marie-hélène besnault and michel bitot diversity of the uses Shakespeare makes of this function points to thematic and symbolic relevance beyond dramatic efficacy. Lamenting women in this play are always three. As a result, they can in turn signify suffering mankind, the three Furies of Greek and Roman mythology who pursue and punish the doers of unavenged crimes, or the three Fates or Parcae who govern human destiny. For a Christian audience, they can also evoke the three Maries at the foot of the Cross. Given the ambivalence of the play and the syncretic spirit at work in the period, they may draw from the audience moral and aesthetic as well as emotional responses. The same applies to the eleven ghosts of Richard’s victims who successively appear to him and to Richmond as they sleep, on the eve of the battle (5.3). Another Senecan feature adapted to the dramatic uses of a hybrid play, they too have a choric and tragic function, as they hammer into Richard’s brain formulaic condemnations ‘Let me sit heavy on thy soul tomorrow’ (5.3.121, 134, 142), ‘Despair, and die’ (5.3.123, 129, 138, 143, 146, 151, 157, 166), before they lavish encouragement with identical incantatory force on Richmond: ‘live and flourish!’ (5.3.133, 141), ‘Live, and beget a happy race of kings’ (5.3.160). They induce ‘the fairest sleep and fairest-boding dreams’ (5.3.228) in the future Tudor king and the foulest nightmares in Richard. The curses and blessings of these supernatural apparitions come true at Bosworth. This makes them prophetic instruments of revenge and of divine justice. Again, theatricality vies with pathos and moral implications. For an Elizabethan audience, the final fight was most probably warfare between the forces of Evil and the forces of Good, entrenched on the two sides of the stage, as in earlier Moralities and Interludes, even if the traditional Good and Bad Angels had undergone a tragic metamorphosis. For a modern audience, the ghosts of Richard’s victims, anticipating Macbeth’s hallucinations, tend to appear more like a theatrical representation of Richard’s bad conscience. This feeling is reinforced by his confessing: By the apostle Paul, shadows tonight Have struck more terror to the soul of Richard Than can the substance of ten thousand soldiers . . . (5.3.217–19) In his final soliloquy, although at times his self-dramatisation is a direct appeal to audience sympathy, ‘And if I die, no soul shall pity me’ (204), Richard is self-absorbed. It is the dichotomy within himself that the dialogic quality of his monologue is meant to reflect; the split between his former unquestionably courageous self and the fears spoken from his still unconscious mind as he awakes from his troubled sleep; the being torn between an old 120 , 2565 7 CC D 6 2 2: 2 6 2C CC 42 :5 6 4 6 .: 6 6/ 5 2 2C D 64C C C 6 2 42 :5 6 4 6 C6 CC 5 : 0/ ' 1 Cambridge Companions Online © Cambridge University Press, 2006 :5 6 6 C6 7 Historical legacy and fiction: Richard III self-love and a new-born self-horror and self-pity. The naturalistic, chopped, questioning syntax of the verse conveys this dichotomy: What? Do I fear myself? There’s none else by. Richard loves Richard, that is, I am I. Is there a murderer here? No. Yes, I am. Then fly. What, from myself? Great reason why: Lest I revenge. What, myself upon myself? Alack, I love myself. Wherefore? (5.3.185–91) Richard’s command of rhetoric seems to have vanished as he utters short, chaotic sentences. The acting and stage-managing powers he had so brilliantly displayed have now turned against him too as he imagines a trial of himself in the old homiletic fashion: My conscience hath a thousand several tongues And every tongue brings in a several tale, And every tale condemns me for a villain. Perjury in the highest degree, Murder, stern murder, in the direst degree, All several sins, all used in each degree, Throng all to th’bar, crying all ‘Guilty, guilty!’ (5.3.196–202) At this point, Richard is no longer a gleeful dramatic archetype. Nor is he presented as the scourge of England’s long accumulated sins. He has become a pathetic man who realises both his isolation from the rest of mankind and the loss of his soul: ‘I shall despair. There is no creature loves me . . . ’ (203). We are reminded that, beyond being antagonistic to martial victory, despair was the cardinal sin for the Church, the unforgivable sin committed by Lucifer, Cain or Judas. Like Marlowe’s Faustus, Richard is incapable of repentance. He even becomes an anti-Christ figure, not only through his soliloquy – Antony Hammond20 says ‘one of the most celebrated antecedents for an inner dialogue of this kind is Christ’s agony in the garden of Gethsemane’ – but also because the sun does not rise and shine on his newly recovered courage and on his death: ‘The sun will not be seen today’ (5.3.284). A sense of tragic waste is conveyed to the audience. It seems, however, that Shakespeare refused Richard full tragic awareness and stature. Like Senecan tyrants, he is allowed to die a Stoic death: Slave, I have set my life upon a cast, And I will stand the hazard of the die. (5.4.9–10) 121 , 2565 7 CC D 6 2 2: 2 6 2C CC 42 :5 6 4 6 .: 6 6/ 5 2 2C D 64C C C 6 2 42 :5 6 4 6 C6 CC 5 : 0/ ' 1 Cambridge Companions Online © Cambridge University Press, 2006 :5 6 6 C6 7 marie-hélène besnault and michel bitot But the pangs of conscience he displays are made to sound hollow. They are not as heart-rending and lyrical as those of Faustus, Richard II or Macbeth. They are indeed mechanised by a deconstructed syntax and externalised by the recourse to ghosts who also address Richmond. Although he comes closer to tragedy than any other character in the history plays so far, and clearly dominates his play, as only Richard II and Henry V will later, Richard returns to machiavellian pronouncements, confusion, misdirection and dedication to Evil at the end when he addresses his army: Let not our babbling dreams affright our souls, For conscience is a word that cowards use, Devised at first to keep the strong in awe. Our strong arms be our conscience, swords our law! March on! Join bravely! Let us to’t pell mell, If not to heaven, then hand in hand to hell. (5.3.310–15) What he appeals to is scorn of the enemy, those ‘stragglers’, ‘overweening rags of France’, ‘famished beggars’, ‘poor rats’, ‘bastard Bretons’, ‘heirs of shame’ (5.3.329–37), and self-pride again: ‘Spur your proud horses hard and ride in blood’ (342). So there is some poetic justice when, fallen from his horse, he stoops howling ‘A horse! A horse! My kingdom for a horse!’ (5.4.7), a living medieval emblem of pride, rather than a self-fashioning and self-cancelling Renaissance tragic hero, like Thomas More himself.21 If there is tragedy in Richard III, it is rather that which has made, and will still make ‘poor England weep in streams of blood’ (5.5.37), in spite of the union of the white rose and the red, and before it enjoys ‘smiling plenty and fair prosperous days’ (5.5.34), themselves threatened by succession wars at the death of Elizabeth I. Despite its ambiguity, the play suggests that the tragedy of power is not that it is doomed to fail one day, as Richard’s does, but that it is bound to crush innocent victims, like Lady Anne and the two young princes. With Richard III, Shakespeare reached a stage where he could shape to his own needs all the available dramatic traditions and create an enriched, more ambiguous medium to deal with history; a medium which in its versatility can still make him everybody’s contemporary in the theatre or in real life.22 Richard III: theatrical and filmic afterlife The first actor to be associated with the famous title role was Richard Burbage, and the popularity of Richard III, its continuing appeal, was attested by a late performance in 1633, before the closing of the theatres in 122 , 2565 7 CC D 6 2 2: 2 6 2C CC 42 :5 6 4 6 .: 6 6/ 5 2 2C D 64C C C 6 2 42 :5 6 4 6 C6 CC 5 : 0/ ' 1 Cambridge Companions Online © Cambridge University Press, 2006 :5 6 6 C6 7 Historical legacy and fiction: Richard III 1642. Interest was revived by Colley Cibber’s 1700 adaptation, a shortened version which he partly rewrote and combined with fragments from the Henry VI plays. Cibber put Richard’s deformity to the fore, giving the tyrant king a comparatively larger share in the dialogue than in the original drama. Although a number of later attempts were made at adapting Richard III, Colley Cibber’s version valiantly pursued its career on the stage well into the nineteenth century. The fascinating, demonic king found a new lease of life when David Garrick seized the part in 1741, a blessing for great performers, and maintained it on the stage almost without interruption between 1747 and 1776. His unprecedented triumph as Richard was followed by a line of remarkable performances as Kemble, Cooke and Kean successively took the part, each with his personal stamp and some variations upon the Cibber script. In 1821, however, Macready attempted a return to the original play, although with little success, and it was not until the 1870s that a serious revival of the Shakespearean text proved possible: Henry Irving’s production kept to the text, even if it was in a shortened version, focusing again, in keeping with a long-standing tradition, upon the title role. In the twentieth century the status of Richard III underwent obvious changes with a reinstatement of the original text, and even more importantly, with a move from pure acting concerns to problems of interpretation and production. The emphasis was placed on presenting the play as a case of political tyranny, along with the theatricality of the main character. The memorable Berlin production of 1920, directed by Leopold Jessner, led to fresh symbolic and political treatments of Richard III. Jessner, at a time of social and political upheaval in Europe, had the tyrant ascend bloodred steps for his coronation. His version not only fascinated critics in his own time, prompting a reappraisal of the play’s significance, but it seems to have retained its hold on more recent productions, as shown by the use in the 1963 Peter Hall and John Barton version of a symbolism redolent of the Berlin performance. At the time of Nazi horror haunting the whole of Europe, Donald Wolfit was acclaimed in 1942 with his impersonation of a Hitler-like Richard, no doubt because terror and the havoc of war were very real things for the spectators who had, on one occasion, to run for shelter during a bomb alert. Wolfit’s achievement was followed in 1944 by a memorable production by Laurence Olivier in which this actor offered a very powerful representation of Richard as a supremely cunning and devilish character. The constantly spying and preying presence of the tyrant, together with his cold-blooded ruthlessness, may have reminded Olivier’s spectators that Nazi monstrosity had not yet receded. The number of modern productions attests to the continued popularity of the play, as well to a general 123 , 2565 7 CC D 6 2 2: 2 6 2C CC 42 :5 6 4 6 .: 6 6/ 5 2 2C D 64C C C 6 2 42 :5 6 4 6 C6 CC 5 : 0/ ' 1 Cambridge Companions Online © Cambridge University Press, 2006 :5 6 6 C6 7 marie-hélène besnault and michel bitot interest in politics that derives from manifestations of dictatorship in recent decades. Among the most imaginative treatments we should mention the versions of Terry Hands (1970), Bill Alexander (1984), Adrian Noble (1989), Sam Mendes (1992), and Steven Pimlott (1996). One of the most striking productions in recent years was the much praised Bill Alexander’s Richard III, in 1984, for the Royal Shakespeare Company, with Antony Sher in the leading role. The emphasis on the monstrous features of the tyrant was remarkable as Antony Sher, making use of a pair of crutches, hopped on four legs like a large, nightmarish insect. Although he seemed to be handicapped by some crippling disease, Sher’s Richard moved about the stage with alarming speed and animality, which further manifested his spider-like appearance. Bill Alexander’s production was so impressive in its bringing out this combination of abnormality and vitality that it was compared to Laurence Olivier’s virtuoso creation. Olivier himself directed a filmed version of Richard III in 1955. His Richard retained the cunning superiority of the role in the theatre play. However, some major cuts (Margaret’s role in particular) and some adjustments were made for the film. The result, even if it often greatly departs from Shakespeare, displays some terrifying effects because of the set and its expressionist treatment of shadows. A more recent film version, released in 1995, is Richard Loncraine’s Richard III which is based on a theatre production with Ian McKellen in the title role.23 In the film, McKellen is once again Richard, combining features borrowed from the dictator and the gangster, and with strong links to both Nazi terrorism and British fascist movements of the 1930s. The film is often shot in and around actual buildings in London that create a milieu redolent of that era, while the text of the play is adapted to a situation suggesting a vaguely decadent totalitarian state – a familiar reference for modern picture-goers, if one thinks, for instance, of Visconti’s The Damned. Richard III was twice filmed on video, first in 1982 for the BBC series, by Jane Howell as director. In this production she clearly chose to depart from the Olivier filmic heritage – her Richard looked somewhat less inhuman. Another version of the play on video is Michael Bogdanov’s 1990 production for the English Shakespeare Company which was taped live during performance.24 NOTES 1 2 3 4 Walker 2000, p. 35. Marienstras 1995, p. 160. See Vergil 1844, p. 227. Ibid., p. 189. 124 , 2565 7 CC D 6 2 2: 2 6 2C CC 42 :5 6 4 6 .: 6 6/ 5 2 2C D 64C C C 6 2 42 :5 6 4 6 C6 CC 5 : 0/ ' 1 Cambridge Companions Online © Cambridge University Press, 2006 :5 6 6 C6 7