University of Chicago Press Review Author(s): Leonard Nathanson Review by: Leonard Nathanson Source: Modern Philology, Vol. 67, No. 3 (Feb., 1970), pp. 285-288 Published by: University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/436392 Accessed: 24-10-2015 08:08 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Modern Philology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Sat, 24 Oct 2015 08:08:09 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BOOKREVIEWS the same thing as historical influence;and when Freeman comes to confrontthismatter directlyat the end of chapter 4, his performance is disappointing.For he passes over the largerquestionsof the play's relationship to the whole revenge tradition and to the development of dramatic structurewith a few generalizations,and settlesinstead for a briefsurveyof the "specific indications" of its influencein echoes, parodies, and imitations. That sortof thingmay be more amenable to "factual" treatment,but surelyit is in those larger questions that we would expect to findthe most compellingreason for devotinga book to thisplay and its author. Anothererrorof omissionin thediscussion of The SpanishTragedycan also be attributed to Freeman's factual bias. Althoughhe very conscientiouslycanvasses earlier opinion in his sections on the play's sources and date and stage history,he apparentlyfeelsno need to do thesame in his criticalanalysis.Articles on this aspect of the play by Ejner Jensen, David Laird, and Michael Levin are listed in the bibliographybut never considered in the textitself,and a numberof recentstudies are not even in the bibliography,including those of Ann Righter(Shakespeare and the Idea of the Play, 1962), John Ratliff (in StudiesinPhilology,1957), Ernstde Chickera (in Modern Language Review, 1962), S. F. Johnson (Hardin Craig Festschrift,1962), G. K. Hunter (Renaissance Drama, 1965), and William Empson (in Nimbus, 1956). Since this last piece has been immortalized in an anthology of essays on Elizabethan drama, any book on Kyd would seem to be under some obligation to referto it, if only for the few sentencesnecessaryto refuteits absurd thesis. 285 of genrethat interferes withan aesthetically rich and whole response to Comus. His approach focusesupon therelationof Comus to the masque as thisformwas known at the time Milton was writingin the 1630s, not upon long-buriedroots in mythand ritual. Demaray cites Dr. Johnson's famous comof Comus plaintabout thedramaticdeficiency and remindsus that the pleasures and excellencies of drama are not to be demanded of the masque. This consideration,thoughnow well established as the starting point for answeringDr. Johnson,requires,I would say, strong emphasis, since the modern reader can hardly suppress inappropriatedramatic expectations. For example, anyone who teaches Comus runs into the "natural" (i.e., dramatic) response of studentswho see an obvious dramatic irony in the dialogue betweenthetwo brothers.The elder'sconfidence in the power of chastityto guard their sister is, it would seem, sharply undercut by the fact that she has indeed fallen into Comus's hands. But the ironycuts the other way: against the philosophicallyuninitiated younger brother(and through him against theaudiencewhichis also to be lessoned)who equates the externalappearance of the situation withitsreality.Dramatic effectis shaped here,then,not as in a play by purelymimetic considerationsbut by the ideas implicitin the underlyingPlatonismof the masque. And there are mattersof larger application. StephenOrgel's recentdiscussionof the Jonsonianmasque, of whichDemaray makes full use, is important in emphasizing the relevance of the fact that the interpretative actors in a masque do not impersonate charactersin whom theysubmergetheirown identity.Instead, the amateur actor is enRICHARDLEVIN gaged in a continuousreferenceto his actual selfand, even more,to the chiefpersonswho State University ofNew York at StonyBrook sit at the head of the audience. This special relationamong actor, role, allegoricalmeanMilton and the Masque Tradition:The Early ing, and audience--essentially social, diPoems, "Arcades" and "Comus." By JOHN dactic, and climacticallycomplimentaryin G. DEMARAY. Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard the fusion of masquers and audience in the UniversityPress, 1968. Pp. xiv+ 188. harmonious society they form-is altoThe importanceof John Demaray's book getherdifferent fromwhat obtains in drama. restsupon its attemptto engage the question This is the primary framework within This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Sat, 24 Oct 2015 08:08:09 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 286 BOOKREVIEWS which any valid interpretationsmust fit. As withthe othergenreshe took up, Milton, we expect, will extend and deepen the possibilities of the form while he demonstrates himself a master of its tradition. Admittedly,invokingthe conventionsof the masque will not in itselfprovide answers to the most perplexingquestions that engage readers of Comus, any more than did C. S. Lewis's dismissal of the troublingissues in Paradise Lost with an emphatic gesture toward classical epic. But the generic considerationwhich Milton neitherviolated nor ignored is indispensablefor a clear perspective of what is foregroundand what is background,whatis centraland whatis peripheral in Comus. Demaray sees the widely opposed appraisals of Comus as the failureof criticism to thinkin termsfullyrelevantto themasque. In "The Masque as Dance," the author sets forththe essence of the formas the joining of the arts of song, music, poetry,spectacle, and allegoricaldance to theend of celebrating the order and virtue of a great society as embodied in the noble persons who preside over it. Though by the time of Jonson the poetic dimension has grown, the didactic purpose has deepened, and the spectacle has been elaborated, masques remain "symbolic presentationsof superficialinventionreaching a climax in the choreographiccomplimentgivenby amateurperformersto nobles seated in state" (p. 11). Demaray traces the "compliment to nobles expressed through dance" fromthe ballettoor figuresdance of fifteenth-and sixteenth-century Italy. The most original materialin this chapter is the discussion of the performanceof Circe or the Balet comiquede la Royne(1581), ordered by Catherine de' Medici to celebrate the glory of France. The unificationof the arts "in a production charming to the sight, hearing, and intelligenceof the spectators" (p. 16) was intended to "reflect a world harmony postulated by classical and Neoplatonic philosophy" (p. 14). Jonson knew this French ballet and possessed a printed copy (now in the New York City Public Library) "upon which he made notationsin his own hand." The author stresses as a particular contributionof Jonson the allegorical relating of the grotesque dance of the antimasque, previouslyan unintegrated comic interlude,to the figureddance of the main masque. Chapter 2 deals with Milton's interestin the masque in the poems written before Comus.Demaray suggeststhattheallegorical figuresin the "Nativity Ode"-Nature, the Sun, Peace, Truth-which all can be found in masques of the period are conceived and described as actors in a masque and that theirmovementsreferto actual stage machinery,as in Peace "came softlysliding/Down through the sphere." This kind of heavyhanded literalizationis carriedveryfar,and the entireenterpriseis quite dubious. Such allegoricalfigures,whetherin masques,books of allegoricalprints,poems, or whatever,are parallel manifestationsof common habits of discursive and iconographical presentation for the allegorized mythsand mythologized ethics of Renaissance Platonism. Parallels can be readilymultipliedto confirmcommon inspirationsfor the various arts and also to preclude any significant attributions of sources. Demaray carries this literalization as far as ingenuityunrestrainedby tact will allow. When Milton speaks of the Son choosing "with us a darksome House of mortal Clay," he may mean not only man's body and the house of earthbut may also be expectinghis reader to visualize "a dimlylit masquing house in which an 'Angel Quire' (1. 27) of musicianssang frompositionsabove the stage" (p. 34). The attempt to read Milton's early poetic career as a sustained effortto think and write in terms of the masque reaches its crowningdeformationin the reason offeredfor Milton's failure with the sequel to the "NativityOde": "the view that Milton failedto visualize a masque [i.e., in "The Passion"], though not previously advanced, is surelyworthyof consideration" (p. 42). This sectionconcludes,happily,with a more useful and more relevantprelude to Comus: the recreationof the occasion of the performanceof Arcades. Demaray goes on to examine the masques This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Sat, 24 Oct 2015 08:08:09 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BOOKREVIEWS performedat court in the years 1631-34 and arguesconvincinglyforan essentialsimilarity of structurein four of the masques in which Henry Lawes entertained. Jonson's Loves TriumphthroughCallipolis and Chlorindaand Aurelian Townshend's Albions Triumphand Tempe Restoredall "contain a prologue, an antimasque dance, a main spectacleand deus ex machinaresolution,a periodof figuredand ballroom dancing, and an epilogue" (p. 61). Of these,the masque most closelyresembling Comus is TempeRestored,despiteits episodic structurereflectingInigo Jones's emphasis upon lavish spectacle at the expense of the allegoricalhingeand compactnessofstructure which Jonson desired. Placing Comus in its genericcontext,especiallyamong works with like-namedfiguresand similarethicallessons, should help to exorcise the notion that Comus is a sportamong masques or a masque manqud. The heartofthisbook are thethreechapters dealing with Comus. Demaray re-createsthe social and theatrical circumstancesof the performance,discussesthe relationof Comus to othermasques involvingthe use of magic and of the ethical ideas associated with Circe, and approaches the literarysubstance of the printedversion of 1637 throughthe masque elementsintrinsicin the text rather than throughcompleted patternsof thought importedfromwithout.The visualizationof the costumes,sets, musicians,lighting,stage machinery,action, and dancing are largely hypothesizedfromhintspieced togetherfrom contemporary accounts and illustrations. Accordingly,this account cannot be proved conclusively.Nevertheless,this detailed recreationon the basis of what mighttypically have been expected provides an awareness of many dimensionsof Comus that are lost in reading. "Staging Comus at Ludlow" (chap. 5) will, I ventureto predict, be the most widelyused section of the book. While much of this material may strike some Miltonists as only instrumentaland ancillaryto literaryanalysis,the largestcontributionof thisbook is, I believe,its implicit correctionof the tendencyto read Comus as a philosophic or theologicwork ornamented 287 with masquelike trappings. As Demaray the complains: "Modern criticism,reflecting culturefromwhichitis nourished, fragmented tends to isolate didactic,poetic, or symbolic materials and to examine them with little regard for the spectacle" (p. 130). Specific considerations of the masque are a better guide and a surer instrumentfor measuring meaningand effectthan intellectualcurrents to whichcharactersand situationsmay bear ultimatereference.A healthyskepticismhas developed towardthe habit of reconstructing at full historicallength the background of thoughtof a literaryworkand thenimporting meanings traced out in the sphere of intellectual historyback into the individualwork as determinersof specific poetic meanings and effects.It need hardlybe said that Comus has been heavily treated to this brand of scholarship. The intellectual history that comes out of thisprocedureis oftendubious, and the literarycriticismusually irrelevant, as is increasinglyevident from those forays into esoteric Platonism where all data are readilyabsorbed into a scheme whereeveryelse and thingrefersto and means everything nothingmeans anythingin particular. Demaray pursues a sound historicism whichworksfromthe limitsand possibilities of literarymaterials,immediatecontextsof thought,and generic considerations. Thus, "the didactic wantonnessof Comus is mirrored in the wantonnessof his action in the masque spectacle" (p. 140). Comus's philosophy which "posits a libertinenature both in human beings and the physical world" (p. 133) is revealed most clearlyas erroneous and destructive,not throughextendedreference to intellectualhistory,but throughthe surroundingdetails withinthe masque itself. So, too, the allegorical hinge of the masque is complimentary-a compliment to the Egertons,to Wales, to the Severn,and to the virtuethatflourishesin thisworld.Of course, if we ask ourselves,"What does a Christian like Milton mean ultimatelyby the power of Sabrina to effectwhat the herb haemony cannot?" we may answer properly,indeed inevitably,"Christian Grace." But is this a valid or profitablequestionto ask ? It is what This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Sat, 24 Oct 2015 08:08:09 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 288 BOOKREVIEWS Milton does with his particularmaterialsin a given work that we respond to; the meanings that all objects and figuresfinallyconverge upon in FlorentinePlatonism do not lend power or shape to individual works of art. Many readers will welcome Demaray's implicitsupportof theirskepticismabout the "theological core" embodied in Sabrina. "The power of Sabrina, exercisedin a magic ritualinvolvingthe numberthree,is nowhere referredto in the text as anything except the power of a chaste, pagan goddess of the Severn River" (pp. 90-91). By clearing the atmospheresurroundingComus of some of its denser vapors, this book will perhaps encourage criticismto move along central paths long ignored. LEONARD NATHANSON Vanderbilt University The Poeins of John Cleveland. Edited by BRIAN MORRIS and ELEANOR WITHINGTON. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967. Pp. lxxvii +175. John Cleveland has sufferedfrom the stricturesof later critics as many another poet has sufferedat the hands of those who knew him only superficiallyand judged him in termsof theirtimes,not his. For too long, greater seventeenth-century poets, Donne and Herbert in particular, were similarly misread (when read at all) because of facile misjudgmentsbased on one phase of their witand imagery.All threeof thesepoets were widely read duringthe seventeenthcentury, but their styles were neithercomprehended nor fashionablein the Augustan age. In his own time,JohnCleveland had been unbelievablypopular, in a way difficultfor readers of our day to understand. Before 1700 therewere twenty-five separate editions of the poems-though apparentlyCleveland neithersaw any of them throughthe press nor consented to their publication. Other verses attributed to him appear in both printedbooks and manuscripts,althoughno holograph manuscriptis now known. The resultanttextualproblemsare formidable indeed, but the editors have managed to workthroughthe mass and to bringorder to thisproliferationthroughtheirexemplary handling.The 1647 edition of The Character of a London-Diurnall(D 1) is the basis for the textsof the poems it includesand thereafter the firstprinted edition or a literal transcribingof each poem thathas remained in manuscript.In contrast,J. M. Berdan,who edited The Poems of JohnClevelandin 1911, used the ClievelandiVindiciaeof 1677 as the basis of his text,and of course did not have access, or ready access, to nearly so many copies of the editionsand to otherprintedor manuscript sources. Miss Withingtonand Mr. Morris question the authenticity of only one poem Berdan included in the canon and add three he did not include at all; but of course they take us much closer to Cleveland's original text-indeed, as close as it is possible to go with the materials now available. One importantcontributionof this work is to simplify theconfusionof earliereditions. The editorsexamine the twenty-five separate editions already mentioned,as well as the other attributions.Some appreciationof the scope of their work may be gained from the fact that approximatelythree poems in fourare judged to be spurious. To establishthe text,theyexamine all 147 poems ascribed to Cleveland in the printed editions and the twenty-seven others attributed to him elsewhere.Of the printedpoems, they reject 113 and accept twenty-nineas authenticand fiveas "probably or possibly genuine." Nine poems from manuscript sourcesare also placed in thislattercategory. Accounting for the seventeenth-century editions is complicated not only by their numberbut by the rapiditywithwhich they were issued (and reissued) and the omission of factsof publicationnormallygivenon the title page. (It was not until the thirteenth edition,in 1659,thatthename ofthepublisher was printed in full on the title page.) By dividingthe editions into threestages, however, and providinga stemmato show their relationships,the editors guide the reader This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Sat, 24 Oct 2015 08:08:09 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions