POLITICAL PARTIES AND IDEOLOGIES, NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC
(1999-2016).
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Background of the Study
One of the major components of democratic states is the existence of party systems ranging
from one-party to multi-party systems. Nigeria as a democratic state operates a multi-party
political system. Currently there are about 29th political parties that are duly registered and
recognized in law by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). It is arguable
that party formation in Nigeria is drawn by the quest to contest and win elections rather than
as vehicles for political development, based on some deep conviction-ideology in relation to
the political and economic drive. If we consider political parties in the first republic, it is
beyond doubt that despite their immoral activities and self-ambition, they engaged the power
of Ideology for coming into elected position, like the N.C.N.C was seen as liberal, with a
moderate stance on consequences, N.P.C, very conservative and less inclined towards a hurried
exit of the British colonial conqueror, while the A.G, was more socialist in connection with
Marxist doctrinal beliefs that the state should be paternalistic, Leonard, (2010.). But not long
after independence in 1960, the emergence of splinter groups not rooted in ideological
orientation as to how to structure and govern the society showed-up, leading to conflicts of
personal ambition between political gladiators Olarewaju, (2015)
The issue of ideology in Nigeria political system has remained unattended too despite
the new democratic move that begun in 1999. Therefore an understanding of this view,
“ideology’ as an urgent instrument in Nigeria’s party politics requires explanation, from
definitional stand among scholars. By ideology we mean a “set of beliefs about the proper
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order of society and how this order can be achieved”, (Erikson and Tedin, 2003, cited in Jost
J.T, Christopher M.F, Jaime L.N, 2009). Ideology can be put as principles that shape the
institutions of the political system and how politics can be expressed in a society. Also
Ideology, endeavor to describe or interpret the world as it is—by making assertions or
assumptions about human nature, historical events, present realities, and future possibilities—
and to envision the world as it should be, specifying acceptable means of attaining social,
economic, and political ideals (Freeden 2001, Knight 2006, cited in Jost J.T, Christopher M.F,
Jaime L.N, 2009). That is, ideology helps us get informed that the world we live in has been
affected massively by systems such as; Democracy, Maxism, and Socialism e.t.c, and so one
should put-away regional and ethnic affiliation, but uphold National identity and Collectivism.
Again, Ideology is very cogent in party politics, that both serves as a cognitive tool of viewing
the world at large and suppying a perspective pattern, but also serves as a guide to individual
action and judgment (Dosumu, 2015, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015), ideology is also a major tool
for conflict management, self-recognition. In fact, ideology is inevitable for proper party
politics. The success of any political party is determined by the degree of political ideologies
especially in advanced democracy (Dilly, 2005 cited in Olanrewaju, 2015). The problem of
ideology is key to the behavior of parties beyond history, ideology has been regarded as the
sustainable belief pursued among party members in relation to the most worthy class,
foundations, spirit, and ways of life of a country to influence the political activities of a party
towards public matters (Olanrewaju, 2015). It has been argued that ideological identification
role in Nigeria’s parties politics have been replaced with ethno-religious activities, and has
resulted to serious weakening effect in governance and politics. Ethnic affiliation and religious
activities have earned faction role in Nigeria and have so much helped in active promotion of
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National Integration and democratic consolidation in Nigeria Iyare, (2004, cited in Olanrewaju,
2015). Acoording to Dosunmu, (2015, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015), the issue of ideology by
political groups provided by political parties foundation in Nigeria have refused to release the
country’s satisfactions, which can assist in the National Substructure and Integration
development. Ideology enhances people persuasive arguments concretely in order to engage
in favorable support for a definite public plan of action (Omotola, 2009), ideology is an
important component of party politics, it does not only serve as a major instrument of
influencing the electorates, playing major role in the acquisition of power, but also functions
as political lifeline for the animation of politics. According to Olanrewaju, (2015), Nigeria
move to polite as the best road to National Integration and democratic development has been
delayed without Justification in relation to political space that are not ideological. Normally
Ideology enhances the seed of politics and hence helps to achieve development democratic
settings. The fact political parties unveil their manifestoes simply means that the electorate
participation in public matters and that their choice of party to vote for in elections will be
influenced or guided. It is important that Parties-manifestoes adopt ideology so that their plan
to run government will give the citizens a sense of direction as to the direction of the country,
its goals and choose if or not to trail in such routes or path, (Okoosi-Simbine, 2005, cited in
Olanrewaju, 2015).
In connecting this issue of Ideology to the party politics in Nigeria’s fourth republic,
the internal expression of democratic features in political parties has been distorted, and has
indirectly become difficult for the system to reflect true democratization in the polity. For
example, P.D.P ruled in Nigeria for 16 years and yet what leads to cross-carpeting and division
within political parties among others, is as a result of regional identity being endorsed above
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national identity or collectivism as a feature of democracy in Nigeria’s society which political
ideology will drive to achieve, also the A.P.C party is in crisis today in the western party of
Nigeria because they neglected the place of expressing political ideology above regionalism,
corruption, class and selfish ambition e.t.c. Taking a critical view at the A.P.C party since its
coming into power, no national convention have been held since its presidential candidate was
elected as president. Also the PDP party today is divided due to the removal of sheriff as
national chairman which if ideologically based, such ought not to be. However, these
happenings and more do not portray these parties as ideological-driven parties which also call
for the attention of our lawmakers, politicians to press for a restructure in the party system or
party configuration that is rooted in ideological bricks. The irony of this issue of ideology in
political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic’s, has relegated the politics of issues to the rear in
most cases, and giving expression to the supremacy of individuality and money politics in
place of ideological politics. According to Omotola, (2009), other factors are the lack/failing
party development and democracy within, corruption,
individualism, ethnic affiliation,
turnover of party leadership,e.t.c, which has serious implication to Nigeria’s democratic
consolidation and national integration.
Although the decade of the 1990s, experienced heavy wave of what Huntington (1991,
cited in Omotola, 2009) referred to as the “third wave” of democratization to Africa (Nigeria)
resulting to an unexpected revival of multiparty politics. There is no conflict about the fact that
the mere acceptance of party pluralism will automatically advance the movement of democracy
without the institutionalization of certain Institutional parameters to promote and sustain due
process in theory and practice (Sorenson, 1993, cited in Omotola, 2009). Therefore with the
move of democracy in Africa, Nigeria inclusive, the creation of political parties has drawn
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more momentum, seeing they are not opposite to electoral democracy and are one of the most
composite and fragile institutions of Democracy Olanrawaju (2015). This is why in every
democratic society, political parties stand as a major institution for consolidating democracy
and promoting National integration.
Political parties have been so much emphasized that scholars or authors have claimed
that democracy is unthinkable without them. This is because not only do they perform
government related functions such as making the system accountable, and exert check over
polity, elective associated roles like communication of electorate’s need through civil group’s
voice, and aggregation, political representation and so on. But also connected roles, like
performing intermediates and mandatory stand among elites and electorates, Omotola, (2009).
And the functions of these political parties will only be reflective and felt by the citizenry,
when parties are ideologically-driven.
Again, the existence of political parties as functioning institutions are seen through their roles
as principal agents for engaging, arguing and deciding how the values and public resources are
to be allocated to each section. (Goldman, 1993). This therefore is why Halrod Lasswell
defined politics as who gets what, when and how, Allocating values authoritatively. Meaning
the center of politics is political parties. Therefore since political parties are undoubtedly key
tools for building a robust democracy, their characters and modus operandi have an important
effect on democratization, (Liebowitz, and Ibrahim, 2013). Saliu and Omotola (2006 cited in
Omotola, 2009) argued that political parties will best function with their duties according to
the level of their political practice or charge as regard to, framework, inner democracy,
coherence, system and their liberty. Ideology in Nigeria’s parties has become a concern
especially in the fourth republic, as parties are no longer after the doctrines or beliefs and
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making them unable to offer anything reasonable to clarify their difference and help bring the
people together. Today we lack political parties that give importance or attention to the needs
to structure the society in a way that improve the democratic development and national
integration, thereby establishing the fact that, politics in Nigeria is not by ideology as in the
days of our founding fathers but by a candidate’s popularity, integrity, and credibility (Olaitan,
2013). Therefore as this paper progresses, we will be able to justify whether the political parties
in Nigeria operate with ideology as they say they have, and the extent it has contributed to
election victory, and national integration.
1.2 STATEMENTS OF THE PROBLEM
The drive for better democratic administration in Nigeria is most likely to succeed,
through healthy party politics, unfortunately such will be difficult as ideology is absent within
political parties politics. Also the party system ought to have increased the level of national
integration and in addition promote and achieved to a large extent, dividends of democracy
among Nigerians. But due to the absence of ideology within this parties, the expectations of
democratic consolidation has been hindered so much and for too long. As a result of this
problem (political ideology) within political parties, division, cross-carpeting, ethnic identity,
corruption, personal ambition e.t.c as we see today, has clustered the political system of Nigeria
as a state and once a Giant of Africa.
1.3 RESEACH QUESTIONS
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This research work is to examine the following questions:
a. Was the All Progressive Congress party victory in the 2015 presidential election
ideologically-driven?
b. Is the current party configuration in Nigeria promotive of National Integration?
1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
The broad objectives of these work examines the absence of political ideology in Nigeria’s
political party’s election, and their drive for National integration in Nigeria.
The specific objectives are;
a. To examine if the APC 2015 presidential party victory was ideologically-driven
b. To extrapolate if the current party configuration in Nigeria’s is promotive of National
Integration
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE TO STUDY
The research work will be important to the following below:
Firstly, this research work will expose the fact about the issue of ideology among the political
parties in Nigeria which has made parties unable to express a healthy and productive political
system.
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Secondly, it will help political actors and decision making organs to see the importance of
party formation with an ideological stand in Nigeria party system, in order to promote and
support national integration among Nigerians.
Thirdly, the relevance of the research in theoretical term is to add to the existing body of
knowledge.
Furthermore, the research in practical terms serves as a workable and effective tool.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
This study focuses on political parties and ideology from 2001-2016. The study will cover
political party configuration and party politics in line with their political ideology in Nigeria,
under the fourth republic and how, it promotes National integration.
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This research would be basically qualitative. The data are sourced from secondary data which
were collected from published books, newspapers seminar papers, journals, and internet
materials, magazine, etc. that are relevant to the study. This research work would also include
statistical and non-statistical data to provide a descriptive and analytical framework for the
research work. The data analysis of data collected in this research would be analyzed
qualitatively.
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1.8 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS
Which include: political party, ideology, democracy, consolidation, national integration and
Nigeria?
POLITICAL PARTY: A political party is defined as an organized group of people with at
least roughly similar political aims and opinions, seeking to influence public policy by getting
its candidates elected to public office (Ogunlade, 2013, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015).
Political party as described by Herbert, (1962) is a structure of interconnected actions featured
by rising degree of intellectual guidance of attitude towards common recognition and
expectation of objective and goals.
IDEOLOGY: According to Fran schurmann, (1966), ideology is generally defined as “the
manner of thinking characteristic of a class’.
Ideology is defined “as systematized and interconnected set of ideas about the socio-economic
and political organization of society as a whole” (Nnoli, 2003, cited in Omotola, 2009).
DEMOCRACY: Democracy is defined as when the opinion of all is heard or the voices of
legal citizens are heard. Also it is respect for individual choice (Liberalism).
According to Oyovbaire (1987) democracy as a system of government seeks to realize a
generally recognize common good through a collective initiation and discussion of policy
questions concerning public affairs and, which delegate authority to agent to implement the
broad decisions made by the people through majority vote.
NIGERIA: Is a sovereign federal republic comprising of 36 state and a federal capital territory,
Abuja. The country is located in West Africa and shares land boundary with Niger in the north,
republic of Benin in the west, and Lake Chad in the west.
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NATIONAL INTEGRATION: This is defined as the process of bringing together or the incorporation of various sections of a society into an operating whole.
REFERENCES
Franz Schurmann, Ideology and organisation in communist China, University of California
press, Barkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1966, Pg. 18
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Goldman,R.M.(1993), Vol. I Political Parties: Principal Arenas of Policymaking Conflict.
visit:http://www.eolss.net/eolss-sampleallchapter.aspx.
Jost J.T, Christopher M.F, Jaime L.N, (2009), “Political Ideology: Its Structure, Functions
and Elective Affinities”. Annu. Rev. Psychol.2009. 60:307–337.
Leonard K. S. (2010). Nigeria: Political Associations Vs Political Ideology, Yokohama. Japa
shilgba@yahoo.com
Liebowitz, J. and Ibrahim, J. (2013), a Capacity Assessment of Nigerian Political Parties
Democratic Governance for Development (dgd) Programme, Undp, Nigeria.
Nnoli, O. (2003) Introduction to Politics. Revised 2nd Edition, Enugu: PACREP.
Olaitan A, (2014). “Nigeria’s Political Parties Ideology and Popularity”,
http://www.olaitanajiboye.com/author/olaitanajiboye/.
Olanrewaju, J.S. (2015) ”Political Parties and Poverty of Ideology in Nigeria”,Afro Asian
Journal of Social Sciences Volume VI, No 3.Quarter III 2015 ISSN: 2229 – 5313
Omotola ,J.S.(2009) “Nigerian Parties and Political Ideology”. Journal of Alternative
Perspectives in The Social Sciences. Vol 1, No3. 612-634
Oyovbaire S.E. (1987) Democratic Experiment in Nigeria. Benin City: Omega Publication
Limited.
Saliu, H.A. and Omotola, J.S.(2006), “Political Parties and the Quest for Political Stability in
Nigeria”. Humanities of the 21st Century. Prospects And Challenges Ahmadu, Bello
University, Zaria, 10 – 14 January.
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Herbert,S. (1962), “Comments on the Theory of Organizations”, American Political Science
review,
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK.
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2.0 Introduction
The issue of ideology in political parties has been given prominence in scholarly
literature. Therefore the task of this section is to review these scholarly views as regard the link
between ideologies and party formation and consolidation generally and with particular
reference to Nigeria’s fourth Republic.
2.1 CONCEPTUAL CLAREFICATION
2.1.1 Political party
Political party as a key force to driving democracy refers to a structured group of people
having, similar opinions, views and beliefs with the major objective of winning the political
power of the state. The centrality of political parties in democratic system is such that scholars
have propounded that democracy is unthinkable without them. This is because they carry out
government related functions like enforcing accountability of government, exercising check
over polity, governance and election associated roles like communication of electorate’s need
through civil group’s voice, and aggregation, political representation and so on. Political
parties perform linkage functions, like acting as intermediary between the elite and the
electorate, Omotola (2009). Appadorai (1968) defines political party as a more or less
organized group of citizens who act together as a political unit, have distinctive aims and
opinions on the leading political question of controversy in the state, and who, by acting
together as a political unit, seek to obtain control of the government. It is based on two
fundamentals of human nature; men differ in their views and are social animals; they try to
achieve, by combination, what they cannot achieve individually. Nnoli (2003, cited in Odo,
2011) defines political party as a group of people who shares common conception of how and
why state power should be structured and used. This idea is sometimes expressed in a different
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way when it is argued that a political party is an organization concerned with the expression of
preferences regarding the emergence, consolidation and use of state power. In other words
political party is all about politics and contesting control of the chief policy making offices of
the government. Similarly, Igwe (2002, cited in Odo, 2011) defines political parties as any
group of people organized for targets from time to time, publishing a manifesto, explaining its
programme and soliciting for membership and backup in its quest for power.
According to Olarewaju (2015), political party is a fundamental political institution in
the actualization of democratic regime. A political party is defined as a patterned clique of
individuals with at least roughly similar political aims and opinions that seeks to influence
public policy by getting its candidates elected to public office Ogunlade, 2013, cited in
Olanrewaju, 2015),
Political parties perform key tasks in a democratic society, such as
1. Aggregating and articulating needs and problems as identified by members and supporters
2. Socializing and educating voters and citizens in the functioning of the Political and electoral
system and the generation of general political values
3. Balancing opposing demands and converting them into general policies
4. Activating and mobilizing citizens into participating in political decisions and transforming
their opinions into viable policy options
However, political groups usually espouse ideology or vision supported by a written platform
(manifesto) with specific goals, forming a coalition among disparate interests.
2.1.2 Ideology
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Ideology as a concept has been viewed in various ways in scholarly literature and it is
applicable in any human endeavor. But due to this research work, we would be looking at
ideology adopted by political parties. Ideology as a dynamic phenomenon is subject to changes
by arising issues. And this made, Shively (1997, cited in Omotola, 2009) describes an ideology
as “a continually developing, organized set of ideas about politics that helps us to make sense
of the myriad of political questions that face us”. According to Nnoli (2003, cited in Omotola,
2009), ideology means “a systematized and interconnected set of ideas about the socioeconomic and political organization of society as a whole”. Ideology as a concept is,
evolutional rooted in political theory. The concept was introduced by the then eighteenth
century French philosopher, Destutt de Tracy (1754 – 1836, cited in Omotola, 2009). But for
Nnoli (2003, cited in Omotola, 2009), Destutt de, used it to depict a modern scientific field
that logically studies views or perspectives, feelings and senses – scientific ideas. This concept
has changed long before now and ideology has come to embrace the ideas completely. Due to
the varies, ideology has being pictured as a discipline representing two conflicting realities
such as positive and negative, the first describing ideology as “a system of thought that inspires
social or political action”, while the last as a “deceiving, unreal or one-sided criticism or
condemnation”, (Nnoli, 2003, Omotola, 2009). Such above was the type of argument that
influenced political discussion in the middle of the nineteenth century. For example, Marx and
Engels (1960, cited in Omotola, 2009) considered Hegel and his co-travelers, and defined them
as ideologists of the bourgeois’ class, not well-spoken about the substance states of social and
political life. Nevertheless, they went further to comprehend a different thought of ideology
based on class analysis as a method for understanding the contravening interests of divers
social strata (Nnoli, 2003, cited in Omotola, 2009).
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From which ever perspective this is looked at, the truth of party activities throughout
political systems, emerged, where there was various political alternatives from indispensable,
choices will be decided. At such points, Ideology makes available a prepered guide for right
steps. According to Shively (1997, cited in Omotola, 2009), ideology is helpful to individuals,
some for personal consolation and gratification and others, political activities. Also ideology
assists to make sense at individual level to a large extinct and in addition to varied political
enquiry coming to one’s faculty. Looking at Ideology from the world view, it helps humans to
make convictive arguments persuasively, in-order to support a given public policy. Therefore,
ideology is an essential need of politics, as an essential tool to catch political control, acting
key role in the capturing, use and solidifying of state control, but also operates as means for
the increase of political activities, stirring persons and associations so as to form political
conclusion, mostly at the stage of contending and conflicting class such as the elites and
masses. Base on this, Nnoli (2003, cited in Omotola, 2009) set-up the roles of ideology as that
of providing: “
 knowledge structure for looking at the whole society, by serving as an informative and
defensive category for social world,
 An idea rule such as a directive to personal action and decision as a basis for the legal
right of public politics when inline with popular view;
 A mechanism for conflict management and the integration of society through reduction
of basic values and matters that causes disagreement societal members,
 An instruments for self-identity for the comfort of specific personality needs, a means
for self-rating or grading and societal commonality,
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 A changing drive in both personal and aggregative commitment activities positively,
or negatively, to the ruling class conclusion. That is, it supplies a forceful foundation
for assemblage;
 sharpening of the political entreaty of a political groups, which differentiate party A
from party B.
 Negatively, might operate as a major obstacle to national integration and dominate the
poor, but also to camouflage tyrannical reign.
Importantly, ideologies carries distinctive qualities, like, they where never created by those
who live by them. Instead, they live on their own, directs the opinion of individuals and
institutions in an unexpected manner (Freeden, 1996, cited in Omotola, 2009). In some
situations, ideologies emerge from merely non-integrated antagonistic compositions, seen as
general, universal and absolute in quality; and can be adopted for personal guide and hallowed
belief which may-be likened to religious beliefs. Although not totally permanent, are also
resistant to central changes (see, Sibley, 1970; Nnoli, 2003; Enemuo, 1999, cited in Omotola,
2009). However , different types of ideologies have emerged across time and space such as
Marxism, liberalism, conservatism, socialism, communism, fascism and not in the least,
African socialism. But let quickly consider the following ideologies listed above
Liberalism: It pursues a free, liberal and exposed society. Freedom and equal to opportunity.
Humans that have adopted this idea are rational and able to recognize and encourage selfinterest. Individuals are allowed to make the choice on their kind of social environment without
violating the right of others. As such programs and organized to push individual liberty and
welfare (Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/courses/polsc231/#2.1.4).
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Conservatism: Acknowledges human limitations and imperfection. Also it pursues the
preservation of existing social order, such as Custom and tradition and view the society as
close to nature. Finally it agrees with the inequality of Freedom and order. Human
imperfections are the products of the social conditions intellectually and so on. It holds that
every individual is a part of a whole and so in every action of individuals, society must be
considered and not self, therefore success is thing of social concordance and dictates. Finally
this
ideology
applies
gradual
and
in
excessive
changes
(Saylor
URL:
http://www.saylor.org/courses/polsc231/#2.1.4).
Socialism: collective ownership and popular direction of the important means of the
production and distribution of goods. This ideology shares similarities with the ideology
communism. Under socialism the social conditions are better articulated in terms of economic
and class relation. As such programs are set up to promote economic equity as it’s a must tool
for political equity (Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/courses/polsc231/#2.1.4).
Communism: this refers to the communal possession of all property and the establishment and
operation of a classless societal structure. In addition, the economic production and distribution
are managed and controlled by means of an authoritative or administrative economic
committee plan that putatively holds and determine the interest of society at large (Saylor URL:
http://www.saylor.org/courses/polsc231/#2.1.4).
Marxism: An ideology that explains the seed of destructions and strengths of capitalism it also
foretells the destructions, overthrow of the capitalist system in-order to rebuild a more better
equitable and just company. This overthrown will usher in a new order (socialist order) and
then the final stage called communist Society
(Saylor URL:http://www.saylor.org/courses/polsc231/#2.1.4).
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Despite some ideologies do fit rightly to the above conception. Yet almost all ideologies like
conservatism and socialism emerged during social crisis, in response to liberalism and
capitalism respectively. While liberalism propounded individualism (freedom, liberty),
conservatism operates on collectivism characteristic of welfares states. Despite their long
historical antagonism, both liberalism and conservation still remain prominent ideologies in
democratic operated western settings (see, Rudolph, Jr., 1996; Kay, 1976, cited in Omotola,
2009).
Today, the emphasis in political theory is predominantly on democratic ideology. David
Howarth -defines a democratic ideology as one involving the classification and analysis of
different types of democratic ideologies, as they are articulated and function in concrete
societies. It includes various democratic forms and institutions as capitalist/liberal democracy
and radical democracy. It also reflects on the differences within a given type such as direct and
indirect variants of liberal democracy (Howarth, 2001, cited in Omotola, 2009). it also cultural
and ethnical conditions for the proper working of liberal Democratic societies and states,
requiring in at least an acceptance of democracy (see, Putnam, 1993; 1995;1996, cited in
Omotola, 2009). Above all, democratic ideology typifies the use of democracy by political
groups to win political power and form party’s in-oder to pursue its interests. Here, according
to Howarth (2001, cited in Omotola, 2009), “democracy is itself a key ideological element in
political mobilization and struggle, and is used to create political frontiers for different social
groups. Democratic ideology therefore captures the whole essence of these theoretical
postulations on the centrality of ideology to the exploits of political parties. What needs to be
added is an umbrella party (Catch-All Party) that seeks to appeal to diverse interests, usually
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by adopting a general or vague platform, not tied to a single ideology and vice versa. This is
the case in the United States where in the two dominant parties – Democrats and Republican
– there are Liberals, Moderates and Conservatives. The reverse is the case in Great Britain
where the Labour and Conservative parties are each highly centralized and less catch-all in
nature than American parties (see, Rudolph, Jr., 1996, cited in Omotola, 2009). Yet, in either
case, the parties are known for their well-defined and distinct ideologies.
2.1.3 Politics and ideology
The general model of ideology should be indicated as the basis for the societal aspect of
political activities, which is for, government officials, party formation, political procedures,
political practices as describing political gatherings, for example, political gatherings,
individuals from parliaments, or social developments. When ideology have general social
capacities as well as more particularly (additionally) political capacities in the aspect of
politics, such can be called political philosophies. In this way, communism, capitalism,
Marxism are more clearly a political belief system than the expert philosophy of dental
practitioners, the length of we translate "political" means portraying procedures in political
activities, and instead of a major aspect of discipline in medicinal services and equity, among
others. Subsequently, one method for ordering belief systems – and talks – is by the societal
aspect were they are functioning. For instance there are political, instructive, lawful, spiritual,
and human services belief systems, e.t.c. Its therefore beyond such paper to characterize and
conceptualize insight of what portrays the aspect of political activities (see, Goodin and
Klingemann, 1996, cited in Van Dijk, 2006). Nonetheless, aside that its characterized by all
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first members (legislators), the aspect may speedily – and to some degree generally– be defined
by:

Its overall systems (democracy, dictatorship, etc.);

special social macro actions, such as government, legislation, elections, or decision
making;

and their micro practices, interactions, or discourses such as parliamentary debates,
canvassing, or demonstrations;

its special social relations, such as those of institutional power;

Its special norms and values (e.g., freedom, equality, etc.);

Its political cognitions, such as political ideologies.
If there is an aspect that is ideological in politics, it is that of political party politics at elections
and party formation. As a result its unsurprising at this point that various opposing groups,
force, conflict, values, and concerns are on the line. Therefore for favorable chance to contend,
political parties must be driven by ideology. Scanty ideological driven cliques besides political
parties uphold plans that fabricates respective ideologies nearly and clearly, and goes ahead to
contend for fresh membership or supporters based on such. However very rear ideologies can
rightly and expressly be supported or represented and contested as ideologies with political
nature, as we know from evolution of socialism, communism, liberalism, and so on. Also, the
politics as a process is majorly an belief process, and political knowledge frequently connects
with ideology (Freeden, 1996; Ball and Dagger, 1999; Eatwell, 1999; Leach, 2002; Seliger,
1976 cited in Van Dijk, 2006).
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The societal activities in relation to the aspect of politics, and hence of government officials
and political parties, is majorly on different ideologies, coalition, and resemblance. The general
institution of societal beliefs as conflict among classes is the product of the fundamental
conditions of politics of issues still pervading the entire society. Legislative assemblies,
political crusade, elections, mass protest, and some more developments in the aspect of politics
which are ideologically rooted. Argument within law-makers toss contradicts political
ideology as foundation for political matters, steps, conclusion, or behaviors. An individual’s
identity and loyalty are lass described on the basis of a functional class membership, for
instance political party membership, but on ideological view of one. Many socialist or
neoliberals do not have a membership card. This is however true for many other societal
ideologies which possess fundamental political implications, like, pacifism, racism, or
feminism. Despite its basically explained in socio-knowledge terminology, politics of issues
spreads around the entire arena of policy-making, for instance the general systems like
majority-rule (based on democratic political theory), general acts and procedures (like
authorities, alliance building, or electoral processes), daily policy-making practices (like
democratic arguments or demonstrations), party relations (like supremacy and resistance,
authority, or opposition), profound norms and belief (like equality and independence which
may constitutes ideologies of families), aside from specific law-making actions (for instance
legislating related cases like abortion or divorce) which political theory could influence. (Van
Dijk, 2006)
Ideology is an important aspect of politics, not only serving as a cognitive structure of looking
at Society generally and providing a perspective formula, it also serves as a guide to individuals
action and judgment (Dosumu, 2015, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015). Ideologies are strong element
23
for managing conflict, and personal identity. (Strickler 1996, cited in Omotola, 2009) also
assert that “ideology functions as planks”, meaning, undivided issue arguments around the
political program, the right ideological-driven orientation that is constantly used for bargaining
tool in seeking party coercion. Such program implies an argument of such established party’s
perspective on different matters. Nnoli (2003, cited in Omotola, 2009) also concludes that
ideology is a very important area of politics, not only by serving as a cognitive structure for
looking at society generally, but providing a prescriptive formula, that is, a manual in relation
to individuals actions and decisions, but also as a powerful element of conflict management,
self-identification, popular mobilization and legitimization. It may, hence, be correct to hold
that the first and most important vehicle of a political party, under an ideal situation, should be
its ideological stance. (Omotola, 2009). The success of any political party is determined by
the degree of political ideology especially in advanced democracy (Dilly, 2005, cited in
Olanrewaju, 2015). The ideological issue is always key in relation to actions of each political
party throughout decades; however ideology is seen as a lasting belief embraced by party
members as regard the most lasting institutions, structure, and the line of litigate of the state
that influences the normal attitude of a party towards all general questions. (Iyare; 2003) argued
that the replacement of ideological identification, within Nigerian parties reveals mobilization
and associations on ethno-religious ground, that continually have serious draining effect on the
government. Political ideology guide individuals to arrive at cogent statements persuasively
by engaging democratic support as regard particular public matter. (Omotola, 2009) Political
ideology is a certain ethical set of ideas, principles, doctrines, myths or symbols of a social
movement, institution, class, and or large group that defines how society should work, and
offers some political and cultural program for a certain social order. A political ideology
24
largely concerns itself with how to distribute power and to what end it should be used. Some
parties follow a certain ideology very closely, while others may acquire broad inspiration from
a group of related ideologies without specifically accepting any in particular. Not only that,
political ideology are set of fundamental beliefs about the political, economic, social and
cultural affairs held by the larger number of people within a political party. Political ideology
is a set of opinion or beliefs of people within a political party, is just like a mandate of political
party that reflects the agendas, manifestos as well the programs of the party. (Olariwanju, 2015)
In a growing democratic setting, politics of issues are the nails which drive to hold firm any
political parties with their actions, interestingly ideology serves as a guideline that directs
party’s aim to capture the control of the authority institutions, more so, political theory act as
a recipe for distributing concrete manifestos to each citizens in order to win their votes at polls.
(Stanley, 2015), Azikiwe (1978) defined ideology as a body of concepts about human life and
culture. The emphasis is ideologies should focus on human life and culture and also how to
integrate the various. But what do we see in Nigeria politics today? It’s simply the opposite.
The ideal of political parties in Nigeria having ideologies would seem like a joke. Hence Parties
have flaunted their ideologies but a critical look at them would reveal that they are not driven
by ideologies in connection with their election victories nor for promoting National Integration.
Ideology has been regarded as the most important vehicle of any political party and the absence
Of ideology in Nigerian parties is of great concern. (Olaitan, 2015, cited in Olariwanju, 2015).
Political parties are no longer after the doctrine, myths or beliefs; they refuse to offer anything
special to differentiate them from other parties. (Omoiya, 2012) Interestingly, Nigerian
political parties have many similarities than differences, the only difference being their names,
logo, people don’t go to
25
polling unit with the mind of casting their vote based on party ideology because of lack of
substantial political ideology and this factor is assisting the phenomenon of election deviation
and vote purchase (Ojo,2007) .Unlike what is applicable in advanced democracy, party
ideology is one of the key drivers for the electorates to select the candidate of their choice for
any elective offices, in Nigeria, powers of identity specifically, ethnic affiliation and religion
and, purchasing of vote seems to have over throne ideology in Nigerian political system.
Omotola (2009) assert that Nigeria parties seem to be devoid of clear ideological stance upon
the relegation of politics of issues to the background across the various republics and in its
place the ascendency of identity or money politics. Undoubtedly, political party is one of the
most critical and composite institutions of democracy or what Omotola called Makers of
democracy and neither democracy or democratic society is thinkable without them base on
their functions and responsibilities (Omotola, 2009). With the absence of ideologically based
party in Nigeria as well as massive spread of democracy in Africa or what Huntington (1991)
referred to as the third wave of democratization, which led to an unexpected resurrection of
multiparty politics, there is no confusion about the fact that the mere acceptance of party
pluralism with no clear ideology will not automatically advance the cause of democracy in
Nigeria. (See Oyinloye, 2009).
Truth be told, Nigerian political parties are not ideologically driven and the group programs
are sin qua non to democratic consolidations, the programs of parties suppose to shape the
opinion of the electorates at the poll but the opposite is the case in this fourth Republic political
system and party formation (Gadan, 2009). Similarly, Jinedu, (2008) made a vital observation
of what he called “ developmental circumstance” of the party in Nigeria, such as the country’s
social structure, religion, language, ethno-communal, rural urban divide, ideology and
26
education at all level. Party ideologies have been subverted by factors like money politics,
corruption, religion and ethnic sentiment which are killers of National integration and
Democratic consolidation. Whatever the case, it is significant to note that at the very heart of
success or failure of party formation and their politics to contest in elections and win position
is the important question of political Ideology. Nigeria political parties from the mid 1920s
reflected the dominance of the Nationalist movements by a combination of petit-bourgeois
middle class and proletarian section of the country’s social structure, yet the logic of
competitive party and electoral politics and ethno-federal political structure in the country
meant that the political parties speculated ideologies as part of their electoral strategies unlike
this current fourth republic (Gabriel, 2007). There was a symbiotic relationship between a
number of political parties during 1950 and 1960. Although class and ideology division seemed
not to have been significant salient element of Nigeria’s social structure, however there was a
sense in which political system in the 50s and 60s reflected class and ideological differences.
Most of the political parties within this period were seen as elite parties, with the exclusion of
the Northern Element progressive Union (Panter, 2010, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015). Ideology
represents the primary material for forming attractive and achievable manifestos to the
electorates so as to win their votes during election (Stanley, 2015). In fact a person can
conclude constructively that an ideology clearly describes what government officials represent.
In other words, ideology therefore means sets of issues, like economic seed political conviction
found with party membership (either the People Democratic Party or All Progressive
Congress), through which it expects to equip itself so as to address socio-economic matters
after capturing power through election means. Sadly, political parties in Nigeria are viewed as
clique of appropriators with the motives to loot the resources of the state. Ideologies have
27
become strangers to Nigerian parties and their activities which are utterly devoid of direction
(Aba, 2013, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015), political parties are just constitutionally acknowledged
platform for politicians to assume power, through which they steal as well as divert away
unimaginable funds into foreign countries leaving the majority to suffer hunger, poverty and
food insecurity. Hence, political parties are referred to as cabals of discontented factors eager
to take their share of the National benefits. This lack of ideology and the corrupt motive to
form parties that are promotive of national integration accounts for why party-switching,
money politics, election malpractices e.t.c are the events in Nigerian policy-making arena.
Recently, loyalty is purchased through “Ghana must go sack” and governmental official’s
cross-carpet parties as quick as an African chameleon transform itself to something else.
According to (Stanley, 2015, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015) The idea of carpet-crossing and
counter carpet-crossing and other political actions in Nigeria political system that have become
the order of the day in Nigerian politics should be refused if not in due redirection to party’s
ideology which will amount to playing with the enemy without protection. Admission to
political party must be influenced by parties and political ideology. The current political
standpoint in Nigeria has demonstrated high level of political malpractices and lack of
ideology, where politicians put away one party for another as if they are changing cloths. The
framework of parties have permitted minor popular chances, this political malpractices and the
issues of non-ideological driven parties have delayed chances for complete democratic exercise
internally among parties and peradventure there are calls for a critical consideration within the
political system in Nigeria, it has to be the lack of political discipline, integration, cohesion,
and ideology internally (Peter, 2014, cited in Olanrewaju, 2015).
2.1.4 Party Configuration
28
According to La Palombara, and Weiner, (1966) party system comprises of every party in a
state, the laws governing the activities of the people. Party systems consist of three types which
are:
 Multi-party systems
 Two party systems
 One-party systems.
Multi-party structures are mostly the popular form of party system. Democratic authorities in
relation rotational representation frequently formulate multiparty systems. Such form of
electoral structure, the overall votes any party gets in election determine the number of
legislative seats held by such party. But if no party wins a majority of the legislative seats in a
popular multiparty system, many parties may partner together to create a coalition authority.
Proponents of multi-party systems argues that room is given to the representation of popular
view in government and always supply unchanging, lasting structure of government, like in
many present-day West-Europe (where all strcuture, including Great Britain, has nothing less
than five or six significant parties). Evaluators observed that multi-party structure have few
times contributed to the division and political instability. Such examples are the Weimar
Republic in Germany (1919-1933), and the Fourth Republic in France (1946-1958), (La
Palombara, and Weiner, 1966).
As for a two-party structure, control of political power cut-across two major parties. Two-party
systems often formulate when electoral victory needs a simple plurality vote, that is, the victor
gets the higher votes, not mainly majority votes. Such system might be reasonable among
smaller fractions (parties) to join into larger ones or fall out completely. Parliamentary
structures where the law-makers are elected by plurality voting so as to represent specific
29
districts might formulate party systems in which only two parties hold substantial amounts of
seats, like the Canada and Britain. Proponents of two-party systems believe that dangers of
excessive division are limited including government stalemate. However, in the America, that
established a separation between the powers and functions of government and among the three
arms of government, therefore it is possible for one party to control the legislature and the other
to control the executive arm. This frequently has led to political conflict between the
Republican Party and the Democrats. Antagonists of the two-party system also hold that two
parties increasingly tend to be similar and leave too many perspectives out of the political
process (La Palombara and Weiner, 1966).
A single-party system is a situation where one party selects all candidates for government
position. Hence there are no opposition parties during election. As such the choice of voters
include
1. To decide if or not to vote
2. to vote “yes” or “no” for the nominated candidate.
Single-party systems have consisted Communist Party authorities and other tyrannical
Governments. But have are now less important since the collapse of Communism in Eastern
Europe and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Surviving Communist states, like, North
Korea, China and Cuba, still apply the rule of a single-party. The effect of International
financial pressure has reduced the amount of single-party systems in less developed states.
Funding institutions like the I.M.F and the World Bank always demands for competitive party
system as a prerequisite for granting aids to developing countries. Protagonists of single-party
systems argue that one-party system creates room for states to coordinates and direct the talents
and energies of each citizen in direction to a unified purpose. This merits appeals to leaders of
30
few states that hold limited human and substance resources. However, one-party systems
reduce the political liberty and choices of citizens.
2.1.5 Multi-Party System
Nigeria as a democratic state operates a multi-party political system. Currently there are about
60th political parties that are duly registered and recognized in law by the Independent National
Electoral Commission (INEC). It is arguable that party formation in Nigeria is drawn by the
quest to contest and win elections rather than as vehicles for political development, based on
some deep political and economic conviction-ideology. For instance in 2013, after the
breakout faction of the PDP over seven governors, which two later reverted, the rest other
governors declared their joining of the new merger party, known as the All Progressives
Congress (APC). The political parties that formed the APC are the Action Congress of Nigeria
(ACN), the divided All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), and the Congress for
Progressive Change (CPC). The ACN had previously wrested out south-western Nigeria from
the PDP during the 2007 and 2011 election. Its territorial center was viewed to be the six states
in the west (Yoruba-speaking) that fabricated this geo-political section of the nation. The CPC
was seen to be capable of winning the 12 million votes for its presidential candidates during
2011 elections, since it had an edge within the North East, West, and the North-central states.
While the APGA had only enjoyed low electoral victory in the South-Eastern region in the
Nation. Bringing together all these divers entities into a single group was an achievement of
giant balances, which was earned no matter the price tag. These events resulted to the two
major party system that shaped the 2015 elections.
Accessed 21 July 2015)
31
(www.inecnigeria.org/?page_id=18
In a state where multi-party system operates, political parties are key agent of political
development and regardless of their different ideological stance, different political orientations
and victory capacities, are still allowed to participate in political competition for the control of
political power and also for integrating all sections of the society. In every modern society,
political parties are viewed to be an agent of unity, peace and integration etc hence we would
consider the view of scholars on how the fourth Republic party configuration (multi party
system) in Nigeria political system as it promotes National integration and consolidation in the
country.
According to Duverger, (1954) the modern political parties, the organizational structure
assumes great importance. It constitutes the general setting for the activities of members and
citizens; the form imposed on their solidarity and it also determines the machinery for the
selection of leaders and decides their powers. It explains the strength and efficiency of certain
parties, the weaknesses and inefficiencies. In other words, party structures are very crucial and
important tools for determining the strength and weaknesses of political parties. The Nigerian
political system operates a multi-party structure. This research shall give an in-depth
knowledge of the current party formation in Nigerian and reveals if the party configuration
(multi-party) of Nigeria promotes National Integration and consolidation. The current multiparty system in Nigeria has failed to foster political stability, Internal Integration which
promotes National integration and consolidation.
According to Obikeze, (2004), a scourge to the political development of any country is a multiparty system. Multi-party are expression of fraction that exist within the social arena and the
extent of diversity. Therefore the moment a state permit a multi-party system to operate, and
extends diversity among the society, the citizens will bring ethnicity in politics. He added that
32
voters have confusion of which party to join and vote for, because choice is an issue in the
presence of little ideological differences between parties. At such point it results to political
apathy. Truth be told, associations within the society has become apathetic in the sense that an
average Nigerian citizens may not be interested in politics, if his concerned about the
government. He also ended his debates and analysis with the conclusion, that multiple party
systems doesn’t allow space for long term planning as a party plan of the co-operating parties
should be looked.
While for Rodee et al (1957), “the reason of multiple parties is the persistence of deep
cleavages in a political society caused by difference in nationality and religion divisive forces
which are often inflamed by irreconcilable element within the nation or by external revolution
any moments”. This means that in most of the democratic states like Nigeria, it is because of
the diversity and slim ideological difference that engendered the feeling of ethnic politics
which are weeds fighting to the growth of National integration.
According to La Palombara and Wemer (1966), “the general classification between two party
system and multi-partism is not sufficiently meaningful”. It is view that the number of parties
in a political system may not be that important, but the competitiveness of parties is highly
relevant. Such is actually true of multi-party system in Nigeria. In the early period of fourth
republic, the People‟s Democratic Party (PDP) dominated the political seats in the country.
Hence, looking at the result, the People‟s Democratic Party (PDP) captured major seats in
previous elections before their defeat to merger APC in the last General election in 2015. The
above scholar’s viewed multiparty systems as one that after long period times, the same
lawmaking or alliance parties hold governmental control. And when power is not shared
among political parties in a state, it will definitely affect Nation building. And it will also bring
33
about dissatisfaction of different ethnic sections which will fight against National Integration
and consolidation in a pluralistic society like Nigeria.
According to Larry (2009), in an interview by Zainth Economic Quarterly Magazine, this
excerpt reads thus, calling a political system as democratic does not mean it is good or an
admirable system, but that we need not to worry much about imposing it further. It also simply
means that if a majority of the people want change in leaders and policies and are able to
organize effectively within the rules, they can change. This is just an appraisal of the political
system that is practiced in Nigeria, but we should not dwell in this conception of majority
participation and promoting political decay instead of consolidation and political development
if people can operates political party to promote National Integration (within the rules). It can
be granted, but a strong one that will capable of promoting political development and not a
weak organization that continued to divide and tearing the nation apart or look for ways to
enrich themselves rather than to unite the nation.
According to Okpata (2000), multi-party system is a group system that exist where there are
usually several parties with nearly equal strength. Political interest and historical experience
play dominant role in adoption of this system. However Multi party system in this view, means
that the ideology, strength, interest, history, experience etc. All matters a lot in the operation
of multi-party system. The problem with this practice of multi-party system in Nigeria is that
most of political parties that exist in the fourth republic lack the above attributes mentioned.
In fact most of the parties are of non-ideological type and that is also an obstacle to promoting
National Integration and development in Nigerian politics.
Eme Awa (1993) opined that “the system could be multi-party only in the sacrificial sense of
it. In this case, only one party (always the same ones) wins elections, thereby enlarging the
34
famous doctrine of alternating parties that could hold power. Consequently upon this, a nation
may be subject to adherence. Multi-party system was also argued by Awa to often establish
parties on ethnic grounds. And when parties are established on ethnic grounds National
integration and consolidations are hence history.
According to Omo, (2008, cited in), in his seminar presentation about parties and politics in
Nigeria, he said “I am aware that parties should poses certain characteristics and that they are
meant to perform certain functions”. The issue is that the political parties of the fourth Republic
in Nigeria are still in search of ideology and functions, therefore since 1999, the function of
political parties is still fluid. In many cases, this so-called political parties since 1999 have
become a major part of the problem in Nigeria. The diffusion of parties support and
organization in multi-party may have several others negative implication. For instance,
Ferguson and Mc Henry (1967) pointed out that:
“The disadvantages of having many parties is that, the multi-party system produces instability,
confuses the electorate with a multitude of alternatives, represents local groups and factions
and in action. It would make continued functioning of the electoral system (and integration of
diverse ethnic and socio-economic group) virtually impossible”.
Moreover, there is the guanine fear that any multiplication of separates tribal groups. As
Weiner and La Palombara (1966) observed, frequently in heterogeneous societies operating a
multi-party system, the political parties re-often asserted with the various fragmented cultures.
In such, a case the parties have no intention of facilitation integration but aim instead at
reinforcing loyalties to the sub-cultures with which they are identified. This multi-party system
according to La Palombara shows that the recent party formation in Nigerian political system
is void in the views of Morrison et al (1972), national integration connotes a process in which
35
members of a social system develop linkages and location so that the boundaries of the system
persist overtime and the boundaries of the subsystem become less consequential in affecting
behavior. In this process, members of the social system develop an escalating sequence of
contact, cooperation, consensus and community. Similarly, Coleman and Rosberg (1964:9)
view national integration as the progressive reduction of cultural and regional tensions and
discontinuities in the process of creating a homogeneous political community. In the same
vein, it is the increasing promotion or emergence of peace through the breaking down of
cultural and regional divides in the process of evolving a united state.
According to Satori (1996, cited in), “multi-party system is the most insecure and less viable
option to political development”. He also points out that not only that the multi-party system
cannot profit the stimulation of a responsible opposition, but also that, it is often paralyzed by
cabinet instability and by the presence of anti-system parties which replace competitive politics
with irresponsible outbidding under these condition, according to Satori (1996)
“The multi-party system is more an agent of disintegration than an instrument of aggregation
and integration and the outcome is sheer immobility, mal- integration or disorderly change,
than is an ideologically motivated, unrealistic sequence of abrupt changes that are likely to be
successful”.
What could be derived in the above assertion is that a developing pluralistic society in
search of national integration (as an attribute of political changes and instability, nor can it
afford increased polarization of a great number of cleavages that already existed in the society.
This was why multi-party system has been unsuccessful repeatedly in Nigeria as a mechanism
to promote National Integration, political development and consolidation.
36
2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.2.1 Group Theory
The best theoretical framework for this study is group theory. The theory was adopted due to
the strong view of scholar such as bently, (1908) who of the strong opinion” that the
interactions of groups are the basis of political life and rejected statist abstractions. In his
opinion, group activity determined legislation, administration and adjudication”. He also went
further to opine that institution approach should not be used for political analysis as these
institutions are static as against politics which is dynamic and full of activities. He argued that
politics is a group affair and each group is competing against each other for power. He also
added that the pattern of process involving mass of activities and not a collection of individuals.
The group emerges from frequent interaction among its individual members which is directed
by their share interest. The interest leads to the organization of the groups. Bently (1908) the
author of group theory in Johari remarked that “a group theory connotes a fraction of
individuals of a society taken, however not as a physical mass cut off from other masses of
individuals, but as a mass of activity which does not preclude the men who participate in it
from participating likewise in many other group activities” Bently, (1908).
Bently’s group theory earned praises from scholars like David Truman, Robert Daniel,
Grant Mc Connell, Earl Lathans and many more. They considered power as diffused between
various interest groups contending against each other. They described a society as a simple
universe of groups which combine, break and form coalitions and castellation of power in a
restless alternation. The adoption of this theory is for the examination of political party and
ideologies in a democratic setting like Nigeria, however this group theory is to analyze how
37
the intrigues among the various groups of in the sections of the country come under political
parties to secure power and how the current party formation impact generally on political
activities and in particular it promotion of National Integration in Nigeria.
2.2.2 Application of the Theory
Due to the multiple and large number of people we have in the society, hence there will be the
need for groups to come together with their various competing interests to find a platform
through which all these interests can be achieved. So it is on this note, that we have political
parties coming up on board to project their interests which is ultimately to secure political
power. And this can only be done via the formation of political parties that will cut across other
various groups present in the society. For instance in the case of Nigeria whereby it is been
considered as a rainbow Nation, and there are political parties, these parties tend to serve as a
group though which the interests of members are being projected.
However it is not all the time that member’s interests are complementary, other time it will be
conflicting, but if we have groups, groups will serve like a major purpose of regulating or
integrating the various interests that will be injected into the political system thereby promoting
National Integration. Secondly, it serves as a means by which they reach a consensus among
themselves. So that is the reason why we have political parties. And one of those tools by
which they use to project their interest known to the other members of the public is ideology.
Finally in as much as there are various groups in the society, the need for these groups to again
gather together under various platforms will be necessary. Because under the constitution every
political party must cut across the six geo-political zones in the country, so base on that, if we
38
have political parties coming up on board, that are stemmed from various part in the society,
they should come up with their own interest apart from their political interests, that is, they
should have something defining those groups which is Ideology. Ideology should be able to
mark the difference between one political party and the other in their bid to secure power during
elections. Also when we talk of the place if ideology we mean that what do this political parties
really stand for, what are those things they want to offer if given the chance to come up on
board by the members of the public after they secure power. That is what ideology will now
stand for. So given all those facts, it is only group theory that fit into the explanation of ideology
and political parties in a given democratic setting like Nigeria.
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Policy And Administration Research Vol.5, No.12
Appadorai, A, (1968). The Substance of Politics. OUP, London. 2.3.5
Bentley, A. F. (1908). The Process of Government. Chicago: Chicago University press.
Dilly, C. (2005) Democracy and the Electoral Process in Nigeria. Ibadan University Press.
Http://Pubs.Caritasuni.Edu.Ng/Download.Php? File=Projects/2012-2013%20projects/
Political%20science/Party System and Nigeria.Pdf.
Omo, Omoruji (2002). Parties and Politics in Nigeria, Boston: Advancing Democracy in
Africa, No.8.
Odo, S. I. (2011). “Political Parties and National Integration: Comparative Analysis Of
Political Parties in the Second Republic (1979-1983) and Fourth Republics (199939
2003)”, Department Of Political Science University Of Nigeria, Nsukka.
Olanrewaju, J.S. (2015)”Political Parties and Poverty of Ideology in Nigeria”, Afro Social
Asian Journal of Sciences Volume VI, No 3.Quarter III 2015 ISSN: 2229 – 531.3.
Olajumoke, Y, H, Aaron, O. O. (2015). “The Independent National Electoral Commission.” \
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Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Babcock University, Ogun
State, Nigeria.
Omotola, J.S. (2009) “Nigerian Parties and Political Ideology”, Journal of Alternative
Perspectives in the Social Sciences. Vol 1, No3, 612-634.
Peter, G... (2014) INEC and the Combat of 2011 Election. Concept Publication, Lagos.
Philip, D. (2014) “Nigerian Political Parties: More Ideology that meets the eye” The
Guardian, Lagos
Rodee, A. (1983). Introduction to Political Science (4th edition).Auckland: MaGrew Hill
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Spain 2006 Elsevier Ltd.
40
CHAPTER THREE
ANALYSIS
3.0 Introduction
This section will attempt to analyze political party’s right from the independence to the present
in era in Nigeria.
3.1 Evolution And History Of Political Parties In Nigeria
The First Republic 1960-1966
Table 1:
Political Parties in the First Republics:
Abbreviation
National Council of Nigerian Citizens (East) NCNC
The Northern Peoples’ Congress (North)
NPC
The Action Group (West)
AG
41
Borno Youth Movement
BYM
Democratic Party of Nigeria
DPN
Dynamic Party
DP
Igala Union
IU
Igbira Tribal Union
ITU
Kano People’s Party
KPP
Mabolaje Grand Alliance
MGA
Midwest Democratic Front
MDF
Niger Delta Congress
NDC
Nigerian National Democratic Party
NNDP
Northern Elements Progressive Union
NEPU
Northern Progressive Front
NPR
Republican Party
RP
United Middle Belt Congress
UMBC
United National Independence Party
UNIP
Zamfara Commoners Party
ZCP
The first republic began from 1st October, 1960 to 15th January, 1966. There exist three
dominant parties which corresponded to the East, West, and North regions then in existence
namely: Action Group (AG), National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), and Northern
People Congress (NPC). These three political parties won election triumphantly in their regions
of origin: NCNC won in the East with a large majority while the NPC cleared the North, and
the AG at first won 44 seats later the 49 seats as some NCNC individuals cross-carpeted to the
42
A.G, Orugbani, (2005). The political framework of Nigeria during this period was portrayed
as a "three-person game, with bidding shares ultimately decided by the electoral system
(Young, 1993, cited in Grace, 2013). The three actors entered the challenge with a given
demographic allocation, 29 percent for the Hausa-Fulani, 20 percent for the Yoruba, 17 percent
for the Ibo - if they succeeded in mobilizing their full social group" (Young, 1993, cited in
Grace, 2013). The three candidates alluded are Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe,
and Chief Obafemi Awolowo (the Opposition leader) taking after the NPC/NCNC organization
together. During the era, the country operated a parliamentary structure of government. The
ruling political classes at this era encountered various party competitions such as the AG,
Obafemi Awolowo and S. L. Akintola competed, and it resulted to an election crisis and a
declaration of state of emergency of the region on May 29th, 1962 (Harrison, 2006, cited in
Grace, 2013); the treachery test of Awolowo and some AG executives; the disputable 1963
population count which proclaimed the Northern region having more population with 55%, the
lack of a true national party, and the final struck was on 15th January, 1966 coup propelled by
Major Nzeogwu which sacked the first republic and unfolded another page in the political
history in the country leading to a military invasion into governmental issues.
The Second Republic, 1979-1983
Table 2:
Political Parties in the Second Republic: Abbreviation
National Party of Nigeria
N.P.N
Nigerian Peoples Party
N.P.P
Unity Party of Nigeria
U.P.N
43
People Redemption Party
P.R.P
Greater Nigerian People Party
G.N.P.P
Nigerian National Congress
N.N.C
Nigeria Advance Party
N.A.P.
At the end of 13 years of dictatorship, the regime under the Murtala/Obasanjo's
Administration began handing over to democratically elected persons. This transition program
created the 1979 Constitution which was modeled after the United States presidential structure.
This was a passing from the British pattern of rule. The Murtala/Obasanjo Supreme Military
Council endorsed a banquet programmes for the smooth transition to civil rule. These include
– state creation, settling down of the made states before election, lifting up of prohibition on
political activities, and finally -- election to states and federal assembly before transferring
power (Odinkalu, 2001, cited in Grace, 2013). The winner of the 1979 presidential election
Alhaji Shehu Shagari was challenged by the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Chief Awolowo;
Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigerian National Congress, and NNC;
Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim; the Nigeria Advance Party (NAP), Alhaji Aminu Kano. Each canvassed
the following, Shehu Shagari got 5,698, 857, Obafemi Awolowo got 4,916, 651, Nnamdi
Azikiwe got 2,822, 523, Alhaji Aminu Kano got 1,732, 113, while Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim got
1,686, 489 (Ojiako, 1979, cited in Grace, 2013). The Obasanjo administration transferred
power to Shehu Shagari, whose triumph was challenged by Obafemi Awolowo and completely
denounced as a sham by the rest parties. Awolowo challenged the election in light of the fact
that Shehu Shagari was not appropriately elected through a larger part, legal votes in
contradiction with section 34A(i) and (c) (ii) by the Electoral Decree 1977 and segment 7, of
44
the Electoral (Amendment) Decree 1978 (210). Due to lack of confidence in the electoral
umpire – Federal Electoral Commission, FEDECO after the proclamation of Shagari winner
notwithstanding the massive electoral malpractices that surrounded the 1983 presidential
election, which were the case, the republic collapsed. Leading to corruption among
governmental office holders, destroyed economy, various competitions with the electoral
misrepresentation of 1983 that brought Shagari back for second tenure made when the military
intervene on the 31st of December, 1983.
Aborted Third Republic, (1985-1993)
Table 3:
Political Parties in the Aborted Third Republic: Abbreviation
National Republican Convention
N.R.C
Social Democratic Party
SDP.
At this point Nigeria had become friendly to regime by generals and dictatorial music
that declared the end and start of a new rule. Buhari’s military rule was over throne in a palace
coup by Babangida. The transition programme initiated Babangida’s by pegged the amount of
parties to two in the aborted third republic which are, the Social Democratic Party, and National
Republic Convention. These two parties evolved from the numerous political affiliations that
had intended to participate in the Transition programme. The minority gathering of the 1986
political Bureau, had speculated 1992 as terminal date of the regime by 1990, while the
majority, Decree No. 19 of 1987 established the National Electoral Commission, NEC. The
ideological orientation of the two parties, were as follows: the NRC – "a little to right side; and
45
the SDP – "a little to left side" (Alkali; 1999, cited in Grace, 2013). Hence earned, the political
parties the ironical view of "government" or "official parastatals", as they were government
financed. Pronouncing his regime resolve to free the political system of the shade of the
negative impacts of past time, represented by the "old politicians (lawmakers), General
Babangida announced that his regime:
Would not handover political influence to any individual or people regardless of how
recognized or wealthy, but instead to a virile non military personnel political groups
which is straightforwardly dedicated to the purpose of power in the nation’s interest.
The individuals who think generally and who are currently parading themselves as
presidential candidates for 1992 would be let down at last.
By the above, the hitherto existing 17 political affiliations were the stage on which these "old
Brigade" lawmakers stood. Defaming the procedure and activity of the November 1992
presidential primaries which saw the rise of Alhaji Adamu Ciroma (National Republican
Convention - NRC) and Shehu Yar'adua (Social Democratic Party - SDP), General Ibrahim
Badamasi Babangida (IBB) crossed out the primaries in the accompanying words:
It is no longer news that the events which preceded the armed forces ruling council’s
decision constitute a set back to the transition programme and pose a serious dilemma
to me, not only as a person but also as a general and officer of the Nigerian Army, the
president and commander-in chief of the armed forces of Nigeria…No less in dilemma
are our country men and women who looked forward to that date, January 2, 1993,
when our country was suppose to commence the full stage of the transition programme
and from other democratic nations around the world.
Based on the above, IBB claim was laid upon the following:
46
All presidential aspirants made-up greatly in lack of trust among one another… the committee
of aspirants just had in mind those they never wanted, but have no idea of who they want,
except their individual Selves… the aspirants imbibed the worst culture of the Nigeria political
class that feels and sees any election as the last election which must be contested fought and
won at all costs. The
Account for the proceding pathologies can be sought in the heavy financial cost Pumped into
politics… the presidency should not be for sale. Grace, (2013).
There were small portion of questions all over, with the quantum of reasons given by IBB,
Nigerians sought after a trustworthy procedure to introduce deliberate and individuals focused
leadership. This they showed on June 12, 1993 with the election of Chief M. K. O Abiola
(SDP) without ethno-religious assessment (like the imperfect procedure before). The
prolonged stay of the military and their barbarities was one mobilizing factors for Nigerians
cooperation in the general election. The fame and general acceptability of these competitors
were tried through the unconventional "option A4": the open ballot system, also known as
Option A4, is a voting method in which voters vote openly by queuing behind the poster of
their candidate outside or otherwise, indicating the candidate of their choice. The eligible
voters are counted and then go in to vote, any disparity between the counts outside and the
ballot papers indicate fraud. The method minimizes occurrences of election rigging that
surrounds the secret ballot system as well as other electoral fraudulent-related actions. – A
decision to be led progressively from the Ward level. The "old Brigade won't let it be (the Third
World's mindset which refutes the soul of good sportsmanship) as arrangement of alleviations
were filled to stop the polls and declaring of results by the chairman NEC Prof Humphrey
Nwosu. Reneging on his words, General IBB declared the annulment of the polls revoking
47
Decrees 13 and 52 of 1993, on the premise of which the election had been directed.
Government asserted the action was convenient "so as to spare the judiciary from further
derision and erosion of confidence and that a delay of seven days by NEC in order to consent
to the court directive of June 10, 1993, before conducting the election could have spared the
nation all the subsequent croses and upheaval". The above claim and action (shifting fault on
NEC), undermined the collective sensibilities of Nigerians and an excellent style by the
northern oligarchs represented by IBB to hold control in perpetuity. They would rather favor a
northern Muslim to a southern Muslim to be president. Following the turmoil related with the
annulment and sacking of Nwosu, Prof. Okon E. Uya was selected to clean up the mess. The
June 12 presidential election prompted the collapse of IBB's junta. He artistically stepped aside
for an interim national government, ING headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan whose rule was for
82 days and was forced out of power by General Sani Abacha in November 1993. Babangida's
administration witnessed social decadent, economic decrease, the fall of the white collar class,
and the most prolonged political crises since the civil war (Falola, 2001, cited in Grace, 2013),
marked by both political and financial disappointments.
48
The Fourth Republic (1999-Date)
Table 4
Political Parties From 1999-2017:
Abbreviation
People Democratic Party
PDP
All Peoples Party (All Nigerian People Party)
APP
Alliance For Democracy (Action Congress Of Nigeria) AD
Congress Of Progressive Change
CPC
All Progressive Grand Alliance
APGA
Labour Party
LP
All Progressive Congress
APC
Advanced Congress of Democrats
ACD
Democratic Alternative
DA
Democratic People’s Party (Nigeria)
DPP
Fresh Democratic Party
FDP
National Conscience Party
NCP
Progressive People’s Alliance
PPA
People’s Redemption Party
PRP
49
United Nigeria People’s Party
UNPP
All Progressive Congress
APC
Nigeria entered the more terrible years in its history under the administrations of Muhammadu
Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, each worse than his forerunner, their pattern
were distinctive, Buhari was stern however organized; Babangida was urbane yet merciless;
and Abacha was rough and unfeeling. When the three regimes were finished, the military had
been discredited, its officers had lost credibility, professionalism was wrecked and whole
military was profoundly despised by the general public. Nigerians however had lost
expectation in their future (Falola, 2001, cited in, Grace, 2013). Under the Abacha junta (from
November 17, 1993-June 8, 1998) Nigeria turned into a pariah state, was ostracized by civilian
countries, and did record the most dictator rulership ever in her history. Because the regime
incurred unexpected disgrace due to the execution of nine persons, like Ken Saro-Wiwa, a
leader of the Ogoni sections, who controlled a part of the Niger Delta where oil produce
resulted in severe environmental pollusion. The suspects were alleged to have induced the
deaths of four Ogoni chiefs, who were their opponents. In challenge of appeals for mercy from
various governments, the regime executed these suspects in November 1995, while leaders of
the western sovereign states with historic links to Britain, were assembled for their biennial
summit Outraged by the regime’s rush to execute the ‘Ogoni nine’, and its stubborn disrespect
for due process, the western leaders suspended Nigeria’s from the international organization
for two years, and threatened to expel Nigeria if the military rule had not transferred power to
civilians by that time. Other countries, including the United States and members of the
50
European Union, imposed or tightened various non-economic sanctions, involving restrictions
on diplomatic privileges and military cooperation.
The Abacha’s junta declared the beginning of a three-year transition to civilian rule, which was
to be concluded by 1st October, 1998, but this transition was scorned by many democrats
because it repeated Babangida’s complicated pattern of elections which is for local, state, and
federal, including councilors, legislators, governors, and a president – that was aborted. The
new programme was tied to recommendations of a constitutional conference, comprising of
delegates elected indirectly, with fewer than 400,000 voters participating in the first stage. The
junta appointed more than one-fourth of the 369 conferees. Eventually, the conference gave
birth to a draft constitution. This record as amended and approved by the regime carried an
innovative principle tagged ‘rotational power sharing’, for both federal and regional levels of
government. At the federal level, six main offices such as, president, vice president, prime
minister, deputy prime minister, senate president, and speaker of the house of representatives
-would be rotated every five years among six geo-political zones, identified thus: northeast,
northwest, north-central, southeast, southwest, and ‘southern minority’ (an elongated, mainly
coastal zone). The idea of rotational power sharing was open to criticism as it constituted a
setback for many who belonged to small ethnic sections and would therefore be unfortunate
by a distribution of offices based on association rights, rather than individual merit. Positive
or negative, it would encourage Nigerians to cultivate both sub-national and international
lawmaking identities at the expense of domestic identity inline with citizenship in a sovereign
state. However, rotational power sharing was based on broad coalition by sectional leaders that
determined to calm often fears of domination by various sections of the nation, and to lessen
51
the stakes of electoral competition to minus frightening proportions. (Kunle and Danial and
Yann, 2010)
In 1996, less hostile yet teleguided elections to local governments, states and National
Legislatures were led by National Electoral Commission of Nigeria, NECON, yet successful
candidates were yet to be inaugurated (Fwatshak, 2009, cited in, Grace, 2013). The declaration
of ING and illegal body by the court emboldened Abiola and led to his declaration of himself
as president on June 11, 1994. This action was greeted with the arrest and subsequent detention
by the Abacha military junta. The detention of Abiola led to political struggle through the
formation of NADECO, (National Democratic Coalition). NADECO, pushed for the redemocratization of Nigeria – first with the return of MKO’s Abiola mandate through the
reaffirmation and revalidation of June 12, presidential election. Amid this period there was
insecurity of lives and property of perceived/envisioned political rivals. Sadly for Abacha, his
self-succession arranged transition programme from the first quarter of 1996 to the third
quarter of 1998 was short-lived because of his sudden passing on June 8, 1998. The sudden
death of Abacha prompted the rise of General Abdulsalam who planned and executed a short
transition programme with the establishment of the Independent Electoral Commission, INEC,
and the registration of political parties namely: People Democratic Party, PDP; All Peoples
Party, APP; Alliance for Democracy, AD, and the release of political prisoners. These political
parties had a medium of ideology. The first republic parties for instance, the AD was
predominantlly Yoruba and represented an off-shoot of Awolowo's AG. The presidential
election was between two candidates – Chief Olusegun Obansajo (PDP) and Chief Olu Falae
(APP – AD). The PDP candidate won and was sworn in on May 29, 1999 as the second elected
52
president after Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Thus May 29, henceforth became Democracy Day in
Nigeria.
Nigeria's fourth republic has recorded five general decisions (1999, 2003, 2007, 2011,
and 2015) and is yet to demonstrate significant proof of a developing democracy (Dkihru,
2011, cited in, Grace, 2013). The Abubakar's administration mid-wifed the fourth republic in
an excellent way, yet the electoral umpires did not have the validity to lead free and fair
election. With legal mediation the registration procedure for political parties was liberalized,
henceforth after the 1999 election, 30 political parties. The Election results of 2003 and 2007
general election were shocking. For example, Party tickets to contest on the platform of the
parties were given to individuals who never took part in the primaries. In same instance
aggregate votes polled were more than accredited voters in a polling unit and the courts were
mandated staff with election petitions. Due to the wings the Maga party PDP was growing,
that since the beginning of the Fourth Republic on it has returned to power with its presidential
candidates and having control in over many states of the country led to the formation of the
current mega merger party namely: All Progressive Congress, APC by political parties like
(ACN) from the west, (CPC) and (ANPP) from the North, and a fraction of (APGA) from the
East and the new PDP, so as to competitively challenge and win the electoral dominance of
the PDP, which came to pass in the 2015 presidential election. It ought to be expressed that in
the current democratic dispensation, parties are neither national nor parties in the real sense
due to the issue of ideology. And as such our fourth republic democracy looks like a complete
disappointment since the very first structure that establishes democratic process failed. That
constitutes free, fair and credible election (Adingupu, 2012, cited in, Grace, 2013). The fourth
53
republic that concluded 16 years of tyrannical rule is momentous known for a civilian to
civilian rule that informs the expectation of all citizens in Nigeria (Grace, 2013).
3.2 Was the APC victory in the 2015 presidential election ideologically driven?
Politics as a game of compromise gained expression during the just concluded 2015
presidential election that took place in Nigeria. The election that was initially fixed for
February 14th, 2015, but later took place on March 28th, 2015, was recorded as having gone
smoothly with comparatively low voters’ fraud, pre and post election violence etc, when
compared to past elections held in Nigeria. The reason for this success was due to the various
agitations for change by citizens on issues facing the country: wobbling economy, high rate of
youth unemployment, poor infrastructural issues and high rate of corruption. These challenges
motivated citizens to demand for a free and fair election and to use their votes wisely.
We can however not conclude that the victory of the APC in the 2015 presidential election was
ideologically driven or not, despite the advantageous edge provided for them by major
challenges facing the country under the PDP 16 years rule such as: corruption, economy and
infrastructural, security problem amongst others, before the presidential election and their
victory. But according to The Centre for Public Policy Alternatives (2015), March 28th through
April 1st 2015 opened another turn in Nigeria’s political history as voters took to the polls to
choose their choice leader into the Presidential position. The election, that took place in the 36
states of the Nation and the F.C.T, witnessed the rise of an opposition party known as the All
Progressives Congress (APC) and its presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari --‐ as the
new president of the Federal Republic. This outcome was also the first time in history of the
54
fourth republic that the ruling Party (PDP) was unseated by the opposition party since Nigeria’s
transition to democratic rule. But the question here is was the APC victory ideologically
driven? Briefly, one would agree that there is no political party without an ideology, but the
issue of ideology in Nigeria is the fact that these political parties do not follow their ideology
as which they identify with.
There are four factors that will be considered to know if the APC party victory in the 2015
presidential election was actually ideologically driven, these factors include;

The foundation for forming the APC party.

The APC campaigns focus during the 2015 presidential election.

Factors that influenced the voting percentage for the APC victory in the election.

The impact of the APC Change agenda on the country, after their victory in the 2015
presidential election.
3.2.1The foundation for forming the APC party;
There is no doubt that before the APC was formed there was serious maladministration
in the governance and democracy of Nigeria. Considering the state of the nation in terms of
viable solutions to salvage the country, from its current state of insecurity corruption, fall in
oil price and the recession facing the economy, after two years of the APC coming to power,
it is very clear that the hidden interest for the merger of the APC party was to bring forth an
intense competition for the PDP, so as to supplant the former ruling party that had ruled for 16
years. According to Omotola and Charles (2015), the present ruling APC, was the product of
the merger of the now defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for
Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP), and a breakaway faction of
55
the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), led by Rochas Okorocha, the governor of Imo
State. The emergence of the APC was for a more intense contest with the intention to arrest
power from the PDP. Therefore the emergence of the APC brought about, competitions both
at the Federal and state in Nigeria’s election processes. This merger was done because, some
of the major parties that formed the APC party had at one time or the other contested for the
presidential position and state level against the PDP but lost due to the dominance of the ruling
party. For instance in 2007, the Action Congress later renamed as Action Congress of Nigeria
(ACN) lost to PDP because it was the largest party. While in 2011 the Congress for progressive
Change (CPC) lost to PDP in the presidential election. And so it was for the (ANPP) between
1999 and 2011. Pls get citation
3.2.2 The APC campaigns focus during the 2015 presidential election:
The two frontline political parties used the various challenges faced by the country as
a means to communicate their campaign plan to the masses. Yet it is untrue at this point for us
to agree that the APC campaign was centered on the issues facing the nation when these issues
are still on the increase.
According to Brandon (2015), All Progressives’ Congress (APC) was a new vehicle
for Buhari, following three previous failed attempts to win the presidency. The party campaign
message was built around his personal integrity; criticism of Jonathan’s handling of Boko
Haram, and elimination of corruption in Nigeria’s body politics. The election provided an
opportunity for a peaceful, transparent, and fair electoral process, that would communicate to
the world that Nigeria was ready to move beyond its legacy of corruption and violence toward
a brighter, more democratic future. In addition, the 2015 crusade was tied to issues and
56
persons. For instance, series of personal attacks took place, which is the highest idea of parties
and politician to grab power now matter what. Political campaign which is tied on issues made
the PDP campaign for a second term in office and battled to restore support after the 2011
election, while the mergers of the current majority party, struggled for dominance after the
merger parties lost at different general elections such as in 2011 presidential election. They
expected to achieve a balance of power in a possible hung judgment. The parties dug into
various issues like the economy, political aspect and the Boko Haram insurgency in Northern
region, opposing to the view that the masses play “politics of the stomach” rather than politics
of issues (Akeem and Joseph, 2015). But since after the APC came into power, the lingering
issues the party campaign was based on are still on the increase, eating the fabrics of the state
sectors. As such, it could be possible that the challenges used by the APC was just a mere
political cajole or veil to cover the eyes of the masses.
3.2.3 Factors that influenced the Victory of the APC in the election
The question we should be asking is, was it the progressive idea of the APC that
influenced the high vote percentage of the party at the polls for their victory. This would be
addressed as we consider this third influencing factor to determine if the APC victory in the
election was ideologically driven or other factors driven.
According to Araba and Braimah, (2015), the Jonathan administration recorded serious
allegations of corruption. For instance, Lamido Sanusi alleged that over $40 billion of oil
revenue was not accounted by the Nigerian NNPC. While in 2013 the nation was rated 144th
out of 177th in the “Corruption Index”. Again the Jonathan’s cabinet was seen to have
performed poorly in various aspects of the country such as power, economy, road, aviation and
57
so on. The country at the period under his administration was rated the largest economy in
Africa, but the impact of this ranking was not felt by the masses except for the few elite.
According to Durotoye, (2014), Youth unemployment was put at over 50%. Surprisingly, it
appeared the insurgency and the kidnap of the Chibok girls in Borno state had contributed
majorly to the victory vote of the APC party. This can be as a result of the fact that Jonathan’s
government might had sufficiently cleared off the insurgency weeks to the elections. Another
example may not be that people from the North East where Boko Haram controlled participated
during the election polls. Finally religious factor could be seen to have influenced the victory
vote of the APC party win.
According to Ofili (2015), On the 31st of March, former President Goodluck Jonathan
congratulated the APC candidate on his presidential victory at the election, for having won
with over 2,571,759 votes. Now it’s easy for the media attention to be captured by a single
number, but there are many smaller figures which reveal the true event. Hence there is need to
consider the data of the APC and PDP votes and several other matters like the roles played by
leaders in canvassing votes at their region and that of ethnic related voting to discover if the
APC victory was influenced in the 2015 presidential election. Here are the findings below,
Table 5:
Statistical Figures of 2015 Presidential Election
Total Of Nigerians Participated Nigerians outside ineligible voters
28,278,083
15.7% outside 44%
http://www.ofilispeaks.com/author/okey/.
Table 6:
58
Political Parties Average Votes Geo-Political Zones/Region
PDP
16,248
5 South East zone states
APC
133,253
South East zone /Imo State
http://www.ofilispeaks.com/author/okey/.
Despite a large number of the Nigerian population (per 2013 CIA World Fact book estimate)
only 15.7% (28,278,083) of the population partook in the presidential election. Although
15.7% seems like a low number, but when considered with the discovery that 44% of Nigeria’s
population are below 15 of age (ineligible voters) then the figure seems a bit more credible.
Governors like Okorocha and Amaechi with other APC governors got votes for the APC
candidates. For instance, PDP captured a total of 16,248 votes around the five South East zone
states. But with the power and activities of Governor Okorocha from the APC, he reasonably
gathered ten times the South Eastern average in his State capturing over 133,253 votes, which
resulted to the highest votes for Buhari in the South East. Such was a positive sign for the APC
from the zone and reveals that as a result of key APC members from that region the party can
be very competitive against PDP in the zone at other times. (Ofili, 2015).
3.2.4 The Impact of the APC Change Agenda in the Aftermath of the 2015
Presidential Election:
The idea of change, have being argued by many as to what should be expected when
change is brought to play, since it is the plan of the government that has been in power from
May 29th, 2015 till date. Therefore such areas like the economy, politics, social and
59
technological should have started experiencing little transformation, and hence reflecting an
advancement of development. In the economic arena, there should be change in the structures
and institutions of economic management: diversification of the economy, promotion of
transparency and accountability and promotion of pro-poor policies. In politics, there should
be change of the 1999 Constitution; institutions of horizontal accountability; the electoral
system; democratic culture; party financing, campaign finance and Independent National
Electoral Commission (INEC). In the socio-cultural arena, there should be re-orientation on
social values; re-orientation on work ethics and corporate Social responsibility and investment.
Finally, there should be focus on acquisition and utilization of new technology. In addition,
there should be change in the way public administration is organized. (Igbuzor, 2015), however
studies have shown, that 70 per cent on the drive for change has failed globally from McKinsey
Quarterly, 2013)
Let us now consider the manifestos of the frontline contending political parties which are PDP
and APC, because we have previously argued that every party manifesto must be rooted to its
ideology. And an ideology serves as a road map to tell us where we are as a nation, tell us
where we ought to be and guide us to that expected end. But before then it is needful that we
display the ideological orientation of both political party, because despite the argument
scholars may make, every party has set of ideologies. The point is whether they follow them.
Table 7:
APC Ideological Orientation
The APC Manifestos
60
PROGRESSIVE
The manifesto of APC shall muster the political will to
wage strident War Against Corruption when in
government if not our post-oil economy will be disastrous.
“It is our major concern that none of our key programmes
will succeed if the current level of corruption and looting
present in the land is allowed to go on,
“We shall
strengthen and make independent the EFCC, ICPC and
other anti-graft agencies and revoke the laws which inhibit
their
independence.
“We will promote public sensitization campaign and civic
education against corruption in the education system and
town
halls.
“We will support civil society organizations, advocacy
groups and whistle-blowers in the anti-graft vanguard.
“We shall stop the corruption of our electoral process by
making Independent National and State Electoral
Commissions
(INEC)
truly
independent.
“We will institute specific courts for corruption, after due
and
proper
review
of
the
Penal
Code.
“To actualize such, we will make the appointment of the
chairman and top officials of National and State Electoral
Commissions public as enunciated in the Uwais Electoral
Reform
Report.
‘ In relation to election matters, the burden of proof will
rest with the Electoral Commissions.”The party also said
it would enhance politics and governance with reforms
through more accountability and transparent process.
The party said: “APC will prevent abuse of executive,
legislative
and
public
offices
through
greater
accountability, transparency and strict enforcement of
anti-corruption laws whilst strengthening all anticorruption
61
agencies.
“Amend the constitution to clear-out immunity from
prosecution for elected officers in criminal cases.
“assure complete implementation of the Freedom of
Information Act so that government held data sets can be
requested and used by the media and the public at large
and
then
published
on
regular
basis.”
On Federalism, the manifesto added: “APC will initiate
action to amend our constitution with a view to devolving
powers, duties and responsibilities to states and local
governments in order to entrench Federalism and the
Federal Spirit. ”On power, APC has promised to generate
and distribute up to 40,000 Megawatts of electricity in four
to eight years. The manifesto said: “Power is the centrepoint of the development process. All other indices of
development anchor on power and energy. The failure to
make power supply efficient has impacted negatively on
the economy. It has made the cost of production and
business high and has invariably raised the cost of
agricultural produce and other finished goods and services
thereby
thwarting
the
growth
of
our
economy.
“The issue found in the power sector is one of the main
causes of the present collapse of the industrial sector and
the inability of small-scale industries to thrive. To begin
industrial growth in the nation, balance and affordable
power
supply
is
an
absolute
necessity.
“The APC Government will smartly drive the expansion
of electricity generation and distribution of up to 40,000
megawatts in four to eight years. The party will also work
persistently at making power available from renewable
energy sources, like coal, solar, hydro, and wind for
domestic and industrial use, wherever these prove viable.
“As a matter of pressing priority and urgency, tackle the
62
paralyzing lapses with electric power generation,
distribution and supply. Resolve all stalemate around the
reform of the power sector and develop a transparently
agreed power generation and distribution milestones with
clear timelines and targets. Liberalise the monopoly of the
Federal Government in power generation and supply.
“We will devolve much of power and energy to the private
sector. The gas and thermal stations will particularly be
encouraged to increase their supply capacities. Alternative
power sources, including hydro, solar, coal and wind
energy will be explored and developed. Regular Turn
Around Maintenance (TAM) of existing facilities will be
done to ensure steady and uninterrupted utility supply.An
aggressive and efficient tariff/ revenue recovery system
will
be
pursued.
“All room for waste, corruption and abuse will be curbed.
Rural electrification will continue to be encouraged.
Improve
management
efficiency
of
the
nation’s
distribution system, improve commitment to consumer
service and sensitize a national energy conservation and
maintenance culture on electricity supply. Regarding
national security and defense. APC promised it would
decentralize the police and expand its local content to
include community policing. The manifesto speak, “APC
will immediately look-in capacity building of law
enforcement agents in terms of quantity and quality as this
is critical in safeguarding the sanctity of lives and property.
“Establish a well-trained, adequately funded, equipped and
goals driven Serious Crime Squad to combat terrorism,
kidnapping, armed robbery, militancy, ethno-religious and
communal
clashes
nationwide.
“Begin widespread consultations to amend the constitution
63
to decentralise the police command and expand local
content
by
including
community
policing.
“Push for more support in the security and economic
stability of the sub-region (ECOWAS) and AU as a whole
and maintain a strong, close and frank relationship with the
international
community.
“Take renewed measures to secure our borders, which are
currently too porous for effective control of…“Take
renewed measures to secure our borders which are
currently too porous for effective control of unwarranted
movement. Establish a National Coast Guard to protect our
coastal
waters.”
As regard the economy, APC manifesto asserted that it
would make “Nigerian economy one of the fastest growing
emerging economies in the world achieving a real GDP
growth
averaging
10
per
cent
annually.
“it will engage in vocational exercise, entrepreneurial and
skill acquisition scheme for graduates along with the
creation of small Business Loan Guarantee Scheme to
create at least 1million new jobs every year, for the
foreseeable
tomorrow.
“Create additional middle-class of at least 1 million new
home owners in our first year in government and 1 million
annually thereafter, by enacting a national mortgage
system that will lend at single digit interest rates for
purchase of owner occupier houses.”
Source: http://www.theheraldng.com/ 2015-a-glance-at-apcs-manifesto-promises.
Table 8:
PDP Ideological Orientation
The PDP Manifestos
64
CONSERVATIVE
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), of Nigeria’s
manifestoes
speak,
we
shall,
Make fundamental break with past mistakes in order to
realize the optimum potentials of the country. – Build a
qualitatively better society based on the principles of
democracy, human rights and social justice under the rule
of law.
Restructs Nigeria in the spirit of true federalism and
responsible tiers of government, so as to achieve a just and
equitable society.
Resolving such fundamental issues as proper devolution
of powers between the three tiers of government.
Covenant as follows:
Indivisibility
of
the
Nigerian
polity
We affirm our belief in the unity of Nigeria under the
Federal System of Government.
We will, therefore, continuously promote political
tolerance, accommodation and compromise, religious
harmony, as well as inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic
accommodation and co-operation.
The Party will encourage geopolitical balancing as a
fundamental principle of power sharing in the country, in
line with the principle of federal character.
The Party shall uphold the principle of power rotation in
our polity at all levels.
Supremacy Of The Constitution
affirm our belief in the supremacy of the Constitution of
the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the sovereignty of the
Nigerian nation and its people.
65
We hereby affirm our commitment to strict observance
and enforcement of the provisions.
As a political party, we shall conform to the spirit and the
letter of the provisions of the constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria and the constitution of the Peoples
Democratic Party.
In connection to Judiciary And Operation Of The Rule
Of
Law:
we
shall
affirm our belief in the supremacy of the Constitution of
the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the sovereignty of the
Nigerian nation and its people.
affirm our commitment to strict observance and
enforcement of the provisions.
As a political party, we shall conform to the spirit and the
letter of the provisions of the constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria and the constitution of the Peoples
Democratic Party.
Sanctity
of
Human
Dignity:
we
shall
affirm belief in respect of fundamental human rights, as
enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution and International
Protocols and Conventions.
Fight against all forms of discrimination on the basis of
gender, religion, place of origin, or ethnicity, race, beliefs,
etc.
The PDP will strive to protect the rights of vulnerable
groups in society, including women, children, senior
citizens, physically- challenged and minorities.
Directive Principles
We are unweaving to:
66
Democracy and good governance.
Freedom, human rights and human dignity.
Justice, equity, popular participation, inclusiveness and
the rule of law.
Integrity, transparency and accountability in the conduct
of public affairs.
Sustainable development through the creation of an
enabling environment for private sector led economic
development.
Direction
of
Polices
And
Political
Measures
Objective
The political objective of the Peoples Democratic Party is
to:
Seek political power for the purpose of protecting the
territorial integrity of Nigeria and promoting the security,
safety, welfare, and well-being of all Nigerians.
Foster and establish political stability in Nigeria and foster
national unity and integration while safeguarding our
culture and our values.
Provide good governance that ensures probity and
participatory democracy.
Ensure human rights and fundamental freedoms of all
citizens and persons resident in Nigeria.
Encourage and nurture democratic ideals and traditions on
a sustainable basis.
Supply the political environment that is conducive to
economic growth and national development through
private initiative and free enterprise.
67
Provide equal opportunities to hold the highest political,
military, bureaucratic and judicial offices in the country to
all citizens, and protect, defend and safeguard the interests
of all, including minorities.
Governance
The party shall be committed to:
The principle of participatory democracy that lays
emphasis on the welfare of our people.
The principles of social justice and the equality of
opportunities for all citizens.
The promotion and defense of the Nigerian Federal
System of government.
The principles of accountability and transparency in order
to restore confidence in the institutions of government,
discipline and leadership by example as basis for public
life and personal integrity as an important moral value in
the conduct of public affairs.
Fostering the spirit of oneness among our people by
treating all Nigerians fairly and equitably, regardless of
their social, political or economic status; and
The preservation of Nigeria as a multi-religious state
whilst guaranteeing freedom of religion and good
conscience.
Economy
At the root of Nigeria’s political and social problems is
poverty and low access to economic opportunities.
The improvement of the well-being of Nigerians is the
ultimate objective of the PDP’s economic policy, and
68
making accessible to every Nigerian the basic needs of
life.
The focus would be to create a market-based economy
driven by small and medium scale businesses and
regulated by a reformed public sector.
At the very foundation of the above objective of the party
is the pursuit of a strong, virile and diversified economy
built to stem rural urban migration through investment in
modern agricultural methods.
Source:
https://guardian.ng/category/manifesto-of-peopleDemocractic-party/PDP/nigeria/
2015-28-03.
On the eve of the Buhari government into power, it pointed at three major issues that are
considered important. These include: Security, Corruption, and Unemployment.
(www.africapractice.com, 2015). In the area of addressing security the government planned
to, Increase collaboration with state governors and regional and international partners,
restructure and empower armed forces. In the area of addressing corruption it planned to,
merge anti-corruption agencies for enhanced effectiveness, encourage disclosure and enact
whistleblower provisions. And for addressing unemployment it planned to, effectively
diversify economy and invest in infrastructure development, drive skills acquisition through
specialized colleges. Despite the beauty of the government’s plans for Nigerians, it was never
told us how we would achieve such plans, since it was going to be collaboration of both the
Buhari government and citizens for such plans to be achieved. It’s now more than one year
since the new government came into power and yet we still find bombings and kidnaps
present in the nation. For instance it was carried on the, 05-22-2017/ 2016
www.PunchNewsng.com, of multiple bomb blasts rocks IDP camps in Borno state, also
69
current government officials, found to be corrupt after declaring their assets and caught in the
crime of budget padding have been left unpunished, possibly it was because the law was easy
to manipulate. While the former government, officials are going through punishment such as
returning stolen money meant for Arms procurement to fight Boko-Haram, even when the
president said the war against corruption was an all inclusive one, yet the reverse is the case.
Unemployment has increased more than it was and as a result so much of undergraduate
youths. For instance, if there have been jobs creation and little jobs created were not directed
to the right people and a very good structure and discipline in smooth operation of
universities programmes in Master degree, the moving of Nigerians to other countries should
not have not be heard of. Also the threat to deport Nigerians from other countries that left
their homeland in order to find greener pasture should not have been heard if the new
government was driven by ideology or its win and change manifesto emanated from
ideological based issues, rather than the national issues facing the citizens as at before its
coming into power. In addition the argument above the new government said the economy of
the nation will improve. This however doesn't seem to be happening rather the economy is on
the wobbling, that some states, like kogi has not been able to pay salaries for months. The
situation is so dire that some states may arrive at retrenching workers and reducing minimum
wage (which is suppose to increase every five years), at this rate Nigeria's position as Africa's
largest economy may soon be in jeopardy, (http://www.nairaland.com/3072659/whatpositive-effect-change-agenda#45092506.) Also the fall of Naira to dollar rate as of today is
still unequal, when compared to the recent dollar price to Naira in the month of April it is
around 316 naira. With the way things are going right now one can't help but ask when is the
promised economic change going to materialize? Or could it be that the change agenda was
70
just a trial and error technique? Because it will complete two years in May 29 2016, since the
APC government came into power and yet we have not since any meaningful change.
Nigerians today are asking, what has been happening to the money that have been returned
from investigated corrupt officials since it came into power in May 29 2015, and workers are
still yet to be paid several months salary and pension arrears (JacksonD7, 2016). Yet the
government still attempts to borrow from the foreign governments.
Figures of The First Batch Refunds loans to the Nigerian Government by the Paris Club of
London
Table 9:
Approved Refunds loans Of Paris Club For States
N522.74 billion
Part of First Batch Refunds loan to only 14 states
N153.01 billion
Total Release of the First Batch Refunds loan to all 36
N388 billion
states
(http://www.premiumtimesng.com/author/bassey, 2017-04-9)
(http://www.punchnewsng.com, 2016-12-03)
The Governors of this government are yet to account for the first batch of the #522bn refunds
loan which was released to the 36 states governors. If we look at everything constructively one
would find out that the more we look for change the less we see. All we can see is indiscipline
by government officials, wobbling economy etc, for instance, The Socio-Economic Rights and
Accountability Project (SERAP) recently called on the federal government to sue states
accused of diverting or mismanaging the refunds. The executive director of SERAP,
Adetokunbo Mumuni, said states should be compelled to publish what they collected and
71
details of spending, either on a dedicated website or other media, to enable the people know
what the monies were used for.
(http://www.premiumtimesng.com/author/bassey, 2017-04-09)
Except the ruling party in government enforce such medium concerning the Refunds loans, its
victory may be seen as not driven by ideology, but stylishly gained advantage in the
presidential election through the national issues bothering the nation and minds of citizens both
in the country and Diaspora. And since transparency and accountability was part of the party’s
manifesto. However issues that have long been the cry of Nigerians, may have not been so
difficult for the present government to address, if political parties follow their ideological
orientation based on their manifestoes.
3.3 Is the current party configuration in Nigeria promotive of National
Integration?
where multi-party system exist, political parties are seen as key agents of national
integration and democratic development within the society, regardless of their different
ideological stance, different lawmaking orientations and winning capacities, and are still given
room to participate in lawmaking competition in order to capture the machinery of government
and also integrating all sections in the society. At every modern society, people view political
parties as an tools of unity, integration, and peace etc hence we would consider how the current
party configuration (multi party system) in Nigeria political system promotes National
integration and consolidation in the country.
Table: 10
Registered parties at the 1999 Election:
72
Abbreviation
People Democratic Party
PDP
All Nigerian Peoples Party
ANPP
Alliance For Democracy
AD
Table : 11
The APC Merger Parties:
Abbreviation
Action Congress Of Nigeria
A.C.N
All Nigerian Peoples Party
A.N.P.P
Congress Of Progressive Change
C.P.C
All Progressive Grand Alliance
A.P.G.A.
After prohibition on party politics was lifted to usher in the Fourth Republic (1999),
several parties emerged among which the P.D.P won the 1999 general/presidential election.
The PDP has repeatedly captured power at later controversial elections featured by conflict,
irregularities and rigging during 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections/presidential. Hence it was clear
to opposition parties that given their respective abilities it is going to impossible to takeover
government from the ruling party (PDP). In connection with such thought it was the urgent for
the existence of two dominant party system which is the PDP and a major party. It was however
the thought that enhanced the production of the All Progressives Congress in 2013, as was a
coalition of key opposition parties at the federal level which include, Action Congress Party
(ACN) at the West, All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), and the Congress of Progressive
Change (CPC), together at the north. While All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), that won
73
in Imo and Anambra States, is confined to the South-East. With APC win over the then ruling
party PDP, PDP is for now restricted to the South-South and South-East regions. The only
exclusions are Ekiti State, Taraba State and Ondo states that the party dominates. (Naamen,
2015).
Now for political parties to be seen as a promoter of national integration, in a multi ethnic
society like Nigeria, such parties, single handedly should be able to incorporate all interest
groups from all zones into the party. As such, party or parties if in power should distribute
resources equally to every section in the country. This however may have not been the case for
the current party configuration, as we consider various issues that may reveal if the current
party configuration in the fourth democratic dispensation is promoting or promotive of
National Integration and Democratic Consolidation or something opposed to it. We should also
understand that even if there are two dominant parties in Nigeria as of today, the Nigeria
political system still operates a multi party system since the Fourth Republic began. However
one major issue that has made the current party configuration to be void of national integration
that there is lack of ideological differences amongst the various political parties in the current
dispensation.
In spite of the fact that multi-party political system is traditionally judged as the most preferred
system for the refinement, institutionalization and development of democracy, the opposite has
been the case in the Nigerian setting when we consider the ethno-religious and regional issues
that characterize the country. The crisis of National Integration in Multi-party system dates
back to colonial era, commencing in the unification of the Northern and Southern protectorate.
The protectorates had various ethnic, religious and socio-cultural back-grounds. This crisis is
seen in different ramifications such as: the minority rights, religious conflicts, ethnic politics,
74
resource control, youth restlessness, and the call for a sovereign national conference
(Ifeanacho, 2009, cited in Aminu and Ogbonnaya, 2015). As a result, previous government
introduced various mechanisms and formulated strategies such as the establishment of the
National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in 1973, the Federal Character Principle, and
many others in order to address these issues but all have proved incapable. This is because the
drivers of national disintegration play out more at the political scene than anywhere else. From
the above it is very clear that “the task of national cohesion cannot be confined strictly to
formal state institutions alone”. Mohammad (2007 cited in, Aminu and Ogbonnaya, 2015).
Therefore, the existence of political parties in Nigeria, in the current democratic dispensation
must of necessity play fundamental role in advancing national integration in all sections of
society. From the little that has been said so far it is without uncertainty that multi-party system
have re-occur in some republics in Nigeria political history since independence, but may
possible not be fit for the Nigerian setting since it has been tried and yet unable to perform the
bringing together of all sections of the nation. But it might have been thought that by opening
the space for political rivalry it would add to reducing electoral crises and defeating party
system or development challenges in the nation. This may have being thought, that openness
as we see in the western world may have yielded positive result like peaceful co-existence. But
right here in Africa and Nigeria it has brought high level of political intolerance, political
killings and divisions in the country.
The ideological scope to the contribution of multi-party formation to democratic development
has remained a controversial debate among different debaters’ in political discourse. While
some see it as a mechanism that has produced positive impact (Azeez, 2009; Odunsi, 2012,
cited in, Aminu and Ogbonnaya, 2015), others, hold that it has produced a negative impact to
75
democratic development. (Chizea, 2004; Omotola, 2010, cited in, Aminu and Ogbonnaya,
2015). And when we consider the number of political parties that are registered presently in
the fourth Republic we would find out that only few of them are practicable. For instance in
the 2007 election, out of 59 parties that took part, only six won the representation to the
National Assembly,
Table of parties statistical and Region victory in the 2007 and 2015 Election below,
Table 12:
Few Of The Political Parties in the 2007
Percentage Of Electoral seats won
Election:
PDP
70% Electoral Seats at All Regions
ANPP
17% Electoral seats-North
AC
7.45% Electoral seats-West
APGA
0.44% Electoral Seats-East
PPA
1.72%Electoral Seats-East.
Source: http://:africanelections.tripod.com/ng.html
Table 13:
Political Parties in the 2015 Election:
Regions Won
PDP
South- South Region only
LP
West Regions
APC
West, North, East Regions.
such parties include, the ruling PDP, which won about 70 percent of the electoral seats (bearing
in mind the credibility issues concerning the electoral process and results); the ANPP which
76
won about 17 percent of the electoral seats mostly in the North; the Action Congress (AC),
trailing just behind the ANPP and winning the most seats in the West of the Country. The All
Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), the Labour Party and Progressive People’s Alliance
(PPA), picked up the remainder of electoral seats in the Eastern region. Similarly in the 2015
election 25 parties took part in the election, but only three won, which are the PDP at the southsouth, the Labour party won a governorship seat in the west, and the APC that was a coalition
of the Action Congress Party (ACN) at the West, All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), and
Congress of Progressive Change (CPC) at the North, and the All Progressive Grand Alliance
(APGA) at the South East, Captured 21 states in the Federation, (in the north, west and eastern
regions except for the south-south.) The essential issue of the contention here is that political
gatherings are instruments in the hands of first class, gathering and individual interests
(Elaigwu, 2013, cited in, Aminu and Ogbonnaya, 2015)
. For instance In the Fourth Republic, political parties are more of instruments used in
order to have a share of the “national cake” rather than to articulate and organize all sections
of the society for advancing National Integration and Democratic Consolidation. This explains
why out of the over 58 political parties that exist in Nigeria less than one-third present
candidates for elections in all elections. (Olufemi, 2010, cited in, Aminu and Ogbonnaya,
2015).
In the Fourth Republic, the interchange of political party’s right from 1999 till date have not
changed at all. Aside from the defeated ruling People Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2015
presidential election, which had national spread, the other political parties including the
coalition party APC in 2013 which is presently the dominant party in the Nation, still show
signs of ethnic and regional affiliation and slant. For example before the coalition of the APC
77
party in 2013, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the All Nigerian Peoples Party
(ANPP) are transcendent in the Northern district and have since inception failed to win or catch
other state in the South-South, Eastern and South-West regions . The Alliance for Democracy
(AD) that transformed into Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) is solely and prevalently
situated in the South-West with an inconsequential nearness in the South-South and SouthEast Zones, yet none in the Northern Region. The All Grand Peoples Alliance (APGA) and to
all degree, the Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA) are transcendently South-Eastern with no
nearness anyplace outside the South-Eastern Region. Additionally, because of the parties that
met up to from the APC party, it became a struggle for the PDP party to win seats or positions
in the West, North and East at the 2015 general election. Aside from fanning the ashes of
regional and ethnic breaking down, multi-party arrangements in the Fourth Republic have
likewise occasioned inter- and intra-party crises. As noted by Idumange (2011, cited in, Aminu
and Ogbonnaya, 2015), intra and inter-party crises have turned out to be more pronounced in
the Fourth Republic than some other. These crises cut across geo-political zones, distorting
National Integration and Democratic Cons9olidation. For example, despite the All Progressive
Congress (APC) being in control of the National Assembly and in 21State Houses of Assembly
it is still embroiled in crisis especially with the non-endorsement of the present senate
president, Bukola Saraki, for that position. The ubiquity of these political crises and violence
constitutes a major risk to National Integration and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria.
Political parties need a reorientation on the most proficient method to become viable political
parties which is the introduction of ideology as the foundation for political parties and their
manifestos with a specific end goal to advance National Integration and Democratic
Consolidation.
78
The preoccupation of ethnic politics within parties activities have not only created enmities
among several ethnicities, but has majorly succeeded in producing an unending emotion of
marginal social process by major ethnic sections. This kind of collective feeling threatens the
prospects of national unity and integration. For instance, no matter how known political parties
can be within any region, its national membership determines the voting shape. Political party’s
acceptability and popularity between ethnic sections in the fourth republic is largely based on
the number of members found in each ethnic group within such party and including the voting
shape and support, (Adamu and Ocheni, 2016). Consequently the implication of ethnic and
regional politics among political parties as of now can be seen in different routes. For example,
the interest of National unity and integration of Nigerians since the Buhari government came
into power has be thrown aside and buried underground by the postulation that followed the
ministerial nomination lists presented by President Buhari to the Senate for screening and
confirmation as electives cabinets of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Another example of
National integration was the Peoples Democratic Party the former ruling party until the APC
turned the table around in the 2015 presidential elections, having enormous influence over
governmental activities both at the regional and federal level refused other parties the chance,
because of the idea of do-or die politics. However result from the 2015 presidential elections
showed explicitly that the voting from was based on ethnic and regional sentiments if one had
followed the events that took place at various polling units in all sections of the Nation. For
instance, the APC victory during the 2015 presidential elections was captured from the North
and West sections of origin respectively, as the PDP won more states in the south than any
other sections of the state, due the strong sectional identity of the both party candidates
respectively. (Adamu and Ocheni, 2016). The strength of ethnic politics has opened an avenue
79
for supports to corrupt leaders by their ethnic sections instead of vehemently speaking against
corrupt leaders and condemning their cruel activities. This support has made many leaders to
continually act in corrupt manners with freedom. For instance, the support of Deno melaye by
his ethnic group because he fought for the transforming of the college of education in kogi
states to be turned to a university, despite charge raised against him as regard his not graduating
from the university. As a result, lacks a university certificate.
Finally, at the end of the general elections in 201, people began to prepare for the next
general/presidential elections in 2015, coalition and realignment became tangible among some
parties such as, All Nigerian Peoples Party, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), Action
Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the factions parties which are the APGA and new PDP,
coalesced and formed All Progressive Congress (APC), so as to see the end of PDP’s rule and
dominance in 2015, that had been in power since 1999. But despite these alliances National
Integration has remained unaddressed due to strengthen given to political parties. As such, one
should therefore ask questions out of curiosity, like how has these coalition and associatins of
political parties afterward1999 serve as a tool for promoting integration in the society and
solidification of democracy, and that how are we sure the ethnic opinion witnessed continually
in some previous republics since independence, will not occur again? (Adamu and Ocheni,
2016).
Because even the Nigeria’s ruling All Progressive Congress, APC, is enmeshed in deep internal
wrangling in no fewer than 10 states of the federation. The crises, many of which involve state
governors and federal lawmakers, erupted few months after the 2015 general elections. The
crises are caused by allegations of financial misconduct, anti-party activities, ambitions,
maladministration, among others by party faithful. Some of the crisis has also led to the
80
suspension or expulsion of key members and officials of the party at the state level. Few of
these
states
include:
Gombe,
Bauchi,
Borno,
(http://www.premiumtimesng.com/author/festus, 2017-5-3).
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CHAPTER 4
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SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
4.1 SUMMARY
One major component of democratic states is the existence of party systems ranging from oneparty to multi-party system. However it is arguable that party formation in Nigeria is drawn by
the quest to contest and win elections rather than as vehicles for political development, based
on some deep political and economic conviction-ideology. But the absence of Ideology in
Nigeria’s parties is a major concern especially in the fourth republic that must be addressed
immediately, to savage the political system because parties are no longer after the doctrines or
beliefs which made them unable to offer anything reasonable and fulfilling when they come
into power, to clarify their differences and help bring the people together. Today we lack
political parties that give importance or attention to the needs to structure the society in a way
that improve the development of all. Thereby establishing the fact that, politics in Nigeria is
not by ideology as in the days of our founding fathers but by a candidate’s popularity, integrity,
and credibility (Olaitan 2013).
4.2 RECOMMENDATION.
The issue of ideology among political parties in Nigeria calls for a major surgical operations
by individual party members respectively and the whole citizens, so as to preserve the
political system from going worsen. There is no doubt that where ever you find a political
party that follows and ideology to the letter, some form of development will surely appear
for all eyes to see. This is found in the early parties after independence. However, there is
the need for an urgent call for INEC, Civil Societies, Social Media and Religious Bodies
to start educating Nigerians from the greatest to the least on the fact that one major thing
85
to consider before giving their votes at elections is not only what to eat, but to question and
find out if political parties that come to them asking for their votes truly, follow their
ideologies as they play politics and did at one time or the other.
Parties should endeavor use their individual ideology to drive the fulfillment of it original
objectives m and manifestoes as well as ensuring to promote national integration and
democratic consolidation in Nigeria. This is because, the time of parading manifestos by
parties that have never been exploited as a basis of popular mobilization, legitimization,
conflict management and other notable roles of ideology is a bye gone event, and the eyes
of Nigerians are now opened to some realities of what they want in when it come to politics
on a daily basis.
The time has come for party members stop political prostitution (party switching) which has
increased over the years among our politicians, who go into politics only for themselves
and by themselves. Political parties should be seen as vehicles for national development
where disciplined commitment to good governance is an addiction for the national good.
According to Olaitan (2014), the approaches to be used to achieve the set programmes matter
most. A government may promise to deliver a lot of things yet there are impossible to
deliver since the resources are limiting. More often, we read in the newspapers or hear
candidates for political position in their inaugural speech unveiling programmes, some go
as far as enumerating their programmes. Eventually at the end of their governance period,
they have not achieved any of the programmes and promises outlined. In most cases, party
candidate for any level focus on their self-interest rather than those of the citizens thus they
end up failing which eventually result to division and conflicts among citizens instead of
putting away self and focus on the citizens welfare and promoting national integration.
86
According to Jinadu (2011 cited in Taiwo, 2016), finding solutions to the problems faced by
parties must be holistic and anticipates all issues already neglected in the constitution and
electoral statutes. According to him, putting good framework on ground is not enough,
there is also the palpable threat that can be self-inflicted by various factions within the
political parties while striving to find ways to secure relevance and control in usually fierce
and sly manners. Such, he argued, is capable of subverting „reform elements in the
framework, unless there are external disincentives to discourage them.‟ He therefore
advanced the following panacea, among others:
1. Enhancement of „constitutionally stipulated powers and functions of INEC to monitor and
regulate the administration and operational mechanisms of the political parties, as well as
income and revenue profiles. INEC should also be strengthened to ensure that parties are
checkmated in areas of internal democracy and interparty tolerances.
2. Interposing an external regulatory and oversight public interest into party political activities
and their governance through a stiff control of the political activities of the parties. This, of
course will be contingent on the fact that the “power of incumbent‟ identified earlier will not
come to play here to frustrate the opposition and negate their chances during elections.
3. Effective intra- and inter-party dialogue to foster mutual understanding, interrogation of grey
areas and ultimately a level-playing ground.
4. A new political and legal culture, which anchors party politics on the demands and dictates
of constitutional government: ethics, accountability and transparency, tolerance of diversity
and inclusiveness of all societal class interests, and the rule of law. This must also include
faithful application of the principles of separation of powers and checks and balances among
the various administrative hierarchies of the party at local government, state and federal levels
87
should structure and govern the constitutions, operations and party political activities of the
parties.
Others include
1. Building party discipline and cohesion: Party discipline based on due process is the
foundation for party cohesion, both of which are vital for the sustainability of federalism and
democracy in the country. Party discipline, as the foundation for party cohesion requires
faithful compliance with the letter and spirit of party constitutions, which in turn must be
informed by the broad democratic principles enshrined in Chapters II and IV of the 1999
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
2. Party Congresses and Conventions: Party congresses and conventions at local government,
state and federal levels are mechanisms for managing diversity, accountability and inclusion
in the governance of the political parties, including relevant party electoral processes for party
and public political offices. Their membership should reflect diversity and be based primarily
on the elective principle.
4.3 CONCLUSIONS
Despite the multiparty system operated in Nigeria’s present Republic, parties are yet to meet
up to expectations of Nigerians, such might not be as a result of their low level of commitment,
internal coherence and discipline, leading to outcomes such as lack of achievement and poorperformance. These issues can easily be traced to the parties, drifting from their various
ideologies that characterized them.
The absence of ideology in Nigeria’s political parties is of great concern. Parties are no longer
after the doctrines, myths or beliefs; they do not offer anything special to differentiate them
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from other parties. All they talk about is what opposition parties is not doing for the people.
They use this as bait for the citizens without any clear definitions of how they intend to achieve
what is inculcated in their manifestoes. Some of them lack manifestos; they clearly rely on the
ability of their party’s ability to rig elections for them, Olaitan (2014). Therefore the gossips
about what opposition parties are not doing should cease. It is the high time they told us what
their plans were and most importantly ways to achieve them, because talk is cheap. Political
parties should campaign on how to move Nigeria forward in relation to citizen’s welfare,
National integration and democratic development.
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