ASSIGNMENT COVER
ZQMS-ARC-REC-002
REGION: HARARE___________________________________________________
PROGRAMME: MASTERS IN PEACE, LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE
(MPLG)INTAKE:1/2021
FULL NAME OF STUDENT: CAROLINE MUNHUWEYIPIN:2176836C
MAILING ADDRESS: carolinemunhuweyi@gmail.com
CONTACT TELEPHONE/CELL: _0777727339: ID. NO.: 07-103586-N-07
COURSE NAME: PEACE AND CONFLICT: THEORY AND PRACTICE
COURSE CODE: 501
ASSIGNMENT NO. e.g. 1 or 2: 2 : DUE DATE: 02 AUGUST 2021
ASSIGNMENT TITLE: EXPLORE THE APPLICABILITY OF ANY 3 CONFLICTS IN THE AFRICAN
CONTINENT
MARKER’S COMMENTS:
_______________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
OVERALL MARK: _____________ MARKER’S NAME: ________________________
MARKER’S SIGNATURE:_______________________________ DATE: _________
1
Explore the applicability of any 3 conflict theories on the African continent.
Conflict is not a new phenomenon in Africa. The last three decades have seen many civil wars
and coups taking place. In many instances the conflicts have turned into violence which
increasingly crosses boarders. Conflicts are a complex phenomenon and many theories were
propounded by many theorists in trying to unearth the reason of conflict around the globe.
Conflict theories seeks to scientifically explain the general contours of conflict in society, how
conflict starts and varies, and the effects it brings. The central concerns of conflict theory are
the unequal distribution of scarce resources and power. Marxist theory advocates for class
struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariats and Marx asserts that those who own
factors of production, such as land, factories and labour are the most powerful. These will use
the proletariats ( the workers), who survive through their labour. The feminist theory will be
looked at also as well as the post-colonialism concept. This paper seeks to clearly discuss the
validity of the three theories and their applicability in the African continent.
The most vibrant and deadly in African conflicts are heavily credited to class structure or class
struggle as propounded by Marx, which states that society is defined by groups, that is the
bourgeoises, those who own the means of production such as land, financial capital and
affluence (Nyatthon 2006). Class structure states the second class in society which is the
proletariat, which are the wage earners, their only possession of significant economic value is
their labour power. When taking into cognisant the Mozambican crisis, the insurgency's roots
lay in socio-economic grievances, with many locals complaining that they have benefited little
from the province's gold and gas industries. In an interview one militant leader said: "We
occupy the towns to show that the government of the day is unfair. It humiliates the poor and
gives the profit to the bosses, he also cited alleged abuses by Mozambique's military, and
repeatedly complained that the government was unfair. A delegation from the South African
Bishop's Conference said that "almost everyone spoken to ,agrees that the war is about
multinational corporations gaining control of the province's mineral and gas resources" ,it was
alleged that any benefits were being taken by a small elite in the Frelimo party, which has
governed Mozambique since independence in 1975.From 2015 to 2019, the number of
Mozambicans living in extreme poverty have increased to 55% to 60% , which corresponds to
16.7 to 18.2 million people .In this regard it can be highly acceptable that African conflicts
can be centred on class struggle.
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The Boko haram terrorist group has been causing serious havoc in Nigeria and the surrounding
nations. The Bokoharam terrorist group is composed of extreme Islamic people. The people
come from marginalised ethnic groups of Nigeria. One of their major discontent is monopoly
and nepotism in Nigeria .The fact of the matter is to address insurgency or terrorism, one`s
needs more than military operation, one need to address the root causes of the insurgency. In
an interview Mr Adamu says "Unfortunately we haven't seen enough efforts in that regard .He
points to a lack of good governance that leaves the population impoverished, frustrated and
uneducated as ‘one huge root cause" .There are major government initiatives that are meant to
speed up development in the north-east, but little progress has been made. There is also the
National Counter-Terrorism Strategy which also involves economic development and counterradicalisation, in addition to the deployment of troops, but Mr Adamu says it appears the
strategy is not being fully implemented. Due to unequal distribution of resources and nepotism,
conflict between the poor the rich can be inevitable.
Long before atrocious conflict erupted in December 2013, South Sudan was already
demonstrating all the indicators of the class struggle. Ninety-eight percent of the government
annual operating budget and 80 percent of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is derived from
oil, making South Sudan the most oil reliant country in the world (Nyathon et al, 2006). But
rather than use of this revenue to invest in public service and infrastructure to improve
livelihoods, the government financed a military and security apparatus. On the top of this SPLA
government officials had embezzled much of the revenues from this sector and deposited the
money in foreign countries (Tiitmamer and Awolich, 2015). Plus Juba was benefiting a lot
from oil money at the expense of other states in South Sudan. According to the report, the stateowned oil company, Nile Petroleum Corporation (Nilepet), has demonstrated a “total lack of
transparency and independent oversight” in its diversion of oil revenues into the hands of
government elites.
The structure of the company is deliberately designed to allow for autocratic control: it is run
by a managing director who is accountable to a board of directors whose members are
appointed by the president. To the board, the government has appointed loyalists, particularly
individuals from the National Security Services (NSS), which has been accused of human
rights abuses. This process has allowed Nilepet’s oil revenue to be diverted to the security
services, who in turn purchase weapons and other military equipment. In fact, a majority of
Nilepet’s revenues in 2015 were used to fund over two hundred thousand soldiers stationed in
conflict areas near oil fields. Further, Nilepet received a letter from government elites asking
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for $1.5 million for unknown use. In this regard it can be crystal clear that conflict in South
Sudan can be described as class struggle
The conflict between Hutus and Tutsis of Rwanda was instigated by an attempt to maintain a
permanent dominating power which would ease resource domination within their territories. It
was estimated that almost one million Africans lost their lives. In Southern Africa as observed
by sheriff Ghali, the push and pull syndrome is prevalent; hostility has caused the death of
innocent souls and homes destroyed, which engendered poverty, hunger and starvation
(Nyathon etal). The conflict between ANC and Boers for many decades had then destroyed the
economy of South Africa. It is still on such resource based conflicts as experienced in Africa
that Sheriff Ghali observed inter alia: The present issue of Mozambique, Swaziland and
Zimbabwe, particularly between Mugabe’s and the Ndebele in Bulawayo on one hand, and
between Zimbabweans and the white population on the other hand is creating a new dimension
in African politics. The Liberian conflict which lasted for decades has been seen as a great
epitome of resource based conflict. The r case study of Charles Taylor following the election
of July 1997, where he intentionally chose to govern in the same manner which created turmoil
between the Americo Liberian settler class and the indigenous Liberian population. He initiated
the Tubman presidency and even created the ambiance of the office of the late President
Tubman (Mazrui et-al 1997). Taylor’s mission was to dominate the Mano River (resources)
union countries (Guinea, Sierra-Leone and Liberia). The Mandingoes of Liberia declared war
against Taylor, Guinea also waged war against Taylor. Sierra-Leone viewed Taylor as a threat,
by his attitude and mission to dominate the resources around Mano River union. It is quite clear
that resource based conflicts sometimes begin as political, ethnic or religious conflict. But in
Africa, political and ethnic conflicts are tantamount to resource based conflicts and this is
primarily because those who wield political power also control the national resources. Fear of
domination from a rival group or opposition parties may however, resort to conflicts.
The government of Zimbabwe maintained that the conflict was about land in at least three
dimensions. The first dimension emphasizes the correction of historical injustices and the
resulting imbalances, which reflects the restitution of land to its indigenous owners from whom
it was forcefully confiscated and taken by Cecil Rhode’s colonial invaders. The second
dimension is a contingent and practical one based on generalized shortages of land and the
rustling land hunger among the majority of Zimbabweans, who in the face of declining
employment opportunities have to resort to land to earn a livelihood. The third dimension is
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rooted in the experience of the period after independence under which the policy of willing
seller willing buyer yielded no meaningful result.
Feminist theory aims to understand gender inequality and focuses on gender politics, power
relations and sexuality. While providing a critique to these social and political relations, much
of feminist theory focuses on the promotion of women’s rights and interests. There are several
theories which are diverse on feminism, and all these theories have a core concern of belief
that traditional approaches and research have systematically excluded women and the issues
concerning them from public consciousness (Lumumba Kasongo 2009).
In Africa, for
instance, the impact on women of such issues as war and conflict, sexual slavery, trade
relations, migrations and displacements have been neglected as compared to issues directly
related to men. According to (Steans 1998), women have the same rights and privileges as
men, and there should be equality between men and women, thus, there should be changes that
will end discriminatory practices and realise equal rights for women in all spheres of life. So
it is paramount to look at the applicability of the feminist theory in relation to conflicts in
Africa.
It must be established that there are several and diverse feminist theories. These include liberal
feminism, Marxist feminism, radical feminism, socialist feminism, and constructivist
feminism. There are also regional and sub-regional feminisms such as Afro-centric feminism,
African feminism, American feminism and European feminism. These various and diverse
theories have core concerns and beliefs.
Feminists of all stripes agree that traditional
approaches and research have systematically excluded women and the issues of concern to
them from public consciousness. For instance, the impact on women of such issues as war,
sexual slavery, trade relations, migrations, have been neglected as compared to other issues
directly concerning men. Most of feminists agree on the issue of equality between the sexes or
equal rights. Feminist theorists also define a belief that women are entitled to enjoy the same
rights and privileges as men. Thus, ‘the feminist movement aims to bring changes that will end
discriminatory practices and realise equal rights for women in all spheres of life’ Steans,
1998:15). Therefore, gender, both as a social theory and an analytical category, has been central
to feminist theory. Gender equality gives feminism its core identity and distinctiveness.
Feminists also advocate political strategies for achieving equality with men.
However, in Africa, conflicts are deep and complex and the issue of feminist Africa in many
ways presents a grim picture of the conditions facing people, particularly women and the
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challenges that face women’s activism (Ejibunu 2007). In times of war, incidences of human
rights abuses are rife. Civil, political, economic, social and cultural abuses are numerous and
across Africa there are reported gender discrimination, sexual and gender-based violence,
reprisal killings, beatings and unequal distribution of state resources among others especially
in the Great Lakes region. Recently in Mozambique revolution, women were kidnapped to
assist in transporting looted goods away from the villages, robbed, raped and killed by
militants. Their homes were destroyed affecting their livelihoods.
Feminist peace movement in Africa has increased exponentially throughout Africa as have the
arenas in which women have been able to assert their various concerns on issues of conflict
and peace (Kelli 2008). In some instances women are taking their claims to land, inheritance
and challenging gender imbalance and threat to peace and security as they end up being major
victims of conflict and war as mothers. Women are challenging laws and constitutions that do
not uphold gender equality and are moving into leadership positions previously the nearly
exclusive domain of men.
There have been feminists initiatives towards conflict prevention, resolution and peace in
Africa. The outbreak of violent conflicts and civil strife has led to interventions and mediations
played by different actors. Throughout the various conflict in Africa, feminists have played a
pivotal role in building lasting peace with communities and states. For example, in Liberia,
the Women In Peace building Network (WIPNET), through its advocacy campaign, ‘We Want
Peace, No More War’, forced Charles Taylor and the Warlords of the Liberians United for
Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD),to attend the peace talks in 2003 resulting in the
signing of the Agreement on Ceasefire and Cessation of Hostilities on 17 June 2003
(Jones,2011). In a similar action, an advocacy campaign by MARWOPNET in 2001 brought
together the presidents of Liberia and Sierra Leone and Guinea for a peace talk.
Thus, feminist approach is a non-violent approach and a very important dimension in feminist
peace initiatives and social transformation. Peaceful protests and media covered peaceful
rallies in Nigeria by Bring Back Our Girls group that galvanised the federal government into
action to negotiate and secure the release of some school girls kidnapped in Chibok, North
Eastern Nigeria in 2014 by the Boko Haram. Several feminist right groups have achieved much
in social transformation economic justice and peace in Africa. In Zimbabwe, the Institute for
Young Women’s Development (IYWD), works with young women in rural , farming and
mining communities, to participate in socio-economic and political processes. In Malawi Girls
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Empowerment Network (GENET) Malawi, works to support and improve the well-being of
vulnerable and marginalised girls, advocate for abolishment of harmful traditional practices
such as child and forced marriages in Malawi. The Young Feminists Movement in Namibia
promotes sexual and reproductive health and rights for young women in Namibia.
These
initiatives are being done to curb perpetuation of Conflict in the African continent and the
aforementioned examples highlight the application of Feminism in Africa.
Post-colonialism is a set of theories or an umbrella theory that seeks to explain the conditions
and the structures of external domination and its local or national impact mostly on
anthropology, education, literature, religion, history, politics, economics, gender studies,
sociology, and human rights studies. It is a complex theory that is intended to explain all the
conditions, and societal and state structures related to a given situation after the colonial
experience (Lumumba -Kasongo 2017).
It is a phenomenon that is found in all the former
colonies. This umbrella theory in general deals with central questions of protests,
decolonisation or self- determination and political reconstruction or rebuilding. These main
items are the core expressions, which are intended to advance the building of a new state, new
cultural identities, redefinition of new citizenry and new political territoriality and new
international relations and in short new world politics. Decolonisation, which is the core
element of post-colonialism, requires profound transformation of the former colonial
conditions. Before various of the decolonisation processes can take place, the mindset of the
former colonial elites must change as decolonisation is first of the mental magnitude, according
to Fanon. In addition to the decolonisation of the mind, physical decolonisation of the space
means to remake history according to the ambitions associated with independence. According
to the theory, conflict emerges first on the identification of the characteristics of postcolonialism. The relationship between oppression and freedom is permanently conflicting.
For instance, in Africa and many other former colonial regions, although the European colonial
powers have physically left the colonized areas in most cases, but the basic structures of the
states and the limits of the territoriality they created are still part of the independent states and
other institutions they left behind. This situation creates not only institutional conflict but also
latent instability within the existing dynamics of political institutions. For instance, geographic
space and politics have always had a symbiotic relationship. Geographic location of a state or
nation normally bears a profound influence on political decisions and national strategy. The
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territories that were created by the former colonisers are causing conflict in parts of Africa. In
common usage, the Great Lakes Region is a referent to Central Africa's Great Rift Valley,
stretching in a north south axis, along the Congo- Nile crest from Lake Tanganyika in the south
to Lake Edward and the legendary mountain of the moon in the north and the area include
Rwanda, Burundi, Eastern Congo and southwestern Uganda as the core of the inter zone. The
demographic, ecological and ethnic patterns have shaped the geopolitics of the region creating
in the end a complex conflict pattern (Kasongo 2001). The Great Lakes Region has always
been a conflict prone region that has witnessed some of the most horrendous conflicts on the
African continent. Chaos and violent upheavals have left in their path a deadly trail of
destruction and blood shed.
The region has created conflicts whose dynamic has not only embroiled the region but has
caused massive and devastating effects for the continent. In Rwanda, a cycle of genocide
beginning with the Rwandan Revolution of 1959 left more than a million people dead. In
Eastern DRC four times as many people died during the period 1998-2000. A survey from the
International Rescue Committee (IRC) shows that nearly four million people were killed from
war related causes in the DRC since 1998, the largest documented death toll in a conflict since
World War 1. In Uganda, the ravages of civil war have caused insecurity and displacement
especially in the northern parts of the country. In Burundi the crisis generated by the
assassination of democratically elected President Melchior Ndadaye in 1993 created a lengthy
civil war that also had grievous consequences. Tittmamaer et-al (2015) asserts that within the
context of geographic proximity, weak state systems coupled with porous borders tend to
merge giving rise to an expanding zone of insecurity and the export of wars to neighboring
countries. The expanding geographic space of the conflicts in the Great Lakes Region has
contributed to a number of pertinent challenges to human security beyond the region caused by
a massive influx of refugees.
In Zimbabwe, post colonial theory is applicable in the education sector. Before attaining
independence in 1980, education was racially biased towards the European students (Shizha
and Kariwo 2011) while blacks suffered. The colonial education inherited by Zimbabwe was
regarded as racist, individualistic, competitive, Eurocentric and capitalist oriented and had to
be reconstructed to be socialistic in nature by the Government. The post-colonial education
system in Zimbabwe is still based on structures established during the colonial period and
perpetuates the view that school knowledge must be western (Shizha 2006). Although post
colonial education which is still euro centric undervalues the importance of local world views,
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indigenous scholars have accepted it as a natural and significant productive process of giving
meaning to our new world experiences. The failure by the post colonial governments to
accommodate the diverse and conflicting cultural identities in independence states justifies the
continuance of education policies established by the colonisers. The education system has
thereby stripped away the local people’s culture and language. The education curricula in
Zimbabwe has always been a source of conflict.
In a nutshell, it has been proven beyond reasonable doubt that Marx`s theory on classism and
unequal distribution of resources can cause violence, the issue of gender inequality and
feminism has been looked at as well as the post-colonialism theory. These three theories
indicate the various modes of conflict in Africa and explained how conflicts occur in the
different regions of the continent. It has also be noted that in Africa, countries with point
resources such as oil and diamonds have a high propensity to conflict.
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