ) Lomb ardy and Venetia were the sections direc tly under th e Lombardy, with its capital r ule of the Austrian E mpire lV Iilan was the most fertile district in Italy and Venetia with . , , . . . , , . , , , ‘ , , , , , . ' , , , - . , . , . . . . ° , , , , . , . , - , . , , . . , , , I LLU S T R A T E D 1 46 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E RN E U ROPE egarded by the Italians with detestation throughout th e length and breadth of the peninsula To those who hoped for better things it s eemed th at improvement could come unless the P apacy should suddenly reform its whole adm ini str ation onl y from the one really Italian state— P iedmont ’ Accordingly it came about that men s eyes gradually focused on P iedmont as a possible nucleus of Italian unity That however was later the first step was not union but merely local independence from foreign or despotic rule M eantime in 1 8 1 5 it was true that Italy coul d no more be called a nation ’ than a stack of timber could be called a s h ip fter the Congress of Vienna that the first It was not long a C a b na i and h i explos1 o n occurred Italy was honeycombed by secret lt in N apl societies aiming at independence T here were many of them 18 but th e most important was th e Society of the Carbonari In 1 8 2 0 following a momen ( literally charcoal tarily successful revolution in Spain some leading Carb onari in N aples raised the standard of revolt against Ferdinand and being either unopposed or assisted by the royal troops managed with absurd ease to force that monarch to issue a constitution The constitution concerned was a r e issue of the Spanish one of 1 8 1 2 a very advanced document involving ’ the abolition of nobles and clerical rights and privileges including the power of the Inquisition and th e setting up of The King swore a a democratically elected parliament “ great oath to ob serve it faithfully O mnipotent God—if I lie do thou at this moment an ni hilate me Then he obtained permission from his ministers to go to the conf erence of Lai “ bach to obtain the sanction of th e powers for our newly acquired liberties At Laibach he promptly proceeded to disown the whole movement and to beseech Austria to send n troops to restore him to the ful l height of his former powers S upp by A u t a This as we have seen in the chapter on the Congress System was soon done by M etternich, and the first eff ort had fail ed Th M ea n whi l e in P iedmont similar outbreak had occurred a C a b na i lt in to wring a co nstitution from the old King Again the P i dm nt 1 82 1 Carbonari took the lead and endeavoured to link up the movement with a revolt against the Austrians in Lombardy After the Ki ng of P iedmont had abdicated and P rince Charles Albert acting as regent h ad granted a constitution the new r . , , , . . , , , . ‘ . o r r t er . revo es. . , 20 ‘ , , , , - . , , , ' . ” . , ” . ressi o . s ri , , . e r o , r revo . e o , . , , , T HE U N IFI C A T I ON o r I T A LY, 1 815 - 1 8 70 ki ng revoked th is measure T h e result was a civil war in which the forces of absol utism ai ded by th e Austrians beat in Thus no con th e Liberals at th e battle of N ovara aa and in Lombardy the 8 stitution was gained in P iedmont Austrian fetters were riveted on more strongly than ever T h e year 1 8 3 0 with its revolutions in France and Belgium {123mm naturally evoked similar tremors in Italy Again under th e P 9 1 S m “ influence of th e Carbonari the P apal States came out in ’ rebellion As usual th e distressed rul er s appeal to Austria fell on ready ears and the P ope had the pleasure of seeing th e Austrian wh itecoats suppress his rebellious subjects A new complication now arose for the French jealous of Austrian interference in th e P apal States also sent an army there So yet anoth er rising h ad failed and th e inadequacy of Carbonari conspiracies against absolutist armies was apparent to all Something greater some more n ational movement was needed before anyth ing could be done It was the work of M azzini to supply th is need In the M azzini unification of Italy th ere are three great names which sta nd — f P them subjects o iedmont M azz ini Cavour and o f l u t o al Garibaldi O f these Garibaldi was th e soldier Cavour th e statesman and M azzani th e prophet From his child h ood onwards M azz ini never ceased to think of th e woes of h is country—in fact he always wore black as a sign of mourning for it ! As soon as h i s student days were ended he joined the Carbonari and sacrificed his vi si ons of earning fame as a great writer for the even more thorny paths of political Indeed he came to th e conclusion th at no great agitation art could be produced by Italians until Italy was free Arrested and imprisoned for conspiracy after 1 83 0 b y the P iedmontese government he was soon exiled from h is native land T h e accession of th e more liberal C h arles Albert to th e th rone of P iedmont in 1 8 3 1 brought a great appeal fr om M az z ini in exile at M arseilles to the King to assume th e leaders h ip of “ “ the movement for freedom A ll Italy waits for one word on e only— to m ake h ersel f yours place yourself at th e head of the nation and write on your banner U nion Liberty ’ Independence —proclaim the liberty of though t—liberate I taly from the barbarians—on this conditio n we bind ourselves round you we pro ff er you our lives we wi ll lead to yo ur . , , ov r 1 , 21 . , , ' 8 . , . , . , , . , , ' . , . . . , , . , , . , , , ’ - . , . - , . , ‘ , . ‘ , , , , , 8 . H IS T O R Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 1 48 E U R OP E banner the little States of Italy—we will preach th e word that creates armies U nite us Sire and we shall conquer But Charles Albert was not ready for such a programme and M azzini had to fall back on organizing the society of Young ’ T h is famous association was an efl or t to improve on Italy th e work of the Carbonari by appealing to a wider number of people including the lower classes and by supplying a great ideal whi ch would have the force of a religion Its watch ’ word was U nity and Independence As a fervent preacher self sacrifice and rebellion of the necessity of education ’ M azz ini was so successful and the Young Italy Society took suc h a hold that he was eventually exi led from France too From Switz erland hi s next home h e organized an invasion of Savoy in 1 8 3 3 which failed hopelessly and only brought terrible punishment on the Liberals by the frightened Charles Albert E xiled from Switzerland , h e found refuge in E ngland wh ence h e continued to direct th e affairs of h is Society It may be noted that he was by now a convinced republican having naturally long since ceased to hope any ’ th ing from the King of P iedmont W hile M azzini s m is sionar y work however advanced to a remarkable extent th e desire for unity and freedom among Italians his strict republicani sm was later to prove an obstacle wh en a King of P iedmont appeared wh o was willing to lead the national movement T h e next moment of importance in the making of Ital y occurred in the year 1 846 when a new P ope P ius IX was elected The personality of P ius IX proved to be a matter of extreme importance He was kind hearted hated the tortures he had witnessed in the P apal States was prepared for con cessions in a muddle headed way but was tem peramentally unstable owing to fits of epilepsy and not at all the whole hearted liberal he was at first taken for But th e fact that th ere was now a P ope wh o was not an out and out reactionary and above all that this P ope as the first act of h is régime released all th e hundreds of political prisoners in th e P apal States was bound to make Italians expect more of him than he could give P opular enthusiasm for the P ope rose to a great height and intelligent Liberals such as Gioberti , planned a great uni on of Ital y not under P iedmont but under ” . , , . , ‘ ' . , , , . ‘ . - , , , ‘ , , . , . , . , . , , , . . , , , , . - . , , - , . . - - , , , , . , , , I LLU S T R A T E D 1 50 H IS T OR Y OF M OD E R N E U R OP E A few minor successes greeted the opening of Charles ’ Albert s campaign in the north but after R adetsky h ad a Cut fatally and N ara received reinforcements the c h ances of th e Italians handicapped by divisions between P iedmontese Lombards and Venetians were sligh t At last desperately attacking one wing of the Quadrilateral Charles Albert was defeated at By August R adetsky was back C ustozza and h ad to retire in M ilan In M arch 1 849 following a renewed outbreak in Vienna Charles Albert was again encouraged to march his forces into Lombardy but once more he was beaten—this time on the battlefield of N ovara already before fatal to Italian uni ty Having in vain sough t death on the field the A b di ati n unfortunate monarch abdicated in favour of his son Victor f C ha l A lb t E mmanuel II and retired to P ortugal where he died heart broken within a few months R t b eanwhile exciting events had be e n taking place in the M li h m nt f southern states In N aples King Ferdinand had succeeded in taking advantage of the chaos brought about by inexperienced Liberal ministers and had recovered his authority By M ay 1 849 following intense and most cruel bombardment of Sicilian towns which earned for Ferdinand ’ the nickname of King Bomba Sicily too gave way Stouter resistance however occurred in the P apal States Here in February 1 849 after the murder of the P apal prime minister R ossi the refusal of the P ope to grant real democracy and his ’ Th consequent flight to seek Ferdinand s protection a republic R m an R pub li had been declared It soon fell under the influence of M azzini who hurried there to advance the movement and who initiated a series of great reforms in the P apal States The P ope however had appealed to the powers of E urope and had found in Louis N apoleon President of the French It was not of course th at Louis R epublic a source of aid N apoleon a man of th e modern world wished simply to restore the power of the P ope—it was onl y that he was Which at that time anxious to placate opinion at h ome F n h m inantly clerical an d appeared to him predo pro P ope In inte vent on any case the Fren ch force eventually overcame the heroic resistance of R ome and by July 1 849 the R oman R epublic was at an end and the P ope restored So Venice al one was left as a centre of resistance to absolutism and by August C h arles A lb ert defeated at s o zz , , ov , ‘ , , . , , . , , . , , , . , o c r es o er , , . e es e - o e s . , , . , ‘ . , . , , , , , , e , o c e . , , . , , , , . , , , , , , re c r - i , . , . ILLU S T RA T E D HIS T O R Y O F M OD E RN 1 52 EU R O P E faced with starvation, cholera, and ceaseless bomb ar d ment, M ani n had at last to give in T h e triumph of despotism was complete N aples , Sicily, R ome , Ve ni ce, Lombardy, h ad For the cause of I talian unity the all r ebelled and failed year 1 848 seemed to be entirely negative Yet if nothing positive was achieved during the revolutionary movements of 1 848 in Italy, at least two steps forward were gained In th e first place a bold, patriotic ki ng, determined on national uni ty, had succeeded in P iedm ontl — Victor He was a fiery little man, revoltingly ugly, Emmanuel II 1 849, — C ollapse . . . . ' Victor E m m anuel I I . with coarse tastes and passions but his devotion to the national cause was never in doubt—a great advance over any previous king of P iedmont Secondly the defence of R ome against th e French h ad not only provided an epic of resistance and proved that Italians could be heroic m the service of their ideal but it had brought to th e fore another of the real makers Garibal di of Italy— Thi s remarkable man Gar ibaldi born at N ice h ad r un away from hi s parents at the age of fifteen and h ad taken up a career on th e sea W on over to the society of ’ Young I taly h e deliberately entered the P iedmontese navy ’ wi th the object of inducing it to mutiny in favour of M azzini s The first time he saw h is name in print was when 1 8 33 plo t escaped to France h e read that he had been condemned to death and thus having made Italy too hot to hold him h e disappeared to South America for twelve years Here he fought for U ruguay against th e Brazilian E mpire and A rgentina and learned in the wild South American conditions the arts of intrepid horsemans hi p and guerill a warfare He also acqui red a wife Anita who shared h is dangerous lif e m th e saddle and on the battlefield , he had seen her firom h is ship through a telescope gone straight to her house said You must ’ b e mine, and stolen h er fiom under th e nos e of a baff led rival ! As well as a wife h e acquired a political or military uniform O rigi nally th ey were probably the th e fam ous r ed sh i rt workers who sh i rts worn by Ar gentine slaughter house adopted such a costum e to m ake th e blood of th e cattle l ess noticeable b ut they were soon to become in E urop e th e sign ’ of th e mos t remarkable guerilla force ever created Garibaldi s vol unteers , . , . G arib aldi , , , . ‘ , . , , , , . , . , , ‘ , , - . - , , , . H IS T O R Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T ED 1 54 EU R O P E years he then devoted hi mself to agric ulture on his estates and gained knowledge wh ich he was later to use for the b enefit of P iedmont He became too a great student of E nglish affairs hailing with approval Catholic E mancipation and th e passing of the great R eform Bill of 1 8 3 2 O n his travels he ’ spent many an evening in the Strangers Gallery of the House following th e debates and making himself of Commons familiar with every detail of parliamentary practice and government E conomic subjects like the P oor Law Free Trade Communism R ailways he studied above all By 1 8 4 7 he had founded a paper in P iedmont the Risorgimento ’ — R esurrection the name usually applied to the whole ( process of Italian unification) Its main object was naturally to advocate constituti onal government and the independence of Italy N ot unnaturally therefore Cavour was one of the ’ members of P iedm ont s first parliament called after the granting of th e constitution in 1 8 48 By 1 8 50 following his skill in pushing the ecclesiastical laws he was created M inister In th ese positions of Commerce and by 1 8 52 P rime M inister he began a work of th e greatest importance—building up He removed duties concluded th e prosperity of P iedmo nt trade treaties had railways built started Atlantic mail steamers passed important laws on companies co operative U nder h is so cieties and banks and reorganized the army skilful guidance P iedmont by transform i ng itself into a modern state gave itself the essential equipment for the coming conflict , . , , , . , . , , , , , . , ‘ . . , , , . , , . . , , , - , , . , , , , . 3 . T h e Unification of I taly, 1 859 —87 1 0 The strength of the modern state Cavour was creating was soon to be tested Always a schemer of the very deepest ki nd Cavour calculated when the Crimean W ar broke out that it would advance the cause of Italy if P iedmont were to aid France and E ngland against R ussia N ot only would it prevent any possible R ussian supremacy in the M editerranean but it would establish a claim to the gratitude of E ngland and Fr ancc and bring P iedmont into the limelight at the peace Q conf erence The result was highl y successful T h e P ied montese troops distinguished themselves in the Crimea and at th e conference of P aris in 1 8 56 Cavour drew attention to . , , , . , . . , H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N ILLU S T R A T E D x5 6 EU R O P E th e woes of Italy and pointed to Austria as the main cause of ’ them Further in answer to N apoleon I l I s famous question “ — W hat can ( a most S trange one in the mouth of a diplomat ) I do for Italy — Cavour not o nly told him but showed how to do it D uring th e next two years the Franco P iedmontese friends h ip slowly matured towards an alliance T hen came ’ th e news of the terrible attempt on the E mperor s life by O rsini a great patriot and a notable figure in the R oman Italy held her breath and Cavour regarded R epublic of 1 8 49 his life work as ruined but the strange consequence as we have seen in Chapter VI was onl y to bring home even more strongly to N apoleon the necessity of aiding Italy So in 1 8 58 he and Cavour concluded the pact of P lombi e res by which France was to help drive th e Austrians from Lombardy and Venetia i n return for the cession of Savoy and N ice by P iedmont It was now a question of securing a declaration of war without putting Piedmont and France too obviously in the wrong T his was done all very ski lfully by piling up arms arranging frontier incidents and the like till Austria suddenl y losing patience sent a fatal ul timatum demanding th at P iedmont naturally refused and P iedmont should disarm Austria declared war thereby appearing th e aggr essor It was all against th e advice of the aged M etternich who pl eaded ’ “ For God s sake no ulti 1n vam to the Austrian E mperor “ — matum But Cavour was joyful The die is cast he “ said we have made some history now let us h ave some dinner France d uly stepped in to protect P iedmont and by June 1 8 59 Victor E mmanuel and N apoleon III had won the two great battles of M agenta and Solferino thereby capturing Lombardy It was at th is stage as we have seen that N apoleon disgusted with the bloodshed daunted by th e strength of the Quadrilateral and fiigh tened by th e clerical outcry at home and the menacing attitude of P russia on th e R hine suddenl y made an armistice with the Austria nE mperor ’ at Vill afranca C av our s rage was terrible he resigned his position and meditated suicide as he thought how near P ied mont had been to even greater th i ngs In h is desperation he even advised Victor E mmanuel to continue the war without ’ France s help—a piece of counsel whi ch the monarch with . , - . . , . - , , . , . . . , , , , . , . , , ” , ” . , , , . , , , , , . . " T HE O F I T A LY , U N I FI C A T I ON —1 8 70 1815 1 59 bequeathed to h is unfortunate suc cessor a legacy of h atred which was bound to break out in rebellion before long T h e rebellion duly came in 1 8 6 0 in the southernmost half G fl h di anz g Sicily It was the opportunity T h un nd of the N eapolitan kingdom s which Garibaldi whose thoughts had long dwelt on the southern tyranny had been waiting for Following his escape from R ome in 1 849 when he eluded four armies and ’ ten generals h e had wandered round E urope and the N ew W orld and earned h is living as a candle maker a sea captain, and finally in a little island Caprera off Sardinia as a farmer In the war of P iedmont and France against Austria in 1 8 59 Cavour had employed him as a guerilla captain and h e had But carried on a very success ful little campaign in the Alps ’ h e like M azzini was infuriated by C av our s cession of his “ “ — T h ey h av e made me native N ice to France he said a N apoleon was to him a foreigner in the land of m y birth ’ vulpine knave and Cavour a low intriguer He was even planning a raid on the ballot boxes to stop the N ice plebiscite when—fortunately the gr eater task of an expedition to aid the Sicilian revolt attracted his imagination The enterprise origi nally s uggested by M az zi ni proved to be one of the biggest romances of history . A thousand picked volunteers gathered ’ at Genoa ready to sail at a moment s notice Cavour and Victor E mma nuel had to play a tricky game encouragi ng Garibaldi m secret but publicly hindering and disavowing him to avoid official P iedmontese complicity which might have meant war w ith Austria They stopped him getting recruits they stopped him getting the from the P iedmontese army mod ern rifles a patriotic fund had paid for But in the l ong run frightened though they were that he would if successful go on to attack the P apal States which would bring about a fatal clash with France they let him sail Firearm s —old converted flintlocks though Cavour may not have known their ’ — condition eventually arrived registered as books Above all in spite of o fficial orders issued nothing was done at the last moment to stop them embarking though futile telegrams ’ were later despatched by Cavour to order Garibaldi s arrest “ if he put into a Sardinian port But Cavour knew like th e rest of the world that h e was going to Sicil y h ad . ' , 0 o . , , . , ‘ " , - , - , , , , , , . ‘ , . , , ” ‘ , , ” ‘ . ‘ . , . , , . , _ , , , . ' . , , , , , . , ‘ , . , , , ” . , , . . 1 60 I LLU S T R A T ED H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N E U R OP E The landing at M arsala ( Sicily) was amazingly fortunate The governmental b atteries and troops could easily have prevented it but the two little steamers arrived together with a powerful detachment of the British navy There was actually no connection between them—the British ships had turned up to enf orce respect for British property at M arsala but the garrison thought there was and frightened at the prospect of taking on the might of E ngland refrained from firing at the Thousand who coolly disembarked E ven th e red s h irts at first were taken for British u niform s and when at length the commander realized hi s mistake it was too late the force had been landed with the net loss of one man wounded in the shoulder and one dog wounded in the leg From that romantic beginning the Thousand brilliantly led by their chief and supported by the sympathy and finally th e physical force of the inhabitants soon conquered Sicily ’ P erhaps the peak point was when Garibaldi s force with only f muskets le t betwe n them watched de eated 0 e f 37 It had all been accomplished N eapolitan troops march away inside a couple of months T h e elated Garibaldi now proposed to cross the Straits of M essina land in South Italy and continue the good work on the mainland of the N eapolitan kingdom T his was very satisfactory to Cavour as long as Garibaldi continued to forget his old republicanism and rem ained faithful to hi s new watch ’ word of Italy and Victor E mmanuel But would he A nd would he take the dreaded step of attacking R ome Cavour was highly nervous but agai n he decided to risk it The ability of Garibaldi to cross th e Straits depended in the last resort on the do m i nant naval power in the M editerranean I f E ngland ranged her battleships there he could E ngland N apoleon III frightened of an attack on not get across Rome and alarmed at the rapid increase of P iedmont pro posed to E ngland that a joint Anglo French force should close the Straits to Garibaldi The leaders of the E nglish cabinet were th ree very good friends of Italian unity P almerston R ussell and Gladstone and they appe al ed to P iedmont to ’ know what were C av our s wishes Cavo ur agai n acting cleverly openly requested E ngland to join with France in stopping Garibaldi— and privately sent a s pecial envoy to . , ' . , , , . , ” . , , , . , , . . , , . ‘ . . , . , . , , - . , , , . , , , I LLU S T R A T E D 162 H I S T OR Y OF M OD E RN EU ROPE In 1 86 1 a new parliament for all the realm met at Yet there remained two T urin the P iedmontese capital sections of Italy still outside the fold—two gaping wounds still — T R f unh ealed hey were Venetia and ome itsel the one held by the Austrians the other by French troops on behalf of the T h e untimely death of Cavour in 1 8 6 1 robbed the P ope P iedmont . _ . , . , . T HE M A N v _ n E W ill G —M —L I . W ON DE R arib aldi surr ender IN P OS S E S S I ON W HE N S icily and . HE WI LL OP EN N aples to T HE D OOR; V ictor Em anuel ? new Italy of the man who might have prevented the chaos of the next few years In 1 86 2 Garibaldi impatient as ever with some volunteers from Sicily made a dash for R om e He had to be b eld up by P iedmontese troops and while trying to prevent civil war was shot in the foot It was a terrible humiliation Another was to follow in 1 8 66 when Italy allied with P russia in a war against Austria The Italians . , , . ' , . . , . T HE P OP I S H ORG A N ru 90 Nu ’ WHY D ON T Y OU M A KE HIM ‘ N UIS AN CE . ’ M OVE ON ? HE D IS T URB S THE P EA CE OF T HE E N T I RE HOT E L. 1 64 HIS T O R Y O F M O D E RN I LLU S T RA T E D E U ROP E were be aten by the Austrians at C ustozz a and suff ered a crushing disaster at sea O nly Garibaldi in the Alps was successful T h e war however was won by th e overwhelmi ng P russian victory at Sadowa and in spite of the Italian fail ure Bismarck contemptuously tossed Italy her promised reward of Venetia S O onl y R ome remained In 1 8 6 7 Garibaldi made another dash for it but his forces were badly beaten by the French with ’ their new Chassepot rifles Finally in 1 8 70 when the Franco P russian war broke out N apoleon I II in his need for troops had to withdraw the garrison from R ome and th e ’ Pope s last stronghold could fall to th e Italians without the danger of a war with France In anger the P ope retired as a vol untary prisoner to his palace of the Vatican whence no P Ope ever emerged till the recent treaty arranged by M ussolini by which the P ope was given the Vatican City to rule over in complete independence—a territory a m i le and a half square By 1 8 70 Italy was thus united and free It had been a stirring story yet disillusion was already beginning P erhaps th e count r y was made too quickly—without the guiding hand of Cavour it soon proved to have little skill in managing parliamentary aff airs or even in suppressing beggary and brigandage D isgusted with the events of the last few years Garibaldi dashed off to France to fight for freedom and the new French republic against the P russian m ilitary machine ( It was a tradition his descendants maintained for six of h is grandsons raised a volunteer Italian regiment to help France M a z zini , in exile was in another hour of need in heartbroken about it all The free republic of self sacrificing patriots he had dreamed of was far fr om a fact Garibaldi ’ who could have achieved it had in M azzini s Opinion been The fooled all th e time by Cavour and Victor E mmanuel “ f reat gueri l ch e said azzini had a heart gold and i f M o l a g a similar impression to that made on th e brains of an ox — ’ th e E nglish poet Tennyson who spoke of Garibaldi s poss essing “ the di vine stupidi ty of a hero At any rate to M azzi ni ’ bril liant as C avour s tactics had often been the wh ole process of unification had been carried out by the wrong means by double dealings and s hifty diplomacy bound to end in “ “ U nity he s aid already by 1 8 60 you m ay demoralizati on ' . . , , , . . , ‘ . - , , , . , , . . . , . , . , , - . . , , . , , , . , , , , - ” . , , 16 6 ILLU S T R A T E D HI S T O R Y O F M OD E R N E U R OPE onsider as settled and so far so good The rest is all wrong “ — The I shall have no more joy in Italy O r again country with its contempt for al l ideals has killed th e soul within me The unification of Ital y like that of Germany illustrates the eternal tragedy of politics—that great ends can often be achieved onlv by means which rob th e ends of a gre at deal of their worth c , , . . . , , ” . , . , CHAP T E R IX . Bism arck U nification of G — 1 85 1 1 8 7 1 ; and th e er m any, The great ideal of a united and liberal Germany for wh ich th e Frankf or t P arliament strove had come to nought wit h in two years Frederick W illiam of P russ1 a had refused to accept the leadership of the national movement and without P russian leadersh ip it was lost By 1 8 5 1 the supremacy of Austria in Germany was again estab lished , the old powerless Confedera tion of 1 8 1 5 was revived and everything seemed to be as before the revolutions Y et with in twenty years Germans of all states were un i ted in the new German E mpir e proclaimed ’‘ at V é i sailles i n 1 8 7 1 Such a transformation such an achi evement is the W ork of one m an above all others Bismarck Bismarck one Of the most brilliant diplomatists of all time B i m arck dwarfed every other politician in Germany outb lufied even pletely Lord P almerston and outwitted N apoleon III so co m as to make the French E mperor rather a pathetic figure By origin he was a P russian or landed gentleman whose family had enjoyed the rank of nobility and shared in local gov ernment from the fou rteenth century H e inherited an agnificent set of estate of w h ich he was passionately fond a m brains a tremendous p hysique indomitable will power and the poli tical prin ciples of his class These were naturally hi ghly autocratic intensely conserv auv e and distrustful of new ideas especia lly those of a liberal tendency It was nevertheless this aristocrat who despised both the ideals and the political capacity of the majority who succeeded where the Liberals of 1 848 ha d failed After a conventi onal um v ersity education i n which Hi ea ly m duelling and beer dri h king occupied the greatest prominence h e entered the P russian civil service and served his year in th e . , . . , ’ . , . , , . , , s ' , , . , . , - , , , . , , . , . s , e - , 1 67 r I LLU S TR A T ED 1 68 H I S T OR Y OF M O D E RN E UR OP E army His civil service career however was too monotonous to absorb h is restless energies which tended to find a surplus outlet in gambling and general dissipation In 1 8 3 9 he retired from the service to devote himself to h i s estates studying the science of agricul ture as hard as another maker of destiny Cavour He rapidly gained a demonic reputation locally for h is vices his physical energy hi s enormous consumption of drink and cigars and for playful little pranks such as awakening guests by firing pistol shots through their windows But he was too devouring books of all kinds making h i mself th e master of many fields of knowledge W ith his belief in religion at length restored and a happy m arriage to tame h i s wildness by 1 848 Bismarck h ad acquired th e stability to b e on th e thres h old of great achievements T h e Liberal revolution of that year found in Bism arck one of its bitter est O pp onents As an aristocrat he disagreed with th e idea of democracy as a P russian he h ated the thought Germany In the P russian of P russia being merged in Parliament of 1 8 4 7 h e Opposed with all h i s force th e Liberal schemes speaking with a stinging and reckl ess eloquence against them His attitude was so extreme that Frederick W illiam feared to promote hi m to Office regarding h i m as ’ only to be employed when the bayonet reigns In truth Bismarck believed that nothing coul d b e done without force h e therefore strove to preserve the greatest force avai lable in Germany th e extremely militarist state of P russi a Though h e was not called to o ffice in the critical days of 1 848 h is advice made its impression on Frederick W illiam In 1 8 5 1 when th e P russian monarchy at the expense of humiliation before Austria and desertion of the national movement had regai ned Bismarck was appointed Prussian its power in P russia representative at the revived Confederation D iet As the representative of Prussia in the D iet from 1 85 1 to Hitherto 1 8 58 Bismarck underwent a change of viewpoint now he became awar e hi s ideas had been purely conservative of the fact that there was a real problem in the weakness of a divided Germany He resolved on uniting Germany b ut not at the price of sur rendering the tradition and the power His solution of the German probl em was thus of P russia not the Liberal one of a free union under a P russian king , . , , . , , . , , , . , , , . , . . . , , . , ‘ . . , , . , , , , . . , . , / . , , 1 I LLU S T R A T ED 70 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E RN EU RO PE The reason for their attitude was not so much that they disapproved of a large P russian ar my but that they wanted by making the King agree for example to a two year instead to assert the control Of of a t h ree year period of training P arliament over th e King and h is ministers O bviously a matter which concerned everybody in two ways—military t aining and finance—was a s ui table issue over which to take up th e struggle The conflict in fact began to run on similar lines to that between C h arles I of E ngland and his Opponents who at base was the real ruler king Or parliament P M ean while the King went ahead and created the new regiments by money which was not voted for that purpos e A P arlia ment overwhelmingly against him threw out the budget prepared by his ministry The situation was becoming peril ously near civil war or the surrender and abdication of W illiam It was at this stage that the King turned like Charles I to Strafford to th e strong man who s e appointment meant no compromise The di ff erence was that while Charles and Strafford had no army W illiam and Bismarck had one of the finest fighting machines in E urope at their disposal In 1 8 6 2 Bismarck who had S ince 1 8 59 been more or less out of the way as P russian ambassador first at St P etersburg and then at Paris was summoned to Berlin by a telegram fr om “ It read Come The pear is ripe D anger in R oon delay Hastening to the capital he persuaded the King to tear up a document of abdication the monarch had prepared and to carry out the struggle to a finish O n the same day as the budget was agai n rejected by P arliament Bismarck was appointed M inister P resident The destiny of P russia was at last in h is hands and with that the destiny not only of Germany but of half E urope The appointment created the gr eatest sur prise throughout Where statesmen betted how long th e new E urope minister woul d last and the greatest consternation thr oughout P russia where it was regarded as a deliberate affr o nt to th e Hardly anyone realized either th e enormous Liberals ability of Bism arck or the growing strength of the state h e was to govern with its army its devoted civil service its advanced educational system and its expanding commerce Bismarck h im self seemed to go out of h is way to slap th e Liberals , , " - , , - , . r , . , , , , . . . , , ' . , , . , . , . . . . . — , . , . , , , . , , , , . BI S M A R C K A N D U N I F I C A T I O N OF G ER M A N Y , 1 8 51 —8 7 1 1 1 71 soundly in the face by such remarks as th e famous Germany ’ h as its eyes not on P russia s Liberalism but on its might The great questions of the day will not be decided by speeches and resolutions of majorities but by blood and iron The ’ phrase blood and iron ever afterwards stuck to Bismarck and h owever much we may dislike the fact th e events of the ’ next few years proved that Bis marck s prophecy was com accurate He had f act penetrated to the heart f t l i n o l e e y p nged not by right but E uropean pOlitics that a ff airs were arr a by migh t and he th erefore simply determined to carry this out to the logical conclusion by making P russia mightier than any possible enemy It was the Old policy of Frederick the Great Bismarck argued that in th e long run people always though t those who were successful were also right In any ’ case the word right had for him n o meaning in international politics though it possessed some in private life So Bismarck believed not like Cavour that wrong must sometimes b e committed in th e interests of th e state but th at nothing com Bismark m itted in the interests of the state co ul d be wrong was later to suffer many sleepless nights from indigestion but none from a guilty conscience T h e first step towards the creation of th e great P russia and fig“! Germany he dreamed Of was to crush the Liberal opposition m a u to the army reforms T his was done by advising the King to carry on in spite of the rejection of the budget and to collect necessary taxes all the same The press was gagged Liberals ’ were driven from Official positions and Bismarck s unpopu larity reached such heigh ts that he co uld say later of it “ M en spat on the place wh ere I tro d in the streets But Bismarck had righ tly judged that th e leading German Liberals shirked an appeal to ph ysical force and he calculated th at everything would be forgiven him when he had achieved something great for P russia He deliberately aimed in oth er words at successes in foreign policy in order to win the battle at home Yet his foreign adventures were always strictly ugh t and closely connected with his main aim P russian leaders hi p ? ’ in Germany and never like N apoleon I I I s merely designed i533 ” a” to dazzle a discontented populace ’ T h e main steps by which Bismarck achieved h is desired B i m a k a m “ r esult were three i n number E ach was marked by a war . . , ‘ , . , , , , . . . ‘ ' . , ) , , . , . e s res . : , , ” . , . , , . so , , , , . s . rc 1 HI S T O RY O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 74 EU R O PE ’ ’ m ar ck a It was Bismarck s first opportunity How could the situa tion be so manoeuvred that P russia woul d take the lead on behalf of Germany but finish up in possession Of the D uchies A glance at a map shows that Schl eswig and Holstein are of immense strategical importance to P russia particul arly since Schleswig coul d be used as th e base of naval operations against ’ her N 0 one as yet however saw through Bismarck s policy ason that P russia had no more of annexation for the simple r e right to th e D uchies th an had China or Japan E urope had not yet re aliz ed that the real attitude Of P russia was represented by R oon who remarked that the question of the D uchies was not one of right or law but of force and that Prussia had it ’ and Bismarck s handling of the question was co nsummately ai?a K skilful He first secured the friendship of R ussia by h elping figh t m k’ th e C z ar in every possible way short of war to subd ue the fii l P olish rebellion of 1 8 6 3 Then he secured an alliance with Austria to settle the future of the D uch ies by joint agreement between Austria and P russia then he demanded that D enmark should submit the whole matter to a E uropean congress W hen encouraged by E ngland D enmark refused th e D uchies were promptly invaded by Austr ian and P russian armies Bismar ck had seen that France and E ngland were not on good enough term s to agree in stopping the invasion ’ h ad bribed N apoleon by a prom i se of future compe nsation to ’ “ keep out and had called P alm erston s bluff that if D enmark m ak th h ad to fight she would not fight alone E ngl and was so o n g“ L h um iliated before all E urope and after the D anes had been soundly beaten Schleswig and Holstein were handed over to Austria and Prussia T h e a ff air at this stage how ever was far from ended P ublic opinion in Germany and the D uchies expected that th e unsuccessful claimant of 1 848 would now be instal led as D uke Bismarck however proposed that he should be installed on conditions which left him completely under the power of P r ussia E ventually after they had nearly come to war it was agreed by the two powers though not by the unfortunate claimant who now faded out of history that Austria should T h C on administer Holstein and P russia Schleswig The Convention “ of Gastein ’ as this agreement is called simply in a Bis . , “ , , , . , . ' , , , . . '‘ r . . , , , . , ‘ , ” e c e . , l es , . , , . . , . , , , , , e m , ‘ . , , THE P ROM I S S ORY N OTE MR J . OHN B U LL ( D E N M A RK H A VI N G TE D P RE S E N Y T HE N OTE F OR . P A Y M EN T) . N OW , T HE N , W HA T A RE Y OU S KU LKI N G OFF F OR 1 ’ YOUR N A M E S A RE T O T HE N OT E A S W E LL A S MI N E A N D Y OU RE A S M UC H BOUN D T O PA Y Y OU R S HA RE A S I AM MR . KN OUT E M A N D M OUN S E E R F ROG G , , . _ England com plains th at no one j oins h er in suppor ti ng D enm ark against Pr ussia A ctually a little b efor e E ngland h ad r efused over th e S ch leswig Holstein q uestion to co o per ate with F rance on th e m atter , and now Fr ance h ad h er revenge. - - . 1 76 HI S T O R Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T RA T E D E U R O PE ’ Bismarck s phrase papered Over the cracks He knew that he could now before long pick a quarrel with Austria over the government of Holstein and smash the Austrian army as the Bi m a k D anish had been smashed T hus he woul d finish up with plan wa Germany under P russian control and Austria forever driven with A u t ia from her dominant positio n I t was subtle and immoral statesmanship and for it to appeal to certain esse ntial persons with more delicate co nsciences than himself such as W illiam ’ Austria must first be put in the wrong At these finer aspects of the diplomatic gam e Bismarck was a past master u H In preparation for the war against Austria he had now ’ ( a) F an decided on Bismarck took two important steps Again he secured the neutrality of N apoleon by a promise of future compensation—N apoleon for his part imagining he woul d ’ step in after months of conflict and make off with the lion s share of the spoils Then he secured an alliance with the new Kingdom of Ital y to attack Austria in the rear if war should come withi n three months It o nl y remained to make certain it did come Failing to provoke Austria by sending P russian troops i nto Holstein Bismarck proposed a reform of the Confederation by which A ustria woul d be entirely omitted Austria naturally objected and pro from German affairs H pi k l th q ua posed that the members of th e D iet s h ould jointly attack the insolent P russia The other main German States agreed The war had come—and Bismarck had managed to con and th e P russians that it was purely de v1 nce W illiam fensive ’ ’ ar The cours Seven eeks as it i s called Th S n e of the W W ’ W k astonished E urop e Against the minor states the P russian Wa 866 ke possession army had little more to do than to walk in and ta while against Austria and Saxony everythi ng was settled in S adowa E ven th e one overwhelming victory at Sadowa in Bohemia fact that th e Austrians were entirely successful against the Italians could not alter the result in the main seat of the war P russian trai ning, tactics and th e breech loading needle gun had done their work E verything was over before N apoleon — i ould reap any advantage f rom t when he frantic ally tried c to claim territo ry Bismarck simply threatened hos tilities “ I t is France that is beaten at against France as well S adowa said Thie rs . , “ s rc . r s sr . , , , ‘ . - e sec r . res ce s . , “ . . , c s e e . , r re . . ‘ e ev e , , ee s r, 1 . , . . - , . . , . - [ T h e lenient T reaty of Prague H I S T O R Y O F M O DE R N I LLU S T R A T E D 1 78 E U R O PE ’ The wisdom of Bismarck s statesmans hi p is nowhere seen more fully than in th e conditions he im posed after the P russian ’ victory in the Seven W eeks W ar T h e King and the army were anxious to marc h in triumph to Vienna and rob Austria of all t h at could be got Bismarck instead called a halt His object was not to make of Austria a permanent enemy but simply to expel her from German leadership C o nsequently by the treaty of P rague 1 8 6 6 he insisted that not a yard of Austrian territory shoul d be annexed by P russia the o nly loss su ff ered by Austria being Venetia which had been promised to Italy O utside Austria P russia acquired a certain amount of territory—Holstein as well as Sc h leswig and some of the smaller states such as Hanover T hese gave her an extra four and a half million inh abitants and an important outlet to the N orth Sea T h e main change e ff ected however Was the abolition of the old Confederation and th e substitution of a new body to ensure th e supremacy of P russia From th is new N orth German Confederation as it was called Austria was excluded M ost of the de feated German States were compelled to enter including the Kingdom of Saxony Certain South German territories however including Bavaria Baden and W firtem berg had to be lef t outside owing to strong local feeling and the attitude of France The King of P russia was the P resident " Bismarck the Chancellor of th e new organization Home aff airs were left almost entirely to the individual states but matters of foreign policy were placed in P russian hands by the stipul ation th at P russia controlled the armies of all the members A concession to democracy was made by allowing — r P R t all men a vote fo the arliament or eichs ag though as th e C h ancellor was responsible to the King and not to the The R eic h stag this concession was more apparent than real feelings of individual states too were considered by the setting up of a Federal C ouncil or Bundesrath consisting of their representatives in which it was possible for all comb ined to outvote P russia This meant that the N orth German States while defini tely acknowl edging the supremacy of Prussia did not lose all the liberty of action and presti ge they would have surrendered by defini te annexation and thus their relations with P russia were . . . , , . , , , , . - . , . T h e N orth G erm an C onf edera tion , , . , . , , . , , , , , , . Bism arck C h ancello r . , . , . , , , , , , . , , , , PE A C E —A N D No PI E C E S ! ’ B I S M A RC K PA RD ON , M ON AM I ; BU T W E RE A LL C A N T A LLOW Y OU T O ” P I C K UP A N T HI N G HE RE ’ ’ ’ A P t h e C h i o n n e N i r R P A D O M E N T N T I ON I T, M S I E U ! I T S N OT OF l HE ( fi ) S LI G HT E S T C ON S E QUE N C E . Y Y . . Y . N apoleon III ’ s t expectations from th e A us ro Prussian - W ar aredisappointed. 1 80 ILLU S T R A T ED H I S T O R Y OF M OD ERN E U R OP E defeat in the war Further Bismarck cleverly secur ed a military alliance with the remaini ng South German States ’ by revealing to them N apoleon s plans of expansion at th eir expense He linked them up with the N orth ern Confedera tion too in a new customs parliament in place of the old Zollverein Thus by the arrangements following the war Bismarck achieved the remarkable feat of expelling Austria fr om her old leadership and uniting most of Germany under Pruss ia without making permanent enemies of any of h is ’ ims This leniency was absolutely essential to Bismarck s vic t policy He knew only too well that the day of reckoning had to come with N apoleon III and when it did it was important to have A ustri a and South Germany as friends rather than foes Like a good chess player Bismarck thought several moves ahead ’ The Seven W eeks W ar greatly as it turned for the benefit of victorious P russia was not without advantage for defeated Austria D riven out of Germany and Italy she at last recogni zed her real mission as an E mpire centred o n the R e al izing that if reorganization was to be suecessful D anube something must be done to satisfy racial feeling within th e E mpire Austria decided on a large measure of compromise with Hungar y This agreement of 1 8 6 7 known as th e ’ Ausgleich divided the Austri an E mpire into two halves—Austria wh ich included Bohemia and the northern provinces and Hungary which covered also th e South Slav states and Transylvani a E ach section recogni z ed Francis Joseph as E mperor but preserved its independent parliament for most matters Three subjects however foreign affairs war and finance—were to come under a joint body representative of the two divisions and meeting alter Thus the Austrian E mpire nately in Vienna and Budapest was reorganized as a dual monarchy or Austria Hungary under which name it continued to be k nown until it broke up into its various racial fragments at the end of the Great . , . . S tate. , , . . . , ' . - , . , , . , . , . , ‘ , , , . , . , , , , . , W ar - , . For Bismarck there remained one more stage in the unifica Austria had been displaced tion of Germany under P russ ia from her suprem acy and th e N orth German Confedera ti on In P russia itself th e old opposition of th e Liberals, formed . . LUXEM Bll RC - FOR S A LE BY PRIVA T E C ON T RA C T HIG HLY E LI G IBLE PROPERTY T EN M l N UT E S W A LK P ROM m t G ERM A N FRON N ER RIG HT OF S HOOT I N G ' TO B E Ea O L E ON I O O N I E S S S S P 1 11 m on N AP —— A . S OLD HA VE M A D E AN . OEF E R T O M Y F RI E N D HE RE , — AN D K E R H T H IN 1 A T R I H t G OU H T U O Y VE H A O , N , M m T HE O T L P A P T O ’ R T A P WA S T HE L u B U T E I A S C T H A T IN H E N T ! A B D 1 E E D H O N E L , IN P A R N E R O EM P ’ OF N O C ON S E QU EN C E IT S Y O O . Y . — . . Prussia stops N h e m t f r o u r m b e u x L n i u b I I g apoleon I y g King of Holland . BI S M A R C K A N D U N I FI C A T I O N or G E R M AN The Y , 1 85 1 —8 7 1 1 1 83 opportunity came in 1 8 70 T h e th rone of Spain being T h ’ vacant a Hohenzollern relative of W illiam s was encouraged ll n “ by Bismarck to stand as a candidate Bismarck knew perfectly 5 3 332 5 2 well that France already frightened of the growth of P russia to the east could not accept a German on the throne Of Spain to th e south W illiam and th e prince concerned knew this too and not wishing to cause a E ur opean outcry were unwilling to advance the Hohenzollern candidature Bismarck how ever overrode them both and almost? compelled the prince to go forward T h e announcement of the news caused the reaction in France that Bismarck had expected—intense indignation and a demand that th e candidature should be withdrawn Acting now on hi s real inclinations W illiam agreed—and France had won a striki ng success U nfor tu ’ nately France had had experience of Bismarck s double ’ dealing and was suspicious that the prince s son might become the candidate instead She was too anxious for an even more resounding diplomatic triumph Consequently the French ambassador now demanded also that the Hohenzollern candi This datur e should never in any circumstances be renewed demand W illiam refused as a reflection on his go od faith and an attempt to pick a quarrel How Bismarck who had thought his chance was slipping from his hands seized the ’ opportunity by editing the King s decision from E m s to read most off ensively h as already b een told in the account of th e wa b u m Second E mpire In face of the fury of France B ism arc persuaded W illiam to order th e mobilization of the Prussian army In face of the mobilization of the P russian army France declared war T h e Franco Prussian war as We have seen astonished T h 1 E urope by the ease with which the much vaunted French 13mm military prowess crumpled before th e ruthless efficiency of the P russian troops Strasbourg Sedan M etz—France was ’ at Prussia s feet But the organization of the Prussian armies S dan 1 8 7 o the work of R oon M oltke and the King would have been in vain had not Bismarck first secured the requisite political conditions The secret of it was that France had been isolated f rom all possible help Italy was no more than half a fri end while France occupied R ome and had recently fought as an ally of P russia f R ussia was bribed not to interfere by th e e . zo er , . , , . , . , , . . , . , . , , . . . , , , . . , . - , . , , . , , , , . ' . , . e , e . 1 84 . H I S T OR Y OF M O D E RN I LLU S T RA T E D E U R O PE uggestion that sh e shoul d repudiate th e clauses of the 1 856 treaty restricting h er right to warships on the Black S ea ’ E ngl and was al ienated by Bismarck s publication at the ’ critical moment of N apoleon s proposal of 1 8 66 that he should Austria and the South German States had annex Belgium b een partly reconciled by the lenient treatment after th e ’ Seven W eeks W ar France had no friend in E urope and left al one in a state of internal dissension to face the P russian ’ It was Bismarck s master stroke armies sh e was powerless Already before th e war was over and the treaty of Frankfort signed by which P russia was to strip France of Alsace ’ Lorraine and an indem nity Bis marck s main object was In th e flush of enthusiasm for the com mon cause achi eved th e South Germ an States had been persuaded to unite with th e N orth German Confederation into the German E mpire Special concessions were given to Bavar ia in the way of indep endenc e and the Bavarian king then undertook to invite W illi am in the name of the princes to accept the E mperorship So on January i 8th 1 8 7 1 in the Hall of the new Germany the German E mpire was solemnly of M i rrors at Versailles ’ T rocl med wi h il iam h l a s the first Kaiser e setting was a i t W , p Versail les stood more than anyth ing else for appropriate N ow in Versailles th e historic aggressive glory of France while P aris lay starving ten mil es away a triumphant Germany rose by and through the humiliation of the most brilliant civili zation in E urope But E mpires even when they are th e work of a Bismarck are not seldom built on sands O verbearing Germany and heart broken shifting France could not know that before fifty years were out th e Hall of M irrors would reflect another scene of equal im portance with th e roles reversed s . . . , - . . , , , , . . , . , , , . . . , , , , . , , ' - . - . CHAPT E R T h e E astern 1 Th e War f X — uestion, I 8 1 5 1 8 7 8 Q G reek I ndependence and th e Syrian Question, o 1 82 0 1 - 841 From the l 4th to the i 7 th century the O ttoman Turks a Central Asiatic race built up by unremitting conquest a n t nth 7 th M editerranean E mpire A f ter Armen i a and A ia inor had s M nturi ) fallen to the ruthl ess invaders from the E ast the Balkan peni nsula came next The capture of Constantinople in 1 453 and the break up of the old E astern R oman E mpire which had endured a thousand years sealed the fate of Serbians Bul garians Al banians R oumanians and other tribes and kingdoms in South eastern E urope E ven Hungary was conquered and the victorious host advanced twice to the walls M eanwhi le too the of Vienna itself ( 1 52 9 and N orth African coast—E gypt Tripoli Tu ni s Algeria—had been compelled to acknowledge submission together with islands like the Ionian Isles Cyprus and Crete E ven large stretches of South R ussia including the Crimea came under Turkish sway T h Ott At length however the tide of conquest spent itself and m an E m pi began to recede Through the might of Austria the Turks In declin were compelled to relinquish Hungary through that of Russia the Crimea At the end of the i 8 th century the O ttoman E mpire though still enormous in extent was a power in decline The eff orts of the various subject nationalities in the T h E a t n Balkans to secure independence together with the ambitions Qu -ti n and policies of states such as Aus tria R ussia and E ngland in relation to the decaying empire constitute the 1 9th century E astern Question In the general approach to th e question it is possible to discern certain main trends The tr aditional E nglish attitude was the pr eservation of the power of th e S ul tan as a bulwark T h e Otto m an C on , es s - , 1 . es ce , ' . - , , , , , , - . , , . , , , , , , . , , , . o e , , re e . , . , , . e e s er , o , , . . 1 86 , - QU E S T I ON T HE E A S T E R N , —1 8 78 1815 against a possible R ussian advance to the M editerranean E n lan up g p g The fact of Turkish misgovernment did not greatly matter to T u k y to most E nglish statesmen compared with the advantages of $25 keeping a great military power like R ussia from capturing Constantinople one of the most strategically important cities in the world They hoped quite in vain as it proved to secure better conditions for th e subj ect races by r epr e ’ s cutations to Tur key R ussia on the other hand felt strongly for the Balka n peoples who were mostly like herself O rthodox in religion and Slavonic m race Her attitude thus became to break up the O tto m an E mpire and free the subj ect races while securing concessions and privileged positions for herself in the bargain These broad lines of policy were sometimes departed from but in general they hold true for most of the 1 9 th century The first phase m which this perennial problem vexed the Ph a I minds of our ancestors was in connection with the W ar of Greek $533 Independence ( 1 8 2 11 The Greeks like all th e subject nations of the T urks enjoyed certain privileges which made 3 2 H 8 th eir lot more tolerable than might have been expected T hey were allowed complete educational and religious free dom the head of their C h urch or P atriarch being aff orded a recogni z ed governmental position T hey were exempt from military servi ce, which was theoreticall y a great dishonour and in practice a considerable advantage as they thus monopoliz ed commerce and became wealthy Such concessions however did not alter the fact that they were in reality an enslaved race subject to the arbitrary will of local governors M uch depended on the ch aracter of the governor for the whole Turkish system had become extremely loose in the way of central control A s long as the governor got in the requisite amount of taxation—provided alm ost entirely by the s ubject — s people and sent along a few detruncated heads as a sign of h is effi ciency he administered his provi nce practically as h e pleased Thi s meant that T urkish rule might vary enor m ously in severity from one district to another for the most part however it was light but i nefficient and corrupt and punctuated by periods of s avage repression whenever there were signs of revolt The early years of th e 1 9th century witnessed a great . e or r e , , . , , ‘ , , . ‘ , , , . , - , . se , 1 , . , , , . , . , , , . , . , . , , , . , . " I LLU S T R A T ED 1 90 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N E U R O PE bis h ops demanded intervention agai nst th e Turks M en of liberal sympath ies everywh ere gave their support in spite of th e massacres to a small nation struggling to be free—th e outstanding example of th is type being Lord Byron who hallowed the Greek cause by h is death at M issolonghi It says much too for the classical education of the E nglish upper c lasses that they now reacted strongly in favour of and not against Greece As yet however th ough private individuals volunteered no government actively intervened for M etternich persuaded Alexander that he must not assist ’ revolution T h e turning point in the rebellion came wh en the Sul tan Th T u k all in unable to make an impression on the M orea because the M h m t Ah Greeks of the surrounding isles had the mastery at sea called on hi s vassal M eh em et Ali of E gypt for help M eh em et Ali had a strong fleet and by means of this an E gyptia n army under the command of his son Ibrahim P asha was landed in the M orea T h e previous barbarities now appeared insigni ficant before the conduct of Ibrahim who set his troops to wipe out ruthlessly the entire Greek population The R ussian demand for intervention now grew irresistible and was strengthened by the death of Alexander and the accession of N icholas I who was determined to protect his fellow Christians At th i s point seeing that R ussia was bound to intervene before Ru ian t n in long and anxious that she s h ould not acqui re too much t n ’ influence in the Balkans in th e process Canning decided to C an ning t tud join in the intervention with the obj ect of supervising R ussia T aty A meeting of the powers was held and the Treaty of London Th f L ndon E 8 concluded by which ngland France and ussia 1 2 R 8 7 ( 7) agreed that Greece should be independent, though under Turki sh overlordship Austria and Prussia refused to sign W h en the Turks declined to accept this settlement a joint naval force was promptly despatched to cut off Ibrahim from his supplies in E gypt Its instructions were to enforce an armistice preferably by peaceful means In the course of ’ N a a ino staging a demonstration however at N avarino Bay before Buy 8 7 the assembled E gyptian and Turkish fleets the allied squadrons encountered some Turki sh vessels which refused to move out of th e way An exchange of shots gradually led to a general battle at the end of wh ich the E gyptian and T ur kis h n avies . , , , , . , , , . , , , , , ‘ . e - s r , c e e e , . , , , . , . , , . ss , er ve io s at i . , e . re e o o 1 , , 2 , , , . . ' . . , ‘ v r . 1 , , , 2 , . , T HE QU E S T I ON EA S T E R N 18 1 3 , - 1 8 78 the bottom of the ocean Although W ellington ’ P rime M inister on Canning s untimely death disapproved of th is anti T urkis h activity and apologi z ed for th e battle of ’ N avarino as an untoward event the eff ect of it remained Ibrah im had to evacuate the M orea and th e war was won for Greece It required a furth er development to complete the liberation Russ of Greece D isregarding the views of E ngland Which was w anxious to preserve the strength of th e O ttoman E mpire as much as possible R ussia pressed on her troops in a brillia nt ’ advance south wards W ith Constantinople at R ussia s mercy the T urks had to agree to the Treaty of Adrianople T h T at, f by which Greek independence though under T ur kish A dm noplq 3 Overlords h ip was recogni zed In addition M oldavia and 2 9 Wallach ia were to enjoy a similar independence and R ussu acquired some T urkis h territory in Asia But E ngland and Austria feared that a semi independent Greece would give Ru ssia further excuses for interve ntion so they determined on complete independence or nothing Th ey confined th e ne w G r eek state within the n arr owest of boundaries b ut the defeat of th e T ories in 1 83 0 and the accession to the Foreign Secretaryship of P almerston meant a more generous attitude on the part of E ngland and in the end wider boundaries were permitted In 1 8 3 2 a fin al treaty was signed by which Greece G pl t bec ame an independent monarchy the king chosen being i P rince Otto of Bavari a T h e first phase of the E astern g gg n e gg, fi Question in th e 1 9th century was over the first great hole had been made in the rotting fabric of the Ottoman E mpire T h e next phase began almost immediately—the question of P h a 1 1 Syria M eh em et Ali bribed by th e Sultan with Crete at the ‘S 3 M 8 b eginning of th e war of Greek Independence was dissatisfied Syria D amascus and the M orea h ad been prom ised him for his help during the conflict—and now the Greeks had th e M orea while the Sulta n al ready al arm ed at the power of h is vassal naturally refused to hand over the other covetabl e districts in V iew of the Turki sh failure to win the war Know ing that the Sul tan was reorgan izing the Turkish army and th at it might so on be directed against h imself M eh em et A li decided to forestall the danger and claim his due at the same time Accordingly in 1 83 1 Ibrahim P ash a was once more were at , . , - ‘ . , , . . o e, , . , . e re O , ‘ ‘ . , . . - . * , , reece 11 . , , f . se . " , . , , , , , , , . / , . 1 92 I LLU S T RA T ED H I S T O R Y O F M OD E R N EU R O P E despatched with an E gyptian army and within a very s h ort time h ad completely overrun Syria Two or thr ee T urki sh forces were overwhelmed and within a year Ibrahim was in a position to threaten Constantinople itself In his extremity th e S ul tan turned for aid to an unexpected source N icholas of R ussia had since th e Treaty of A drianople come to the conclusion th at R ussian influence might p erhaps be better served by maintaining a weak Turkish E mpire than by setting up strong n ational Balkan states— especially Accordingly h e if he th us avoided falling out with E ngland off ered to help th e S ul tan against Ibrahim and at the moment ’ the Sultan s danger was such that he had no option but to “ accept th e proposal A drowning man a Turkish mi nister remarked will clutch at a serpent R ussian intervention deeply distrusted not only by T urkey but by E ngland saved the situation for the S ul tan All th e same he had to abandon Syria D amascus and P alestine to Ibrahim while the new friendship with R ussia was expressed in the T reaty of U nki ar T his document contained o fficially only a S kelessi treaty of alliance between R ussia and T urkey but secretly another clause promised that Turkey would close the D arda ’ nelles to the warships of all nations at R ussia s dem and a provision which would enable R ussia to carry out an aggressive M editerranean policy and then if need be retire securely into the Black Sea The secret clause was betrayed to ’ E ngland by a Turk who objected to b is master s surrender to R ussia it R ussia and the consequent outcry was immense seemed had stolen a very obvious march on E ngland ’ E ngland s opportuni ty for a revers al of t hi s verdict came before very long In 1 839 the Turks whose Sultan had devoted his life to vengeance on M eh em et Ali and the recovery But their of h is lost provinces from Ibrahim invaded Syr ia ar rrnes met with the same lack of success as before and th e ’ S ul tan s cup of bitterness ov erfl owed when the Turkish navy , ’ sent to attack M eh em et Ali s fleet simply surrendered to th e E gyptians on the ground that the ministers at Constantinople were in the pay of the R ussians At this stage the powers of E urope inter vened once more E ngland and R ussia for once The solution agreed on by taking up a simil ar atti tude E ngland R ussia Austria and P russia was that M eh em et A li , . , . . . , ” . , ” ' . , , , . , , , , , fi , , , . . . , , . , . , , . , , m powers Intervene , . , , , I LL U S T R A T ED 1 94 2 H I ST O R Y o r M O D E R N T he C rim ean War, . 1 E U R O PE —85 6 85 4 1 third and th us far th e most acute phase of the E astern Question led to the first war between th egreat powers since Something h as already been said of th e days of N apoleon th e Crimean W ar in the account of th e Second E mpire but h ere the main causes must be recalled and amplified The h eneral atmosp ere leading to war was undoubtedly th e g distrust of R ussian intentions with regard to the O ttoman Th ere was a justifiable fear among the powers that E m pire ’ N ich olas s recent policy of friendship with Turkey and preservation of the E mpire was only a cloak for some dark design Both in 1 844 and later in 1 8 53 the C z ar had broached sch emes of partition with E ngland—for instance in the former year he h ad suggested that R ussia should take Constantinople ’ wh ile E ngland compensated herself with E gypt and Crete T h e propos al was not entertained partly because E ngland feared to be trapped in some way partly because there seemed no legitimate excuse for the whole business and partly because E ngland did not agree that T urkey was as weak as N icholas ’ implied Indeed the Czar s favourite phrase in connection with the Sultan was a reference to him as the sick man of ’ So early as 1 8 3 3 he had employed it in negotiating E urope “ — P rince M etternich W hat do with M etternich on the subject you thi nk of the Turk—is he not a sick man ? To which “ — that astute diplomatist had countered Is it to the doctor or to the heir that your maj esty addresses the question At any rate E ngland decided it was wiser not to strike a bargain of the sort suggested—though in actual fact forty years l at er E gypt was duly occupied by British troops and in 1 9 1 5 E ngland at war with Turkey at last promised R ussia Constantinople It was the general atmosp h ere of distrust of R ussia which made what appeared to be an unimportant quarrel develop igh t into a great war R ound Jerusalem there were certain Holy ( b ) th t ( p ’ fe of Christ which were traditional laces connected with the li P g th fi r fi f PM “ centres of pilgrimage for Christians The protection of these Holy P laces had been granted by an ancient treaty to France, but that country had long since ceased to trouble herself about Accordingly R ussia a nearer neighbour had fulfilled them The . , . . “ . , , ‘ . , , , , . ‘ . , ” “ , , . ‘ e r . r e ‘ . . , , T HE E A S T E R N QU E S T I O N functions , —1 8 78 1815 1 95 neglected by France repaired the shrines and generally stepped into the vacancy caused by French lack of interest In 1 8 50 however Louis N apoleon soon to be N apoleon III in order to please the clerical party revived the French claim—to which the Sultan agreed R ussia protested strenuously and the S ultan was in the unfortunate position of being bound to o ff end one of the two powers As though to make things as awkward for T urkey as possible in 1 8 53 the C Z ar a dded a fresh claim th at R ussia sho ul d exercise ( ) th e a general righ t of protection over all th e O rthodox Christians 5m? in the O ttoman E mpire $35 23a in 0m m " These two demands on the part of R ussia now led on r T h e danger was that R ussia might use such to the wa privileges to interfere continually in every part of the O ttoman E mpir e purely for her own benefit Turkey however would possibly have given way to so powerful a foe wh en the Sultan was uno fficial ly encouraged by the British ambassador at Constantinople, Lord Stratford de R edcliffe to reject the Russian demands This meant that E ngland accepted some ’ l r res OI r i b i i t f o the consequences f o the ambassador s T s p y action was upheld by the British Cabinet D iplomatic complications followed but the most positive move was the occupation of M oldavia and W allachia by R ussian tr oops as Ru i a kind of guarantee Turkey probably again prompted by Lord Stratford now delivered an ul timatum calling on R ussia $g um b i 3 to evacuate the two territories W hen she did not the Turki sh $2 with f arm i es marched north and a state of war gradually set in { gig As yet however diplomatic e ff orts to arrange the dispute 853 and the war was of a were still being pursued by the powers " rather unofficial ch aracter To b e prepared for any eventuality E ngland and France (whose E mperor N apoleon III had also a personal quarrel with N icholas about the ’ latter s non recognition of his title) ordered their warships up the D ardanelles Thi s broke the Straits T reaty of 1 84 1 and N icholas thinking the two powers woul d reinforce the Turkish navy unless he acted quickly ordered the R ussian fleet to attack a T urkish squadron on the Black Sea This action at Ih ki h Sinope was for some peculiar reason regarded in E ngland and 23 m m ! S im " France as an unjustifiable massacre and war feeling immediately ranhigh It must be remembered through out th e , , . , , , , . , . , c , ’ , . ' . . , , , , . , . , ss a , . . , ‘ , , ' . , . . , 1 , , . , , “ , - « . , , , ' . , . - , r s I LLU S T R A T ED 1 96 H I S T OR Y OF M O D E R N EU R OPE by way of explanation that th e working and middle classes of both E ngland an d France were delighted at th e prosp ect of striking a blow against the most despotic monar ch in E urope who I n addition to allowing his own people no liberty had also deprived the P oles and th e Hungarians of theirs The attitude is rather simi lar to that of many otherwis e ' - , ' sentim ent , . WHA T I T HA S C OM E T O . A b erdeen I M US T LET . " Hm G 0 1 A b erdeen, a peaceful Prim e M inister , tried to r estrain th e E nglish anti 5 T h e following year h e was r eplaced b y th e m ore Russi an fury in 1 854 warlike P alm erston - . . peaceful E nglish democrats to day who become distinctly warlike in tone when talking of Hitler and M ussolini especially since Italian and G erman intervention in Spain In any event swept on by public enthusiasm E ngland and France now demanded that R ussia should withdraw her troops from M oldavia and W allachia and recall her s h ips from the Black Sea to their naval b ase S ebastopol W hen this was refused war followed - , , . , , , “ . . . I LLU S TR A TE D 1 98 H I S T O R Y O F M O D E RN EU R O P E British W ar O ffice to make arrangements for the construction of the necessary fiv e m ile railway from the base the artillery took three weeks to arrive D uring this period the only commander in the district of any pronounced ability th e R ussian T odleb en designed and constructed an elaborate series of earthwork defences round the town In fact by th e time the Allies had fini s h ed their bombardment Sebastopol was infinitely stronger than when they first arrived outside it N ot o nl y t h at but th e R ussians had by now brought up a men which gave th em in all about furth er army of against A more disastrous of the Allies m i litary decision than that of M arshal St Arnaud and Lord R aglan to postpone the original assault it would be di fficult to find The battle of Inkerman which followed in N ovember gave the Allies a taste of victory while Balaclava a week or so beforehand had shown in the famous charge of the Light Brigade that not even the criminal blunders of their own commanders could shake the courage of the British troops In the words of the French it was magnificent but it was not war T h e engagements were not productive of any important results and the Allies had to settle down to winter in th e Crimea The men had no cold weather equipment snow blocked the roads and made it impossible to bring up am m uni tion food or forage Horses died of starvation and made the transport problem still worse W ith inadequate nourishment and disgraceful sanitation the army suff ered dreadfully from cholera O wing to the complete lack of any but local dressi ng stations casualties had to be shipped right across the Black Sea to the nearest big hospital at Scutari—a j ourney whi ch in war conditions often took th ree weeks And there too chaos reigned The hospital converted from a barracks without any thought or preparation was built near great sewers and cesspools It was rotten with v erm m T h e most elementary necessities were lacking—not enough beds or blankets only c oarse canvas s h eets no bedroom fur ni ture at all except empty beer bottles for candlesticks hardly any basins towels soap broom s trays , plates knives forks spoons fuel scissors stretchers splints bandages or drugs E ven when materials did arrive they were lost in the T urkis h Custom s House or held - , ; , T odleb en , , . . , , . . . , , , “ . _ , . , - . . , , . . , . . , , , , . . ' , , - , , , , , , , , , , . , , , , QU ES T I ON T HE EA S T E R N , 1815 — 1 8 78 up by departmental regulations and W ar O ffice red tape T o treatment in such conditions those wh o were maimed in and meanwhile the dreary th e Crimea coul d look forward siege of Sebastopol dragged on Fortunately for the Allies an unofficial observer the R gani a “ correspondent of T h e T imes let th e E nglish public have an E lias fim ’’ 8 55 account of much of the ghastly mism anagement An inqui ry was moved into th e conduct of the war Lord Aberdeen wh o had never been m favour of 1 t was replaced as P rime M inister by th e more vigorous P almerston and I n the spring of 1 8 55 the Allied army was reorgani z ed M eanwhile at Scutari too F l n N igh t ngal Florence N igh tingale an E nglis h gentlewoman who had come out with some vol unteer nurses had e ff ected a transformation U sing money collected by her friends and by T h e T imes sh e succeeded against the bitter opposition of many of th e regular auth orities in reorgani zing th e nursing th e laundry th e sanitary conditions th e food and th e cloth ing of the wounded O n one occasion when sh e was visiting the Crimea the c h ief medical o fficer even tried to starve h er into submission b y ord eri ng that no rations shoul d be supplied to her and h er nurses —a manoeuvre th e prudent M iss N ightingale fore stal led by arriving with a great quantity of provisions After ’ six months heroic struggle sh e h ad succeeded in reducing th e death rate of th e wounded from forty four per cent to two per cent T h e one good resul t of the Crimean war and th at a lucky b y product was the permanent reform in military nursing effected by this rem arkable woman— who gained the reputation of a saint by th e ruthless persistence of a demon At last in the June of 1 8 55 after th e Allies h ad been captu f reinforced by th e P iedmontese th e South ern half of Sebastopol E ven now P almerston was for continuing th e war and fell winning a more resounding V ictory E ventually however N apoleon I I I drove him to agree to peace by announcing that if th e French continued the war th ey would do so to lib er ate P oland and oth er subject nationalities of E urope— a development so great that P almerston quailed at the limitless possibilities involved T h e conclusion of peace too was aided by the death of N icholas and th e accession of his son Alex ander II more liberally incline d with no personal enmity towards the Frenc h E mperor and willing to conced e . . eor , z , e . ” . , , , . , or e ce i , . , , , , , , . , ’ - . ' - . , . - , . , re o , ‘ , . . . , . , , , . , , e ILL U S T RA T E D 2 00 HI S T O RY O F M OD E R N E U R O PE ' points at issue So an armist ice was arranged between th e powers and one of the most futile of wars was over T h e T reaty of P aris which fixed the final terms gave the Allies all they had fought for T h e Black Sea was neutraliz ed both T urkey and R ussia were forbidden to h ave warships on it The R ussian demand for a protectorate over the Balkan Christians was dismissed and a simple promise accepted from th e Sultan that he wo ul d treat t hi s section of hi s subjects on an equality with h is M ohammedans In addition M oldavia and W allachia were given complete independence except that Turkish overlordship had to be formally acknowledged and the same arrangement was made for Serbia Thus on paper at least the Allies had registered a victory In fact however none of the objects achieved by the war on which th e victors so congratulated themselves had the sligh test permanence The Black Sea clause was repudiated by R ussia while France was busy figh ting P russia in 1 8 70 The Sultan never showed th e least sign of carrying out his promise about th e Christians M oldavia and W allachia it is true prospered and soon became the kingdom of Rb um ania but th at was more or less accidental as was the development of Serbia—it was not for A ll the res ul ts th em that over half a million men had died which really counted were ones rather apart from the issues both of th e war and the peace—results such as Florence ’ N ightingale s reforms and the impetus given to revolution in R ussia by the ine fficiency of C z ardom so clearly revealed by If th e war did in any sense c h eck the policy of th e war R ussia the check was purely a temporary one and along lines not destined to end ur e N ot the preservation of the power of the Sultan but th e formation of new national states in th e Balkans was to provide the best barrier against a R ussian advance to Constantinople T hat however was for E ngland to discover in the future M eanwhile the Crimean W ar h ad illustrated th e truth that war is a risky instrument of policy The terms inserted in peace treaties at such cost of men and money h ave a habit of proving completely unimporta nt compared with some res ul t of which nobody ever dreamed at th e beginning of h ostilities m ost of th e . . , , . . . , , , . , . , , , . . . , , , , . . , “ . . - . , , . . . 2 02 I LLU S T R A T E D HI S T O R Y O F M O D E R N E U R OP E independence at the end of the Crimean W ar onl y a tribute being still payable to T urkey As outposts of th e Turkish E mpire they had constantly been occupied by R ussian forces wh en war threatened between the two powers They h ad however always manifested a strongly national spirit and s h own pride in their descent from the old R oman colony of D acia R evolutions h ad occurred notably in 1 848 but these were ineff ectual until in 1 8 56 th e powers allowed them Th i independence with the idea of their acting as a buff er state i tual ind p nd between T urkey and R ussia T h e two terr itor1 es were n given separate assemblies and forbidden to unite but this di fficul ty was ingeniously overcome by the two assemblies each choosing the s ame prince—a development which was T h tw T urkey and the powers eventually agreed to by A favourable p in ipal t unit opportunity had been seiz ed for it was while France was at war with Austria over N orth Italy From the year 1 8 6 1 when the prince concerned Alexander I united the two separate assemblies in defiance of the powers the new state This name however was of R oumania may be said to date not given to it until 1 8 66 when Alexander a native was forced " to abdicate in the usual Balkan fas h ion His reign had produced great advances in the way of free and compulsory education and the liberation of the peasantry but h e had o ff ended too many vested interests Prince C h arles of Hohen zollern now accepted th e throne He promised to rule by the terms of a new constitution a very democratic one except i th e Jewish in its neglect of the rights of the Jewish p opulation— question in R oumania being still in 1 93 8 a matter of the greatest moment T h e selection of P rince Charles a clos e relative of the King of P russia W illiam I gave the future German E mpire a useful ally on the D anube and R oumania ’ began to revolve in Bismarck s orbit M nt n g o O f the other Balkan peoples M ontenegro under a separate prince had for centuries enjoyed th e same virtu al inde ff an e ort by the Sultan to increase his n d ence as Serbia e p authority having been defeated by the vigour of M ontenegrin resistance in 1 8 58 Close relations were pursued with Serbia and it might be reckoned th at if the Sultan ran into any di fficulties M ontenegro and Serbia would take the opportunity to i ncrease t h eir territory and destroy th e last remnants of , . . , , - . , , “ er - v r e e . e ce , e r o . c i i es e , . , , , , . , , , , , . , . . , . , , , , . o e e r , , , . , H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T ED 2 04 E U R O PE Turki sh authority over them Thus by 1 8 7 0 of al l the main B alkan peoples onl y the Bulgarians had as yet no taste of independence It was precisely in this quarter that the next acute phase of th e E astern Question developed 1 8 7 5 Bos ni a and Her z egovina two provinces inhabited In rgga u k y by Serbs but not yet united with the Serbian principality rose and 521222 against their Turkish masters T h e trouble was the unfavour °m “ able position of the Christians who were employed in no governmental positions and their heavy taxation b y th e ’ Turks who took some two thirds of the peasants crops even in a year of bad harvest W hen the revolt showed signs of and establishing itself Serbia and M ontenegro joined in to help 33 23 ? their brother Serbs war being declared against Turkey in It was thi s situation whi ch encouraged a small section 1 8 76 T h B ul of th e Bulgaria ns to revolt simul taneously wh ile the going was “m m 1 ° good The Turks in a f right at being co nf ronted with four sets of foes now behaved with the utmost ferocity In one village of Bulgaria for example the inhabitants sur rendered on a promise that their lives woul d be spared — o nl y to b e slaughtered to a man or rath er to a woman and child Those T h B ul who were not simply butchered like cattle were collected in the sch ool and the church there to be bur ned alive as th e buildings went up in a flare of petroleum For two months no one could approach the village so nauseous was the stench The news of these of the five thousand rotting corpses massacres startled and shocked the world though as yet th e details were but imperfectly known Ru ia tak It was hardly surprising in the circumstances that Russia mud decided to intervene the more especially since th e Serbs were being badly beaten by th e Turks T h e powers compelled Turkey to restore the captured Serbian territory and th en demanded that all Christian subjects of the Sul tan shoul d enjoy equal treatment with M ohammedans and that B ul garia Bosnia and Herzegovina should be granted home rul e T h e new Sultan the wi ly Abdul Hamid II foiled thi s however l A b du m m“ by the clever manoeuvre of announcing a constituti on for all ann un a parliament of approved W estern subj ects complete with 333 11? “f u “th type etc A s no one not even the E nglish P rime M inister p w d m and. uld D israeli who was more strongly pro Turk than anyone co see th e Sultan carrying out t h is promise an ultimatum was . . . e , e r . , . , , - , , . , 3 11 1 9 , . e 8 9 . , ' . , , , e . , , . , . , . es ss , . , , , - . , , , , , ces o , e se o e , ers . , , , ' , - , , I LLU S T R A T E D 2 06 H I S T OR Y OF M OD E RN E U R OP E sent requiring some guarantees and Turkish disarmament W hen this was refused R ussia soon supported by M ontenegro R oumania and Serbia to say noth i ng of the Bulgarian peasants declared war on Turkey Before this onslaught the Turks rapidly wil ted T h e R ussians with their Cossack troops rivalling the Turks in barbari ties penetrated south as far as Adrianople and it seemed that by January 1 8 7 8 nothi ng could stop the capture of Constantinople At th e critical moment however two other powers had th eir say T hough the Liberal opposition under Gladstone and even a section of his own Conservative party by no means agreed with him D israeli had all along minimized the extent of the Turkish atrocities in B ul garia N ow alarmed at the rapid R ussian advance on Constantinople and anxious stil l ’ to cling to P alm erston s traditional policy of preserving the O ttoman E mpire he ordered the British fleet to th e D ardan ell es W ith this force he now threatened R ussia if she advanced T h e same sort of attitude was taken up by Austria further who had ambitions of her own in the Balkans Indeed in 1 8 7 6 she had concluded a secret a greement with R ussia to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina and if the war went on much longer R ussia and Serbia woul d be so poiverful that they Accordi n gly Austria demanded that woul d not permit it an armistice should b e signed and R ussia with no fleet as yet rebuilt after th e Crimean war decided she coul d not face the combined hostili ty of E ngland Austria and T urkey The treaty of San Stefano of M arch I 8 7 8 now dictated by the R ussians to th e Turks contained clauses to enl ar ge Serbia and M ontenegro and to secure their complete inde R ussia herself was to take territory in Asia and th e pendence valuable district of Bessarabia at the mouth of the D anub e to be ceded by her unfortunate ally R oumania who was to get in return a barren strip of Turkish territory Bos ni a and Herzegovina were to enjoy home rule M ost important of all however were the clauses concerning the Bulgarians A great new state of B ulgarI a was to be set up incl uding th e district of M acedonia which wo uld cut T urkey off from her remaining possessions in the Balkans M any Greeks and Serbs besides the Bul garians were to be included in it It . Russia, S , erb ia. , , ’ , , . , . , , , . , , . , . . D israeli and A ustria ch eck Russia , , . . , . , , . , , ‘ , , , . T h e T reaty of S an S tef ano . 1 87 8 , ' , . » , “ . - Th e M g , . . , , , . , , . T HE QU E S T I O N EA S T ERN —1 8 7 8 1815 , ’ was to b e independent but to be advised in its first tender ‘ , by R ussia The terms of this settlement immediately aroused the D i a li T h ough the E nglish government had h ostility of E ngland BM W gone a certai n way with R ussia and th ough the S ultan had rendered E nglish support difli cul t by his behaviour D israeli was not prepared to see the O ttoman E mpire carved up so completely It was particularly the siz e of the new Bulgaria to which he objected for he persisted in regarding it as simply a R ussian puppet state In this he was supported by the usual anti R ussian feeling in the country well exemplified in th e f amous song wh ich now swept th e music halls years . sr e . ' - , ( . , - . - , - ’ W e don t want to figh t b ut b y j i ngo if we do, ’ ’ ’ W e v e got th e m en we v e got th e sh ips, we v e , , — a song got th e m oney too ’ nci dentally which gave the word j I ngOIS t meaning Accordingly D israeli ah extreme patriot to the language now threatened R ussia with war unless she consented to a revision of the terms of the Treaty of San Stefano by a Austria supported E ngland her help H and E uropean Congress having been assured by a promise that E ngland would not object to Austrian occupation of Bosnia and Herz egovina £31133 Faced with this comb ination R ussia again gave way and the ’ ’ “ m" W powers met at Berlin under Bismarck s honest brokerage to revise the treaty ’ The Congress of Berlin was at once D israeli s greatest T h C i n success and his greatest failure E veryth ing went much as 52212? 87 8 Certain of the R ussian term s were E ngland wished it recogniz ed—the com plete independence of Serbia M on and the Bessarabia tenegr o an d R oumania for example ’ “ arrangement T h e big Bulgaria of San Stefano however T h b ig was drastically reduced It was in fact trisected part $3522? form ing the new state of Bulgaria part forming a separate district with semi independence known as E astern R oumelia and part just handed back to T urkey M oreover when R ussia claimed her Asiatic conquests D israeli produced a private agreement with the Sul tan by which E ngland was to E ngland receive Cyprus from Turkey to off set R ussian power in A S ia 35 3m ; ’ Nfinor This th en was the price of E ngland s aid Austria n to o was allowed to occupy Bos ni a and Herzegovina and S fi fiizfi ‘ 1 , . , . e , , . , ‘ . e i . r 8 0 . 1 . - , ’ , , , ‘ . , , e ‘ . , , , , - , . , , ‘ , . , , z o I LLU S T R A T E D 2 08 H I S T O R Y OF M OD ER N E U RO PE strip of territory which severed Serbia from M onte negro The Sultan of course promised his usual reforms in connection with his Christian subjects and D israeli and Salisbury were able to return to E ngland in triumph A s far as they could see R ussia had been checked Turkey strength ened once more and tho ugh some millions of Bulgarians h ad another . , , , . , , , F R OM F I G U RE S (A Di RE LI E F —ON T HE T RI UM P H A . ROA D T O B E RLI N . S alisb ury return from th e C ongress of B erlin b ringing peace ’ T h er e is a good pun h er e in th e word r elief —a form of with h onour S culptur e and a release from th e fear of a E ur opean war sr ael i and . . ’ been restored to th e Sultan s rul e there was no danger of further massacres because he had given promises of good behaviour E ngland too had acquired avaluable M editer outpost—and all without a war ! N o wonder r anean D israeli claimed to have r eturned bringing peace with ’ honour and no wonder that subsequent hi storians have examining the real nature of th e Berlin settlement wax ed a little sarcastic at th e p hrase , , , ‘ “P eace ” h onour - , , . I LLU S T RA T E D 2 10 Results th e C of on gress q ui te transient H IS T O R Y O F M OD E RN E U R O PE indeed if we examine the nature of the Berlin settl e ’ ment we find that D israeli s work was all either merely incorrect or else along lines leading to disaster W ithin seven years Bulgaria had carried out a union with E astern The Sul tan R oumelia in spite of all the work of the powers of course neglected his pro m i ses of reform and the Arme ni ans were later to know the barb arity of systematic massacre ’ against which E ngland s occupation of Cyprus proved no guarantee P erhaps worst of all M ontenegro and Serbia were bitterly o ff ended by the Austrian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina These provinces with their mainly Serbian population so inflamed relations between Austria and Serbia that in the long run there was bound to be a confl agr ation W hen it came in Jul y 1 9 1 4 all E urope was involved in the blaze Further it became obvious within a few years that the new Balkan states with their strongly nationalist feeling were a far more eff ective barrier against E ven R ussian aggression than a decadent Turkish E mpire Salisbury co author with D israeli of the Treaty of Berlin confessed before long that in supporting Turkey E ngland had “ backed the wrong horse ” W hen a politician admits error we may well agree with him—and meantime the E astern Question remained unanswered For , , . . , , M ore T ur k ish massacres . I ncr ease in S erb ian h ostility to , , . , , . , , , . , , . - , , . . ' 1 War of G reek Independence . . TURKEY eanWar . FRA N C E 137 C on . ress of g S A RDIN IA Berlin . DIS RA ELI T HE E A S TE RN TURKEY RUS S IA BULG A RIA QU E S TI ON — 18 15 1 878 . CHAPT E R XI R ussI a I . and P oland, 1 8 7 9 1 914 T o th e E nd of th e Reignqf A lexander I , 1 825 B afli ing alike to our ancestors as to ourselves , in the eas t Living almost of E urope lay the enormous stat eof R ussia in a di ff erent world of civiliz ation from th e west of E urope—a world in which , as the century wore on , literature , music and . ballet mingled strangely with tortures floggings drunken ness and corruption— R ussia had a tremendous series of pro blem s all her own P erhaps the main clue is sim ply the si z e of the country stretching by the end of the century from the Arctic to the Black Sea from the Baltic to the P acific I ndeed th e first fact to remember is t h at most of R ussia is not in E u rop e T h e immense di ffi culty of communication in such at all velopment of the rail circumstances especially before the d e way inevitably kep $ R ussia in an extremely backwar d condition compared with states like E ngland or France This fact of course as we have seen did not prevent her pursuing a foreign policy calcul ated to increase her area at the expense of Turkey and the Asiatic tribes and th us add to her di fficulties Though signs of W estern influence had appeared before ’ R ussia s real importance in E uropean history dates from th e 1 72 T h is brutal reign of th e Czar P eter the Great ( 1 6 8 9— intelligent rufli an who enjoyed birchi ng a woman or carrying out an execution personally conceived a great admiration for the efficiency of his W estern neighbours His ourneys to urope in one of which he actually worked as a E j shipwright to improve his knowledge of ship building are ’ The eff ect of his policy was to direct R ussia s famous attentions westward—his successful war against Sweden for “ Baltic supremacy and his foundation of St P etersburg ( th e window to the W est now known as Leningrad ) b eing good th e , , , ' . , ' , , . . : , , . , , , , . , “ G reat , , , . , - , . ‘ . ” , 2 12 ILLU S T R A T ED 2 14 H I S T O R Y O F M OD E R N E U R OP E xample of governmental anarchy Almost alone of Conti nental states it had preserved its mediaeval parliament— not however as an instrument of liberty but as a battleground The nobles possessed the remarkable privil ege of the nobility of the lib erum veto or power for any single individual to stop the passage of a proposed law by his disagreement The monarchy too had been made elective which meant a general scramble for the kingship whenever the position became vacant U nder such conditions efficient government was impossible and the state of P oland hopelessly weak through its internal dissensions presented a temptation to its stronger neigh bours T h e complete lack of morality inherent in the foreign policy of states in general is nowhere s h own more nakedly than in th e partitions of P oland In three stages covering less th an twenty fiv e years a state which had existed for centuries completely disappeared from th e map A f ter T h fi t th e first partition between R ussia P russia and Austria ( I pa t t n Cath erine even encouraged the oth er two powers to intervene 773 against the French R evolution so that their attention migh t be diverted while she absorbed the unswallowed portions W hen th e P ol es frightened at last into good sense tried to reform their constitution by making the monarch y h ereditary and abolishing the lib erum veto Cath erine ordered a force into P oland N ot to be outdone the P russians who h ad h ad their ’ eye on Catherine s movem ents and had therefore avoided being too deeply involved in the French R evolutionary war Th us a second parti Th nd also occupied part of P olish territory n pa ti tion this time with Austria omitted took place I n 1 7 93 It 793 only remained to administer th e coup de grace which was duly T h th i d pa iti n given in I 7 9 5 when Catherine sei z ed the m ost valuable section 7 93i of what remained and left Austria and P russia to divide the rest W ith most of P oland under her control R ussia was indeed now deeply involved in the fate of E urope P ul 1 T h e N apoleonic wars were soon to exh ibit how strong ’ ’ As we have seen Catherine s R ussia s interest in E urope was son P aul wh o was it is true half crazy had brought R ussia into the second coalition ( I 7 99) against revolutionary France His main reason was th e freakis h one of resentment against N apoleon for occupying M alta for the Knights of St Joh n had recently made the Czar their protector He too had e . , , . , ” . , , , . , , , . . - . e rs , , . r i io , 1 . , , , . , , , e seco r ti o . , 1 , e rt . , r o , , l . . a , . , , , , . . , . , , R US S I A P O LA N D , AN D —9 1 789 1 14 ’ 1 8 0 1 T h ei d one of the inspirers of th e Armed N eutrality of po ’ against the British righ t of search but th is anti E nglish policy and his personal acts of tyranny such as exiling com f regiments to Siberia or failure to comply with some l e t e p minute regulation concerning uniform caused a palace revolution P aul was murdered and h is son A lexander succeeded him on the th rone A considerable amount has already been said of the A l xander ch aracter and aims of Alexander I ( 1 8 0 1 4 8 2 5) in connection 1 with the N apolebnic wars the Congress System and the career of M etternich D eeply interested from the first in foreign policy h is natural move was to join E ngland in the third coalition against France The defeat of th e R ussians at Austerlitz and Friedland however and annoyance at being deni ed a loan by E ngland brought him for a time into the French camp T h e T reaty of T ilsit ( 1 8 07 ) seemed to promise T il it rs — great advantages hi m 7 a kind of agreement to share the domination of E urope with N apoleon the first instalment for Alexander to be found in T urkey Since N apoleon however did nothing to fulfil this h ope and non industrialized R ussia badly needed the ch eap Britis h goods excluded by the Treaty of T ilsit Alexander soon recovered from th e N apoleonic spell T h e result was the fatal M oscow campaign and the begin ni ng T h M “ T hus far the story is familiar of the end for N apoleon what is perh aps less well realiz ed is the extraordinary extent ’ Apart from C h ina of Alexander s wars during t h is period by 1 8 1 5 every neigh bour of Alexander had felt the weight of th eR ussian Army so that his terri torial additions—notably T h ! ! Finland from Sweden Bessarabia from T urkey G eorgia a nd Em? three other districts from P ersial—increased the R ussian population by twelve millions Yet all th is time so complex is hum an character Alexander th e conqueror had been at heart: Alexander the liberator anxious to free manki nd from the French from d espotism from barbarian savagery from anything save h is own shifting and uncertain ideas ’ T h e liberal p hase of Alexander s life is usually reckoned to Al xander run from his youth when he was profoundly influenced by ”h m his Swiss tutor Laharp e a disciple of R ousseau till about 1 8 1 9 wh en he succumbed to the views of M etternich In 1 8 1 4 for example on the collapse of N apoleon he was not at all ‘ b een r- ‘ - , , , . . e , , . e , . , , s . . " ' , . , , - . , e . . . , ” e , i , l , _ . , , , , , _ , ’ ‘ . e , , , , . , , , I LLU S T R A T ED 2 16 HI S T O R Y O F M O D E R N E U R OP E , anxious to rivet th e shackles of th e old Bourbon monarchy on France He actually wanted Lah arpe to design the perfect constitution for th e French —a touching instance of th e impres sion a sch oolmaster may make on even (or especially ) a Czar Again Finland conquered from Sweden in 1 8 08 and confirmed to R ussian ownership by th e Vienna treaties was allowed its own separate customs and constitution Finns were almost exclusively employed in administration and for some years Alexander did everything to make the R ussian overlordship congenial But perhaps th e most outstanding example of thi s trend in ’ Al exander s mind was h is attitude to P oland He really was sincerely desirous of restoring a considerable degree of th eir ancient freedom to the P oles His generosity however did not run to granting complete independence ; instead he aimed at uniting all the P oles in one constitutional monarchy to be ruled by hi mself but to be quite separate from his other possessions Consequently he was bitterly disappointed when th e opposition of Austria P russia and E ngland prevented h i s gath ering the remaining P olish territory into this new kingdom — the powers naturally being suspicious of any sc h eme which gave R ussia such valuable acquisitions and not less b ecause th ey were demanded in the name of liberalism However he proceeded with the scheme in respect to wh at he had ’ recently acquired of N apoleon s Grand D uchy of W arsaw however comprised only about one sixth of the T his old Polis h state T h e new Kingdom of P oland was given a constitution in some respects th e most liberal in E urope F reedom from arbitrary arrest freedom of religion freedom of th e press were all guaranteed while the rig h t of voting was ex tended to a far larger class than that possessing it at this time in E ngland or Fra nce O nly P olish citiz ens could occupy posts in the army and civil service and the P olis h language was to be employed for all o fficial purposes M oreover in the first few years of th e kingdom a new code of laws was introduced education was encouraged th e uni versity of W arsaw was founded W arsaw itself was partly rebuilt and consi derable improvements were made to roads canals and T h e P oles were th e great navigable rivers like th e Vist ul a encourag ed in al l res p ects and notably by the prospect of . . , , . , . . . , , , , . , , , . . - , , . T h e lib eral . . , , , . , . , , , , , , . , , ILLU S T RA T ED 2 18 H I S T O R Y O F M OD E R N E U R OP E release serfs if they wish ed—but during half a century less Serfdom was it is than four hundred landowners did wish true abolished in one or two of the non R ussian provinces such as E sthonia and Livonia and in R ussia a prOposal to buy out all the private serfs by the Crown was considered It remained a proposal Apart from th i s two or three of the worse features of serfdom were indeed abolished—f amilies m ight not be broken up by the sale of individuals ( though they co ul d still be sold en bloc wi th the lands ) and punish ment with the knout was ( theoretically) limited to fifteen strokes In regard to other reforms in R ussia Alex ander con T h e finances and the tem plated much and ach ieved little currency of R ussia remained in a chaotic state perhaps the best indication of the nature of Czarist rule being the fact that one third of the annual expenditure went on the army and one third of the annual income came from the sale of vodka D ru nkenness and corruption were everywh ere prevalent and nothing was done to discourage them A new army system ’ th at of military colonies was introduced with the benevolent idea of settling soldiers on the land and thus allowing them to be with th eir families and to spend part of th eir time on th eir customary agricul ture T h e other idea beh ind the colonies was that th is would be a ch eap way of maintaining a large army T h e system however only ended up by enslaving th e ’ local populations in the colonies for the peasants sons had to ’ become soldiers and th eir daughters soldiers wives A proposed codification of the law was no more successful In th is connection a th e work being abandoned after 1 8 1 5 story is told of Jeremy Bentham the famous E nglish reformer ’ whose life gospel was the principle of utility and the greatest ’ happiness of the greatest number Benth am an expert on the subj ect whos e works had already been printed in ’ St P etersburg by command of the liberal Cz ar wrote to Alexander o ff ering to undertake the codification with out payment on condition that he sho ul d have a completely Alexander replied thanking him for h is o ff er free hand ’ enclosing a ring as a token of gratitude accepting h is advice but somewhat naturally declining to entrust Bentham with Bentham thereupon com plete aut h ority over the subject . , - , , , . . , , . , . , - - . , . " M ilitary ” h m , ‘ , , . . , , , . , . , , ‘ ‘ . , , ‘ , . . , ‘ , . , P O LA N D , AN D R U S S IA 1 —9 789 1 2 19 14 returned th e ring with the stinging remark that he had desired h e had reali z ed the nothing except to be of some utility — exact height of reform to which a Czar could rise and pre “ ferred not to b e associated in a comedy of weakness and hypocrisy F inally the promised R ussian constitution was never forth coming and for actual reform the country had to be content with the f oundation of several schools and three universities i including that of St P etersburg a gseat public library in th e capital (stolen incidentally from W arsaw) the improvements in serfdom mentioned above an increase in religious liber ty and a few details such as abolition of flogging as a punish ment for parish priests and even some years later for th eir ’ wives In general ; however greatly though Alexander s projects exceeded his accomplishments the first period of h i s reign was one of hope A t least someone was interested in Th promoting improvements , and under the stimulus of Alex g}ia ’ ander s ideas and free contact with W estern th ough t some of “ m m“ the Russian nobility began to take on a reforming hue In the international sphere we ha ve already seen th e idealism wh ich prompted the Holy Alliance of 1 8 1 5 ’ Alexander s change from half hearted liberalism to dowa gh t A l xand reaction in international a ff airs h as already been noted i n connection with the career of M etternich E vents such as the W artburg Festival the murder of Kotz ebue the assassina T h a n tion of th e D uc de Berri th e revolutionary movements in Spain N aples and P ortugal and finally two mutinies in h is own imperial gu ards togeth er with the incessant prompting of M etternich swung him round He became convinced that to encourage the liberal spirit furth er would be to lose all his authority and to invite th e fate of his own fath er P aul So the Holy Alliance and the Congress System planned with T h C such good intentions of keeping th e peace became merely Syilim instruments to suppress rebellion however justified 1 ni er v ention by Austria in Italy and by France in Spain met with ’ the Cz ar s approval and only th e work of Canning prevented an attempted restoration to th e Spani sh monarchy of th e revolted South A m e1 ican colonies E ven in the Greek W ar of Independence Alexander was persuaded by M etterni ch th at th e Greeks akin as they were to th e R ussians in religion were ” , . , , , - , . , , , , , , , , , . , ' e . . . e - er . e re so s , , , , , , , . , . , e , r i , . , , ‘ ' . , , or. HI S T O R Y O F M O D E RN I LLU S T RA T E D 220 EU R O P E merely one more set of rebels against th eir legitimate masters the T urks T his change of front has sometimes been ascribed to religion This would seem to be unjust Alexander first felt deeply the impulses of religion after the delivery from the French during “ the M oscow C am paI gn A s h e h imself put it Through the ’ fire of M oscow my soul has been enlightened and God s judgments on the ice fields have filled my heart with a warm glow such as I have never before experienced I resolved to consecrate myself and my government to God An extremely religious Swedish baroness under whose influence he fell in 1 8 1 5 also confirmed this purpose The direct e ff ect however does not seem to have been repressive for from this period date the Holy Alliance which in theory was all love and kindness the new constitution for P oland the liberal treatment of the Finns the proposed R ussian constitution and so on N evertheless his religious feelings now prompted him to take more notice of the R ussian upper clergy wh ose influence was all against freedom of thought By the end of his reign a persecution of all except the O rth odox was commencing Just as in foreign affairs Alexander changed to support of M etternich round about 1 8 1 9 so his home policy veered ’ correspondingly R ussians were no longer allowed to study abroad a strict censorship was imposed controversial subj ects like economics were with drawn from the university cur riculum Above all th e P olish constitution which had promised so fair in 1 8 1 8 was violated in several respects A censors h ip there too was introduced and the Cz ar deliberately neglected to call the D iet for five years—in any case its debates were to be no longer public Secret societies were now rigorously suppressed there as in R ussia In Finland similar steps were taken—R ussian officials were introduced the D iet suspended and a censorship imposed O n all sides the cloudy liberalism of the Cz ar was giving way to the clearest reaction ’ ’ T hus in desertion of his earlier promises th e C z ar s reign closed In 1 8 2 5 h e died suddenly at the early age of forty eight U ndoubtedly his mind had been brilliant and versatile but it had lacked stability E ither he entertained con tr adictory noti ons at one and th e sam e time or else h e , . . . . , - . . , , . , , , , , , , . , , . . , . , . , , . , ~ . . , . , . A lexand er Wh ar acter . s , , . , . , . ' , I LLU S T RA T ED 222 H I S T ORY OF M O D E R N E U R O PE The eff ect of this rising of the D ecembrists (so called from the revolt having taken place in D ecember ) was naturally to determine N icholas on a strictly anti liberal policy A ruthl ess suppression of all liberal views was organized by th e police—a special secret police previously solemnl y abolished by Al exander being re established A chance remark th e possession of a banned book and a life term in Siberia might be the result Yet through all this we must remember that N icholas himself was as sincere and high minded a man as many of those so bi tterly opposed to him He honestly s trove to do his best for his country and for civilization by maintain ing an unquestionable authority Agitation disorder liberal ism these were to him the foes most damaging to peace and good government He was not blind to the need for reform and even introduced some measures such as abolition of punishment by the knout which were adm i rable in intention had they only been observed A summary of R ussian law was at last compiled Technical institutes were founded The currency was reformed The first R ussian factory acts were passed—though not enforced Above all the emancipa tion of the serfs who numbered 44 per cent of the R ussian population was contemplated In spite of the above considerations and the personal uprightness of N icholas however the government of R ussia was in fact an intellectual and social tyranny The annual expenditure on the army now increased to 40 per cent of th e budget Serfdom was maintained w ith the concession of a few small privileges though there were on the average some thing like twenty revolts by groups of peasants every single ’ year of N ich olas s reign M oreover serfdom in factories both state and private—was on the increase Here again the most brutal conditions often prevailed—serfs regul arly working sixteen or seventeen h ours a day even at the tender age of eight or nine serfs banished to Siberia serfs flogged to death so that even the horrors of the E nglish factory system before Serfs too were paid only half the wages 1 8 3 3 were outdone N o wonder that the result was a tremendous of freemen growth of strikes which were soon classed by the government Serfs even began to commit o ff ences with as a serious crime th e deliberate hope of being exiled to Siberia though that - . , - . , , , . - . ~ . , , , . , , , . . . . . . , . , . , , , . . , . , , . . , , , . _ , , , . , . S ib eria , AN D R U S S IA P O LA N D , 1 7 89 —1 9 1 4 2 23 involved a terrible march on which many perished and possibly unspeakable conditions in th e Siberian mines A ltogether in the reign of N icholas I about a hundred and fifty thousand Of all classes were ordered to Siberia as exiles T h e foreign policy of N icholas has already been exami ned N ich l “ It was based on two considerations—R ussian expans ion and g litz ? In her Asiatic ambitions th e suppression of liberalism R ussia advanced another million square miles of territory In E urope N ich olas rapidly interv éned to help the Greeks against the T urks and won privileges from the O ttoman E mpire by th e treaties of Adrianople ( 1 8 2 9) and U nkiar I n th B alkan“ S kelessi ( 1 8 33 ) ( see pp 1 9 0 W e have seen how he proposed to S plit up th e Turkish E mpire even o ff ering E ngland At E gypt as a bribe for h er compliance in the scheme another period ( 1 8 33 1 84 1 ) he seems to have been keener on th e advance in Asia rather than the dismemberment of I n A ia Th is question of R ussian influence in the Balkan T urkey Peninsula led on as we have seen from a R usso Turkish conflict to the disastrous Crimean W ar of 1 8 54 to 1 8 56 In T h the middle of th is N icholas died though not before he had seen Se? his military and governmental system shown up in all its h ideous ine fficiency T h e main tenance of autocracy in E urope was an object 0» M ain ‘ almost equally important to N icholas Of this possibly the 532m m Em ” outstanding example was his despatch of R ussian troops to h elp the Austrians agai nst the Hungarian rebels in 1 849 I n th “ Again he more or less forb adé Frederick W illiam IV of P russia $3532 to accept th e crown of a united and liberal Germany from the In G er m y Frankfort Assembly T hese instances being outside h is own dominions S how the enormous importance he attached to th e suppression of liberalism in wh atever place it might break out H e regarded E ngland (where the middle classes had 5 been admitted to power by the R eform Bill of 1 8 3 2 ) and France (wh ere N apoleon III the man of plebiscites held s way) as traitors to the cause of E uropean order ’ To complete the picture of N ich olas s autocratic poli cy Hi, m p som ething must be said of the P olish revolt of 1 8 3 0 W hen fi g b “ ? N icholas succeeded to the throne in 1 8 2 5 being hard pressed “ through the D ecembrist Conspiracy he h ad endeavoured to m ai ntain th e loyalty of h is outer dominions by certai n promises . . ' o ss e . . . e . , . . “ - s . , - , e . ” , . L . . e . . ' . , , . - , , . , . ” . , , e , , . I LLU S T R A T E D 2 24 HI S T OR Y O F M OD ERN E U R O PE He h ad sworn for example to uphold the constitutions of “ — I promise and swear before God to Finland and P oland m aintain the Act of Constitution N evertheless a censorship was upheld in both countries contrary to the constitution and N icholas rapidly became ex tremely unpop ular The P oles especially disliked him because he showed no signs of ’ redeem i ng Alexander s promise of including Lithuania in their kingdom Instead he withdrew P olis h o fficials from Lithuania and substituted R ussians T h e trial and con dem nation of a number of leading P oles for complicity in the Finally when the D ecembrist Conspiracy gave o ff ence too French R evolution of 1 8 3 0 broke out and was rapidly followed by the Belgian revolt against Holland N icholas prepared for war against France and proposed to use the P olish army for the purpose The result was a revolution in P oland itself Begi nning at the close of 1 8 3 0 the revolt lasted from first to last for about ten months The Russian governor the Grand D uke Constantine was s ent packing with some regi ments of Lithuanian troops ( who ough t to have been retained I n January 1 8 3 1 N icholas was for military purposes ) declared dethroned by the P olish D iet, and the R ussian invasion of the kingdom promptly began To divide the P oles asunder N icholas who knew the P olish D iet was considering reform of peasant conditions lightened the burdens of the peasants on all estates captured by the advancing R ussian armies A number of fights took place the P oles even at one time trying a desperate advance into Lithuania but in the end there could be but one result O utside W arsaw in September 1 8 3 1 a force of nearly R ussians beat a P olish army less than h al f that siz e and the The remaining P olish capital was compelled to surrender P olish forces in th e countryside were rounded up or driven into P russia where they were disarmed N icholas had now a only to make the enemy pay for their boldness in rebelling— business which was performed with complete thoroughness any privil eges T h e old constitution was o fficially withdrawn contained in a new one granted in 1 8 3 2 were never carried out All the elections and the P ol ish D iet were abolished All the leading positions were given to R ussians The R ussian language was made compulsory for governmental , , ” . , , . . . , . , ~ . . , . , , . . . . , , , . , . . , , , _ , . . , . , , . . . R U S S IA AN D P O LA N D , 1 —9 7 8 59 1 22 7 14 their all A drift to the towns ensued and th is together with the natural development of industry as the century went on, led to a wh ole m ange of new problems P easant discontent was thus by no means eradicated wh ile urban discontent was ac tually increased N ext in importance in the reforms of Alexander II was th e gr anting of local self government By an edict of 1 864 special district and provincial assemblies ( Zemstvos ) were set up ( b ) T h z m tm trict assembly and that aselected from th e dis T h e provincial w from local assemblies of nobles of peasants and of townsmen T h e main duties of the Zemstvos were looking after local transport crops education and sani tation Although R ussia lacked a central parliament these local councils gave her a certain experience in such matters and hastened the demand O ther reforms introduced in these years for a national body included trial by jury ( though martial law was still retained t) T i l b y M y for politi cal o ff ences ) the extension of education especially to women the abolition of military colo ni es and the replace ( fi Edu g On 2 m ent of th e long term of military service by conscription : AM “ the material side progress was made in the construction of railways which had been almost completely neglected under N evertheless th e intellectual classes failed to ( f ) R ail N icholas I Wm rally to the support of C z ardom Socialism often in its extreme forms began to spread in the towns A generation novelists and dramatists painted remarkable of bril liant pictures of R ussian life which demonstrated the desperate necessity of rebuilding society from top to bottom if anything really great were to be done In face of the hopelessness of B ut th m q uit tackli ng the enormous problems of R uss1 a by the cauti ous and in uffi i m piecemeal reforms of the C z ar men began to adopt oneof two “ m attitudes Eith er like many nobles th ey drifted aim l essly aware of an impendi ng crash yet robbed of any will or power to avert it or else like many workers they became avowed revolutionaries It was the growth of this latter class which m ad eA lexander from about 1 8 66 abandon hi s early attitude of reform and i nstitute a thoroughgoing repression T o this decision Alexander was aided by a second revolt in l n “ Eai P oland In spite of certain concessions such as reopem ng “Zi n 86 3 W arsaw university and reinstating P olish as the o fficial language P oland stil l bitterly resented the R ussian connection , , . . , . - . e . ' e , . , , , . , , , . r a o , , ’ c , , 11 fi . . , . . . , . , ese . see s e c e , , , . , , , . . e . o , 1 . , . . H I S T O R Y O F M OD E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 2 28 W hen a P olish body EU R O PE Agricul tural Society founded to improve the lot of the peasants was forcibly dissolved P oland broke out into open discontent and demonstration Firing on th e W arsaw crowd produced a counter crop of terrorism aimed against the Viceroy and eventually in 1 86 3 the revolt broke out T here was never a chance of victory—it was simply an act of national desperation T h e suppression was ruthless though the P olish peasants were rewarded with a gift of the freehold of half their land for their failure to support the revolution T h e spirit of P oland seemed now to be broken but P olish exiles particularly in friendly France never lost sight of the woes of their country They schemed for the great day when an independent P oland sho ul d arise again N icholas and Alexander had made enemies indeed ’ In the realm of foreign aff airs Alexander I I s reign witnessed a continuation of hi storic R ussian policy The advance into Asia was continued by the acquisition of all Turkestan and Samarcand This caused E ngland so long hostile because of R ussian ambitions in the B alkans now to redouble her hostility If b ecause of R ussian ambitions in P ersia and Afghanistan the process continued India itself might be threatened Apart from Asiatic developments Russia also prospered in E urope by the Franco P russian War when Alexander took the opportunity to announce his intention of reconstructing a Black Sea fleet D evelopments in the E astern Question led as we have seen to th e R usso Turki sh war in 1 8 7 7 in which R ussia was so successful though she had to submit the terms o f th e tr eaty of San Stefano to drastic revision at the Congress For a time relations with Austria were very strained o f Berlin since Austria refused to help R ussia in the Crimean W ar in spite of the debt she owed N icholas for his intervention against the Hungarians in 1 849 By 1 8 72 friendship seemed restored through the e ff orts of Bismarck and the League of the Thr ee ’ E mperors announced the common intention of Austria P r ussia and R ussia of maintaini ng the cause of monar chy in the world Conflicting Balkan ambitions however as demonstrated at the Congress of Berlin soon widened the ’ i n nce more In spite o f Bismarck s success retaining a o g p R ussian friends h i p even after the D ual Alliance of 1 8 7 9 it , th e , , , . - , ( . . . , . , , . \ . . . . , , . . , , - , , . T h e Russo T ur kish war. 1 8 7 7 , - , , , . , . ‘ Lea e of h ree th e ’ E m perors , , , . B ut Russia drifts from G erm an ( riendsh i p , , , . , I LLU S T RA T E D 2 30 H I S T OR Y O F M OD E RN E U ROPE His escape did not long profit him In 1 88 1 ironically enough j us t as he had signed a paper promising to call a committee to consider the question of granting a constitution th e conspirators at last succeeded The attempt was thorough enough for six bombs and two mines were ready to greet Alexander on one of his drives through the streets of the capital T h e first bomb thrown by a youth of nineteen ’ missed its mark th ough it killed several of the Czar s escort “ T hat one ? said Alexander walking towards the arrested ’ assassin after he had attended to the wounded W h y he s quite nice looking A moment or two later the second bomb landed at his feet and blew hi s legs to pieces Before th e afternoon was out the Czar was dead T h e immediate e ff ect of the crime was to divert all general sympath y from the terrorists T h e new C z ar Alexander III a man of upright but unbending character on ( 1 88 1 the lines of N icholas I was able to launch a campaign of fierce repression with some success The societies failed in their avowed obj ect of getting him too and the police managed to break up the worst of them Five of the actual ringleaders in the death of Alexander II were executed N o steps were ’ taken to carry out the late Czar s last promise T h e press the uni versities the law courts the Zemstvos were muzzled and dl agooned by th e Government But th ough resentment migh t be difl icul t of expression except in isolated outbreaks ( such as the conspiracy against Al exander III in 1 88 7 for which an elder broth er of Leni n the founder of Soviet R ussia was executed ) it existed nevertheless ready to flare up at th e first opportunity . , . , , . , . , ” , . , ” . ' . . . , , . , ‘ . . . , , , . ‘ , , , , , , . 3 . N ich olas II , 1 89 4 1 9 1 7 - The long impending crash came with the completely “ disastrous reign of N icholas II ( 1 894 An omen of the calamities of the reign occurred at th e very coronation of th e C z ar when the collapse of a grandstand led to three thousand people being crushed to death—an example of that criminal R ussian inefli ciency which explains why Soviet leaders nowa days shoot railway officials who are responsible for serious accidents P reparatory to and after the conclusion of the T h allian ” M F an e Franco R ussian alliance ( 1 8 9 1 French gold poured N ich olas 11. 94 1 9 1 7 - - , ce e r . c - R US S IA P O LA N D , AN D — 8 7 9 1914 1 into th e country in th e form of loans and R ussian industry F n h m developed at a hith erto unheard of pace In the last twelve years of the 1 9th century for example there was a 6 00 per cent increase in th e production of cast iron In the same D l m nt p period th e town population increased by 3 3 per cent and Ru ian du t y great factories sprang up often with over five thousand L i d f fim workers T h e vilest conditions persisted in th ese and th e overcrowded towns generally— as late as 1 885 in spite of factory a cts people were still being found working eightee n hours a day wh ile child labour down to three years of age i n some cases still persisted T h us R ussia th ough its proportion of industrial workers was far smaller t h an that of E ngland or Ger many exh ibited in the towns it did possess th e very worst T ib l — f ea ures a develo ed industrialism overcrowding slums f t o p “T h appalling factory conditions e combination of t h is class of urban wo rker with th e penniless university student so co m mon in R ussia produced a formidable revolutionary movement lacking neither i n intelligent leaders h ip nor in popular support T h e N ich olas II himsel f was the last man who should h ave $1233 ff inh erited the task of solving the overwh elming problems 01 His intelligence was as little developed as that of h is R ussia father while he had neither the powerful p h ysique nor th e iron will wh ich h ad carried Al exander III th rough W ith out the brains or the determination to control a V illage let alone a state the siz e of R ussia he nevertheless decided to rule as a complete autocrat E ven the virtues he possessed a religious and loving nature personal kindness to his family and so on were those most unfitted to h i s job His extraordinarily narrow outlook persisted in regarding everything in R ussia in terms of loyalty to himself Since he was aware o f th e entire honesty of his own intentions noth ing could be good which did not begin by complete devotion to th e C z ar O t h er people h owever looked at th e matter in a diff erent light T o them noth ing could be good unless it began by complete ’ devotion to the needs of R ussia s downtrodden peasantry and proletariat—a devotion expressing itself in scientific plans for social improvement not merely in kindly thought or words Between these two attitudes there was no compromise possible C z ar and people inevitably mi sunderstood each oth er and drifted farth er ap art re ( c s . , , ev e o . . e . 0 ss , o v , . , , , . , er r , , , . ‘ , . . , . , , . , , , , . . , . , , . - . , . . e 232 I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T OR Y O F M ODERN EURO P E To the demand for a parliament from those sections of the country notably the Liberals of the Zemstvos who still hoped for peaceful reform N icholas II consistently turned a deaf ear Such ideas he announced were b ut senseless ’ dreams In face of this unyielding attitude the parties of revolutionary violence naturally attracted more members In 1 8 98 the R ussian Soci al D emocrat party was founded I t onsisted f many shades o f le f t wing opinion f o r di eren o ff t c ’ elements in M arx s writings were emphasized by diff erent people A t one notable party congress of the Social D emocrats in 1 90 3 held abroad of course th e party began to split up T h e technical question which caused the split was whether th e party should consist purely of completely devoted workers or whether it should admit passive members encourage subscriptions from vaguely interested persons and so on T h e di ff erence in other words was between a party whi ch would be a fighting organization or one which would be a far looser body more dependent on public Opinion and unable The advocates of to make great demands on its members the more aggressive policy led by Lenin won the day Hence forward they were known as Bolsheviks ( M ajority since they had secured a maj ori ty at th e Congress T h e advocates of the looser group were termed M ensheviks inority By 1 9 1 1 th e two groups had formally M ( separated , the Bolsheviks to promote the revolution as soon as possible th e M ens h eviks first to attempt reform by gentler means To the thorough going M arxist the worki ng classes had two weapons T h e final one was armed rebellion but before that was necessary the strike m ight do much P artly through partly through deliberate M arxist S pontaneous discontent propaganda a wave of strikes now overwhelmed R ussia In 1 8 9 6 a successful strike in the St P etersburg cotton factories led by Le nin wrung from the Government a factory act limiting ho urs to eleven and a half a day O ne success now bred many Though bloodshed and clashes with the police regularly occurred the strike movement spread In 1 904 for example a big strike among the Baku oilworkers led to troops discharging volleys into the crowd and the workmen “ in revenge firing the oil wells as candles for their dead , , , ‘ , . , , . . . - sh eviks ) , . , , . , , . , [ , , , , - . . , , ‘ . ‘ , . - - , . . , , Lenin . . , , - - - . . , . , , , ” - . H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N I LL U S T R A T E D 2 34 E U R OPE encouraged R ussian ambitions in M anchuria and Korea wh ere they came violently into collision with those of Japan also determined to batten on the decaying Chi nese E mpire Japan was but an inf ant among th e powers only recently awakened from m edia v alism and enforced isolation from th e ’ rest of the world In the i 8 5o s an Am erican naval com mander h ad compelled her under threat of gunfire to open h er ports to foreign trade after which the Japanese realizing what a decisive argument artillery was had set themselves to attain ’ an adequate level of W estern civiliz ation From a land of kimonos and lotus blossom Japan rapidly became a land of factories and machi ne guns—a development which might have made the American commander pause had he foreseen it E xtending the flattery of her imitation of th e W est to th e purs uit of foreign ambitions Japan by 1 8 95 had successful ly ch allenged C h ina for th e control of Korea a valuable pe ni nsula on the mainland opposite Japan and j ust south of M anchuria T h e cessions made by China included P ort Arthur a warm water port west of the Korean peninsula P t A th u It was at thi s stage that R ussia decided to put a stop to further Japanese development P ort Arthur had long been coveted by R ussia for unlike V ladiv ostock her most southerly port in Siberia it was free from ice all th e year round W ith the idea of eventually acquiring it h erselfy sh e now in concert with France and Germany forced Japan to restore it to China The Japanese who were not strong enough to resist meekly obeyed—and increased their armaments T o their fury a year or two later R ussia herself acquired a lease of P ort Ru ia h lf a q uires Arthur from China W ar feeling now ran high in Japan but P t A th u aft h ostilities did not actually occur before Jap an had strengthened m k ing ’ n a a p J E hersel by the alliance with E ngland to ensure ngland s f t it ’ neutrality if one power were at war with Japan or E ngland s active help if Japan had to face two powers In 1 904 after sh e had vainly endeavoured to secure the withdrawal from M anchuria and Korea of R ussian troops and influence ( greatly increased since the Boxer rising against foreigners in Chi na ) Japan deliberately challenged R ussia by a declaration of war To E urope in general this seemed rather like D avid challenging Goliath the result however was the same as in T h e R ussian P acific fleet was th e fam ous Bibli cal episode , , . , . , , , ‘ . - . , , , . , . or r r . , , , . , . , , . er ss se c or r , . r e1 a , res ore ' . , , , . , . , P O LA N D , AN D R U S S IA 1 78 9 — 1 914 beaten h yt he Japanese under Admiral T ogo and the R ussians dislodged from P ort Arthur Beaten on land at the great battle of M ukden the R ussians pinned their last hope to the M ukd n arrival of th eir Baltic fleet i n C h inese waters It set out in O ctober 1 904 and immediately nearly caused war with E ngland by firing on fish ing trawlers off the D ogger Bank in mistak e for h ostile torpedo boats— th ough what those would be doing in that part of the world no one could gather Slowly the colossal voyage round th e world proceeded by way of th e Channel M adagascar Singapore until eight months after All the T h B alti wards the Baltic fleet at length appeared off Korea fi “ world had followed its progress And th e very day on which it met Togo it disappeared from h istory only four ships surviving to reach V ladiv ostock T h e R ussians had thus suff ered one of the most humiliating naval defeats on record and a treaty was soon m ade (T reaty of P ortsmouth 1 905) by T aty of wh ich sh e h ad to evacuate M anchuria give up P ort Arthur and th e surrounding peninsula to Japan and recogni z e Japan ese influence as predominant in Korea Th e effect of all this on R ussian internal a ff airs was naturally T h fi e in Rm “ profound O nce m ore as in the Crimean campai gn war had exposed the c omplete inefli ciency of Czardom The demand for a parliament backed everywhere by strikes grew ’ irresistible O ne of th e C z ar s leading ministers was assas sinated D uring th e war two or th ree weeks after the capture of P ort Arthur an enormous procession of strikers and their families led by a priest march ed into the W inter P alace Square to present a petition to the Czar W hen they refused U m m ; to disperse and knelt i n th e snow th e soldiers on the orders of 3m “ m “ W their commanders poured ceaseless volleys into the passive mass the first shots bringing down a line of children like Then falling birds from their vantage points in the trees T his dreadful massacre raised the fury th e cavalry got busy P ea sants attacked local land of the nation to fever point lords strikes broke out everywh ere including the Baltic provinces soldi ers and sailors mutinied and finally just after the conclusion of peace came a General Strike Industrial A g ne“. sm ’ “ and agricultural workers railway and telegraph operators even th e children in the elementary scho ols all struck Faced with such a movement N icholas II coul d only give in though , . e , . , - - . , , , , , e . , c e . , , . , re , , , . e e . ee e , , . , , . , . , , , ve . m , , , , . , . - . , , , , , ' e . , , , . , H I S T OR Y O F M O D E RN I LLU S T R A T E D 2 36 EUROPE with the greatest reluctance O n the advice of W itte , one of his few intelligent m i nisters , wh o had succeeded in obtaini ng . very favourable term s from the Japanese he agreed to con sider ab le concessions D uring the earlier days of th e mass movements he had promised to summon a D uma or parlia ment This had not yet met nor wo ul d it have been of any service in establishing democracy since the franch ise was to be very limited and the functions of the new body purely consultative N ow N icholas agreed to widen the franchise p i il ges to entrust the D uma with real law making activities and to d d th e p o a llow certain personal rights such as f reedom o f meet ng i a n d d g association The General Strike was called off but the slackening of the censorship only meant an i n crease in the amount of revolutionar y propaganda O utrages and strikes continued and brutal repression was started once more In certain districts where peasants had got out of hand wh ole villages were shelled and ringleaders even deliberately buried alive In 1 906 th e first D uma met Any hopes th at a r eal Th fi t D um a 1 9 6 reforming period was about to begin were soon dispelled The D uma was not for the most part an extremist body—the Bolsheviks for example had boycotted it on the ground that it was merely a sham E very reform asked for by the D uma however was refused all the previous concessions were hedged about with impossible restrictions and with in three months after the C z ar had dismissed W itte it was dissolved l l d Etg By now o nly th e Liberals retained much faith in a constitution gm or a D uma granted by the Czar the working classes organi z ed in stead their own town factory or village councils known as T h S ovi ts ’ soviets and determined that sooner or later these soviets should develop into a really democratic government In this movement a name of great signi ficance for the future soon ’ — emerged Trotsky The temper of the Czar s government in t ky Cl these circumstances is shown by the fact that by now practi cally the whole coun trywas under martial law and that th e death penalty was inflicted for a mere insult to an o ff icial S ib e ia and Between 1 905 and 1 9 08 some four thousand people were were banished to executed while in 1 906 al one over S iberia without trial In 1 90 7 certain concessions were made to th e desires of th e , . , . , , . , e r v scoor - e , r se . , . , . . e rs , . 0 , , ' . , , ve ss , , . 0 - e e , , , ‘ , . ' ro s . , . r , . 23 8 I L LU S T R A T ED HIS T O R Y O F M O D E R N E U R O PE forethought was destined to produce the profoundest resul ts Gh astly ineffi ciency and overwhelming defeat again exposed The already fasc all the shortcomings of the government rotting fabric of Czardom fell to pieces Five million R ussian ’ soldiers paid for their Government s follies With their liv es And N ic h olas and his family peris h ed in the general chaos from th at chaos there at length emerged , forged by the Bols h eviks , a new factor in world politics—the first Communis t . . . . . S tatee RU S S IA IN T HE 1 9T H C E N TU RY . CHA P TE R XII Th e G erm an E m pire and th e T h ird French — 1 8 7 1 1 90 7 R epub lic , T h e E stablish ment and I nternal History o f th e F rench Repub lic, 1 87 1 — 1 9 07 1. The Franco P russian W ar gave a new shape to th e situation ’ in E urope T hanks to P russia s victory th e process of Italian ’ unity was completed by the capture of the last of the P ope s dominions The E mpire of N apoleon III which in 1 860 h ad been th e principal power on the Continent crumbled awa y The R epublic which emerged from the ruins was for many years torn by faction and impotent In place of the supremacy of France there ar ose that of the new German E mpire strong in the legions of M oltke and the wits of Bismarck A new E uropean power had been born and with it a new E urop ean culture Increasingly during the next forty years men thought of Germany not as a l and of great m usicians a nd ine ff ect ual philosophers but as a land of industrialists scientists and soldiers A distinctive German spirit became observable confident thorough efficient patriotic and ruthless The old P russian mili tary tradition became the tradition of the new Germany fostered by all the Bismarckian ideas on the use T h e generation following the Franco P russian war of force belongs to Germany in the same sense that the generation of though far m ore th e R evolutionary and N apoleonic wars completely belongs to France Against the powerful new giant in Central E urope the infant French R epublic appeared at first of pigmy stature To begin with it had the greates t difli culty in establishing itself In th e interval between the proclamation of the German E mpire at Versailles i n January 1 8 7 1 and the signi ng of th e peace treaty at Frankfort i n the following M ay—in fact before th e treaty could be signed at all—France suffered one of the most desperate tragedies of modern times - , . . , , . . , . , . , , , . , , , . , , - . , . , France . , . , . HIS T OR Y O F M OD ER N I LLU S T RA T E D 2 42 E U R O PE The episode of the P aris Commune th rows a lurid light on the divisio ns stupidity and barbarity wh i ch may mark even a great and civilized nation like th e French W hen famish ed P aris had at last to surrender in January 1 8 7 1 , there was still a party which desired Franc e to figh t on in h er unconquered provinces It disapproved of the idea of an armistice with the Prussians alth ough P aris had alr eady endured one hundred and thir ty fiv e days of siege and it showed its disapproval by rioting W hen th e armistice in spite of this was concluded the emergency government formed during the war arranged T h e main for a N ational Assembly to be elected at Bordeaux function of this body was to conclude the definite peace treaty To the horror of P aris which had a strong republican tradi tion the overwhelming majority in th e N ational Assembly proved to be royalist (T h e fact arose not from the desire but for peace W h ich was of the pr ovinces for monarchy supported by the monarchists ) T h e direction of aff airs was entrusted by this body to the veteran politician T h iers who had all along been against the war and wh o wanted to terminate it as speedily as pb ssib le He now supported a republic but one of an extremely conservative ki nd T h e ministry he chose was not notable for any strong worki ng class sympathies and this together with the fact th at Thiers was compelled by Bismarck to agree to an o ffi cial entry into P aris by the P russ i an troops put P aris immediately on bad terms with the new government Two or three measures passed by the A ssembly in M arch added fuel to the flames In the first place all back rents owing to landlords commercial sums due and the like which had been suspended d uring part of the war were now to be paid up in full with interest—a demand which was quite impossible for the poorer and indeed many of the middle classes Secondly the Assembly decided to move to Versailles which had an unpleasantly royalist sound to it Thirdly the P aris N ational Guard was to have its war time pay stopped and to be disarm ed so that P aris could no longer argue with any e ff ect W hen Th iers ordered a detachment of French troops to carry out the disarmament the N ational Guards in P aris resisted a fight followed and P aris was in revolt Before M arch was out following the example of one or two - , . . , - , . , , , . . , , . , , . , . . , - , , , . . , , , , . , , . , - , . , , . , , T HE G ER M A N AN D E M PI R E T Hi RD FR E N C H R EP U BLI C 2 43 traditionally revolutionary cities of th e south such as Lyons and M arseilles P aris had set up a Commune or separate town T h P a i government The idea behind it was that by this defiance 52323 1? 1 both the conservative republican ideas of Thiers and the 9 72 33 33 monarch ical ideas of the Assembly coul d be defeated I nstead of a single government for th e whole country under Thiers or a restored Bourbon king France woul d consist of independent Commu nes attached to one another I n a very loose form of federation—an arrangement which woul d allow P aris full liberty to carry out its own policy T h e P aris Commune itself wh en elected proved a mixed body its ni nety two mem bers ranging from ex treme revolutionaries to sober middle class citiz ens It was supported by most of P aris except the wealthy west end suburbs T h e Assembly at Versailles however led by T hiers T h i and th determi ned on ri gorous suppression T h e other Communes A m b ly ’’ rapidly collapsed but for two month s civil war raged round EQ fi m fi g by P aris under th e eyes of th e contemptuous P r ussians who thus h ad th e pleasurable spectacle of watching their enemies destroy one anoth er Failing to take P aris by assaul t and th e ’ fiercest bombardment T hiers had to ask Bismarck s leave to increase the French a rmy from to men E ven ’ ’ when after five weeks continuous attack th e Assembly s troops at last broke into P aris they had to figh t th eir way street by street and house by house until they captured the entire city As the Commu nards retreated they set fire to important positions and this together with the incendiary s h ells used by the Versailles troops reduced half P aris to a blazing inferno W hen by M ay 2 6 th the last heroic resistance T h dw " was crush ed th e Hotel de Ville the M i nistry of Finance the pa f P alais de Justice the T ui leries all were smo ul dering ruins to say noth ing of theatres stations barracks and whole blocks of streets— even N otre D ame was spared only because there was a hospital close by But the vengeance taken by th e victors was perhaps even more terribl e than the actu al fighting P aris prisons ran b lood P aris cemeteries burst with th e dead who had their revenge on the living by creating foul pestil ences Altogether more than twice the number of victims claimed by th e 1 7 93 Terror in two years perished in P aris in one week either in th e assaul t or the subsequent , e , rs . - . , , . , - , , “ - . - . , ers , , e sse . ' , e , . , - . . , , , . , , , . , e , , , , , , , , - ‘ . . , , . _ , r , , H IS T OR Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 2 44 E U R O PE xecutions . As a gross total it h as been estimated that as a res ul t of th e Commune material damage to th e extent of P arisians suffered was done while about imprisonment exile transportation or death T h e results of th ese disasters appeared on the surface to b e Thiers had r e— established of very little permanent importan ce ’ order and coul d go on to conclude the final peace treaty with the P russians T h e ruined buildings were mostly rebuilt in There fairly faithf ul and entirely dull copies of the originals ’ was no longer any point in Cook s running special tours to see th e ruins— anyw ay disappointed E nglish tourists had according to one h istorian of the Commune complained that they were no longer smoking The Commune seemed like a hideous nigh tmare no sooner suffered th an ended In actu al In the firs t ( a) M iddl fact however it h ad two very important results la place it th rew the m iddle classes solidly behind the govern upp t Thi h ment f hiers w ile the new industrial working classes T o indu t i al w king resent ul and embittered strengthened their allegiance to f la m b Socialism S econdly the struggles of th e P aris workers to iali t organi z e themselves into a government were examined rx who n critically and histor ic ally by the Communist Karl M (b) A l a lu in drew fiom their success and failure certain principles in the ’ M a x and technique of revolution M arx s conclusions were again studied and t e examined by the R ussian Communist Lenin The history of the I n the early years of the Great W ar Commune thus provided practical lessons for the maker of th e great R ussian revolution of 1 9 1 7—a distant res ul t but nevertheless an important one Thusit has come about that the origi nal Com munards have been sometimes confused with Communists—a mistake ari sm g not only from the similarity o f th e name but from later Comm unist admiration for th e ’ h eroic days of 1 8 7 1 Th T h e first step in th e reorga ni zation of France was obviously t n Lib f E n h of the Germans to get rid There was an immediate rush to t t y lend money to the gover nm ent to pay off the indemnity and th e middle classes enjoyed the ple asures of patriotism whil e receiving in addition an interest of 5 per cent W ithi n two years the indemnity had been completely paid off and France was free from th e army of oc cupation The country as a whole certainly agreed with the Assembly in hailing T hiers as e , . , , , . ‘ . . , , , . . , e c sses s or . , , ers , - , s r , or , ss c eco soc es . s esso , rev o ' r . - , , . . ' , ‘ . e er a i o o re erri or c . ‘ , . , . HI S T OR Y OF M OD E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 2 46 E U R OPE Senate together Since th e P resid ent coul d not dissolve the Chamber except with the consent of the Senate and since the Cabinet was responsible to the Chamber and not to the P resident the latter became a kind of figur e head correspond ing to an E nglis h constitutional monarch W hen M acM ah on supported by a royalist Senate dissolmed a newly elected Ch amber in 1 8 7 7 largely because it was too R epublican for his fancy he was taugh t such a lesson by the return of an even bigger R epublican majority th at no French P resident has ’ since dared to employ this privilege He soon after resigned to make way for an undoubted though conservative R epublican Grevy T h e T h ird French R epublic founded in the hour of defeat over th e blood of th e Communards and against all the desires In spite of th e M onarchists has endured surprisingly well of frantic party divisions and the Great W ar it has lasted so far over sixty years or three times as long as any other government since th e downfall of the old monarchy in 1 7 9 1 It has too weathered a number of severe internal crises notably in the Boul anger aff air th e P anama scandal and the D reyfus case In 1 8 86 a certain General Boulanger ex military governor captu red th e imagination of of T unis and M inister of W ar the French people His handsome appearance on his black horse his fiery speeches his prophecies of a successful war of revenge and the recovery of Alsace Lorraine his attacks on th e new constitution all powerfully affected certain sections of the populace He developed th e habit of putting his name forward as candidate in any constituency where th ere was a vacancy and constituency after constituency showed its approval by electing h im O bviously the man was aiming at ’’ a coup d etat and a dictatorship but in fact h e feared to take At length the divided R epublicans plucked th e final step up courage to do something about it and determined to charge Boulanger with h igh treason At this the gorgeous ’ bubble collapsed— the General s flight to Brussels and subsequent suicide showe d that he was not of the stuff of which real dictators are made France breathed again (0 ’ T h e P anama Scandal whi ch occupied the year 1 8 92 was only noteworthy in th at it provided the enemies of th e . , - , , . , , , , . , , . , , . , , , _ . , , , , , . - , , . , , - , , . , . , . , . . . , , V I V E LA - DE C I DED P RE F E RE N C E FRA N CE ( surveying h erself in a Looking glass) A FT E R A LL, T HI S S TI LL S UI TS ” A N D I M E A N TO W EA R I T - B E S T, n ce d Fra . C C I dC S . . th at sh e is definitely r epub lican . I LL U S T R A T E D 2 48 H l S I O R Y OF M OD E R N ' ' E U R OP E with a powerful weapon T h e success of the Suez Canal planned by the Frenchman de Lesseps encouraged the idea of a similar proj ect through the Isth m us of P anam a T h e scheme as we know has proved of th e greatest service to humanity but as organized by de Lesseps it collapsed disastrously D e Lesseps himself a cousin of the ex E mpress E ugénie and since th e Opening of the Suez Canal decorated with many orders notably a Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour and an E nglish knighthood was seriously involved in N ot o nl y were his calculati ons in some places th e a ff air incompetent—such as not allowing for the tropical floods of the C h agres R iver — but on investigation it was proved that an amaz ing amount of ex travagance fraud bribery and even blackmail had taken place T h e worst feature was that many deputies and senators were proved to have accepted bribes to advance the project and the enem i es of the régime ’ in France could talk of R epublican corruption D e Lesseps ’ was sentenced to five years imprisonment and thousands of French investors lost their money It was a nasty blow but th e R epublic survived T h e Boulanger episode and the P anama scandal were peace; ’ and q ui et itself I n comparison with the famous D reyf us case wh ich distracted th e French nation from 1 8 94 to 1 906 In a Jewis h o fficer was condemned by 1 8 9 4 Captain D reyfus ’ co urt martial to a life sentence on D evil s Island for off ering to sell military secrets to the Germans T h e whole case rested on one h alf of an undated and unsigned document ’ wh ich experts could not agree to be in D reyfus s writing His race and unpopularity however told against hi m T h e nature of the trial led half France to believe that a great injustice had been done equally the other half held that to say this was to attack the honour of the army whi ch was more important th an the comfort of a Jew The strong R epublicans and the intellectuals were passionately pro D reyfus wh ile the Clericals M onarchists and army circles in return launched a furious anti Jewish campaign in their Life long friendships were sundered over the newspapers question T h e fact that leakages of information still went on ’ th ough D reyfus was now on D evil s Island proved suspicious In 1 8 9 8 another o fficer was accused t h anks to th e work of R epublic . , , , , ‘ , - , . , , , . , , , . , , ‘ . . , . ‘ 1 89 4 —r q o6 , . . , , - . - , . , . , , . , , , - - . , . , , . 2 50 I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T O R Y O F M O D E RN EU R O P E main measures were passed by the W aldeck R ousseau ministry between 1 8 99 and 1 905 W aldeck R ousseau was himself a R adical but his cabinet included for the first time a Socialist in M i llerand who was made l\/I inister of Commerce M iller and was responsible for some important laws notably a P ublic Health act and limitation of th e working day to ni ne and a half hours Apart from this the cabinet was determined first to see justice done in the D reyfus aff air and then to crush It saw in th em acting th e political power of the Clericals with the M ilitarists the greatest danger to the R epublic Accordingly a series o f laws was passed by which sch ools run by religious orders were closed u nl ess by special favour of the ’ government and N apoleon s 1 8 0 2 Concordat giving Catholic ism an o fficial state position was cancelled T his last measure was the wo rk of Briand another Socialist admitted to W aldeck ’ R ousseau s ministry T o complete the picture of the establishment of the R epublic before th e W ar it must be remembered that enormous financial and industrial development was all this time taking place in France R ailroads harbours canals coal mi nes land improvement steamship services all made great progress The wealth of the country increased by leaps and bounds ’ aided by the new colonial policy which began in th e 1 88 o s and which will be detailed later N everth eless in spite of the laws mentioned above social conditions remained b ad France remained up to 1 9 1 4 a long way behind both E ngland O ld an d Germany in measures to benefit th e lower classes age pensions for example were frequently proposed by Facts like this led a certain M illerand but never granted section of the Socialists to disapprove of some o f their leaders like M illerand and Briand working in harness with R adicals Thus although the R epublic was undoubtedly strengthened by the adm i ssion of the moderate Socialists to office the problem of the extreme Soci al ists Communi sts and Syndicalists ( see glossary) remained These in despair held that nothing could b e achieved except by violence either in the form of strikes or civil war and thus constituted a great danger to the democratic R epublic O ne other problem too in this period beset the statesmen U nlike that of many other countries of E ur ope of Fran ce - - . , , . , . . . , , . , . , . Financial and industrial develop m ent - , . , , , . , , , . , , ~ . , - Extrem e S ocialists dissatisfied , . , , . , , , , . , , - T h e F rench b irth rate declines , . , , THE G ER M A N E M PI R E A N D T H I R D F R EN C H R E P U BLI C 2 5! her birthrate began to fall Her population remained at a level of forty millions while the new German E mpire crept up to sixty five mil lions Her leaders became uncomfortably aware that to every four Frenchmen there were six and a h alf Germans—wh ich leads us to the sp h ere of military and foreign pol icy now to be examined in connection with Germany . - . ' . , 2. B ismarck}: P olicy in th e G ermait E mpire, 1 87 1 —1 89 0 The German E mpire of 1 8 7 1 th ough not so beset by pro h lem s as the French R epublic nevert h eless in the years th at followed experienced certain di fficulties Against th ese however two powerful considerations told in favour of th e new state—unlike France it was founded in victory not defeat and above all it had incharge of its destinies a states man of th e quality of Bismarck M oreover since th e institu tions of th e new E m pire (R eich stag and Bundesrath ) corre sp onded closely with th ose of the N orth German Confederation of 1 86 7 the Imperial C h ancellor could direct matters with out undue control by anyone except the E mperor—whom h e knew how to manage Thus with a skilled pilot at the helm Germany seemed likel y to weather the storms better than her rival France All the same Bismarck ran into trouble in two B i m a k’ or three dir e ctions Leaving aside for the moment foreign af t“ 87 ‘ problems which always constituted h is major interest let us see how Bismarck tackled his two greatest di fficulties at home th e Catholi c Church and Socialism T h e trouble wit h th e Catholic Church started in when the Vatican at grips with th e new Italian state and kam pf anxious to cling tight to spiritual power even if it lost its temporal possessions issued a new article of faith T his known as the doctrine of P apal I nf allibility proclaimed that al a p “ mun the P ope when giving an official pronouncement on matters of faith or morals could not be wrong As six years before hand the P apacy had issued a statement known as the Syllabus in which it had condemned the whole of modern science this was important Some leading Catholics in Germany refused to accept the decree of Inf allibility The question now — arose if the Vatican excommunicated those who resisted for example university professo rs was th e gover nm ent , " , , . , , , _ , , . , , . . rc s , s . ‘ _ , , . ” , , . , , . , , . , . . , , " 2 52 H IS T O R Y O F M OD E RN I LL U S T R A T ED E U R O PE support the P apacy by suspending the professors from their posts or the professors by seei ng that they were not dismissed ? I f the government supported th e V atican Ger k man education would b eco ntrolled by th e Church since th os e Bi m wh o objected to any theory could be excommu ni cated and Chu h dismissed N aturally Bismarck coul d not allow this and therefore opposed the P apal claims strongly T h is made h im fall foul of the majority of the German Cath olics who supported the P ope in the matter and formed a special clerical political party known as the Centre T h e new party soon began to occupy an important position in the R eichstag where it vigorously criticized Bismarck who determined to crush the clericals He secur ed the passage through the ’ from 1 8 7 2 to 1 8 7 6 by parliament dating of the M ay Laws M ay Th ’ Law which Jesuits were expelled priests were no longer allowed to inspect schools and th e education appointmen t and activities of priests were completely controlled by the State W hen uti n th e Catholics objected P th ousands of them including bis h ops of C ath li and archbishops were imprisoned The issue broadened into a struggle of Catholic doctrine in all forms against the new doctrine of the complete power of the State—hence the title ’ ’ Kulturkampf ( civiliz ation struggle ) by which it is usually known Slowly the Centre party gained in n umbers wh ile ’ all Bismarck s im prisoni ngs and b ullyings could not sti ppr ess the opposition of the Church U ltimately Bismarck saw that he was hopelessly antagoni zing a third of his E mpire By too was dangerous and the 1 8 78 the foreign situation Socialists were giving him food for thought So th e Iron ’ C h ancellor for the first time ben t a little and began to call By 1 88 9 a bill had off the campaign against the Catholics been passed which gave back to the Church much of its old Bi m a k E ven so independence and its power over its own members th relax [<t Bismarck yielded so clev erly that the P ope besides himself kam pf t win upp t sacrificing some points actually instructed the Centre to vote f C nt with Bismarck against the Socialists For once the Chancellor in f ign affai and had strayed rather out of his depth but he had managed to again t S o iali m get back to dry land and even to bring with h im a valuable ’ catch in the form of the Centre party s votes S o ial The Socialist problem was one which Bismarck never solved W ith th e rapid commercial development of Germany, to , , ‘ ar c s , rc . , . , , . , , . e ‘ ‘ , , s , , . o ersec o , , cs . , ‘ ‘ - . , . . , , , ‘ . , . s rc es . e o , o or s o , re e ore . rs s c s . c . 2 54 ILLU S T R A T ED H IS T O R Y O F M OD E R N E U R O PE peaceful Socialism though the two types were not yet rigidly distinct) obtained half a million votes at the R eich stag election of 1 8 7 7 Bismarck became alarmed In 1 8 7 8 he accordingly began a fierce campaign against the Social D emocrats with the express object of crushing the whole “ N ow for the pigsticking movement he is reported to have said Socialist papers were suppressed clubs broken up meetings stopped leaders banished T wo of the twelve Social D emocrat members of the R eichstag who dared to attend a session were all but handed over to the police Horrified by the vigour of the persecution th e greatest living German historian himself not a Socialist but a Liberal and a zealous worker for the uni on of Germany said that h i s dreams were shattered and freedom lost for years to come It sounds very like the disillusioned M azzini after the success of Italian unification Yet in spite of all the power of th e State Bismarck failed to crush Socialism Too intelligent to rely on purely negative means he al so tried somethi ng more positive to kill the desire His scheme was of the working classes for the forbidden fruit to introduce small doses of Socialism by the State in the hop e of warding off larger concessions—rather as a doctor in the process of vaccination injects a mild germ into the system to In purs ui t of this policy h e forestall something more violent introduced between 1 8 8 1 and 1 8 8 9 three measures of great ’ importance— employers liability in case of factory accidents compulsory insurance against ill health and old age pensions The Socialists however were not appeased They denied ’ that there was any real Socialism in this State Socialism of ’ Bismarck s and their e ff orts to secure other measures such as limitation of h ours fixed minimum wages incre ase in th e powers of trade um ons were all frustrated by the Chancellor But the attempt of Bismarck to drive socialis m completely underground failed By 1 8 90 the Socialists polled one and a half million votes and with the relaxati on of persecution following the retirement of the Chancellor in the same year the figure rapidly mounted until 1 9 1 4; when it was four and a quarter mill ions By th at time too th e Socialists were th e strongest single party in the R eichstag T h e battle against ’ the Socialists was far from being one of Bismarck s victor ies , . , ” . , . , , . , . , , , , . . - , . , - . , . , - , . , , , ‘ , , , , . , . , , . , , . . T HE G E R M A N E M PI R E A N D T H I R D F R E N C H R E P U B LI C 2 55 ’ Bismarck s difficulty in subduing first the Catholics and T h then the Socialists did not however prevent substantial G m any progress b em g made I n the organI z atl on of the E m pI re W ithin five or six years of the ceremony at Versailles a common currency and banking system had been established together with a postal syste m for the whole empire except Bavaria which h ad its own R ailways th ough not state owned were constructed and co ordin ated in the state interest N ew codes of commercial civil criminal and military law were framed And above all industry and trade flourished like E ngland one of the so that Germany soon became ’— a development which again had w orkshops of th e world its eff ect on foreign policy Before we at last pass on to this sp h ere of foreign policy one A b andon m nt f other 1 mportant step taken by Bl sm arck must be noted In F T ade 1 8 7 9 he d ecided to abandon a free trade policy for the German E mpire and to substitute protective tari ff s T h e step was taken he maintained purely in the interests of German “ industries since free trade an ideal worth y of th e honourable German capacity for dreaming could never lead to pros r it in a world f competing nations hat he did not e o W y p emph asiz e was that a new series of tariffs woul d assure th e government a permanent and probably rising revenue from customs duties very little under the control of the R eichstag U nder free trade direct t axes were necessary which gave th e R eichstag an important weapon as its consent to them was essential U nder protection however customs tari ffs woul d be voted for a term of years and would render much direct taxation unnecessary thereby robbing the R eichstag of the 1 hu O portu ni ty of exercising annu al ly its financial power T s p 2833“ in changing th e economic syst em of th e country Bismarck L ib ali m was al so dealing a sh rewd blow to th e power of parliament Incidentally the move too put the last nail in the coff in of t h e old Liberal party for parliamentary government and Bismarck free trade were th e main items in their programme — — r adept at killing two three o b irds with one stone was e , , er . , , , . , - . , , . , , , , , , , ‘ . , o e ree . r ' . , , , , ” , . i . , , . , , 4 , 1 . 0 er . , , , . e . s 3 H I S T OR Y O F M O D E RN I LLU S T R A T ED 2 56 E U R OPE ’ B ismarck s Foreign P olicy and th e Framing qf th e A lliances, 1 87 1 1 9 07 — . reatly as Bismarck was concerned with the developments in Germany mentioned in the precedi ng pages hi s real interest after 1 8 7 1 still lay where it had been in the years before that eventful date—in foreign affairs The German E mpire h ad been built largely by his skill in diplomacy, and to that same skill he looked to preserve his creation The central problem was the attitude of France It can be argued that Bismarck in 1 8 7 1 made a fatal mistake in annex ing A l sace and Lorraine and thereby maki ng of France a permanent enemy In fact it was an injury that France coul d never forgive or forget—for instance the statue representing the town of Strasbourg in the P lace de la Concorde P aris was even draped in black as a perpetual reminder of the lost provinces T h e m i neral worth of the two territories in coal and ir on however and their str ategical importance meant so much to Germany that Bismarck decided to risk the undying hostility of France In arriving at this decision he calcul ated on three th ings first that France would take years to recover fr om her defeat in the Franco P russian W ar secondly that h e coul d use the bogey of a French war of revenge to compel th e R eichstag to maintain German armaments and thirdly that ’ his diplomatic genius could keep France isolated from any ally of importance T h e first calcul ation was soon upset by the rapidity of ’ France s recovery T h e { j was paid off in two years the army of occupation had to be withdrawn the R epublic was established and Francc seemed to be pulling herself together again Bismarck was furious at the speed of al l this ( though he supported the establishment of a R epublic which he thought would have more difli cul ty in finding al lies Accordingly in 1 8 75 when France had than a monarchy) begun to reorganiz e her army and increase her armaments Bismarck deliberately threatened war 3 He was certainl y not the man to shrink from hi tting an opponent as yet imperfectly N evertheless his object was probably on h i s—or her—feet on l y to bully France into abandoni ng her armaments policy In this for once he was q uite unsucc essful as both E ngland G , . . . . , , , , , . , , ’ Bism arck s “h umm us . w - , , ‘ . . , , , . , , . , . B ism ar ck ‘ ’ccm f yi iiii fin ? ” ' . . . , , , 2 58 and I LLU S T RA T E D H I S T O R Y OF M O D E RN E U R OP E R ussia refused to allow the balance of power to b e co m pletely destroyed by the annihilation of France A visit to Berlin by the Cz ar and a letter to the E mperor W illiam fr om Queen Victoria clinched the matter Bismarck found him self confronted by three powers not one—and just as he knew th e moment for attack so he also knew the moment for re tr eat ’ Bismarck s importance in E uropean diplomacy was clearly sh own in the next two or three years when the E astern ques tion entered one of its periodically acute phases It wil l b e remembered that in 1 8 7 7 after the R ussian defeat of Turkey D israeli by a threat of war compelled R ussia to present th e treaty of San Stefano to a Congress of E uropean powers for revision P hat Congress met as we have seen at Berlin in ’ 1 8 78 where Bismarck played the part of honest broker between R ussia and E ngland In actual fact however h e was himself almost as much interested as E ngland in stopping R ussian penetration of the Balkans and the restoration of part of the new Bulgaria to Turkey was h is triumph as well as ’ D israeli s At the Congress of Berlin Bismarck saw clearly that R ussian and Austrian ambitions in the Balkans were incompatible and that he would have to choose between h is two friends (A treaty of general friends h ip existed between the three countries known as the D reikaiserbund or League If both Austria and R ussia aimed of the Three E mperors ) at controlling the new Balkan States in their own interest they could not long remain on good terms But whi ch of th e two was Bismarck to support His choice fell o n Austria His motives were threefold possibly the main one being th at an alliance with R ussia would direct against Germany all the enmity of E ngland which was profoundly a nti R ussian Secondly he knew that he coul d control Austria and b e the predominant partner in th e alliance whereas the position would be much more doubtful with R ussia Thirdly the support of Austria would leave open th e D anube the main trade route to the M editerranean and allow Germany herself to have considerable influence in South eastern E urope These three considerations and th e fear of seeing R ussia entrenched at Constantinople more than outweighed the danger of a hostile power on the E astern boundary—for alih ough he was now choosing an Austrian . . , , , . . “ , . ' . , , ‘ , . , , , ‘ . , ‘ . , , . , . , . , - . , , . , , , - . “ . T HE G E R M A N E M P I R E A N D TH I RD F RE N C H R EP U B LI C 2 59 alliance Bismarck had no intention of being involved in war with R ussia if he could possibly help it The result was that in 1 8 7 9 Germany and Austria concluded the D ual Alliance an T h D ual Allian arrangement by wh ich each party undertook to help the other 1 3 7 9 in th e event of an attack by R ussia or to keep neutral in th e , . , e ce. , THE G A M E OF THE D A Y . ’ YOU ’ EA C H OT HE R S Y B I S M A RC K C OM E , A N D RA S S , W E KN OW F ORM . AN D I T OG ETH E R A G A IN S T T HE LOT l RU S S I A ( to E am on), E M I G HT B E A M A TC H F OR I T HI N K, M A DA M E , T HE M i FR A N C E T HA N KS ! I P RE F E R T O S I T OUT A T P RE S E N T ! ” E N G L A N D ( to I AL Y ) N OB OD A S KS US N . W . T . Y — T h e D ual A lliance of 1 8 7 9 G erm any and A ustria j oin togeth er , wh ile Russia courts Fr ance, and E ngland and I taly feel out of it . ’ though purely defensive event of an attack by France T his ih name gave Bismarck everything he wanted for he knew how to make a German war of aggression appear the reverse, while if Austria tried one for her own ends h e could disown h er So th e D ual Alliance was concluded and remained for ‘ . . , , . , , H I S TOR Y OF M O D ER N I LLU S T R A T ED 2 60 E U R O PE generation preced ing the Great W ar th e firm est feature in the di plomatic world Bismarck , however was not content with merely one ally T h e D ual Alliance had ensured that if war came again with France Austria would be neutral once more as in 1 86 6 ’ But there was another power in E urope now and on France s — m borders Italy Accordingly Bi sche ed to draw sm arck B ism a k c ’ i fm m Italy into the D ual Alliance His technique was again figfi 1 h brilliant He se retly encouraged Frenc ambiti ns in orth ; N c o 3 ? £13 ’ A m“ Lorraine and p artly Africa p artly to divert her from Alsace— to bring her into collision with Italy who had ambitions there herself M oreover it could not exactly improve French relations with Britain also a leading figure I nthe scramble for ’ b y Africa a t I n 1 88 1 the French occupied T unis— and th e .n g u g following year Italy joined the D ual Alli a nce thereby making th T ipl it the Triple Alliance The terms of the understanding were again defensive Italy having no obligation to support an aggressive policy on the part of Germany and Austria Altogether Bismar ck scored an enormous success in securing the adhesion of Italy to his system for though she was not very formidable in a military sense she had a valuable historic Thus Bismarck now had friendship with Great Britain Austria and Italy as allies and Great Britain not only friendly with Italy but on bad terms with France on the question of T h e only danger of a crack in the wh ole N orth Africa edifice of the Triple A lliance was if France otherwise completely isolated should come to an agreement with T his however Bismarck skilful ly avoided partly by R ussia playing on the natural objections of the Czar to the most democratic country in E urope and partly by persuading R ussia i u and Aus ria to come t o a new agreement Th s concl ded in t R h T ’ $33 2? 1 884 and known as th e R einsurance T reaty, provided that 2g “ neither of the three powers would help a fourth power 3 ? France war broke out be ween that power and any if t o n e i e ) gm ( fi g F an So the possibility of a Franco R ussian alliance of them seemed to be banished France had no friend in E urope and ’ Bismarck s work was complete It only remained now to keep it so ’ About this time Bismarck s whole conception of foreign policy began to be challenged by another movement in th e . , . , . , , r . “ ' ' . ‘ , ‘ , . ‘ , ere . . r e r e , . . , . ' , . . . , . , , . e ‘ , , , e . , ‘ . r . ce - . , , . . 262 I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T OR Y OF M O D E RN E U R O PE “ Germany which advocated that Germany should hers elf ’ enter the race for colonies Bismarck s ideas were essentially of Germany as a E uropean power dominating only the Conti nent : the Colonial school of though t looked rather to a Germany which would be a world power I t stressed the importance of colonies as sources of raw materials , markets for manufactured goods creators of Valuabl e positions for young men and absorbers of surplus population Bismarck rather though t of the dangers of a colonial policy—how it would necessitate a big navy and how that would inevitably bring Germany into rivalry with Great Britain And once Great Britain was on bad terms with Germany France would ’— be no longer isolated instead sh e would have as her ally the greatest and richest empire in the world Th ese Considerations h ovvever did not weigh with Germany as m uch as Bismarck would have wished Germans conscious of their new strength were res entful when they saw Britain with her great white dominions h er Indian E mpire her innumerable islands , ports and bases from Gibraltar to Hong Kong adding to such already vast possessions most of Africa The Z ulu W ar the acquisition of Bech uanaland and later R hodesia the obvious trend of hostility against th e Boer republics the military occupation of E gypt in 1 8 82 all infuriated many Germans who longed for a similarly tive policy on the part of their Fa therland E ven th e France was quietly building up th e second greatest empir e To her Colony of Algeria ( settled in the Louis P hilippe) and her protectorate under the Second E mpire and now Tunis whence she began to extend th e Sahara and the W estern Sudan its valuable s o urce of tropical products in German demand grew Bismarck had tra to be ardent nationalists and now they w It and becoming aggressive imperialists sort of thing most difficult for Bismarck to inspired not by liberalism but by patriotism old statesman who had described hims el f as , . . , l ism arck ' s . , . , ‘ . ' , , - . , , , , , , , _ . , , , , and so does F rance . ‘“ . , . . , . i n to . ’ , ILLU S T R A T E D 264 H I S T O R Y OF M O D E R N E U R O PE Germany entered as a last minute candidate th e scramble for Africa and made off with the districts known as South W est Africa the Cameroo ns and Togoland In 1 885 Kenya or German E ast Africa was acquired so that within two years millions of square m i les of territory went to Germany without her so m uch as figh ting a battle to capture them I t was a good beginning but she was still a long way behind ’ In thus entering the colonial sphere with Bismarck s hand still at the helm, Germany at first experienced none of th e bad r esults he had feared Indeed with France at logger heads with Italy over T unis E ngland at loggerheads with France over E gypt and R ussia at loggerheads with E ngland over bo th th eBalkans and the Far E ast Germany seemed in a particularly favourable position Her Triple Alliance gave ’ h er valuable friends while h er possible foes objections to one anoth er were greater than their C omm on obj ection to Germany Bismarck was like a clever juggler who could keep five very costly and breakable plates— Austria Italy R ussia France and E ngland— spinning through the air The plates were always in some danger of being smashed and of injuring th e ’ juggler in the process but Bismarck s skill was such that th e disaster never occurred Consequently he earned a great deal of applause and enriched the employer for whom h e worked But sooner or later that employer had to give way to anoth er— and what if the new employer himself should fancy his powers as a juggler ( though he was quite an amateur) and desire to try his own h and with the plates P This in fact was precisely what occurred In 1 8 8 8 th e old E mperor W illiam I at l ast died at the ripe age of ninety It was his support since the power vested in the E mperor was so l reat t hat had n a ed B ism arck to overcome all opposition e b g Actuall y with his limited i ntelligence and strong sens e of ’ honour his first instincts had been against nearly all Bismarck s most brilliant strokes of policy—the defiance of the Liberals in 18 6 2 the leni ent peace with Austria in 1 866 the assumption of the Imperial title in 1 8 7 1 the Austrian alliance i n 1 8 79 But Bismarck had known how to manage him and bring him round to the necessary viewpoint : a firm partnership had ’ spr ung up and the old E mperor s atti tude was best express ed ’ in the single word with wh ich he greeted one of Bism arck s 1 88 4 - , , ’ , - , , . , , , . . . , , , . , , , , . , . , , , , . , . . . . , , . , , , , , , , . 2 66 I LLU S T R A T E D HI S T O R Y O F M OD E R N E U R OP E egarded as fatal since it inevitably involved the hostility of ’ E ngland D esperately striving to maintain his position Bismarck reminded the E mperor of the rule that the Chancellor alone was entitled to present advice to the crown—a rule b y which h e could gag his opponents and rivals in the ministry W illiam th ereupon dem anded that Bismarck should advise him to alter the rule T h e Chancellor horrified at the idea of being reduced to the level of any other minister replied “ that he could never serve on his knees P ressed to tender his resignation h e at last did so The veteran pilot was dropped W ithin a few years the E mperor and successive Chancellors had rapidly brought about all the developments Bismarck had feared Already in h is own period of ofli ce the difficulty of maintaining friendship with both Austria and R ussia had ’ — proved enormous now it was made impossible by Germany s ’ refusal to renew the R einsurance Treaty and by the E mper or s ambition to see Germany not R ussia dominant at C onstanu ’ nople W illiam s favourite project of a railway from Berlin to Bagdad via Constantinople would have opened up the E astern Balkans and the N ear E ast generally to German tr ade and influence aided and abetted by Austria whose share of the feast was to be the W estern Balkans Such a development at once o ff ended R ussia whose historic policy was to advance to Constantinople and E ngland whose historic policy was to maintain the Turkish E mpire M oreover the pursuit of colonial aims antagonized E ngland far more severely not merely because Germany now acquired territory in China but because the threat of a German fleet became a reali ty In 1 895 th e Ki el Canal connecting the Baltic and N orth Sea was opened— an essential if Germany were to be a naval power In 1 8 98 and 1 900 N avy Bills laid th e foundation of ’ Germany s battle fl eet It was not long before a race began ’ with E ngland in the constructi on of dreadnough ts Bismarck s main ai ms had been thoroughly violated—R ussia and E ngland ’ were now Germany s potential enem ies not her f riends T h e isolation of France wasended It did not take long for France and R ussia to come together ’ E ven before Bismarck s fall the publication of th e alliance with ’ A ustr ia had made R ussia suspect th e value of Germany s r , . , . , , . . , . . Rein surance T reaty with Russia lapses B erlinto B agdad Rai lway G erm an infl uence in B alkans , , . " . , , . , , , , . , , C olonial claim s and a b ig fl eet . ’ . - . . Russia and England b ecom e h osti le to ' ' , . . . I LLU S T R A T E D 268 H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N E U R OP E profession s of friendship and now in view of the new E mperor s policy she was certain of their worth lessness The renewal of ’ the Triple Alliance left her like France isolated So the two countries na turally combined forces in spite of the world di ff erence between R ussian C z a rdom and French of democracy By two or three stages an agreement was arrived ’ at th e main feature being that each would com e to the oth er s assistance if attacked by Germ any So the D ual Alliance of France and R ussia publish ed in 1 8 95 stood opposed to th e ’ Bismarck s T riple Alliance of Germany Austria and Italy ’ haunting f ear the war on two fronts —agai nst Fr ancc and R ussia simultaneously— was one step nearer It remained to bring E ngland into the new alliance Here the main difli culties wer e the very bad relations persisting with France on African matters and with R ussia on the N ear and Far E ast : For some years in fact the position between France and E ngland grew worse rather than better France mindful of th e N apoleonic traditions bitterly resented th e E nglish occupation of E gypt E ngland obj ected to the French acquisition of Tunis and her designs on M orocco Then a crisis blaz ed up over the Sudan in the famous Fash oda Inci ’ dent A certain M a jo r M arch and with a handful of French men won h is way in abrilliant exploring feat entailing three years of hardship right across Africa He p lanted th e tricolore a t Fashoda a small village on th e U pper N ile T h e trouble began when the E nglish General Kitchener arrived following his defeat of the native Sudanese forces at and found E nglish control of the all O mdurman important N ile blocked by a few individuals and th e French flag For some time it seemed that the two countries were on the Verge of war when France climbed down and th e situation was saved D elcasse th e French Foreign l\/Iinister sh rewdly calculated that E nglish friendship might be more valuable to France than Fashoda or half a million miles of th e Sudan For E ngland a long process of political education was neces sary to convince her of the need for friendship with France Indeed for a time she seemed to b e turning rather to Germany, who however jealous of E nglish colonial power and con tem ptuous of English lib eralism rebu ff ed Joseph Chamb er ’ , . ‘ , . , , . , . , , . , , ‘ , . . , , . , , . . ‘ . ' , . , . , ~ , . , . ' . , , . . , , , , 2 70 ILLU S T R A T ED H I S T O RY OF M O D E R N E U R OP E the two countries in the E ast was solved by an agreement about P ersia R ussian penetration southward towards India had long worried E ngland The new arrangemen t was ’ designed to remove E ngland s fears b y limiting the R ussian ’ ’ sphere of influence to the north of P ersia E ngland s influence was declared to be predominant in the south and a ’ neutral bu ff er zone was left be tween This incidenta lly was called an arrangement to secure the independence of ’ P ersia W ith R ussian expansion in the direction of India of , . . ‘ . , ‘ . , , ‘ thus checked and with h er M anchuri an and Chinese ambitions thwarted by the Anglo Japanese alliance there remained only th e historic question of the advance in the Balkans To this E ngland however had ceased to attach so much importance for the Balkan nations had shown their indepen dence of R ussia And anyway if R ussia did get to Con stantinople it would be no worse than having Germ any in control there the latest ambition of W illiam II So friendship at last came with R ussia and th e T riple E ntente was ranged against th e Triple Alliance Bismarck dead in 1 898 after eight years of bitter criticism of his successors migh t well have tur ned i n h is grave at such fatal developments for Germ any - , . , , , . , , " “ . , , . , , . CHA PT E R XIII T h e Balkans and th e A ppr oach to th e First — VVar , 1 9 00 1 9 1 4 1. I ncreasing T ension The N . W orld Af rican Question and the orth A rms Race By the end of the l gth century the great tide of nationalism against which th e breakwaters of the Vienna Treaties h ad operated so vainly—was everywhere in full flood Two new major national powers Germany and Italy had b een b orn Bel gi um had asserted h er independence of Holland and N or way was on the point of severing th e last ties with Sweden The O ttoman E mpire i n Europe had largely dissolved into its component national fragments—Greece S erbia R oumania There still existed , however certain districts of B ulgaria E urope where nation al feeling strong as it was h ad been un able to assert itself against a ruling race Greeks and Bulgars in M acedonia the distri ct restored to the O ttoman E mpire b y D israeli in dreamed of the day of lib eration from the Turk P oles Finns Letts consistently aim ed at securing freedom from their R ussian masters Above all in the Austrian E mpire a hotch potch of suppressed nationalities bitterly resented the supremacy of A ustria and Hungary They regarded the D ual M onarchy as an Austrian device to buy the friendship of the M agyars at th e expense of the per secution of millions of Czechs P ole s R uthenes Serbs Croats R oumanians and Slovenes From one or other of these dissatisfied regionstrouble was sooner or later bound to ari se It m ay readily be seen that national feeling wh en baulked of sel f expression in the form of inde endence has been a p poten t cause of war An equally im portant point however is that even when nations have succeeded in winning their freedom wars are not less likely to occur D esire for freedom ’ for one s own nation does not necessarily imply recognition of . , . , ‘ , ' . , . , , , , , . , “ . ‘ , , . , - “ . ' , , , , , . , ‘ . , ‘ ‘ - , . , . . , ' I LLU S T RA T E D H I S T ORY O F M OD E RN 2 74 EU R OPE torm clouds gathered heaviest were N orth Afr ica and th e Balkans T h e N orth African ques tion was twice nearly responsible for war inside five years It will be remembered that in th e course of th e 1 9th century France had acq u1r ed Algeria and T unis and had expanded southward over the Sahara N ot many years after the construction of the Suez Canal E ngland and France had claimed control of E gyptian finance a control soon extended by E ngland into a military occupation After ’ Kitchener s victory over the M ahdi at O mdurman in 1 898 th e ’ Sudan too was E ngland s For a time relations had been strained between E ngland and France the two chief competing powers notably over the F ash oda incident By 1 904 how ’ ever with the E ntente France recognized E ngland s posi tion in E gypt in return for an E nglish acceptance of her ambitions in M orocco This was where trouble with a th 1rd party began Germany late in the race for colonial possessions had earmarked M orocco as her ovvn particular sphere of influence The German government having secur ed th e dismissal of D elcasse the statesman responsible for the E ntente; now demanded that a conference should be called to settle th e future of M orocco Kaiser W illiam II even paid a s urpris e visit to Tangier and vowed to protect the independence of th e Sultan of M orocco against France In 1 906 a conference dul y met at Algeciras but th e German attempt to exclude th e French from policing M orocco ( a first step towards a French occupation) failed owing to the fact th at France was strongly supported by R ussia and E ngland The E ntente in its first trial had held firm Germany however was not yet prepared to see M orocco swallowed up by France without a further protest W hen in 1 9 1 r th e French despatched an army into M orocco to help ’ th e Sultan keep order the Germans s ent a gunboat th e P anth er and later a cruis er the Berlin to Agadir harbour to protect German interests This was a violationof the Algeciras settlement by whi ch France and Spain were alone entitled to policing rights E ngland took a very serious view of th e situation fearing that th e Germans were seeking to acquire a M editerranean naval bas e Lloyd George then th e Chancel ’ lor of th e E xchequer in Asquith s government in a sp eech at s - . . , . , h . , . , , . , , , ‘ , ~ . . , , ’ . , , . . , , , . . , , , . , ‘ n ej Ap dir , , , , , . , . , . , , mosE 111 E G ITTO ! 1 1 ” ’ A notab le coup in th e struggle for colonial influe nce was D isr aeli s ac uisk q " tion of th e S uez C anal S h ares h eld b y th e Kh edive of E gypt Her e th e title of a fam ous op era b y Rossini is used to signify th e presence d Disraeli and England in Egypt. ‘ - . H I S T O R Y OF M O D E R N I LLU S T RA T E D 2 76 E U R OP E ansion House banquet practically threatened Germany with war if sh e persisted in her attitude T h e result was th at Germany as yet not fullyprepared climbed down and agreed to the establishment of a French protectorate over M orocco ’ A s compen sati on sh eobtained some territo r y just north of th e Cameroons but this could not disguise the fact that th e E ntente had again scored a notable success The list of powers interested in the troubles of N orth Africa however did not st0p at E ngland Fr ance and Germany—o r Italy was eve nSpain who had her own section of M orocco d esperately anxious to fill her pockets and to illustrate h er new claim to be a major power by th e acq u151 tion of colonies We have seen how the French occupation in 1 88 1 of Tunis on which Italy h ad herself cast longing glances had been partly responsible for the Italian adhesion to the Austro German Frustrated over Tunis th e Italians h ad D ual Alliance planned to absorb Abyssinia They were successful in securing two coastal strips of E ast Afr ica ( E ritrea 1 r1 1 88 5 and Italian Somaliland in but their larger object came to grief when the Abyssinians catching an invading I talian army in hopelessly inferio r numbers won a tremendous victory at Ad owa The result of th i s battle was that Abyssinia continued to be ruled by Abyssi ni ans—a state of affairs so outrageous to Italian dig i ty that revenge h ad eventually to n be sought and obtained i n 1 935 Having by 1 900 thus been unsuccessful 1 n acquiring any thing worth mentioning the Italians now developed ambitions in connection with T ripoli the last remaining piece of the O ttoman E mpire in N orth Africa It was true that it consisted largely of desert and that anyway Italy had no quarrel with Tur key but these ar e minor matters to a country out for colonies In 1 9 1 I taki ng advantage of the general commotion caused b y th e Agadir crisis and of certain r estr c i ti ons on foreign tr ade in troduced by the new nationalist m ovement in the O ttoman E mpire Ital y declared war on Turkey As the Turkish navy was not strong enough to afib rd Tripoli any effective relief the Italians were able to overrun the province in a year This action too produced one effect of some im portance in general E u ropean politics The Triple Alliance was shaken partly because Ge rmany h ad M a . , , G erm any cli m b s down . ‘ , . , , , _ , . , . , , , . . ' , , ' . , . , , , . , . , ' , . , . f3 ° fl m . , , . , HI S T ORY OF M O D E R N I LLU S T RA T ED 2 78 ' E U R O PE herself begun to regard Tri poli as a sui table acqu1sition and partly b ecause Ital y h ad attacked Turkey now a centre of d comm ercial developm nt German patr6nage an Thus i n e the five years from 1 906 to 1 9 1 1 N orth A frican aff airs caused G m any two threats of general E uropean wars greate r ill feeling among th e powers one actual struggle betwee nTurkey and Italy a strengthening of th e Triple E ntente and a weakening of th e Triple Alliance T h e A rm e T h e international tension introduced by these African ’ matters taken in conjunction w1 th other colonial disputes and the Balkan difficulties about to be described soon reflected ’ itself strikingly in a E uropean arm s race This problem had alr eady weighed sufficiently heavily with the Cz ar N icholas II T h e Hague for him to s ugge st a great Con ferenc e at the Hague m 1 8 99 C nf nce Here the powers discussed disarmament but when it came to “9 9 the point no positive proposal was accepted The lead in rejecting any measure came from Germany who insisted that ’ E ngland s willingness to stabili z e naval armaments at existing levels was simply a device to secure a permanent German inferio rity T h e only progress made was in framing a few ’ rules for th e humaniz ation of warfare—a melancholy con — n f f ailure and in setting up a tribunal at the Hague f i o o e s s m T nb mfl to wh 1ch countr1 es could appeal for arb 1 tr at1 on i n a di spute As however nations were spared the necessity of submitting ’ ’ matters of national honour and vital interest to arbitration wars were just as liable as ever to occur A second Hague Conference in 1 907 got no furth er A few additions were made ’ to the list of things not done in warfare and the machinery o nd A mu’ of the Hague Tribunal was improved but no agreement was ffif reached on the main issue of disarmament The E uropean dance of death now continued at an ever " In 1 99 6 with the launching of the first dread faster speed standard was set in naval armaments nought by E ngland a new Sir John Fisher in charge of the Admiralty deliberately calcul ated that it would take Germany some years to make up for this move since for the Germans to employ dreadnoughts al eff ectively they would first have to deepen th e Kiel Ca n His conviction that war between E ngland and Germany was but a short way ah ead was so strong that he actually v e th e date O ctober 1 9 1 4 for th e beginning of hostilities a g , . ’ ‘ er , , , . ' , , . ‘ . o ere , , . , . ‘ e ’ ‘ . \ , , ‘ ‘ , . . ‘ sec ' fi , ' . . , , . , , , _ , . p . . . T HE BA LKA N S A N D A PP R OA C H T O F I R S T W OR LD WA R 2 79 Further; h e even suggested to King E dwar d that E ngland ’ Copenhagen the German fl eet demand that it should should be handed over and on refus al annihilate it in th e same way as th e D ani sh fleet had been destroyed in 1 807 Since war was bound to come h e argued , it m igh t as well come while E ngland still held th e superiority—why wait for th e Germans to catch up ? His cynical advice was not accepted but there were large numbers of people both in E ngland and Germany who thought on exactly the s am e lin es and wh o caused the possibilities of peace to become fainter and fai nter T h e fact that Fisher too was one of th e E nglish representatives at th e H ague disarmament conference in 1 899 helps to explain why disarmament conferences then as now were all con In any case the Germans ference and no disarm ament following the policy of Tirpitz and the Kaiser were not slow to take the next step The Kiel Canal was deepened dread nough ts were constructed new navy bills budgeted for frantic increases in the fleet Between 1 909 and 1 9 1 1 Germany E ngland conse q uently buil t built nine d readnoughts The tremendous armour of the German vessels eigh teen indicated that they were destined for use not far from home ra ther than for the distant preservation of coloni al connections The British countered b y concentrating 80 per cent of their fleet in the N orth Sea and by arranging that France sho uld look after th e M editerranean O n the m ilitary side th e af m s contest proceeded with equal M ilitary m p end firry T h e German army was enlarged and trained to the highest degree of efficiency while th eFrench and the R ussians increased th e length of conscript service with the c olours Even E ngland under her W ar M inister Lord Haldane organi zed a small "but strong E xpeditionary Force for service on the C ontin ent coupled with a Territorial Army for home defence O nce started it was almost impossible to slow down O n each side there was a complete absence th e arms race " ’ on each side national prid e of trust in the other s intentions and on each refused to budge from a position once taken up side an enormous vested interest in the war industry was being created in the form of groups of people ranging from arm s manufacturers and shareh olders to newspaper proprietors wh o profited financially from a state of international tension ‘ , , , ' , “ , fi , . , , , , “ . , , , . , , . . . , . . ’ , . ' co . - , . , , , ’ , , . . ' - _ , - , ‘ f . I LLU S T RA T E D 2 80 HI S T O R Y OF M OD E RN EU R O PE In Germany a country always liable to be misled by the power of ideas certain circles taki ng their lead from the historian Treitschke or the army ch i efs preached not only th e The great theories inevitabili ty b ut th e desirability of war ’ of D arwin on evolution and the surv ival of th e fittest wer e perverted to mean that war the highest form of struggle tones up the human race and by eliminating the unfittest nations and giving gr eater power to th e fittest advances the cause of civilization The Germ ans from 1 86 4 to 1 8 7 1 had been so successful in warfare that they regarded futur e victory as certain T h en with victory achieved the German Kultur of science strength and state supremacy could displace in E urope th e decad ent civilization of France based on liberty and literature and that of E ngland based on comfort and cricket These ideas and the full reali zation of th e trend of inter national aff airs were however by no means universally recogniz ed German naval comm anders might toast T h e ’ " German university professors m ight proclaim their D ay absurd theories th e Kaiser might rattle his sabre in the scab bard Fisher might strain at the leash French and E nglish generals might concert mi litary arrangements Aus trian and R ussian foreign ministers might plan diplomatic coups in th e Balkans—but the great E uropean public went on blind to th e Foreign policy even in a democracy lik e true state of a ff airs E ngland , was always shrouded in mystery—several members ’ even were not aware until the last of Asquith s cabinet moment how far the P rime M inister and his Foreign Secretary S ir E dward Grey had committed E ngland to France The ordinary E nglis h man though and especially th e sailor The business man resented the new G erman naval claims resented the loss of trade to German firms which were under cutting British goods in many markets notably in South ’ America E veryone resented the Kaiser s speeches But very few people realized quite what combustible material them or quite what calamity would befall su rr ounded them were it to take fire E ven if a war did come war was traditionally a matter for the army and navy while the rest stayed at h ome and enjoyed the accounts in the newspapers Thus in a curious m ixture of unconsciousness over bre akfast , , , , . ‘ , , , , , , . . , , , , ” , , , . , , , , ‘ . , , , , , . , , , , . , , , , . , , . . _ . , , . , HI S T ORY O F M OD E RN I LLU S T R A T ED 2 82 E U R OP E A s we have seen, by 1 8 7 8 Greece , Serbia , M onte E urope ria had all been formed from th e negro , R oumani a , and Bulga The end of the century, however, had not O ttoman E mpire seen the completion of the process , for the Greeks and Bulgars of M acedo ni a and the Albanians were still under Turkish The districts of Bosnia and Herz egovina, too , containing r ul e . . . million Serbs while nominally still under Turkish sovereign ity h ad been administered since 1 8 7 8 by Austria Trouble Furth er m ight easil y arise from these unl iberated districts th e formation of four or five new states had simply quadrupled N 0 state was th e confli cting national policies in the Balkans sati sfied with its existing boundaries while to most of them revolution and fighting came almost as second nature T h e history of the Balkan P eni nsula from the Congress of Berlin to the Great W ar is neither simple nor edifying It would be fruitless to attempt to follow it in detail U ntil the 1 9 08 the main incidents which aff ected Bulgaria wer e ’ expulsion of R ussian advisers the union with E ast R oumelia ( 1 885) in spite of th e Treaty of Berlin, a war with Serbia and the kidnapping and deposition of the first Bulgarian prince In Serbia restless intrigue among politicians and army led to th e brutal crime of 1 903 when a number of conspirators broke into the r oyal palace tracked th e O b r enovié king and h is queen in the dark to their hiding place in a cupboard murdered them as they sheltered in ’ each other s arms and threw their outraged bodies out of a ’ ’ window The coup was completed by a purge of other opponents—after which a Karageorgovié naturally ascended the throne R oumania whose rul er proclai med himself a ki ng in 1 88 1 enjoyed a less violent history during the same period the main disturbances being either p easant revolts against bad economi c conditions or the traditional R oumanian persecution of Jews Greece in 1 8 9 7 went to war with Turkey about th e future of Crete and M acedonia but was badly beaten inside th ree weeks In the Turkish E mpire itself the main excitement was caused by the hideous mis government of Abdul Hamid II who following unrest among th e Armenians in A sia M inor organized extensive massacres Herapidly became known of that unfortunate Chr istian race ’ in E ngland as T h e Great Assassin and in France as The R ed a , . , “ . , . , . 1 8 1 8- 1 9 08 . . ' . Bulg aria ‘ , . , , , . , ‘ ‘ . . , , , . , , , T urkey . , , , . ‘ ‘ T H E B A LKA N S A N D A P PR OA C H T O FI R S T W OR LD W A R ’ Sultan In six weeks alone of 2 83 the year 1 895 over 3 0 000 Armenians were butchered In the following year the order T h wa s given to a ttack th e Armenian quarter in Constantinople m and 6 000 souls were done to death during a two day slaughter T h e whole ghastly epis ode confirmed the truth of the j est that wh ile C h ristiani ty provides martyrs M ohammedanism creates them The powers of course protested but took no sts were heeded effective steps to see that their prote These events were by way of being standard Balkan activity—they had little e ff ect on the main str eam of E u ropean history The year 1 908 however witnessed some momen tous changes whi ch led directly to general warfare In that ’ year a revolution known as the Young Turk movement T h 7 m Tu k m broke out 1 n the O ttom an E mp1t e The conspirators aimed powe t ool at im i tating the meth ods and effi ciency of the W est in a fervently nationalist e ff ort at checking the rapid decline of Turkish power They demanded a parliament and a modern constitution and to strengthen Turkey were prepared to allow Ch ristian subjects equal privileges with M ohammedans Fostered in P aris by exiles th e movement in 1 908 trans ferred itself to M acedonia’ where it was officially proclaimed Sympathetic T urkish regim ents prepared to advance and install th e leaders in Constantinople Finding him self without support Abdul Hamid agreed to restore the constitution which had been momentarily in force in 1 8 76 The censor ship was r elaxed over exiles returned the different subject races seemed closer than brothers and Liberals all over E urope wept tears of j oy J W ith in two or three months the picture b gan to look a T h T om ” l ittle di ff erent Taki ng instant a dvantage of th e natural g fifi gfi disorganiz ation at Constantinople Bu lgari aproclaimed her self freed from th e last shreds of her dependence and elevated B ulga ia fun y m d” her prince int0 a czar or king Austria annC xC d unC 0n p nd nt ditionally the Turkish provinces she was admi nistering Bosnia and Herzegovina Crete proclaimed itself united A u tfi. “n w with Greece S erbia and M ontenegro demanded a r ecti B nia an fication of their frontiers In face of thes e events th e Young 553353 3: ’ T urks naturally began to lose their desire to improve the lot With G m “ ’ of Turkey s Christian subjects m ore especially when th e C hristian began to dem and not reform but indep endence . , e . , m - . , . , , , . " . , , . ‘ e , , 0 r s r. . . , . l ( . , . , . , ‘ . , , , e e ‘ . e , r , e e . , s . e . os ‘ . , . d HI S T OR Y OF M OD ERN I LLU S T RA T E D 2 84 E U R O PE W h en Abdul Hamid tried to restore autocracy he was deposed, kes I taly ta T ripoh but th e Young Turks soon received an additional incentive to concentrate on their nationa list rath er than on their democratic principles In 1 9 1 1 the problems of Turkey tempted the Italians to wrest Tripoli quite wantonly from her And before this difficul ty was over Turkey in 1 9 1 2 suddenly found herself confronted by a union of the Balkan powers momentarily induced to forgo th eir mutu al hatreds for th e purpose of despoiling th e O ttoman E mpire ’ T hi s Balkan League ( largely the work of an astute Greek politician Venizelos ) found its opportunity to attack Turkey ’ in the fact that the Young Turks had now like their older brethren begun persecuting Christians in M acedonia D isunited in home a ff ai rs and with the Italian attack barely over th e Turks could do noth i ng against the combined onslaught of Greece Serbia Bulgaria and M ontenegro T h e allies soon overran di ff erent sections of M acedonia and made other conquests with equal case In 1 9 1 3 a peace conference met at London and b y the treaty then concluded Greece acquired Crete Salonika and South M acedonia Serbia was rewarded with N orth and Centr al M acedonia and the Bulgarians received T hrace and a section of th e [E gean coast Since much of M acedonia which was i nhabited largely by Bulgars went to Serbia by this treaty Bulgaria could not be satisfied with the division of the spoils The Serbs in fact although they had actually conquered a large section of M acedonia h ad intended most of it to go to Bulgaria wh ile they themselves took Albania with its valuable sea coast Austria however had insisted on the erection of an independ ent Albania partly to stop Serbia becoming too powerful and partly because Albania was inhabited not by Serbs but by Albanians Thereupon Serbia baulked o f her desired coast land had insisted on retaining the sections of M acedom a she had conquered The Bulgarians now in a fatal moment allowed themselves to be prompted by the wishes of Austria and pressed their gr ievance to th e point of attacking Serbia and Greece Thus within a year a second Balkan war had broken out M onte negro supported Serbia and when matters began to go badly for Bulgaria th e R oumanians and the Tur ks joined in against . . , , . ‘ B alkan —9 3 wars , 1 912 1 1 ' , ‘ , , T h e T urks d ef eated . , , . , , . ' . , , , The ch ar s oils , . , . , , . , , , , - , , , , , . , . T h e second B alk an war , ( 01 3 , . . , , - . 2 86 and on I LLU S T RA T ED H I S T OR Y O F M OD ERN EUR O P E to Bagdad R ailway and th e appointment of Liman v on Sanders to r eorganiz e th e Turkish army increasingly under German c ommercial and military C ontrol Austria waited for the opportu nity which Serbian agitation was sure to present before long The opportunity duly occurred on June 2 8 th 1 9 1 4 O n that day th e Austrian Crown P rince Franz Ferdinand and h is wife were driving through the streets of Sarajevo capital of Bosnia when they were assassinated by a local Serb T h e murderer had come straight from a meeting of an anti Austrian society in the Serbian c apital Belgrade There was ac tually no evidence to show that the Serbian government had an y hand in the affair—indeed ther e is s ome reason to believe th at the Austrian government hop ed such an incident might ’ for the Crown Prince s poli tical views were take place unwelcome to them and they knew the danger of Sarajevo on a Serbian festival day For nearly a month nothing much the Austrians made their se emed to come of the crime — investigations and public e xcitement cooled down B ut behind the scenes preparations for war were pr ogr essm g as ’ ’ Austria received Germany s final blank cheque or permission Suddenly on July 2 3rd to deal with Serbia as she pleased atum at Serbia th e Austrian government launched an ultim The terms demanding acceptance with in forty eight hours were so framed that a refusal was bound to be the answer N ot only was Serbia to suppress all anti Austrian activity and dismiss all Serbian officials to whom Austria obj ected b ut Austrians were to enter Serbia to investigate S erbian gui lt in th e murder and to su pervise the suppression of the anti ’ Austrian societies Serbia s reply in fact was extremely conciliatory She agreed to the first two demands and off ered to submit the third to arbi tration by the Hague Tribunal Had she accepted th e last point it would have meant almos t E ven the Kaiser thought th e th e loss of her independence reply was satisfactory and urged moderation but Austria was not to b e baulked at the last moment O n July 3 0th A ustr ia declared war on Serbia W ithin a week the whole of E urope was ablaze E ngl and France and R ussia had been warned by Germany not to But interfere in what was to b e an Austr o Serbian contest , . . . , , , . - , . , , . , . . , , ‘ , . , , , - . ‘ . - , , . . , , - . . , , . declares . . , , - . T H E BA LKA N S A N D A PPR OA C H T O F I R S T W OR LD W A R 2 87 especially was not willing to see a fellow Slav country crushed by a vastly stronger opponent while Germany held the ring R ussia too had Balkan ambitions of her own and here was an opportunity to pursue them Accordingly th e Ru g?“ same evening N icholas II ordered a mobiliz a tion of th e 3 m m sa t ” Germany now chose to regard this as a R ussian armi es threat to her resisted all th e effor ts of Grey to refer matters and despatched t wo ultimatums O ne G erman to a conference demanded of R ussia th at she should stop her mobilization and Rm T h e other i nsis ted that France should hand over two fortresses by way of guarantee of neutrality W hen neither country heeded these threats Germany declared war first on Russia G m “, ' ( August 1 st) and then on France (August 3 rd) gfifi — f r E ngland here remained one do u bt f u acto Grey h ad T l made tremendous efforts in th e final fortnight to avoid the ( A us in ’ 7 catastrophe b ut it had come W hat was E ngland to do 21 : S h eh a d no military alliance with France but she had an g m i ’ understanding had concerted plans in case of war and had arr anged th at the French fleet should b e predominantly in th e M editerranean Could she now allow Germany to enter th e Channel with her N orth Sea Fleet and attack th e French coasts The E nglish Cabinet wavered T h e F rench A mb assador indignantly demanded whether th e wor d ’ honour should be expunged from th e E nglish vocabulary U ltim ately, on August 2 nd before Germany h ad actually declared war on our neighbours but when it was obvious that war would come a majority of the E nglish cabinet decided to give at any rate a limited support to France But some of their own colleagues disagreed violently How would the country as a whole react P W ould the House of Commons toe the line ob ediently or would th e government be rejected as having committed E ngland to war unnecessarily and collapse ignominiouslyP Fortunately for the future of th e A llies fortunately for the unity of E ngland fortunately for the peace of mind of the cabinet fortunately in fact for everyone except the Belgians and their own cause th e Germans prepared to invade France by way of th e shortes t ro ute Belgium B lgian By the treaty of 1 8 39 both E ngland and P russ1 a as sh e then was had proniised to guarantee Belgian neutrality I f R us sia . , . 0 . , . , . . e , . . t 1 . , . ’ 1 , _ ‘ , , . , , ‘ . , _ ' , , . . . , . , , , , , e . , ‘ , . " B RA VO, B E LG I UM i i t sh r B a l i c t h e T yp th e G erm an b ully. attitude in 1 9 1 4. G allant little Belgium defies 2 90 HI S T OR Y OF M OD ERN I LLU S T RA T ED EU R OPE All had their national policies and ambitions which could not but clash fatally some day All frankly recognized th e fact by piling up arms and preparing alliances in readiness for the conflict F ew really wanted war but none was prepared to abandon th e objects which made war 1 nev1 tab le T h e spark happened to come from Sarajevo but it might have come from anywhere The result would have b een th e sam e T h e powder magazine was there all the ttm e . . “ . , . . . 111 Two Hostile Alliances; . EN G LA N D A US TRIA IV A rms Race . C A US E S OF T HE FIRS T W O RLD W A R . CHAP TE R XIV T h e First W 1 . W ar or ld and A fter, 1 9 9 14 T h e F irst World War, [ 9 1 4— 19 1 8 1 939 . ' Just as the First W orld W ar was the inevitable result of certai n tendencies before 1 9 1 4 so the history of E urope sin c e then h as been very largely the result of that conflict It was a struggle till then unparalleled in the forces involved the number of warring states the size of the arm l es th e dead liness of the weapons the colossal expendi ture of life and treasure O ther conflicts had lasted longer and by their savagery or prolongation had inflicted greater suff ering on ’ some given tract of the world s surface— notably Germany in ’ — the Thirty Years W ar ( 1 6 1 8— 8 4 ) but nothing can pr ev iouslv have caused so widespread a sum of human agony as the four years which followed the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand The whole of the British E mpire in India and Canada for example was acquired with a loss inmen less th an that reported in a single E nglish advance of two miles on the western front in 1 9 1 7 At the battle of P lassey in 1 7 57 which settled the fate of much of India the E nglish lost less th an a hundred men during the Somme off ensive in 1 9 1 6 which settled nothing they lost ( in killed wounded and missing) nearly half a million The result of such a slaugh ter was to convince ne arly everyone of someth ing they had never — believed that war was an appalling catastrophe l 1 r ev ous y p It made the poss ibility of its recurrence a haunting night mare to millions upon millions m countries all over th e world For one moment it almost seemed as though it had frightened the nations into good sense b ut nations are harder material to teach than individuals In this short space it 1s 1 m possib le to g1ve more than th e barest indication of the mil itary events of the W ar O n th e W estern Front it began with a tr emendous German attack through Belgium and Luxemburg which drove th e Allies , . , , , . , . , , . , , , , , , . . . _ h . ' . 2 92 I LL U S T R A T E D 2 94 H I S T O R Y OF M O D E R N EU ROP E began to suff er defeat both by the R ussians in Galicia and by N evertheless th e Serbs whose territory she had invaded Austria and Germany received a useful reinforcement when Turkey for long under German influence came in on th eir uppo ts side th e position of Serbia between Austria i n N ov em b er G m any and A u t ia and Turkey might well soon be desperate The state of deadlock on the W estern Front and the danger of Serbia now resolved the British cabinet to extend its ’ strategy A n E astern school grew up which maintained that the best way to win the war was first to knock out the Turks and then proceed to smash up the Austria E mpire Germany would thus be exposed to attack from the south This strategy was powerful ly advanced by Lloyd George the Chancellor of the E xchequer and W inston Churchill the First Lord of the Admiralty who had so successfully seen th at the Fleet was completely ready at the outbreak of war N aturally however the French and the E nglish generals on the western front bitterly opposed the diversion of valuable troops to objectives outside France where the position was never too secure The first attempt at such a plan was an effort by the British Fleet to force the D ardanelles (M arch D ardanell and later there came an amazing landing by British ’ and Anzac forces at Gallipoli in the face of deadly fire from voli 9 5 the Turkish positions N either venture succeeded however —the D ardanelles was too well mined (and the project too well advertised ) and the Gallipoli peninsula had later to be ’ evacuated An important drawback to every E astern scheme was the administrative difli culty of supplying a large force in the Balkans In 1 9 1 5 the Germans held up in the west temporaril G m an y reversed th eir policy and drove eastwards against R ussia A series of brilliant successes not only carried the Germans through P oland and Lithuania but also brought Bulgaria into th e war on their side ( September 1 The crafty Bulgarian ’ king Ferdinand the Fox of the Balkans, had long been waiting to see which way the cat would jump N ow the adhesion of Bulgaria meant that the Central powers co uld overrun Serbia without difficulty The only crumb of comfort for the Allies was that they m anaged to induce Italy into the war on their side (M ay 1 9 1 5) by an Offer of the two Austrian . , , , r s , . er s r . , ‘ . . . , , , , , , , ' . es . 1 ‘ 1 , . , __ ‘ . . , er , . . ‘ , , . . T HE F I R S T W O RLD W A R A N D A FT E R , 1 9 1 44 2 95 93 9 distr icts of the Trentino ( th e Tyrol) and Trieste ( on the Adriatic) The Italians ( wh o had refused to support Germany I taly j j n. A u“ and Austria in 1 9 1 4 on the ground that the war was one Of ig is aggression and that th ey h ad no Obligation to fight against E ngland ) had always considered these districts as unredeemed ’ Italy In fact however many of the inhabitan ts of the Tren tino were German and the bargain to transfer them to Italy was an example of how far from { their proclaimed ideals E ngland and Fran ce were being driven by the necessities of war The effect of Italian intervention was to occupy in combat a large Austrian army in the A l ps which divid e the two countries T h e lack of success of the Allies thus far natural ly brought R gani a f In the field Joffre lost his g about changes of command m“ position and French was displaced by Haig The E nglish like the French began to forget their party politics and by 1 9 1 5 formed a N ational C Oalition at the head Of which th e energetic Lloyd George was soon to take the place of the m ore cultu ed b ut less efficient Asquith N ew armies millions r strong were created— three million men volunteering from E ngland alone before conscription was introduced in 1 9 1 6 N ew weapons emerged—the Germans for example, beginning N w m am “ the use of poison gas contrary to international treaty Aero planes at first used merely for scouting began bombing on a large scale not only mi litary objectives but transport and industrial targets ( and therefore civil populations) —a process Originally commenced by the German Zeppelins which had z pp lin 1 proved too bulky to defend themselves In 1 9 1 6 too the $ 23 tank ( an i nvention wh ich was cold shouldered by the W ar T ank O ffice for some time and was developed largely through th e was first foresight of W inston Churchill at th e Admiralty Little use however was made of it as yet though employed when properly employed later it was to be the decisive instrument Of the war O n the W estern Front in 1 9 1 6 the main features apart from th e new weapons were some tremendous battles in which th e French held the Germans at bay near Verd un and the V dun and 1 8 m British attacked by the R iver Somme The dead of all 23 6 nations as a result of the Somme campaign numbered over In the east a revival by the R ussians encouraged one million o . ‘ ‘ . ‘ . , , , . . eo r z . . , . , , , - . , , . e , , . , , e e , ” . , 1 , s - , . , , , . , ( , , er 0 . . ILLU S T R A T E D 2 96 H I S T O R Y O F M O D E RN E U R OP E the R oumanians to enter the war on the Allied side in th e hope of wresting Transylvania from Austria Hungary The R ussian recovery was purely momentary however and a n un R oumania was soon captured for its oil and w heat to be placed at the disposal of the Central pow ers The year 1 9 1 6 also saw the one naval battle of any great wa f a importance in the war There h ad been an earlier roundup of the German P acific fleet off the Falkland Isles but so far there h ad been no encounter with the Grand Fleet in harbour at Kiel M ines off the German coast h ad greatly M in hampered British activity In M ay 1 9 1 6 h owever th e Ger ’ man fleet emerged and fought a hit and run battle at Jutland before the E nglish could bring up their full resources The result is claimed as a victory on both sides—b y the Germans because they inflicted twice as much loss in men and ships as they themselves suff ered and by th e E nglish because th e German Fleet steamed off home and never again emerged during the rest of the war W hatever th e damage the fact 18 indisputable th at the E nglish remained in command of the E ngland k p seas with all th e enormous consequences th at that entailed m m nd a of blockade of enemy coasts capture Of enemy colonies main tenance of commu nication with Allied armies preservation Of the vital E nglish food supply T h e inability of Germany to challenge the British Fleet in open contest led to one other result of enormous importance The Germans determined to employ th eir submarines in an Th t t d un unrestricted campaign against merch ant vessels trading with ub m a in “ 94 8 E ngland in th e h ope of starving the obstinate island into submission In doing th is Germany knew th at the U nited States would certainly sh ow her resentment at th e sinking of her vessels by entering the war on the side of th e Allies— in fact some quarters in the U S A had wanted to enter th e war againsttheAllies because of the British turning back ships trading with Germany Sinking vessels however was far worse than turning them back T h e Germans knew th e result of their decision but calculated on putting E ngland and France out of action before American i ntervention could become e ff ective 5 0 the submarine campaign reached its height and the U nited States duly declared war on Germ any (M arch For a U S A j ointh f E h time things wer extremely awkward o r ngland w er e e A ll 9 7 T h e Rou m aniane j o in th e A llies. b ut - re soo . , , o v err , . re r . , es . . , , ‘ - - . , . , ee s a co , se s , , , . ‘ . e r es r i c e e r s 1 111 0 , . ' . , . , , . ' , . , . . . e i es, 1 1 , I LLU S T RA T E D 2 98 H I S T OR Y O F M O D ER N E U RO P E solved into the anarchy Of opposing factions whence after years of agony she was to emerge still in the strong hands of L enin and his commissar for war T rotsky as a thorough going Bols h evik or Communist state It is one of the ironies ’ of history that this state made possible in part by Germany s encouragement of Lenin was soon to become the main threat to the security of Germany and her N azi government Though the entry of the U nited States and the exit of R ussia were the main events of 1 9 1 7 fighting of great import ance of course continued in the west A disastrous failure in an eff ort to advance near the river Aisne caused so m a ny casualties in the French armies that the morale of many of the troops broke M utinies occurred and the commanders were in the greatest difli culties To give France an opportunity for reorganization the British now diverted attention to them selves by a tremendous attack at P asschendaele (July It was a shocking failure and the greatest D ecember ’ blot on Haig s military reputation All attempt at surprise one of the greatest factors in achieving victory was abandoned in favour of forewarning the enemy by a tremendous bombard ment Then over ground broken by gunfire or a sea of mire from the continuous autumn rains the British troops were supposed to advance Hundreds actually drowned in the mud A l together the British suffered some three hundred thousand casualties in this fiasco The story of Allied disaster for the year was completed by a great Austrian advance at the expense of th e I talians The battle of Caporetto in which an Italian force attempting to capture T rieste was repulsed and pursued was the nearest thing to an absolute rout since The only crumb of comfort at th e end of 1 9 1 7 for the Allied cause was th e striking success of Allenby in a ’ Here the open ground was more N ear E astern side show suitable for the use of cavalry and the brilliant mind of T E Lawrence scholar turned soldier was responsible for raising a revolt among the Arabs of th e desert against their Turkish masters P alestine saw the beginning of the collaps e Of th e Turkish dominions and at Christmas 1 9 1 7 Allenby entered Jerusalem W hile the N ear E astern camp aign continued successfi flly and the Italians stiff ened by Fre nch and E nglish rein force , , , , . , , . , ' . . , . . . , , , . , . . . . , , ‘ - n afi fim . , . “ , , . , . , . T HE F I R S T W O R LD W A R A N A F T ER , D 1 9 1 11 - 1 93 9 2 99 m ents no longer bent before the Austro German attacks things nevertheless went desperately against the British and T G French in th e spring of 1 9 1 8 W ith enormous numbers of 33: $ 35, 15 troops released from the R ussian front Ludendroff now 9 8 strained every nerve to deliver a knock out blow I n the west A grea t German Off ensive began in M arch and carried all before it The danger to the Allies was so great that at last th ey sank th eir mfutual s uspicions and jealousies and consented to th e creation of a single Allied command under Foch T h unified T h e Americans also rushed to send over th eir first levies to gifin“ strength en th e b ending lines Brilliantly th e German advance continued until by June th ey were back to their farthest 1 9 1 4 positions by the M ar ne and P aris was once more in danger T h M m ain “ g Then as suddenly the attack spent itself ; the Allies held their ground the Germans worn out by four years of war fare against superi or odds lacked the reserves to push their eff ort home The Americans arrived in increasing numbers T h The h opelessness Of continuing a struggle against an almost inexh austible supply of American reinforcements armaments t n and wealth impressed itself on the Germans The Allied ’ counter attack Haig s best work in August began to force back the German lines with such rapidity that people could hardly believe the news By th e end of September when th e T h A lli d British stormed the supposedly almost impregnable Hinden atta k burg line Germany was at the end of her tether—and aunmd mautum n — udendor knew I t f f 9 8 L But it was not Germany wh o gave in first An Anglo T h French expedition long since landed at Salonika in Greece S alm ik" { w i k ut f who had been practically orced by the Allies to enter t h e ( war on their side) at last j usti fied itself Bulgaria was knocked 9 8 out of the war at th e end of September and Serbia was recovered Then in O ctober Turkey collapsed before the T u key m “ W further attacks of Allenby I n Syria and th e Allied successes in the Balkans N ext th e Austrian E mpire went under A m m following attacks by the Italians and brilliant propaganda follow work by the British who bombed the Austrian lines with leaflets promising th e Austrian subject nationalities their independence if they deserted the E mpire Czechs P oles Slovaks Croats immediately responded to and under th e combined in fl uence of military de feat the b lock a d e and - , , e, he . I 1 , - . . _ , ' . e r f . , . e . e , ’ , , , . e , , . - , , . e , c ’ s e , er , 1 . . 1 e , c s o . , 1 . 1 r . , , . , , , , H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T ED 3 00 E U R O PE disruptive propaganda the Austrian E mpire fell to pieces The British D epartment of P ropaganda under th e skilled direction of Lord N orthcli ff e whose experience as founder and owner of the D aily M ail well qualified him for the nice ties of the art th us at the expense of a few th ousand pounds and with no loss of life helped to secure results not less important th an those achieved by the costly off ensives of th e W estern generals W ith her friends thus all defeated and her own armies fast retreating Germany had no alternative but to sue ’ for peace on the basis of Fourteen P oints advanced by the American P resident W oodrow Wilson The German N avy ordered out to certain destruction in a last desperate eff ort mutinied the K aiser and his family m ad e a hurried and undignified exit to Holland and safety a republic was pro claimed and with inexpressible relief E urope soon learned that an armistice had been concluded between the W estern powers It was announced on a day that will not soon b e forgotten— N ovember 1 1 th 1 9 1 8 In considering the reasons for victory and defeat in th e conflict we must remember what a task Germany had to face in spite of her initial advantages and greater freedom from moral restrai nts In the end the Central E uropean powers four in number were at war with twenty seven states including the whole might of the British E mpire India and the D ominions France and her E mpire Japan and the U nited States W ith such forces behind them including R ussia in the first years of the war it would have been a tremendous military disgrace had the Allies lost Yet they nearly did lose through their uninspired military leadership their i mperviousness to new ideas their disastrous f co ordination personal diff erences and lack O In the end th e Allies muddled through The things which stood them in th e greatest stead were their superiority in man power f especially with the arrival the American contingents) the o ( almost inexhaustible wealth of the British E m pire and the U nited States and the control of the seas which th e British N avy never for one moment 10st The last factor was tremendously important—as the years passed the Allied blockade slowly brought about the starvation of the Central P owers in both food and raw materi als O n the other hand . , , , . , ‘ . , , , “ . “ . , . , . - , , , , ‘ , , , , . , , . . _ , , , - . ‘ . - , , . . , HI S T ORY O F M O D ERN I LLU S T R A T ED 3 02 E U R O PE ’ the Allied fleets could and did ensure E ngland s vital food supply th e transport of troops to convenient centres of opera tion the capture of enemy colonies There was no Trafalgar in this war but no more than the N apoleonic war coul d the struggle have been won without the British Fleet O n the German side the greatest mistakes which cost th em the war were the invasion of B elgium and the unrestricted submarine campaign Both were gambles which came very near to success but when once the immediate menace was checked both decisions proved fatal to their authors The first o ffended th e moral conscience of the world and uni ted E ngland T h e second reinforced the in an unremitting Opposition universal hatred of German militarism and brought about the ultimately decisive intervention of the U nited States , . , , - . . , . . . 2 . T h e P eace T reaties . E urope af ter th e War Th ough the carnage had now stopped an Official peace was not at once drawn up It took months of bargaining and doubtful diplomacy amon g the Allies before the treaties wer e concluded At last in June 1 9 1 9 the Versailles treaty signed in that Hall of M irrors which had witnessed the foundation of the German E mpire half a century before was given to the world O ther treaties with Austria Hungary Turkey and Bulgaria took even longer to frame the final settlement with Turkey (which began fighting again with Greece) not b eing achieved till 1 92 3 , The peace treaties as a whole constituted a redrawing Of the map of E urope comparable with the settlement Of 1 8 1 5 The work of those who framed them was fantastically difficult They had to deal with enormous problems such as the racial complications Of Central E urope and the N ear E ast or th e best financial settlement obtainable which they but very imperfectly understood And they had to work in an atmosphere poisoned by four years of desperate warfare with its inevitabl ecrop of national hatred not to be forgotten in a few weeks In general the most liberal attitude to the conquered was taken by W ilson an I dealist to whom detachment Was possible in ’ view of his country s greater distance from E urope T h e opposite attitude of stripping Germany of all pcssib le territorially and financially was exempli fi ed in the veteran , . . , , . , , , , , , ' . . , , , . , , . , . , , , T H E FI R S T W O R LD W A R A N —93 9 A FT E R , D 1914 1 3 03 Clemenceau the Tiger who could never forget what France W ilson had su ff ered not only in 1 9 1 4 but in 1 8 70 Lloyd George represented something of a middle term between the other two not illiberal himself but with a constant eye on the fury Of En glish Opinion th en expr essed in the twin cries of make ’ ’ Germany pay and hang the Kaiser The settlement produced by compromises between these th ree m en na turally bore marks of all of them O n the one " side th ere was the application of th e principle of self ’ determination —the release of subject races all over E urope S ubj ect From th e ruins of the Austrian E mpire emerged the free 2m republics of C zech OSlovakia ( including the old Bohemia) and Yugo Slavia ( Serbia enlarged by M ontenegro and the Croats T h n w m and Slovenes of the Austrian E mpire) Hungary was stripped of its subject races all round R oumania being the chief ga i ner Austria was limited to th e strictly German section a drastic alteration from the days when Vienna lorded it over thirteen races The Baltic republics of Finl and Lithuania E sthonia Latvia appeared and P oland was reassembled as an inde pendent state N ew Arab states freed from Turkish control were set up in the N ear E ast Alsace and Lorraine were restored to France All these arrangements in general conformed to national limits and in this respect the great principle Of nation ality so constantly enunciated in the 1 9th century at last received full recognition N evertheless in some respects it was violated by the incorporation of aliens in th e new states—for example three million Hungarians A f w were placed under foreign rule ; three million Germans were m om “ included in C zech o Slovakia arid some more in P oland in Future trouble was inevitable here All the same the exceptions sometimes necessary in the interests of military frontiers were insignificant com pared with the national subjections before the war— and furthermore guarantees on the fair treatment of minorities were required from the ruling powers A more vital defect was that the construction of so many small states multiplied economic boundaries caused new tar iff s and made trade infinitely more difficult in South eastern E urope Though the territorial conditions of th e treaties wer e if by no means perfect rather fairer than nearly all p revious ’ ‘ , , . . , , ‘ ‘ , ‘ . . _ ‘ . - e - . . , , . , , , , , . , . . , , , . . e , - , . . , , , , , . , ‘ , . , , e H I S T OR Y O F M OD E R N I LLU S T R A T E D 3 04 . E uropean E U R O PE treaties the financial provisions were extremely ’ stringent Germany had to admit her war guilt and with h er satellities to foot a bill as large as th e Allies could make it with any h Ope Of payment The figure of the reparations due from Germany was eventually fixed at nearly seven thousand million pounds and ultimately an arrangement was decided on by which Germany was to pay large annual instalments almost indefinitely She was in no position to resist since she had to surrender h er fleet renounce her air force abolish conscription be content with a small pro fessional force and admit an Allied army of occupation But she was also in no position to pay since she had lost her colonies and some of her best industrial districts notably Silesia ( to P oland) Lorraine ( to France ) and the Saar ( to the League Of N ations ) P ayment in goods was not encouraged since th e Allies did not wish by accepting German commodities to put th eir own workers out of employment Large numbers of intelligent people could see that th e financia l provisions would never work in actual fact they never really did Germany p aid a certain amount for some years by means of first borrowing from the U nited States and E ngland then later as soon as h e really began to foot th e bill she found hersel f unable to s do so and repudiated it If th e treaties were impracticable in finance and imperfect in politics if th ey carried out to the letter neither th e idealistic ’ ’ principles Of W ilson s Fourteen P oints nor the material bargains of E ngland and France with states like Italy th ey did at any rate contain one hope for the future in the form of the League of N ations Th is though not his own original ’ idea was W ilson s greatest gift to E urope M ore than any other statesman h e was impressed with the overwhelming necessity of avoiding a catastrop h e similar to the war just ended Accordingly he insisted that his scheme for a League of N ations should be included in the treaty of Versaill es The new institution w as not a super state national pride would not then and will not now allow that It was a device to increase international co operation and avoid war wh ile leaving each state perfectly sovereign in its own affairs Situated at Geneva in Switzerland ( a traditionally neutral state) its main organs were to be an Assembly representing , ‘ . , , ‘ . , . , , , , , . . , , , , . ' , , . . ‘ ' , , , . , T h e League of N ations , ‘ ~ , . , “ . , ‘ . — . - - - . . - , . , , , ILLU S T R A T E D 3 06 H I S T ORY O F M O D E R N EU RO P E quered German colonies did not want to see them restored to G ermany to constitute once more a menace to th eir security Yet the territories were too backward to govern th emselves in accordance with standards acceptable to W estern nations and were too important to forgo lightly The solution arrived at ’ was the M andate system first suggested by the South African General Smuts who was also one of th e fathers of the League itself By this system the territories were entr usted to a mandatory power whose duty was to rule with the benefit and the ultimate independence of the natives in mind The mandatory power had to give an account Of its stewardship to th e League of N ations O n the whole the system scarcely succeeded The French encountere d enormous opposition in Syria and British rul e over P alestine has completely failed to reconcile th e Arabs to the establishment of a Jewish ’ Germany naturally regarded th e N ational Home there m andatory system in gen eral as a device by which the British ’ E mpire migh t cover annexation in a cloak of morality E ngland however actually surrendered one mandate in The most important mandates th e N ear E ast over Ira q th ose over the old German colonies in Africa are still retained by E ngland and South Africa— as Hitler not infrequently r eminded Germany and the world The history of E urope since 1 9 1 9 has given little satisfaction to those who dreamed of a new era of peace after the war to ’ end war Till about 1 9 2 3 figh ting continued in various parts — R Civil war convulsed ussia a civil War in which of E urope E ngland France and P oland by active intervention on the ’ ’ side Of the W hites strove to destroy th e R ed Bolsh evik gover nment The R oumanians encouraged by th e Allies took advantage of a Communist revolution in Hungary to plunder th e Hungarians The Turks i n a wonderful nati onal revival at th e very moment of defeat found a saviour in th e soldier M ustapha Kemal who had earlier been the decisive Kemal factor in frustrating the Allied Gallipoli campaign led the Turks against the Greeks who were first encouraged by the Allies to occupy part of Asia M inor and then deserted at the critical moment The previous settlement with Turkey now had to be revised very greatly in her favour M ost of the new states including the German R epublic had th e very , ' . . ‘ , , . , . . . “ ‘ . ‘ . , , . , , , . ‘ . . , , ‘ ‘ . , , , . , , “ . , . . , , T H E FI R S T W OR LD W A R A N A FT E R , D 119 1 4 - 3 07 1 93 9 greatest difficulty in establishing themselves and much blood was shed before order could be established and government generally accepted In Italy a wave of unrest strengthened ’ by dissatisfaction at Italy s small gains from the war and marked by strikes the appearance of Communism and the T 22“in paralysis of parliamentary government led to the virtual Italy seizure of power by the Fascists Their main aims were " strong government and flaming nationalism Their leader was Benito M ussolini son of a blacksmith a notorious M ussolini d been jailed and exiled by previous ex Socialist who h a governments In 1 92 2 King Victor E mmanuel III had to accept him as P rime M inister after the Fascist M arch on ’ R ome —to which M ussolini himself came by train For some time the greatest f actor in W estern E urope in prolonging bitterness seemed to be France who perhaps understandably took every step to humiliate Germany Thus in 1 9 2 3 for example when Germany defaulted on T h e F nch in ad th reparation payments the French P remier P oincaré a ruthless Ruh 9 2 3 German hater ordered the French army to invade the Ruhr districts and seize the German coal mines as compensation ’ This coupled with Germany s non existent gold reserve helped to cause a fatal collapse of the mark which reached C llap of th e on “ ’ astronomical figures It fell so rapidly that a man s wages paid overnight might be quite valueless by the time he went out to spend them in the morning P eople in the streets of London b ought ten m illioni m ark notes for twopence as souvenirs U ltimately of course an entirely new start had to be made i n German currency b olstered up by loans b ut meanwhile all savings in banks and the like had disappeared It was a terrible experience for Germany ruining her thrifty middle class and peasantry R ound about 1 9 2 4 a new phase of greater hope for E urop e B tter den 92 ‘ began The unimaginable confusion of the E astern and Central E uropean states had sorted itself out into some semblance of order Industry began to adj ust itself to a peace time foo ting A milder reparations agre ement was made with Germany ( th e D awes In 1 92 5 a step of the first importance for E uropean appeasement was taken I n th e conclusion of the Locarno Treat by th e work of Briand L a m, y t” Austen Chamberlain and Stresemann all of whom had the fi s , , . , , 3 1 , . . , , - . . ‘ . , , . , , re , v , , e e r. 1 , - , - . - , , o , . . . - . , , , , . , . e . ‘ . . - . ‘ , ' , , se o r 3 08 H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N I LLU S T R A T E D E U RO P E interests Of E urope as well as of their own countries at heart By this treaty Germany agreed never again to raise th e question of Alsace and Lorraine while Italy and E ngland promised to defend France against German aggression and G ermany against French aggression T h e logical sequel came when Germany in 1 9 2 6 sought and was granted admission to th e League of N ations . , . . D isarm am ent, 1 92 9 . ’ I n Low s own words P eace is depi cted h ere af ter ten weary years j ourney upon h er path etic T h e only b ut h oly m ount, faced with th e m ilestone of h er star ting point appreciab le diff erence in th e desolate scene is th e pr esence of an em pty evidence th at som e ch am pagne b ottle and a str ay top h at politicians h ave b een h olding anoth er b anq uet to ab olish war - . — . this line of policy was not earn ed far enough The French in their desperate distrust of Germany had sought for security by concluding two 1 mportant E uropean alliances O n e was with P oland and the other with a group ’— which became k nown as The Little E ntente C zech o Slovakia R onm ania Yugo Slavia Since all these states had been formed from the defeated powers their interest was to oppose al l revision of the treaties and they were thus th e natural enemies of Germany Austria Hungary and Bulgaria ’ G ermany thus felt herself once more encircled by alliances U nfortunately . , , . . ‘ - , . , , , , , , . , ‘ , 3 I LLU S T R A T E D 10 H I S T OR Y O F M OD ER N V ersailles— all under diff erent of of Comm unists and th e framers the Treaty th ree classes being rough ly the same people names He promised if h e should be returned to power to ’ restore Germany s might to stop her humiliations at the hands of E ngland and Fr ance to suppress Jews and Com m unists and to make wide sweeping social reform s which would cure unemployment Such a programme at such a moment was irresi stible Aided at the last minute by th e said to have been caused by Com famous R eichstag fire — mselves m unists but possibly perpetrated by the N az is th e to discredit th eir opponents— Hitler was overwhelmingly triumphant at the 1 933 elections The moment Hitler came into power the international outlook blackened In Germany itself his régime until 1 939 was a mixture of efficiency and persecution completely satisfactory to most Germans but bitterly resented by a minority who were not given an opportunity for self expression N ot only Jews and Communists but moderate Socialists Liberals and even C onservatives were persecuted out of existence T h e attentions of N azi Brownshirts and the ’ possibility of:a spell in the horrors of a concentration camp sufficed to limit opposition to all b ut the boldest spirits A movement of disaff ection by some of the leaders of his own ’ party led in June 1 93 4 to a savage purge when in a single night seventy seven men were arrested and shot without trial ( The figure seventy seven is th e official one—opponents place it at more than one thousand ) But all this was off set in ’ — German eyes by three achievements of Hitler that he saved Germany from Communism that he genuinely did a great deal towards solving the unemployment problem ( though mainly by the unsatisfactory method of Labour Camps and big armament programmes) and above all that he restored Germany as a great power He successively announced him ’ self as tired of the Allies broken promises of disarmament marched Germany out of the League of N ations reintroduced conscription reoccupied the demilitarized armed his country to th e R hineland zone (M arch teeth and set up a vigorous campaign for th e restoration of German colonies E ngland and France watched him tear up articles of the Versailles Treaty one by one unwilling to , His policy E U R OP E ’ , , . , ' , - , . . v . . , - . , Persecution , , . ‘ . ‘ , - - . . ‘ , , . , , . , T HE FI R S T W OR LD W A R A N D A F T ER , 31: 93 9 1 9 1 44 intervene for fear of provoking a general war and at h eart 3133 1} of unable to deny the logic of many of h is actions It should be aille m mm noted too that Hitler cleverly timed the r em ilitarizatiOn of the R hineland for a moment when E ngland and France were onthe brink of war with Italy The advent to power of Hitler was followed by a series of major events which made the intern ational outlook increas ’ Against the conscience of the ingly b lacker and blacker wh ole world Japan wrested M anchuria ( already invaded by 1 9 3 2 ) from C h ina and set up the puppet st ate of M anchukuo J apan lea . T h e unanimous condemnation of the League of N ations W as flouted and Japan followed Germany from Geneva In face of the difficulty of operating in the Far E ast against a major power the powers took no Steps to restrain the aggressor ’ E ncouraged by th is examp le M ussolini s Italy which had long ma rked out as a sphere for Italian expansion the only large tract of Africa still ruled by Africans invaded Abyssinia h e powers resolved to do some c ober This time O t t ( thing more than protest The League invoked Article XVI Italy l a e. “ and sanctions were applied against Italy (N ovember I 93 5 E a i? July But th e policy was not wholeheartedly pressed some i nfluential quarters in E ngland an d France disagr eed 333113 ; with it entirely and the vital oil sanction was never applied inia “i “ nor was the Suez Canal closed M ussolini let it be known that he would regard both actions as tantamount to a decl ara tion of war The question became one of bluff and M us ’ solini relying on the divisions in his opponents councils their growing pre occupatl on W I th Hitler and their greater reluctance to cause a general conflict easily outbluff ed E ngland and Franc e T h e result was th at the half hearted sanctions failed to do anything except infuriate Italy, wh o regarded th e whole campai gn against her as selfish hypocrisy; since E ngland herself h ad already acquired so large a share of ’ the world s surface in roughly the sam e manner The hostile atm osp h ere engendered by this episode persisted and Italy too left the League From 1 936 to 1 93 9 a source of perpetual crisis hung over T h S panish E urope in the form of the Spanish Civil W ar In opposition£ 33312; to the left wing and anti clerical policy of the Spanish R e publican government General Franco attempted a coup 1 . . s s res c , , , . “ . ' - ve . . , . , , , _ m . S , . ’ . . , , , ” ' - , . ‘ - . ' . , . e . - - , . . l s , , e v I LLU S T R A T ED 312 H I S T OR Y OF M OD ER N ’ d etat E U R OPE It failed to achieve immediate success and led to a bi tter struggle in which the forces of Franco the Army the ’ Church and Big Business were ranged against the legitimate government the Basques liberals socialists and communists generally E ngland and France tried to maintain a policy of N on Intervention from outside but this was flagrantly broken by Italy and Germany on beh alf of Franco and R ussia on behalf of the government These three powers were not only manoeuvring for position but were also using the occasion as a dress rehearsal for a E uropean war by trying out tactics and equipment R ussia abandoned intervention first and Franco was at length successful a very dangerous result for E ngland and France since he was likely to remain in the German and Italian camp T h roughout the British position was very delicate for we h ad no wish to intervene but also no desire to see German and Italian influence permeate Spain W e were moreover by now fully alive to the danger of the Germ an air force which Hitler had so swiftly called into being ( and for which a planned framework at least must have existed before the N azis came on the scene) Throughout these troubled years and particularly in the C zech o Slovak crisis of 1 93 8 the inferiority of British and French air power to a Luf twaff e expanding at an unparalleled rate was to be a governing thought in many minds and to determine our policy along lines of caution The worsening trend of international events was vividly illustrated in the year 1 93 8 In the spring Hitler after a brutal ultimatum to the Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg marched his newly formed l egions into Austria took over complete possession and merged it into the R eich M odern E urope had seen nothing parallel to this overnight disap r ance from the map of a state with nearly a thousand a e p ’ years of history behind it Hitler s plea in so far as h e was that th e Austrians had always desired the Off ered one ’ Anschluss and that Schus chnigg (whom he promptly imprisoned) was endeavouring to avert this by a ’ ’ After Hitler s entry together with tha t of faked pl ebiscite ’ his troops and secret police a genuine plebiscite was to be held— and was held with the customary totalitarian results Italy the power wh o had earlier prevented the Anschluss ‘ . , , , ‘ , , , , , . - , , . , — . , , . , , . , , . - , , , . , . , , , , . , . , , ‘ ' . ‘ . ‘ , , . I LLU S T R A T ED 3 14 . H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N “ E UR O P E ) meant only that Herr Hitler had consented to be served with his courses one at a time in an orderly fashion instead of snatching his victuals all at once from the table U p to this point it was still possible if optimistic to believe Incorp a tion f ’ that Hitler s policy brutal though it was woul d stop short Cz hq S l ak a at the incorporationof those of German race in the R eich In th G em an n To those who still clu g to this theory the next move in the R h li m b 939 spring of 1 N ot content with 939 proved a rude shock having stripped C zech o Slovakia of her G ernian frontiers and many of her industries he invaded the Czech sections them selves occupied P rague and declared the whole state dis solved with Bohemia and M oravia included in Germany and ’ Slovakia as a self governing district Germany previously so outraged at the existence of a German minority in C zech o Slovakia thus acquired a Czech minority three times as large to say nothing of the complete Czech air force military equipment and the vital Skoda munitions works At about the same time while the going was good , the Germans G erm any al o tak seiz ed M emel which was however truly German from M m ! Lithuania The policy of appeasement now lay in ruins and the Th nd f th question became one of stopping further German advanc e i f l o p y ’ app a M r C h amberlain was apparently converted to M r Churchill s m nt ’ policy and a positive revolution occurred in Britain s conduct St p t h k ’ The British government off ered guarantees of foreign aff airs A xia aggre i n of help in case of attack to P oland R umania and Greece ( threatened by Italy since the Italian seizure of Albania on Good Friday concl uded a treaty of mu tual assistance with Turkey and together with France strove to include R ussia in a great block of states pledged to resist German aggression The negotiations with R ussia dragged on un successfully however all the summer 0 Labour circles at th e time tended to place the blame on the well known anti Bolshevik sentiments of the Conservative leaders but it seems that R ussia was demanding as the price of her adherence extensive concessions at the expense of P oland Finland and the small Baltic States These though perhaps necessary for R ussian security against German attack could not h onourably be conceded by Great Britain and France th ough R ussia was eventually to find a partner with a less 1 93 8 “ ” . or , , o ec , , i ov e . r eic , , I » , . - , , , , , ‘ - . , , , , , . , s es e , e , , , . ee o , e “ o c . e se . . e e s o , c ec ‘ . ss o , . , , . , . , - , , , , . , , , , W O RLD W A R A N T HE F I R S T A FT ER , D 1 914 1 93 9 - . 315 scrupulous conscience in the opposite camp In any case the guarantees to P oland Rumania and Greece still held good and to give reality to her new determination E ngland took the epoch making step of introducing conscri tion p ’ Germany countered by mak ing the R ome Berlin axis into a hard and fast military alliance and by seeking to extend this system to Japan Hungary Yugo Slavia and Spain " Thus with the League discredited fOr its failure to withstand Japan Italy and Germany E urope fell back on the bad old method of two armed groups All the powers feverishly hurried on their colossal armament programm es in which ’ the ax is powers had a dangerously long lead and which ’ made the preparations for 1 9 1 4 seem like child s play in com parison It was a method of S eeking security which had been tried once all too thoroughly and which h ad failed It was to fail again As the summer of 1 939 wore on it became apparent that G em , m Germany was about to direct her next blow against P oland 3 P oles and Germans had long had no love for each other but ’ Hitler s government had actually concluded a non aggression pact with P oland as one of its first steps in foreign policy Germany however flushe d with her recent successes and possibly gambling on th ekind of resistance fr om E ngland and France wh ich these powers had shown at M unich determined to settle two long standing gri evances in her own favour She had never accepted willingly either the status of D anzig ( populated largely by Germans) as a Free City in which the P oles had certain guaranteed rights or the existence of th e ’ P olish Corridor cutting off E ast P russia from the main body of the R eich Had Hitler not revealed his true aims by the occupation of P rague in the spriil ga some accom modation might have been possible As it was the P oles and the whole of E urop e k new every step in th e well wom N azi techniqu e ’ — by heart A demand an atrocity campaign alleging ill ’ — tr eatment of German minorities an app eal by th e German ’ minorities for Hitler s protection—more demands every con cession offered by the victim used to extort a further one and finally th e entry of the Germany army with not only th e disputed territory b ut the whole country at its mercy I n face of a shrieking German press campaign th e P ol es kep t th eir . , , , , “ - . ‘ - , - , , , . , , , , . , ‘ , . . , , . , . , - . , , , - . , , . ‘ , . _ . , - ‘ . ‘ , ' , . , . m 3 16 ILLU S T R A T E D H I S T OR Y O F M O D E R N EU R O P E temper and their determination trusting to their own bravery and th e help of their western allies—though this indeed ’ owing to P oland s geographical situation could hardly be either direct or of immediately decisive eff ect They announced their willingness to negotiate but not under th reat of force E urope held its breath and trembled O n August 2 1 5t the world knew that the die was c ast The papers of that day contained the news of the R usso German non aggression pact which was formally signed in M oscow by R ibbentrop two days later R ussia had sold ’ out to the N azis presumably in return for German con niv ance at a R ussian occupation of E astern P oland and the Baltic States It is probable however; th at the main R ussian motive was to avoid trouble with Germany until the R ed Army was better equipped and the disorganiz ation following ’ th e purges had been righted She was moreover perhaps not displeased at the th ought of a length y war in which the ’ great capitalist powers of Germany F rance and Great Britain would exh aust one anoth er ’ This cynical volte face from Hitler s anti Communi s t opinions indeed astound ed public opinion everywhere but if th e intention of the move was to frighten E ngland and France into betraying P oland or P oland into abject surrender th e sinister R ibbentrop sadly miscalcul ated O n August E ngland signed the last formal stages of her alliance 2 4th with P oland Hitler and h is advisers however refused to be swayed from th eir purpose by the prospect of a E uropean war The alternative was clearly before them but their new calculation was apparently that with the P oles irre E f beaten in a ortnig t ngland and France wo d be l a r a b u l h p y glad to withdraw before any further damage was done In any case Hitler was in his normal state of emotional hysteria ’ when considering the wrongs of Germans For another week the tension grew tauter and tauter O n August g1 st G ermany suddenly announced a 1 6 P oint P eace P lan involving the return of D anz ig to the R eich plebiscites in the Corridor German railways and roads th rough th e Corridor before the plebiscites and further concessions ’ Hitler announced that his patience was exhausted and th at ’ th e German government af ter two days grace were now tired , , , . , . T h e Russo . , . . - , ‘ . , . , ‘ . , , ‘ , , . - - , , , . , , . , . , , , . , . . , - , , , , . ‘ - , , , 318 I LLU S T R A T E D 3 . C b nclusion H I S T OR Y OF M O D E R N N . ationalism , E U R O PE D ictatorsh ip, D emocracy s From the French R evolution to the First W orld W ar th etwo conceptions dominating E urope were as we have so frequently seen th e ideas of nationalism and democracy How do they fare to day P O bviously nationalism is for the most part as strong as ever if not stronger The peace treaties of 1 9 1 9 by carving up the Austrian E mpire and by establishing P oland and the Baltic R epublics gave expression to th e longing of peoples to be governed by m en of their own nationality It was on the rock of nationalism that international ideas such as the League came to grief I n countries like Germany and Italy which emerged from th e last war with grievances nationalism reached an unheard of pitch in part through the hysterical oratory of dictators It may seem strange in V iew of all this to hold that nationalism has probably attained its zenith and may henceforth decline Those countries which have longest enjoyed national unity and freedom while still deeply patriotic are less fervent in their nationalism than before E ngland for example has voluntarily abandoned nearly all the legal ties which bound Ireland and her W hite D ominions to her and no longer dreams of acquiring further imperial territory N ationalism is still by far the strongest force in E urope to day with its armies its foreign policies its cut throat tarifi barriers but the wh ole trend of modern civilization must ultimately militate against it E ducation ease of communication the spread of common standards of culture the sheer necessity of preserving th e peace— all may be factors in assisting the decline of nationalism The present ’ talk of E uropean federation as a peace aim is some indication of the increasing loss of faith in unadulterated national self M eantime no other force is at once so much a sufii ciency part of E uropean civilization and so much a danger to it And what of the oth er conception that of democracy Here the high water mark was reached immediately after th e last war when Germany Austria P oland C zech o Slovaki a Yugo Slavia the new Baltic States all gave themselves democratic constitutions with parliam ents written statements ’ From the French R evolution of citizens rights and the like , , . - . , , , N ationalism th e stron est g force i n E urope . ° . , , - , . , , . But desti ned to decline in , , . , , , . - , , , ' - . , , , . ‘ . . . , - - , , , , . , ~ , , , . - , T HE F I R S T —1 93 9 W ORLD WA R A N D A FT ER , 3 19 1914 . . onwards the peoples of E urope had broadly assumed that th e path of democracy was the path of progress By 1 9 1 4 diff erent countries had attained different degrees of democracy—of th e great powers in Europe E ngland and Fr ancc were th e mos t democratic R ussia the least Germany and Austria Hungary about mid way being autocracies with some i mportant con cessions to democracy The fact that E ngland France and Belgium and later Italy and the U ni ted States all found them cast a kind of selves on the same side in the war of 1 9 1 4 democratic halo rou nd the Allies Ev en C zarist R ussia experimenti ng with a D um a was supposed to b e coming into line The sentimen t of democracy as well as that of national ism was deliberately appealed to by th e Allies in th eir propaganda against Turkish rule over Arabs Austrian rule over Cz echs Slovaks P oles Croats and so on W hen th e Allies won it was natural that new democracies should spring up all over E urope E ven defeated states like Germany became democratic anxl ous to repudiate the system which had led them to disaster W ith in a few years however the picture began to look Failu of M ost of these countries were lacking i n parlia 3 di ff er ent 32333 ? mentary experience and tradition For m any of them it did gag e, ’ not seem to be a natural growth Thei r party system worked ( a) A b sence ° badly mainly because they adopted the idea of proportional £3 3 and “ ad" representation which by mul tiplying parties confused th e t n electorate ( In 1 92 5 in L atv ia for instance the electors were ( b) M ulti invited to choose between forty three parties ) It usually became impossible for one party to obtain a clear majority ( H m g f and thus no resolute government was possible Then for most of the countries economic conditions were very difficult 332333“ in the years following the war and became increasingly so in m n, th e sl ump of 1 93 0 Finally the secure and established powers (d) T h e of the W est did little to help some of these infant democracies n m ic i “ “ Germany for example was constantly kept aware of the fact j l that her R epublic was founded in defeat by the way in which i53 1i ttiti fd g moderate requests such as a customs union with Austria “ m m “ were refused For Germany at least th e idea of a democracy became associated W ith the idea of permanent inferiority to E ngland and France— a mistake for which those two powers could have kicked themselves when it produced Hitler “ , - , , - , , . , , ’ . , , . , , , . , , , . , . , re , . , . ‘ . e 0, , , 1o . , , - . - , c e e . , e ' . eco o s , , t z , , . , , e . . 3 22 The H I S T O R Y O F M O D ER N I LLU S T R A T E D EU R O PE So nearly everywhere in E urope democracy went down before dictatorship Hitler in Germany M ussolini in Italy Kemal in Turkey P ilsudski in P oland de R ivera and later Franco in Spain King Alexander in Yugo Slavia King Carol in R oum am a M etaxas in Greece Salazar in P ortugal Gomb os in Hungary D ollfuss then Schuschnigg in Austria—th ese are among the best known of th ose wh o since the last war have exercised or are still exercising almost com l t power in their respective countries e e p To th is formidable list of present past and would b e dictatorsh ips we must also add th at of the U mon of Soviet Socialist R epublics in the person first of Lenin th en of Stalin After the Bolsheviks h ad driven out their foreign enemies and crushed actual military resistance at home they still had to ’ liquidate the opposition of most of the upper and middle classes This was done by th e traditional means— a gigantic ’ Terror A full Socialist policy of state owners h ip was applied the opposition of the peasants to having their h oldings ’ collectiviz ed being brutally repressed U nder Stalin M an ’ ’ who on Lenin s death gained supreme power after a of Steel struggle with Trotsky R ussia concentrated on industraliz a ’ T h e chief tion by means of the famous Five Year P lans di ff erences between Stalin and T rotsky were th at Stalin wished to go at a more steady pace on th e path of Socialization th an Trotsky and that he desired to complete th e revolution first in R ussia whereas Trotsky W ished to foment revolution all over the world The open secret and imaginary sup ’ porters of Trotsky were liquidated by th e victorious Stalin as ’ ruthlessly as they themselves once liquidated aristocrats and O fli cially th e U nion of Soviet Socialist b ourgeois capitalists R epublics advanced farther on the path of democracy by a new constitut1on g1v1ng th e secret ballot and greater guarantees W hile the Communist party permits no of personal liberty opposition however looking for democracy in R ussia would seem to be rather like looking for a needle in a W hole collection of haystacks In considering the institution of dictatorship in modern E urope two or three points sometimes neglected should be remembered First th ey did not spring out of nothing — Th ey had historic ca uses usually defeat in war or social . , , , , - , , , , , , , . Russia , - , , , . , ‘ . ‘ . , ‘ ‘ . , , , ‘ . , , . , , ‘ ‘ ‘ . . , , . , . , . , T HE FI R S T W OR LD W A R AN A FT E R, D 1 914 —1 93 9 323 C am “ ch aosf ollowing parliamentary inefficiency and labour troubles Secondly many of th em h ave or had pub li or economic collapse th e consent o f th e overwh elming majority of th eir people P lebiscites produced 9 9 per cent in favour of the dictator and M at ial so on — Thirdly l n many fiflifi if th ese figures are worth anything cases they brough t considerable m aterial benefits with them ’ Hitler s ach ievements in employm ent and public works E g ’ M ussolini s treatm ent of th e problems o f pilfering and rail way unpunctuality were but examples of an aspect of genuine ’ importance T h e real justification of Stalin s dictatorship if any is th at h e and L enin succeeded in raising the standard of liv ing in R ussia poor though it is in comparison with th at to a height undreamt of in C z arist days P er o f E ngland h aps the most success ful of all dictators was M ustaph a Kemal Ataturk described recen tly by one journalist as th e rough neck among dictators beside wh om Hitler is a milksop M ussolini a perfumed dandy and C om b os a creature of the ’ draWing rooms N ot only did he rescue his country from real not imaginary peril and win back territory for it but he successfully launched the progress of Turkey on E uropean lines He even sent old men back to school to learn a new alphabet and abolish ed the fez th e Veil and the institution of polygamy with h ardly a murmur from h is hypnotized people In foreign policy he laid down lines which h ave since been more closely pursued in th e agreements of Turkey with h er recent and h er traditional enemies E ngland and R ussia respectively The decline of democracy m evidence to day does not D m cm necessarily imply th at there may not be a reversal of that process in th e future O f the old democracies of E urope few at th e moment survive but th e defeat of Germany would probably entail the r e establishment of democratic govern ment in many E uropean states doubtless in a new and far more efficient form in wh ich a strong executive and systemati c planning would have a leading place O utside E urop e th ere are the great democracies of the British Commonwealth of All of these have managed N ations and th e U nited States to preserve their intellectual freedom perhaps partly because th ey are all relatively prosperous countries N one of them knows the regime of concentration camp and castor oil bottle, , , , . c , . . er , ve' . , . , . , . , ” , _ . , ‘ , , , , F ' - . . , , , . , , . . , . - e . , - , , . . , . - 11 o , 324 I LLU S T R A T E D H I S T OR Y OF M O D E RN EU R OP E " ’ ’ liquidation and purge Side by side with Great Bri tain th ey are now battling to maintain their liberties with th e resolve not only of enj oying th eir own heritage but of passing ba ck to E urope l n h appier times th e torch of freedom But to survive to live into a E urope less racked with cares and h orrors democracy no less th an dictators h ip must solve th e twin problems of th e age— the abolition of poverty and preservation of peace ‘ . , . , . . 326 FU R TH E R S TUD Y T h e following m ay b e recom m ended with H B alz ac V Hugo V H ugo Les C h ouans Les M iser ab les ’ 93 T h e G un D eath and th e French S aint H elena ( P lay) B arlasch of th e G uard T h e S owers T h e Bi b le in S pain W ar and P eace (adm irab le, b ut too difficult for m ost readers ) S eb asto po l D isench antm ent P oem s . . . C C R S S G L F orester F orester C S h eri ff M erri m an M err i m an B orrow T olstoi S S . . . . . . . . . . . L T olstoi C E M ontague S iegfried S assoon Wilfrid Owen . . . W eym an . A . C . W . long and P oem s T h e following are i nteresting, th eir kind S nfidence co and possess greater m erit th an m ost of T h e R ed C ock ade T h e C ount of M onte C risto T h e A dventures of B rigadier G T h e Lam e E nglish m an D um as D oyle D eeping erard i ntroduced to th e well h istori cal tales of B aroness Orczy and G A H enty known th ey m ay b e warned h owever against accepting such excellent sto ry telling as m ore th an—story telling Y outh ful readers will not need to b e ” . . , , - . III . Film s t h istorical film s of course are ludicrously and fantastically T h e followi ng com m ercial ventur es h owev er h ave unh istorical b oth cinem atic m erit and a conception th ough not com plete of h istorical accuracy T h e H ouse of R oth sct M arie W alewska T h e S tory of Louis P asteur T h e Life of E m ile Z ola T h e P atriot (silent) M os , , , . , , , . Th e tm osph ere of th e F irst W orld W ar is a ’ J ourney s E nd A ll Quiet on th e W estern Front adm irab ly captur ed in FU R T HER S T U D Y 32 7 T h e following sh ort educational diagram m atic film s yet pr oduced in th eir sph er e are th e b est f G erm any T h e E xpansion o C h anges i n th e Franch ise ( E ngland) How M oney W orks (E conom ics) T h ere is also a League of N IV tions film —T h e League at W ork a P ainti n g . F or th ose lucky few wh o h av e th e opportunity to travel and th e inclination to look at pictur es, th ere is a cer tain am ount of m aterial M ost full dr ess h istorical pi ctures in th e ar t galler ies o f E urope / h av e ab o ut as little h i stori cal, and, for th at m atter, artisti c value as m ost h isto ri cal film s J L D av id and G ros, h owever, h av e painted th e for m al o ccasio ns of th e N apoleoni c peri od well, and M eissonier ’ S ever al exam ples of th e latter s h as specializ ed on th e arm y life D elacr oix h as som e wor k m ay b e seen in th e Wa llace C ollection T h e m ost valuab le m aterial splendidly tur b ulent, rom anti c scenes of t h is sort, h owev er , is in th e form of engravings and carto ons O f th ese, th e wor ks of R owlandson on th e W aterloo period and G oya o n th e h or r o rs of th e P eninsular W ar ( accessi b le in th e P h aedon P ress edition, pub lish ed b y A llen and U nwin) ar e repellently coarse b ut tr agically real Daum ier is super b for th e ironies and sorrows T h e m ore for m al E nglish car toonists, Leech , of Fr ench town life T enniel a nd Low h av e m uch excellent m aterial b esides th at repr oduced in th is b ook - - . . . . _ . ‘ . . . . - . . V: M usic T h e m usically inclined m ay learn m uch from com parisons of works T ake a well kh own 1 8 th century piece like of di ff erent per io ds ’ H arm o m o us B lacksm i th H andel s and play it on th e piano or o n th e gram oph one N ote its or der ed b eauty, and j oy with out ’ v iolence T h en tak e a m id 1 9th century piece like C h opin s ” Rev olutionary S tudy, and see W h at a world away from th e atm osph ere of th e 1 8 th century m us1 c nas m oved T h e sam e idea m ay b e expanded indefinitely— contrast an early H aydn or M ozart ’ ” B erli oz s sym ph ony with S ym ph onic F antastiq ue, for instance, th e two R ussi as in th e genuinely S lavonic works of B orodin or see in com parison with th e W ester niz ed style of T ch aikowski F or th ose wh o h ave ears to h ear, such diff er ences m ay illum inate th e essential ch ar act eristics o f a per iod m ore vividl y th an th e patient explanati on of a h undr ed h istor ians - - . . - . _ . . _ ‘ . ' G LO S S A R Y OF P O LI T I C A L T E R M S 3 30 UN IS M B elief th at existing system of private ownersh ip of land factories railways b anks etc sh oul d b e rep laced b y T h i s to b e done in two stages pub lic ownersh i p (a) T h e populace b y direct action (strikes or revolution) m ach inery of th e state captures th e (arm y civil service police) from th e control of th e em ployers and uses it to dispossess th e em ployers of th eir property (T h e dictator sh ip of th e proletariat ) ( b ) W h en th e em ploying class h as b een elim inated th e m ach inery of state to b e ab olish ed as th e use of force W ill h ave b ecom e superfl uous F irst propounded in system atic form b y th e G erm ans M arx and E ngels in th e C om m unist M ani festo of 1 848 S ystem of settling internat ional disputes b y C ON G R E S S S YS T E M m eetings of th e G reat P owers propounded b y M etterni ch and C astlereagh after th e N apoleoni c wars O perative with little success from 1 8 1 5 to ab out 1 8 23 L iab ility of all m en to serve in th e arm y b oth in C ON S C R I P T I ON F irst introduced b y th e h om e and overseas cam paigns F rench revolutionaries and since im itated b y alm ost all states in E urope B elief th at existing b enefits sh ould b e conserved C ON S E R V A T I S M rath er th an b e endangered b y innovations reform s and th e like D ocum ent or docum ents giving a parli am ent fix ed C O N S T IT UT I ON Lim itation of laws freedom of speech or sim ilar privileges th e power of a ruler Legal according to th e constitution C O N S T I T UT I ON A L M onarch y wh ere th e ki ng h as lit tle C O N S T I T UT I ON A L M O N A R C H Y power b ut is b ound b y th e term s of a constitution to accept ’ parli am ent s advice etc A greem ent in docum entary form C ON V E N T I O N (M ay also m ean m eeting or ’ S eizure of power C O U P D ET A T 1 8 th century creed h eld b y m any of th e ph ilosoph ers m ai n D E IS M taining a b elief in G od with out recognizing th e truth of th e clai m s of th e C h ri sti an ch ur ch — l system of govern Y it r r e t h e e o e u l R A L e a ll b C D E M OC y p p y m ent in wh i ch th e m asses h ave so m e control of poli cy usually in th e form of electing th eir representatives to som e kind of ar l i m ent a p A b solute rule D E S P OT I S M S ystem of governm ent in wh ich one m an h as D I C T A T OR S H I P com plete power D IE T A ssem b ly or P arliam ent S tudy of th e production and distri b ution of wealth E C O N OM I C S I n m ediaeval parliam ents th e th ree D ivisions or classes ES T A T ES — d a r a e l t t r r r s t t w e n e s e ep e e e usually es a es y first esta te p cler gy second estate no b ili ty th ir d estate r em aind er C OM M . , , . , , , . , , , , . ” , , . . . , . , . , . . , . . ,, . . , . , . . . , . , . , . . . ' ~ ~ . , . , . , . . . . . . . . . . . , , . G LO S S A R Y O F P OLI T I C A L T E R M S 33 1 FA S C I S M S ystem of governm ent in wh ich th e executive power ( th e di ctator) h as contr ol over th e legislative power ( th e parli a ’ m ent ) C reation of M ussolini s in post war I taly, m ar ked b y Literally intense nationalism and intolerance of all opposition ’ from th e fasces, b undle of rods and axe car ried b efo r e a R om an m agistrate to denote h is power of infl icting punish . - . . m ent . S ystem wh ereb y m any states group togeth er to form a state to wh ich th ey surrender som e, b ut not all, of th eir FE D E RA T I ON b igger . power . T h e righ t to vote FR A N C H I S E A b sence of tariff s or custom s duties FR E E T RA D E I N F L A T I ON P rinting of paper m oney out of proportion to gold reserve, causing h igh er prices F reedom fr om alliances or co m m itm ents I S O L A T I ON leave th ings A b sence of governm ent action LA I S S Ez F A IR E ” B elief th at trade will fl ourish b est with out custom s alone d uties, sub sidies, factory acts, etc H olding extrem e r eform i st views, usually social ism or LE F T S o called from positi on of seats in sem i circular co m m unism F rench C h am b er of D eputies, wh er e th e conservatives sit o n th e righ t, th e m oderates in th e centre and th e socialists on th e left Law m aki ng LE G I S L A T I ON LI B E RA L U sed with a capital L for a m em b er of a definite party b eli eving in freedom from gover nm ent restr ictions on trade and li b erty, and h olding wi th constituti onal r ule W ith a sm all l implying sim ilar views, or of a b roadly toler ant nature, b ut no t necessar i ly a mem b er of any L ib eral party E nth usiasm for th e righ t and m igh t of th e nati on N A T I ON A L I S M D esir e to see th e nation organi z ed powerfully and fr ee fr om o ppression b y o th er nati ons M em b er of post war party in G erm any N A Z I ( N A T I ON A L S O C I A LIS T ) ai m ing at dictatorsh ip, control of th e wealth y, and per secuti on Lib er als, S ocialists, C om m unists, and J ews of I ntense nati onalist, b elieving th at racial purity is of th e utm ost . . . . - . . . . ‘ - . . . . - . . - . . . . . . . . - . . i m portance N I H I LIS M R ussian b elief in later 1 9 th century th at every th ing was b ad and h ence th at th e only attitude to tak e up was a co m pletely destructive one ( Literally D iff er ence N B — from anarch ism wh ich consi dered th at government was responsib le for all evil P LE B I scrrE Vote b y all citiz ens on som e im portant issue P R O LE T A R I A T T h e working m asses RA D IC A L A im ing at a large pr ogram m e of reform ( Liter ally . . , . . . , . ' . . . . . from or to th e RE A C T I ON A R Y reform RE P UB LI C A . T ending to put th e clo ck . . t t s a e r i not ul ed b y a k ng . b ack opposed to all G LO S S A R Y O F P O LIT I C A L T E R M S 3 32 ’ left RI G HT C onservative see ’ P enalties or form s of com pulsion to b e infl icted b y th e S A N C T I ON s League of N ations on a state violating th e League C ovenant ’ B elief th at th e state, not private persons s h ould con S O C IA L IS M trol th e m eans of production (land, b ig factories, etc ) distrib ution ( railroads, etc ) and exch ange ( b anks, R ule, su S OV E R E I G N T Y prem e power R igh t to vote S UF F R A G E B eli ef th at th e power and wealth of th e country sh ould S YN D I C A LI S M b e controlled, not b y private persons, b ut b y th e working cl as ses organiz ed in trade unio ns ( French syndicates trade’unions) A S tate wh ich claim s com plete power over T OT A LIT A RIAN S T A T E ’ its sub j ects persons and purses, 1 e a dictatorsh ip U LT R A S E xtrem e r eactionary party in F r ance in early l gth century Z O L LV E R E I N A custom s union of several G erm an states, h eaded b y P russia, I n th e l gth century ‘ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘ . . . . , . . 3 34 IN D E X Bonapar tism , 78 , 7 9 , 9 2 , 9 3 , 9 7 Bor o dino , 50 , 5 2 Bosnia, 2 04— 2 1 0, 2 3 7 , 2 82 — 2 86 Bosph or us, 1 8 9 , 1 93 Boulanger , 2 46 B oulogne, 45 , 46 , 1 00, 1 0 5 Bour b ons, 54, 6 6 , 7 0, 7 7 , 8 0, 8 5 , 1 2 7, 1 44 , 2 4 , 3 2 5 5 ( see also under Kings of F r ance, S ain p , and N aples) Boxer R eb ellion, Br eslau, 53 Br est) 3 7 : 45 Br iand, 2 50 , 3 0 7 Brienne, 1 0 Br i ttany, 3 7 Br unswick M m ifesto, 2 5 Br ussels, 6 9 , Buch ar est, 2 8 5 Budapest, 1 3 0 B undesr ath , 1 7 8 , 2 5 ! Byr on, Lor d, 1 9 0 C h ar les A lb er t C h ar ter , 54 , 64 , 77 C h ar tism , 1 0 1 , 1 3 1 C h urch ill, W inston, C C C C C C C C - . - 1 71 C entre P ar ty (in R eich stag) , C C YlO l l , 44; 6 6 C h am b er lain, A usten, 3 0 7 J oseph , 2 6 8 2 52 C , 2 94, 1 46 2 95 , 3 l 3a 3 l 4 i salpine R e ub lic, p 39 iv il C onstitution of C lergy, 2 0 lem enceau, 2 49 , 3 03 oali tion, F irst, 3 7 S econd, 4 1 T h ir d, 46 , 2 1 5 F our th , 52 , 5 3 ob den T r eaty, 1 1 2 ode N apole on, 6 1 , 7 7 ollingwood, 46 om m i ttee of P ub lic S afety, 2 7 , 2 91 ' C adiz , 45 , 46 C ah iers, 1 0, 1 4 C alonne, 1 0 C am er oons, 2 6 4 , 2 7 6 C am per down, 40 C am po F or m io , T r eaty of, 3 9 ’ C anaulo, 1 3 C anni ng, 7 0—7 6 , 1 9 0, 1 9 1 , 2 1 9 C ape of G ood H o pe, 44 , 6 6 C apor etto, 2 98 C apr er a, 1 5 9 , 1 6 1 C ar b onar i, 7 0 , 1 00 , 1 08 , 1 46 , 1 4 7 C ar lsb ad D ecr ees, 1 2 6 , 1 2 7 C ar not, 2 8 , 3 7 , 3 8 C arol ( of R o um ania) , 3 2 0 C astler eagh , Lor d, 6 4 , 6 7 7 2 , 7 4 , 76 , 1 2 0 C ath erine I I , 5 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 4 C av aignac, 1 00, 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 C avour , 1 08—1 1 0, 1 4 7 , 1 5 3 —1 6 5 , ( of S ardinia) om 3 4r 43 ( R evolution m une 6, —3 0 of 34 , 3 6 8 4 : 2 42 —2 44 , 2 4 9 C om m uni sm , 9 2 , 1 1 3 , 1 5 4 , 2 3 8 , 2 44 . 2 50 . 2 53 . 2 9 8 . 3 0 6. 3 0 7 . 1 C C C C C 2 5, 2 7 , 5 9 ; 6 0 , 2 50 onfederation of iR h ine, 46 , 6 5 , 66, 1 2 4 ongr esses see under tow ns c o n cer ned onstantine, 2 2 1 , 2 2 4 onstantinople, 42 , 43 , 1 8 6 , 1 8 7 , 1 9 1 , 1 9 2 , 1 9 4, 1 9 5 , 2 00 2 06 , 2 58 , 2 6 6 , 2 7 o , 2 8 3 o nsulate, 4 1 , 44 , 6 3 ontinental S ystem , 4 7 — 5 1 , 53 , 58 , oncor dat, — . C C C ontrat S ocial, 7 , 1 3 , 34 C onv entio n, 2 5—3 0 C Openh agen. 44. 48 . 2 7 9 C or day 2 7 . 3 4 C or deliers, 2 2 , 2 5 , 2 6 , 3 3 , 3 4 C orv ee, 3 C or unna , 49 C our b et, 8 4 C r ete, 1 8 6 , 1 9 1 , 1 94 , 2 8 2 —2 8 4 C r im ea, C r im ean W ar , 1 0 7 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 9, 121, 1 54 , 1 86 , 1 93 — 2 00 , . , ' N ev ille, 3 1 3 , 3 1 4, 3 1 6 C h am b er of D eputies, 2 45 , 2 46 C h am b or d, 2 45 C h am p de M ars, 2 2 C h arles X ( of F rance) , 33 , 7 9 , 80, 8 5 , 8 6 , 89 . 9 6 C r oatia, 1 3 1 C ustozz a, 1 50 C yprus, 1 86 , 2 0 7— 211 C z ech o S lov akia, 3 03 , 3 08 , 3 1 2 , 3 1 3 . 3 1 4. 3 1 8 D aily M ail, 3 00 D alm atia, 1 2 2 , 1 2 3 D am ascus, 1 9 1 , 1 9 2 - IN D E D anton. 2 5 . 2 6 . 2 8 . 2 9 . 33 . 3 4 D anub e, 3 8 , 1 2 5 , 2 58 D anz ig, 3 1 5 , 3 1 6 D ardanelles, 1 9 2 , 1 9 3 , 1 9 5 , 2 94 D arwin, 2 80 D awes P lan, 3 0 7 — r 1 i a c 2 25 2 2 i o s D ecem b r st C n p y, D eclaration of I ndependence, 8 of R igh ts of M an, 1 8 , 3 1 , 3 3 , [1 3 8 D elcasse, 2 6 8 , 2 6 9 , 2 74 D esm oulins, 1 5 , 1 6 D ider o t, 13 D ir ecto r y. 2 94 3 1 . 3 7 . 3 8 . 40— 43 D isar m am ent, 2 7 8 , 2 7 9 , 3 08 , 3 09 , . 3 10 2 1 0 , 2 58 , 2 7 2 D isr aeli , 2 043— D ollfuss, 3 1 3 , 3 2 0 D readnough t, 2 7 8, 2 7 9 D resden, 53 D reyfus, 2 46 , 2 48 2 50 D ual A lliance, 2 2 8 , 2 59 , 2 6 0 , M onarch y, 1 8 0 , 2 7 0 D um a, 2 3 6 — 2 3 8, 3 1 9 D um ouriez , 2 7 D uncan, 40 — 2 76 E aster n R oum elia, 2 0 7 , 2 1 0 2 8 2 E co nom ists, 6 E dwar d V I I , 2 6 9 Egyptian C am paign ( N apoleon) , 4°f 6 3 Elb a. 54. 7 7 . 1 53 Em igres, 2 0, 2 3 E m s T elegr am , 1 1 5, 1 83 Encyclopazdists, 6 , 1 3 E ngels, 9 2 , 2 53 E ntente, 2 3 7 , 2 68 2 70, 2 74, 2 9 1 Espri t dcs Lois, 6 , 1 3 E sta te, First, 2 , 1 4 3 4 S econd, 2 , 1 4, 3 4 T h ird . 2 . 1 1 . 1 4 . I 5 . 3 2 . 3 4 E sth onia, 2 1 8 , 2 33 , 3 03 E ton, 59 E ugeni e, 1 06 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 X 33 5 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 , 2 2 0 , 2 33 , 2 7 2 , F inland, Fish er , Lor d, 2 7 8 , 2 8 0 F iv e ear P lans, 3 1 9 Flanders R egim ent, 1 9 Fleurus, 3 7 F och , 2 99 F ontaineb leau, P alace, 6 1 T r eaty of, 54 F ouq uier T inv ille, 2 8 F our teen P oints, 3 00, 3 04 Fr ancis I , 1 2 2 , 1 2 8 Joseph , 1 3 3 , 1 80 F ranco , 3 1 1 , 3 1 2 , 3 2 0 1 1 9, Fr anco P r ussian W ar , 1 1 4— 2 42 , 2 5 6 1 8 3 , 1 84 , 2 40— 1 40 , Fr ankfor t P arliam ent, 1 3 6— Y - - ( T r eaty o f, 1 1 8 , 1 84, 2 40 Fr anz F erdinand, 2 8 6 , 2 9 2 Fr eder ick th e G r eat, 5 , 1 40 , 1 7 1 ( G erm an E m per or ) , 2 6 5 W illiam I I I , 1 2 8 , 1 3 6 1 41 , 1 67 I V , 1 2 8 , 1 3 6— Fr iedland, 46 , 6 3 , 2 15 , — G G G G G ab elle, 3 alicia, 1 2 2 , 1 2 3 , 1 3 1 allipoli , 2 94 , 3 06 b etta, 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 , 2 45 , 2 49 1 53 , 1 47 , 1 52 , arib aldi, 1 08 , 1 5 9— 1 65 G astein, C onv ention of , 1 74 G autier , 1 06 G eneva, 3 04, G enoa, 6 5 , 1 45 G er m an C onfed er ation, 6 , 1 3 1 , am 6 . Falkland I sles, 3 9 6 F ascism , 3 0 7 , 3 1 8 Fash oda, 2 6 8 , 2 7 4 F eb ruary R ev olution Fer dm and ( A ustrI an , D iet of, 1 2 5, G iob er ti, 1 48 2 8 , 3 3 , 3 4, G ir ondins, 2 3 , 2 5— G ladstone, 1 5 7 , 1 6 0 , 2 8 9 ” G lor ious F irst o f J une, 3 7 G oeth e, 2 6 G Om b OS , 3 2 0 , 3 2 3 G revy , 2 46 G rey, Lord, 2 80 , 2 8 7 G uiz ot, 8 9— 96 E m per or ) , I ( of N aples) , 1 44—1 46 I I ( of N aples) Bom b a Hague C onfer ences, Haig Lord, 2 95 , 2 98 ; . 23 7, 2 99 2 78 . 336 IN D E X Haldane, Lord, 2 7 8 H am , F or tress of 1 0 1 Hanover, 1 2 5 , 1 7 8 Hapsb urgs, 6 6 , 1 3 4—see , , , , , also , 2 82 , , 8 0, 85 , 87 , , 1 28 Ii aynau. 1 34 . 1 3 5 Heligoland, 6 6 Helvetic R epub lic, 40 Herz egov ina, 2 04— 2 1 0, 2 85 Hetairia P h ilike, 1 89 Hindenb urg, 2 93 , 2 99 Hitler . 42 . I 3 9 . 1 43 . Kar ageor gov1 c kings 2 0 1 , 2 82 Kellogg P act 6 7 Kem al A tatur k see M ustaph a Kem al Kenya 2 64 Kerensky 2 9 7 Kiel C anal 2 66 2 7 8 2 7 9 2 96 Kitch ener Lord Knigh ts of S t J oh n 40 4 1 , 44 2 1 4 Kor ea 2 3 4 2 3 5 Kossuth 1 3 0, 1 33 1 34 Kotzeb ue 7 0, 1 2 6 , 2 1 9 Kruger 2 69 Kulturkam pf, 2 5 1 2 52 , — , 2 3 7 , 2 82 , , , 1 9 6 . 3 06 . , , , Hoh enlm den, 42 Hoh enz ollern C , andidatur e , ( S pain) , 1 1 4, 1 1 5 , 1 83 Holstein, 1 1 3 , 1 1 4, 1 2 5 , 1 3 8 , 1 7 3 1 7a Holy A lliance, 6 7 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 0 Holy Places, 1 0 7 , 1 94 Holy R om an E m pir e, 44 , 66 , 1 2 4 H6 tel de V ille, P aris, 1 5 , 1 6 , 2 0 , Howe, Lor d, 3 7 Hundred D ays, 54, 55 Hungarian R evolt, 1 2 9—1 34 Hypsilanti, 1 8 9 . , . J ellacic, 1 3 2 —1 34 J em appes 2 6 8 5 Jena 46 47 52 63 , , J 3 J er vu, , , er u alem 40 , , , 1 94, 2 9 8 , , Lafayette, 8 , 1 6, 1 9, 22, 23, 2 0, Lah ar pe, 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 Laib ach , C ongr ess of, 7 1 , 1 46 L am ar tine, 93 , 9 5 , 9 8 , 1 00 , 1 02 , . I nterventI On ( N apoleon I I I ) , 1 56 1 51 , 1 08 1 1 0, 1 1 9 , 1 50 , , , Latvia, 3 03, 3 1 9 Lawrence, T E , 2 98 League of N at ions, 6 7 , — Jacob ins 2 2 —2 9 34 J am eson R aid 2 6 9 J apan 2 3 3 . , 1 03 I b rah im P ash a, 7 3 , 1 90 1 93 I llyria, 6 5 , 1 2 2 I nk erm an, 1 98 I nnsb ruck , 1 3 2 I nquisition, 7 2 , 1 44, 1 46 I nv alides, 1 6 I onian I sles, 6 6 , 1 86 , 2 0 1 I sab ella, 8 9 , 90 I talian cam paigns ( N apoleon I ) , — , , , “ , , , , 3 06 , 3 09 , , under A ustr ian E m per ors Hardenb erg, 52 , Haussm ann, 1 04 J ews 6 9 2 02 2 3 3 J offre 2 93 2 95 J oseph ine 3 8 49 J uly R ev olution J utland 2 96 . 2 73 , 3 04 3 12 of T h r ee E m per ors, 2 2 8 2 58 , 2 63 Legion of H onour , 59 , 7 7 Legislative A ssem b ly, 2 2 Leipzig, 53 , 1 2 6 Lenin, 2 3 0, 2 3 2 , 2 44, 2 9 8, 3 2 0, 323 Leopold ( of A ustria) , 2 0 I ( of B elgium ) , 88 Lettres de C ach et, 2 , 5, 1 0, 1 4, l 61 7 7 Lib er al E m pire, 1 1 1 1 1 3 , 1 1 9 ” Lib erum V eto, 2 1 4 I Agn1 . 5 5 . 56 Lith uania, 2 1 7 , 2 2 4, 2 94 , 3 03 , 3 1 4 ” Little E ntente, Liv onia, 2 1 8 , 2 3 3 Lloyd G eorge, 2 74, 2 94, 2 95, 2 9 7 , — 03 i Loca no, 3 0 7 Lodi , 3 9 Lom b ar dy, 3 9 , ' 1 44 - 1 4 7 , ‘ 49 1 1 50, 1 56 1 1 0, 1 2 1 , 1 57, ‘6 ‘ IN D EX 338 N ecker , 1 0, 1 4 , 1 5 N elson, Lor d , 3 7 , 40, 4 1 , 44, 4 N w . 4 9 . 52 . 5 4 . 55 . 7 8 e N I ce , 1 0 9 , N ich olas I , 7 3 , 86 , 1 0 7 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 , 1 3 6 , 1 40, 1 4 1 , 1 9 0— 1 9 9, 2 2 1 228 11 , 2 3 0— 2 39 1 2 7 8 : 2 8 7 , 2 9 7 N iem en, 4 7 , 50, 5 2 N igh tinga le, 1 9 9 , 2 00 N ih ilism , 2 2 9 N ile, 4 1 , 2 6 8 N or th cliff e, Lord, 3 00 G er m an C onfeder ation, N or th 1 7 8 , 1 80 , 1 8 4 , 2 5 1 S ea, 1 7 8 , 2 66 , 2 7 9 , 2 8 7 N otr e D am e, P aris, 8 o, 2 43 N ov ara, 1 34, 1 47 , 1 50 - . P eter loo, 7 0 , 7 6 P h ilippe E galité, 8 5 P iedm ont, 4 1 , 7 0— 7 2 , 1 08 l 3 1 . 1 45 . 1 6 4 . 1 99 P ilsudski , 3 2 0 P ux. a7 . 48 P ius I X , 1 48— 1 50 P lo m b ieres, P act of, 1 09 , 1 56 P oincaré, 3 0 7 — 1 P olish C or r idor , 3 1 5 , 3 1 6 Kingdom , 2 1 6—2 1 7 , 2 2 0 P ar titions, 2 1 4 R ev o lt 2 23 2 2 5 — P or tsm outh , T r eaty of, 2 3 5 P r ague, 3 1 4, 3 1 5 T r eaty o f, 1 7 8 P r air 1 al, Law of, 2 9 P ub lic S afety, C om m ittee of, ' O b renov ié kings, 2 0 1 , 2 8 2 O ldenb erg, 50 O lm ii tz , 1 42 O m dur m an, 2 6 8 , 2 7 4 Orders in C ouncil, 48 Or dinances of S t C loud, 80 O rganisation du T r avail , 9 2 1 29 O r leanists, 7 7 ( 8 5 Orsini, 1 08 , 1 09 , 1 56 O tto ( of G reece) , 1 9 1 , 2 0 1 . P alestine, 1 0 7 , 1 9 2 , 2 9 8 , 3 06 Palm erston, Lor d, 86 , 8 8 , 8 9 , 90, 1 2 8 . 1 3 3 . 1 34. 1 6 0. 1 6 3 . 1 6 7 . 2 06 1 7 3 1 7 4, 1 9 1 , 1 9 3 , 2 48 Panam a C anal, 1 0 1 , 2 46— P apacy ( or P opes) , 2 0, 3 9 , 48 , 6 0, 6 7 , 1 00 , 1 08 , 1 1 0, 1 44 1 6 5 Papal I nf allib ility, 2 5 I 2 52 S tates, 3 9 , 48 , 1 08 , 1 44—1 6 5 P aris, 1 , 5 , 1 2 , 1 6 , 1 9 , 2 2 , 2 8 , 3 8 , 55. 7 7 . 80 8 5 93 . 9 8 . 9 9 . 1 00. 1 0 2 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 , 1 7 0, 1 84, — — . 2 42 T r eaty of 54 1 08 . 1 54 P ar ker , 44 P ar m a, 1 1 0, 1 44, 1 5 7 P assch endaele, 2 98 P asteur , 1 06 P aul I , 4 1 , 42 , 44 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 9 P eninsular W ar , 48 , 49 , 53 , 6 3 P ersia, 2 1 5 , 2 2 8 , 2 3 7 , 2 6 9 , 2 7 0 Peter th e G r eat, 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 27 2 9, 43 P yr am i ds, B attle P yr enees, 53 of, 41 Quadr ilateral 1 1 0 1 49 1 50 Quadruple A lliance 66—73 Quatre Br as 55 , , , , 1 56 , , R adetsky, 1 3 2 , 1 49 , 1 50 R aglan, Lor d, 1 98 R eform B anq uets 95 B ill 1 54 , 2 2 3 R eich stag, 1 7 8 , 2 5 1 , 2 54— 2 55 . 3 1 0 R eign of T error , 2 6 2 9 , 3 1 , 3 4, 3 7 , — 2 43 R epar ati ons, 3 0 3 04 R evolutionary: r ib unal, 2 7 , 2 9 , 3 4 R h ine. 3 8 . 39 . 4 1 . 65 . 1 1 . 1 6 4 5 18 1, 3 1 0 R i b b entrop, 3 1 6 “R i ” gh t of S ear ch , 42 , 2 1 5 , 2 9 7 R isorgim ento, 1 54, C h apter V I II R ivera, 3 2 0 R iv oli, 3 9 R ob espierre, 2 5 2 9 , 3 3 3 3 , 7 9 R oland, 2 3 , 2 5 , 2 7 , 3 3 M m e , 2 3 , 33 R om agna, 1 5 7 R om an R epub lic ( N apoleon I ) , 40 ( G ar ib aldi) , 1 08 , 1 50, 1 56 R om e, 2 0, 3 3 , 39 , 1 00, 1 1 6 , 1 50 1 5 2 , 1 58 1 66 , 1 83 , 3 0 7 Roon, 1 6 9 , 1 7 0, 1 8 1 , 1 83 — . — — IN D E X Roosevelt, 3 09 Rossi, 1 50 Rossini, 2 5 7 , 2 7 5 Rousseau, 7 , 8 , 1 3 , 2 8 , 34, 3 8 , Ruh r , 3 0 7 Russell, Lor d, 1 6 0 , 1 6 1 2 15 . . . . ' S t Vincent, 40 . S alazar , 3 2 0 S alisb ur y, Lord, 2 08— 2 1 0, 2 6 9 S alonika, 2 8 4 S an S tefano, T reaty of, 2 06 , 2 07 , 2 2 8 , 2 58 S anctions, 3 05 , 3 1 1 S anders, Lim an v on, 2 86 S ara 2 90 , 2 9 1 j evo, 2 3 7 , S ardinia, 3 9 , 1 08 S avoy, 1 09 , 1 45, 1 1 59 S axony, 6 5 , 1 7 6 , 1 7 8 S ch arnh orst, 52 , i 2 8 1 78 S ch leswig, 1 1 3 , S ch usch nigg, S cutari, S eb astop01, 1 0 7 , 1 96 2 00 S edan, 1 1 5 , 1 83 S eine, 56 , 1 04 S eptem b er M assacres, S erfs ( R ussia) , 2 1 7 , 2 1 8 , 2 2 1 , 2 2 2 , — ’ W ar, Years W ar 8 , , 7 7, 1 0, 1 1 2 3 2 . 2 33 , S olfer ino, I 1 0, 1 56 S om e, 2 92 , 2 95 S onderb und , 1 2 9 S oviets, 2 3 0 , 2 3 6 S pa Fields R iots, 70 S panish C i vil W ar , 3 1 C olonies, 7 2 7 4 — 93 . — . 1, — 2 45 76 312 1 . 2 29: , 2 42 1 E ntente, 2 3 7 , 2 6 9 , 2 7 0 , 2 7 3 2 78 T ripoli, 1 86 , 2 7 6 , 2 7 8 , 2 84 T r oppau, C ongress of, 7 1 T r otsky 2 3 6 , 2 9 8 , 3 2 0 T uiler ies, 2 3 , 3 3 , 8 5 , 96 7 6, S h aw, Bernard, 6 S ib eria, 2 1 5 , 2 2 1 — 2 2 3, 2 2 9, 2 34 S icily. 1 50. 1 5 2 . 1 5 9 . 1 6 4 S inope, 1 0 7, 1 95 S koda wor ks, 3 1 4 S m ith , S ir S , 4 1 , 6 4 S m uts, 3 06 S ocialism : 8 4 5 9 1 — 93 ) 9 7 1 9 9 : 1 1 3 : 2 2 7, 1 1 02 , 2 50 2 55 . 1 1 3, 1 ’ T ah 1 t1 , 89 T alleyr and, 6 4, 6 5 T angier , 2 7 4 T annenb erg, 2 9 3 T ennis C our t O ath , 1 5 T ennyson, Lor d, 1 6 4 T h er m i dor , 3 4 T h iers, 80, 85 , 8 9 , 1 0 1 , T i lsi t, T reaty of, 4 7 , 6 3 , 2 1 5 T imes, T h e, 1 99 T ippoo S ah ib , 40 T ir pitz , 2 7 9 T odleb en, 1 9 8 T ogo, 2 3 5 T ogoland, 2 64 T orr es V edras, 49 T oulon, 3 7 , 3 8 T r afalgar , 46 , 47 , 3 02 T r ansylv ania, 1 22, 1 23 . 2 96 T r eitsch ke, 2 8 0 T r entino, 2 9 5 T ricolor e, 1 6 , 85 T r ieste, 2 95, 2 9 8 T rinidad, 4 4 T riple A lli ance, 2 6 0, 2 64 , — S ev en W eeks S panish m ar r iages, 89 , 9 0 S panish r ev olt, 7 0 7 3 S tadion, 1 31 S talin, 3 2 0, 3 2 3 S tates G ener al , 2 , 9 , 1 0, 1 2 , 1 4 , 31 S tein, 52 , 1 2 8 S tr aits C onv ention, 1 93 , 1 9 5 S trasb ourg, 1 00, 1 05 , 1 8 3 , 2 56 S tr atfor d de R edcliffe, Lor d, 1 9 5 S tresem ann, 3 0 7 S udan, 2 6 8 , 2 6 9 , 2 74 S uez C anal, 9 2 , 2 74 , 2 7 5 , 3 1 1 S uprem e B eing, W orsh ip of, 2 9 , 34. so S uv orofi, 4 1 S yllab us, 2 5 1 S yndicalism , 2 50 S yria. 4 1 . 8 9 . 1 1 0. 1 9 1 —1 9 3 . 2 99 . 3 06 — S aar , 3 04 S adowa, 1 1 4, 1 6 4, S t A r nand, 1 9 8 S t C loud, Ordinances of, 80 S t H elena. 54. 55 . 5 7 . 6 9 . 9 2 . 93 S t P etersb ur g, 1 2 1 , 1 70, 2 1 2 , 2 1 8 , 2 25 22 7 3 39 2 43 , 1 80 , 2 68 . . IN D E X ° 4 3 T unis, 1 86 , 2 60, T urgot, 1 0 T uscany, 1 1 0 , T yr ol. 3 8 . 46 . 262 , 1 44 , 1 2 6 6, 2 6 4, 57 V ittor ia, 53 V ladiv ostock, 2 3 4, 2 3 5 V oltair e, 5 , 6 , 1 3 , 1 2 5 , 2 1 3 V or parlam ent, 1 3 7 , 1 3 8 2 95 U lm , 46 U ltr as, 7 8 , 7 9 U nki ar S kelessi, T reaty - W agr am , 49 W alch er en 49 R ousseau, 2 50 W aldeck— W allach ia, 1 8 9, 1 9 1 , , of, 1 92 , 1 95 - 1 97, 2 00 2 02 - U niver si ty W ar of W arsaw of Fr ance, 59 17 1 1 2 0 3 , 3 3, 3 9 3 U trech t, T reaty of, , Valm y, 2 6 Var ennes, 2 0, 2 2 , 3 1 V atican, 1 6 4, 2 5 1 V endee, 2 6 , 2 9 Venetia, 1 09 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 4, 1 44, 1 6 1 58 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 4 , 1 7 8 5 V eni ce, 3 9 , 46 , 6 5 , 1 3 1 , I 45: W ar tb urg F estiv al , 1 2 6 , 2 1 9 W ater loo. 55. 58 . 6 3 . 6 4 . 7 7 W ellington, D uke of, 49 , 53 , 55, . — V eniz elos, 2 8 4 Verdi, 1 06 V erdun, 2 6 V ergniaud, 2 3 V er ona, C o ngr ess of, 7 2 V ersailles, 1 , 2 , 1 9 , 9 3 , T reaty of, 6 6 , 1 1 8, Lib er ation, 5 3 , 6 3 , 1 2 2 48 , 6 5 , 2 1 6 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 4 , 1 45 , I 49 , 56. 6 9 . 1 9 1 W est I ndies, 45, 46 W estph alia, 4 7 W h ite T er r or , 7 8 W illiam I ( N eth er lands) , 8 8 W illiam I ( G erm any) , 1 1 4 1 69, 1 7 0, 1 76 1 78, 1 83 , —7 — I I (G 2 70, ) er m any — , , 1 84 , 2 6 5 , 2 66 , 2 6 9 , 2 79 2 8 1 , 2 74, 1 1 2 85 ) 2 871 3 0 1 . 3 03 W ilson. 3 02 . 3 02 . 3 03 . 3 04 . 3 05 W indisch gratz, 1 3 2 , 1 3 3 W itte, 2 3 6 W olfe T one, 40 W orsh ip of R eason, 2 8 , 60 W ii r tem b erg, 1 7 8 , 1 8 1 2 93 , 1 1 7, 3 02 1 6 7, —3 06 Victor E m m anuel I , 1 45 I I , 1 50, 1 52 , 1 53 , 1 5 7 , 1 59 , 1 6 0 , 1 6 1 , 1 64 I I I , 307 Victor ia, 88 , 1 0 7 , 2 58 , 2 6 5 — 6 6 6 nn V ie a, 54, 4 , 7 0, 8 8 , 1 3 4, 1 32: 1 2 2 . 1 2 4 . 1 2 9— 1 4 2 1 46 , 1 49 , 1 50 V illafranca, 1 56 Villeneuve, 45 46 Vim iero, 48 , 1 56 , Y oung I taly , 1 2 0, Y ‘ 1 48 , 1 52 T ur ks, 2 8 3 , ugo S lav ia, - 2 84 3 08 , 3 1 3 , 3 1 8 , 3 20 1 3 7, - Z Z em stv os, 2 2 7 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 0 , 2 3 2 Z o llver ein, 1 2 7 , 1 6 9 , 1 80 o la, 2 49