Wretched of the earth
By Frantz Fanon
Pak studies assignment (BS AF)
Ch: 1 “On Violence”
Summary
Decolonization is the liberation of a nation and the restoration of that nation to the people.
According to Fanon, it always involves roughness. In the act of decolonization, one type of
humankind is divided by another, and the desire for decolonization is always present in the minds
of the colonized. Contrarily, fear of decolonization is always present in the minds of colonists.
Decolonization cannot be proficient through a gentleman's adjustment as colonization itself
occurred and continues to occur only through the use of bloodshed. To decolonize a nation is to
create new men and dismantle the colonial situation.
The colonial world is divided into two different and separate worlds. These two worlds are
separated by soldier barracks and police stations. Using rifle butts and napalm, military soldiers
and police officers confirmed that the colonized are taken out of the habitual world. These two
worlds, Fanon writes, are not equal. In the colonists’ world, the streets are accurately maintained,
and no one ever goes hungry. The world of the colonized, however, is a disreputable place
inhabited by disreputable people, where the people face a lack of food, shortness of clothes, light,
and warmth. Thus, the colonized were greedy people, and no one among them did not take the
place of the colonist.
These two different worlds are likewise inhabited by two different species, and what divides these
two species is race. The ruling species of the colonists are white foreigners. These white people
are the others, and they come from a different land than the colonized, who are the indigenous
population. The colonial world, Fanon says, is a Manichaean world, where the colonist makes the
colonized into the embodiment of evil. To the colonists, the colonized had no values or ethics.
Their culture and traditions are the marks of evil. This mark of evil has been answered with
Christianity "the white man’s Church which, instead of calling the colonized to God, has called
them to the ways of their oppressors. Manichaeism serves to robotize the colonized; they are
reduced to animals and referred to by the colonists in bestiary terms.
During decolonization, Fanon writes, whenever the colonized begin to refuse the colonists and
rise, they are always reasonable. The colonized are suggested morality and ethics. They are
informed that their revolution should not be one of regression. The colonized are mandatory to
embrace white morals, but for colonized subjects, to be a moralist means only to break with the
violence of colonialism. After decolonization, the colonists are welcome to coexist with the
colonized, but colonists usually leave once they discover that the last has become the first. During
decolonization, many colonized scholars have modified the demand that the last become the first
and have rushed to fill critical positions, such as administrators and experts. The colonized
masses see this move as nepotism, and it causes them to question the very point of independence.
The colonialist bourgeoisie has persuaded colonized intellectuals that Western values are
supreme, Fanon says, but those values have nothing to do with the actual struggles of the
colonized. During exact decolonization, the superstructure that the colonized intellectuals have
borrowed from the colonialist bourgeoisie is destroyed.
The colonialist bourgeoisie has convinced the colonized intellectuals that they must exert
individualism and that there is wealth and power in thought; however, Fanon says, this theory is
false. Camaraderie and brotherhood are forbidden by the colonialist bourgeoisie for a reason:
during decolonization, the colonized intellectual will find power in the people and the notion of
meetings and assemblies. The interest of ALL colonized people, Fanon asserts, is in the collective
whether everyone is saved, or no one is. When decolonization occurs where the struggle for
independence has yet to make sufficient impact, colonized intellectuals hold fast to the values of
the colonialist bourgeoisie, creating anger and violence among the colonized. To assimilate to the
culture of their oppressor's colonists the colonized intellectuals have had to assimilate to
colonialist bourgeois thinking and are thus always in danger of becoming demagogues. The
colonized intellectual is a mimic man. But the masses do not recognize colonialist bourgeoisie
thought. The colonized intellectual forgets the purpose of decolonization to defeat colonialism—
and they forget the main question fueling it: Bread and land: how do we go about getting bread
and land? This question, Fanon says, may seem limited and narrow, but it is the best working
model for decolonization.
The Manichaeism of colonial society is left intact during decolonization only. They are the evil
ones. The colonized are penned in by colonial society, and the only place they are free is in their
dreams. Each night the colonized run and jump freely, building muscles and aggressive energy,
but the only place they can release this aggression during waking hours is on their people. This
aggression pits black against black, Fanon says, and places the colonized subject in a continual
state of tension. The colonized must always be on guard and be careful not to step out of line, and
they are always presumed guilty by the colonists. Yet the colonized do not believe they are guilty
and do not accept the colonists as an authority, so they are, understandably, always tense.
In the colonial world, Fanon says, the emotions of the colonized are “kept on edge like running
sore flinching from a caustic agent, and their bodies respond with spastic muscles. To understand
the colonial world, one must understand dance and possession, which is how the colonized
relaxed their tense muscles. The dance circle brings the people together, and liberation and a
sense of community are expressed in their movements, which releases the aggression stored in the
muscles. In addition to dance, muscular tension is also released during deep possession—
organized séances that include stories of vampirism and zombies—but these rituals are lost
during decolonization.
During the colonial period, political parties and the intellectual and business elite offer ways for
the colonized to express the aggressiveness stored in their muscles. But, Fanon says, while their
principles may be strong, they refrain from actually doing anything. Their attempts to express
their aggressiveness amount only to talk. Political parties of the colonized ask the colonists for
more power but get nothing. Nationalist political parties are supported mostly by urban voters—
like teachers, tradespeople, and store owners—and they profit from the colonial situation. The
colonized intellectual wants to assimilate to the colonizer’s world and compete with the colonists,
Fanon writes, but the colonized masses do not want to compete with the colonists. Instead, the
colonized masses want to take the place of the colonists. The peasantry is most often left out of
nationalist political parties, but according to Fanon, only the peasantry is truly revolutionary. In a
colonial situation, the colonist bourgeoisie convinced the colonized intellectuals and business
elite that nonviolence is in everyone’s best interest, but nonviolence is ineffective in
decolonization. Colonialism is naked violence, Fanon says, and it only gives in when confronted
with greater violence.
When colonization began, one military power could occupy large stretches of land, but the
struggle of the colonized today is a different fight. Capitalism in the early days viewed the
colonies as a source of raw materials to be processed and sold on the European market; however,
the colonial population today has become a consumer market. Moderate nationalist political
parties of the colonized try to come to a solution with colonists that protect the interests of both
sides, and their methods are generally peaceful. They utilize work stoppages, demonstrations, and
boycotts that put pressure on colonists and allow the colonized to expend some of their pent-up
aggressiveness, but, Fanon says, they are still ultimately under the control of the colonists. The
colonist's bourgeoisie calms the colonized with religion, and the colonized are given saints who
forgave trespassing as examples of heroes. The colonized elite, who run the nationalist political
parties and themselves come from freed slaves, appeal to the slaves but do not mobilize them.
There are some rebels in the nationalist parties, Fanon says, but they destroy the party as a whole
and are rejected and hounded publicly until they move to the country. There, the rejected
politician has no trouble gaining the support of the peasant masses. Political leaders give speeches
using the national language, like we blacks, we Arabs, give the idea to do something. The rise of
a new nation and the removal of the colonial system is only possible if the colonized violently
rebel against the colonists.
Decolonized people know that violence is atmospheric, Fanon writes, and that it breaks out from
time to time, so they identify their enemy—the colonists and focus all their hate and anger on
them. The isolated colonists, like farms, become worried and demand the authorities do
something to ensure their safety. The colonial authorities arrest a few nationalist leaders and
demonstrate military power to intimidate, and all of this makes everyone trigger-happy.
Oppression strengthens national consciousness, and violence is the only solution. The colonized
masses believe that separation can be achieved only through violent means because the people of
the Third-world are in the process of shattering their chains. However, the masses of developing
countries who have achieved independence believe they have been cut off. Fanon claims, for over
90%of the population of developing countries, separation does not bring change immediately. In
newly liberated countries, those in power spend most of their time defending their borders from
threats, and the atmospheric violence of colonial times is thus still felt in national politics.
The colonized, who were sustained by socialist countries, use a weapon to fight the colonists,
including the cold war. The Americans closely guard international capitalism, and they
recommend that Europe be decolonizing. But the threat, according to the colonists, is socialism,
and the colonized masses can be easily infiltrated and contaminated by socialist propaganda.
Therefore, capitalism has everything to lose if there are national conflicts, and the colonized
people know all about the imperatives of international politics.
Violence does not intimidate the colonized. They have been overtaken and subsequently held by
violent means, and they perfectly understand violence. The colonized have adapted to a world of
nothing but violence, and they are not frightened by violence on a global scale. The colonized,
Fanon says, is a political creature in the most global sense of the term. Independence may have
given colonized countries freedom and dignity, but there has not yet been time for them to build a
new society or establish new values. Newly independent colonization countries are in an
indeterminate state. That is why political leaders in such countries maintain disinterest.
Fanon says that the Consist of taking handouts left and right and a system created by the cold
war. With Neutrality, an underdeveloped country can receive economic aid from either the Blocs,
but it cannot expect that either Bloc will come to their treatment in any other way. Thus,
underdeveloped countries have no interest in the Cold War.
Neutrality makes the citizens of Third-world countries behave defiantly. They refuse to
compromise in any way, and this makes Western countries nervous. Third World countries have
no money and no troops—it makes sense that they are ignored in a global war, but instead, they
are flattered. Everyone wants a piece of them, Fanon says. Returning to the violence between the
colonists and the colonized, Fanon says, this violence is an armed conflict, and it can break out
wherever colonialism is expert. An armed struggle means that the colonized have put their faith in
violence alone, and it is the same language they have learned from the colonists. The colonists
have long since used violence as the only way to communicate with the colonized, and the
colonized responded in kind. The colonized have always known that colonialism can only end
violently, and they are complete experts for it.
To the colonized, violence is the only response. In Algeria, nearly all the men who rallied support
for the social struggle wanted by the French police, and some were even sentenced to death. The
social work itself is rooted in and works toward the end of the colonist. The colonized are
liberated only through violence. The violence of the colonists and the counter-violence of the
colonized have a reciprocal relationship. The colonized engage in counter-violence and must
expect police and military reprisals. These reprisals, however, are incredibly unequal, and the
colonist violence outweighs any violence exerted by the colonized. During any struggle, there is
what is known as the point of no return. In Algeria, this was reached in 1955. This time, the
colonists realize that things cannot continue to act and must change, but the colonized can keep
going. To the colonized, any reciprocal violence they are bound to suffer at the hands of colonists
is to expect. Whenever the colonized are routed and their wives are raped or killed, they do not
complain. There was no justice in a populated country, and they were not expecting it. With the
colonists came the end of indigenous culture and society, and for the colonized, then life can
realize through the end of the colonist.
After the armed struggle comes nation-building, and it, too, is steeped by violence. During
colonial times, the colonized had to fight against oppression after independence. The colonized
country fought against poverty, illiteracy, and other problems of the underdeveloped state, like
hunger and illness. It is a never-ending struggle, and the violence of the colonized unifies them.
Violence has a cleansing power on an individual level. It rids the indigenous people of the
inferiority complex imposed on them by the colonists and provides confidence. Political leaders
of underdeveloped countries expect their people to fight colonialism, poverty, and other
devastating conditions, and newly independent countries have to contend with this fighting and
regulation to keep up with other countries on the world stage. European nations became wealthy
because of their labor, and that wealth can be captured by anyone who works for it. However,
posing the problems facing the newly independent community in this way is incorrect and
unreasonable. The national unity of European countries was advanced when their bourgeoisie had
most of the wealth. Except for England, European nations were in about the same economic
position, and not one was above the other. The building of a society in an underdeveloped
country, on the other hand, is entirely different. In addition to poverty and little infrastructure,
there are no doctors or engineers. Compared to underdeveloped countries, European nations are
lavish. But this property, Fanon argues, has been built on the backs of slaves and owes its very
existence to the underdeveloped world. Independence to a colonized country automatically comes
with a fair amount of suffering, and some Third World countries, not wanting to suffer so
crudely, agree to the terms of the colonial power. According to the cold war, the formerly
colonized were economically dependent on the same colonists who occupied them. The conflict
that was colonialism versus ant colonialism has now turned into capitalism versus socialism.
Capitalist exploitation, Fanon says, is the enemy of third-world countries. Conversely, socialism.
Which is dedicated to the people and promotes the idea that the people are the most ultimate
assets of a nation—helps underdeveloped nations grow. However, Third World countries need
more than human investment. The newly independent will agree to become slaves of the, but
cannot be constant indefinitely. The formerly colonized must keep open the economic channels
created by the colonists, but on the other hand, the results will be disastrous. Developing
countries need capital, and they admit that mere human investment is not enough. When Nazism
made all of Europe a colony, the governments of European nations demanded reparations, and
moral reparations will not suffice for the formerly colonized. The wealth of the former colonists
also belongs to the anciently developed. Europe was made rich by colonizing Latin America,
China, and Africa, and this happened in the Third-world. Thus, when a European nation helps a
Third World country, they should not respond with gratitude. Such aid should not be considered
charity. Comparatively, it should be part of dual consciousness, Fanon says. The colonized must
recognize that such treatment is unpaid to them, and the capitalist powers must notice that they
have to pay.
Third-world countries should not have to beg at the feet of capitalist nations, Fanon argues. The
formerly colonized are steady in the justness of their plight and their responsibility to tell the
capitalist community that the central issue of the times is not a war between capitalism and
socialism. Instead of fighting the cold war, using all their resources to restore underdeveloped
countries. The Third World does not want to destroy Europe because it wants to be assisted back
to economic and social good health by the same countries who kept them as slaves.
Ch. 2 “Grandeur and Weakness of Spontaneity”
Summary
In this section, Frantz Fanon gets some distance from the worldwide stage to zero in on the course
of decolonization. He asserts decolonization is a lopsided cycle. There is a "delay" between the
heads of "patriot parties" and "the mass of individuals." In the colonized nations the mass of
individuals is workers. The heads of patriot parties, on the other hand, are instructed "town
inhabitants." One may anticipate that Fanon should say the delay implies the urbanized, taught
individuals are in front of their less present-day kin in the open country. In any case, he contends
the inverse is the situation. The "local intelligent people, who have examined in their particular
'motherlands,'" take on the mentalities and objectives of the pioneers. The laborers in the field are
completely anticolonial and are in front of the city inhabitants in progressive intensity.
The patriot gatherings of colonized countries are demonstrated on parties in the "motherlands."
Yet the pilgrim circumstance is unique. Those more established gatherings center around the most
extremist, progressive component of society in the nation of origin: the specialist. In Europe, an
assembly line laborer could be viewed as one of "the pitiful of the earth." However, in the states,
the specialists are the ones "most spoiled by the pioneer system." (These are not assembly line
laborers but rather administrators and experts. There are not many or no production lines in the
state.) These specialists keep the upheaval down in light of the fact that they remain to lose to
such an extent. They might want everything to remain all things considered, besides with
themselves on top. In this way, anti-colonial battles in the state can't be displayed on the class
battle in the motherland. It should start with the worker. Fanon doesn't see laborer life as
idealistically as possible. Under imperialism, laborer life is devastated and hard. It is closed out
from the advantages of imperialism. Also, the pilgrim controls frequently attempt to strengthen
the "petrification" of worker life, says Fanon. By "freeze," he intends to solidify the laborer's
premodern ways, which are brimming with "marabouts, witch specialists, and standard clan
leaders." (A marabout is a North African recluse or priest.) Yet the contention between the
metropolitan laborer and the worker isn't "the old hostility among town and country." It is
contention between those shut out from "the benefits of imperialism" and those receiving the
benefits.
The appropriate response isn't to leave everything in the possession of the insubordinate worker.
Fanon says the patriot parties do precisely this. They turn their backs and are content to allow
others to battle it out. Any insubordination completed exclusively by the confined working class
is ill-fated, as per Fanon. He proposes an answer. Police suppression makes the local scholarly
escape the town. The worker invites him, and both are changed by this experience. This
association of laborer and urbanite is Fanon's answer. Eventually, this association will empower
the unconstrained uprising to be directed into an effective transformation. This upset not just
loses the provincial ruler, it likewise changes the design of the new country. Nonetheless, a large
part of the remainder of the section concerns the numerous ways the transformation can flounder.
Parties dependent on "ethnic or local contrasts" can jump up, or the involving power arranges
decolonization deals with "the party ... it considers to be the most 'sensible.'" This "sensible" party
is comprised of instructed metropolitan individuals. Its objective isn't to topple imperialism yet to
"com[e] to an amicable concurrence with it."
The immediacy that drove uprisings in the wide-open is "denounced ... to self-renouncement."
Fanon claims unconstrained explosions of fury and savagery will just get the transformation up to
this point. To arrive at significant social change, the metropolitan classes and the laborers should
meet up. Fanon then, at that point, depicts the sort of glad hit and run combat that follows. The
"rebel pioneers" get some distance from the open country and "carry the conflict into the foe's
camp ... into his pompous, quiet urban areas." The pioneers likewise move forward in their game.
They endeavor to isolate the populace. Fanon notes in Algeria the poor people and jobless
residing in shantytowns regularly enlisted in the French Armed force, where they were entrusted
with beating back the transformation. Against these divisions Fanon directs solidarity. He
likewise calls attention to contempt can't be the reason for the way forward. It "can't draw up a
program."
.Ch:3 “The Trials and Tribulations of National Consciousness”
Summary
HISTORY shows us unmistakably that the fight against imperialism doesn't flee as per
patriotism. For quite a while, the local committed his energies to finish specific distinct
maltreatments: constrained work, flogging, imbalance of compensations, impediment of political
privileges, and so forth, this battle for majority rules system against the abuse of humankind will
gradually pass on the disarray of neo-liberal universalism to arise, once in a while relentlessly, as
a case to nationhood. It so happens that the ineptness of the informed classes, the absence of
viable connections among them and the mass individuals, their apathy, and, let it said, their
weakness at the conclusive snapshot of the battle will lead to terrible mishaps. National
cognizance, rather than being the sweeping crystallization of the deepest any expectations of the
entire individuals, rather than being the quick and most clear aftereffect of the preparation of
individuals, will be regardless just a vacant shell, an unrefined and delicate crime of what it may
have been. For their purposes, nationalization doesn't mean overseeing the state concerning the
new friendly relations whose development it has been chosen to support. To them, nationalization
just means the exchange into local hands of those unjustifiable benefits which are a tradition of
the frontier time frame.
The public bourgeoisie will be significantly helped in transit towards wantonness by the Western
bourgeoisie, who come to it as sightseers enthusiastic for the extraordinary, for major game
hunting, and club. The public bourgeoisie puts together focuses of rest and unwinding and delight
resorts to meet the desires of the Western bourgeoisie. Such action is given the name of the travel
industry, and for the event will be developed as a public industry. Assuming confirmation is
required of the inevitable change of specific components of the ex-local bourgeoisie into the
coordinators of gatherings for their Western inverse numbers, it is worthwhile examining what
has occurred in Latin America. The club of Havana and Mexico, the seashores of Rio, the little
Brazilian and Mexican young ladies, the mutt thirteen-year-olds, the ports of Acapulco and
Copacabana — every one of these is the disgrace of this deprivation of the public working class.
Since it is deprived of thoughts, since it lives to itself and cuts itself off from individuals,
subverted by its inherited insufficiency to think as far as every one of the issues of the country as
seen according to the perspective of the entire of that country, the public working class will not
have anything preferable to do over to assume the job of director for the Western endeavor, and it
will practically speaking set up its nation as the massage parlor of Europe. Indeed we should keep
before us the sad illustration of specific Latin American republics.
The financial magnates, the technocrats and the huge finance managers of the United States have
just to step on to a plane and they are drifted into sub-tropical climes, there for a space of a week
or ten days to thrive in the heavenly debasements which their 'saves' hold for them. The conduct
of the public landed owners is indistinguishable from that of the working classes of the towns.
The large ranchers have, when autonomy was declared, requested the nationalization of agrarian
creation. Through complex conspiring rehearses they figure out how to make a decisive victory of
the ranches once in the past claimed by pioneers, hence rein-constraining their hang on the
region. However, they don't attempt to present new agrarian strategies, nor to cultivate all the
more seriously, nor to incorporate their cultivating frameworks into a public economy. In truth,
the landed owners will demand that the state should give them multiple times a bigger number of
offices and advantages than were appreciated by the unfamiliar pioneers on previous occasions.
The abuse of agrarian laborers will be increased and made authentic. Utilizing a few trademarks,
these new settlers will request a colossal measure of work from the horticultural workers, for the
sake of the public exertion. There will be no modernization of farming, no anticipating
improvement, and no drive; for drive tosses, these individuals into a frenzy since it suggests at
least danger, and disturbs the reluctant, judicious, landed bourgeoisie, which step by step slips
increasingly more into the lines set somewhere near imperialism. In. the locale where this is the
situation, the main endeavors made to better things are because of the public authority; it orders
them, supports them, and funds them. The landed bourgeoisie won't face the smallest challenge,
and stays went against any endeavor and to any risk. It has no goal of expanding upon the sand; it
requests strong speculations and speedy returns. The gigantic benefits which it pockets,
tremendous assuming we consider the public income, are never reinvested. The cash-in-theloading mindset is prevailing in the brain research of these landed owners. Once in a while,
particularly in the years promptly the following autonomy, the bourgeoisie doesn't stop for a
second to put resources into unfamiliar banks the benefits that it makes from its local soil. On the
other hand, huge aggregates are spent in plain view: on vehicles, ranch-style homes, and on that
multitude of things which have been evenhandedly depicted by market analysts as portraying an
immature bourgeoisie. We have said that the local bourgeoisie which comes to drive utilizes its
class forcefulness to corner the positions in the past saved for outsiders.
The regular workers of the towns, the majority of jobless, the little craftsmen and specialists as far
as it matters for them line up behind this patriot demeanor; however in all equity let it be said,
they just continue in the means of their bourgeoisie. In case the public bourgeoisie goes into
rivalry with the Europeans, the craftsmen and skilled workers stir up some dust against nonpublic Africans. From our perspective, the component is indistinguishable in the two situations.
Assuming the Europeans hinder the learned people and business bourgeoisie of the youthful
country, for the mass individuals in the town rivalry is addressed basically by Africans of another
country. "On the Senegalese side, the pioneers who have been the fundamental theoreticians of
African solidarity, and who a few times over have forfeited their nearby political associations and
their situations to this thought, are, however in generally great confidence, certainly mindful.
Following autonomy, the nationals who live in the more prosperous locales understand their best
of luck and show an essential and significant response in declining to take care of different
nationals.
The regions which are wealthy in 'ground-nuts, in cocoa and jewels go to the front line and rule
the unfilled display which the remainder of the country presents. The nationals of these rich
locales view the others with disdain and find in their jealousy and greed, and murderous driving
forces. African solidarity, that obscure equation, yet one to which the people of Africa were
enthusiastically appended, and whose usable worth served to apply monstrous tension as a
powerful influence for expansionism, African solidarity removes the cover, and disintegrates into
regionalism inside the empty shell of ethnicity itself Colonialism, which had been shaken to its
very establishments by the introduction of African solidarity, recuperates its equilibrium and
attempts currently to break that will to solidarity by utilizing every one of the development's
shortcomings. Expansionism will set the African people groups moving by uncovering to them
the presence of 'otherworldly' competitions. In Senegal, it is the paper New Africa which step by
step distills disdain of Islam and the Arabs.
An administration that considers itself a public government should assume liability for the
entirety of the country; in an immature country, the youngsters address perhaps the main sector.
The degree of cognizance of youngsters should be raised; they need edification. If crafted by
clarification had been carried on among the young people of the country, and assuming the
Young People's National Union had completed its assignment of coordinating them into the
country, those missteps would have been kept away from which have compromised or currently
sabotaged the fate of the Latin American Republics. The military isn't generally a school of war;
all the more regularly, it is a school of community and political instruction. The officer of a
grown-up country is certainly not a straightforward soldier of fortune however a resident who
through arms guards the country. That is the reason it is of principal significance that the trooper
should realize that he is in the help of his nation and not in the assistance of his boss, despite how
incredible that official's distinction might be. We should exploit the public military and common
assistance to raise the level of public cognizance and to detribalize and join the country.
In an immature country, each work is made to assemble people as fast as could be expected; it
should make preparations for the risk of sustaining the medieval custom which holds hallowed
the prevalence of the manly component over the ladylike. Ladies will have the very same spot as
men, not in the statements of the constitution but rather in the existence of consistently: in the
manufacturing plant, at school, and in the parliament. On the off chance that in the Western
nation men are quieted down in military quarters, this isn't to imply that this is consistently the
best strategy. Initiates need not be mobilized. The public assistance might be affable or military,
and regardless it is prudent that each physically fit resident can at any second have his spot in a
battling unit for the guard of public and social liberties. It ought to be feasible to do huge scope
endeavors in the public interest by utilizing selected work. This is a wonderful method of working
up inactive areas and of spreading the word about for a more prominent number of residents the
requirements of their country. Care should be taken to try not to transform the military into an
independent body which eventually, ending up inactive and with next to no unequivocal mission,
will 'go into legislative issues' and undermine the public authority. Drawing-room officers, by
dint of tormenting the hallways of government divisions, come to dream of manifestoes.
The best way to stay away from this threat is to instruct the military strategically, at the end of the
day to nationalize it. Similarly, another pressing assignment is to build the volunteer army. If
there should be an occurrence of war, it is the entire country that battles and works. It ought to
exclude any expert fighters, and the quantity of super durable officials ought to be decreased to a
base. This is in any case since officials are all the time browsed the college class, who could be
considerably more valuable somewhere else; a specialist is multiple times more essential to his
country than an official; and also, because the crystallization of the position soul should stay
away from. We have found in the previous pages that patriotism, that brilliant tune that made
individuals ascend against their oppressors, holds back, vacillates, and decreases on the day that
autonomy is broadcasted. Patriotism is certainly not a political precept, nor a program. Assuming
you truly wish your nation to keep away from relapse, or, best-case scenario, ends, and
vulnerabilities, a fast advance should be taken from public cognizance to political and social
awareness. . The African public and without a doubt all immature people groups, despite the
normal conviction, straightaway development a social and political awareness. What can be
perilous is the point at which they arrive at the phase of social cognizance before the phase of
patriotism. Assuming that this occurs, we find in immature nations wild requests for civil rights
which strangely are aligned with frequently crude tribalism. The immature people groups act like
starving animals; this implies that the end is exceptionally close for the individuals who are living
it up in Africa.
Their administration cannot draw out its reality endlessly. A bourgeoisie that gives patriotism
alone as food to the majority comes up short in its main goal and becomes involved with an entire
series of accidents. Be that as it may, assuming patriotism isn't made unequivocal, in case it isn't
advanced and developed by an exceptionally quick change into cognizance of social and political
requirements, all in all into humanism, it leads who knows where. The average heads of immature
nations detain public cognizance in sterile formalism. It is just when people are remembered for a
tremendous scope in illuminated and productive work that structure and body are given to that
cognizance. Then, at that point, the banner and the castle where sits the public authority stop to be
the images of the country. The country abandons these brilliantly lit, void shells and takes cover
in the nation, where it is given life and dynamic power. The living articulation of the country is
the moving awareness of the entire individuals; it is the sound, edified activity of people. The
aggregate structure up of a fate is the acceptance of accountability on the verifiable scale. In any
case, there is disorder, suppression, and the resurgence of ancestral gatherings and federalism.
The public government, assuming it needs to be public, should administer by individuals and for
individuals, for the pariahs and by the untouchables. No pioneer, notwithstanding how significant
he might be, can substitute himself for the well-known will; and the public government, before
concerning itself about global notoriety, should first offer back their respect to all residents, fill
their psyches, and blowout their eyes with human things, and make a possibility that is human
because cognizant and sovereign men stay in that.
Ch: 4 “On National Culture”
Summary
On national culture is the fourth chapter of wretched of the earth by Frantz Fanon in this chapter
he identifies the importance of national culture especially by the subjects of colonialism who
qualify as intellectuals, a source of national liberation. These individuals are the intelligentsias of
a colonized society. Fanon calls them colonized intellectuals. They have not become ignorant or
alienated from the tyranny caused by colonialism and have thus followed through the quest of
national identity. They find themselves in a pre-colonial era where true national identity can
easily be separated from the current environment under colonialism. In the beginning, Fanon says
that these people will imagine themselves to be in a ubiquitous place, a place between their land
and the colonizers. Fanon views these individuals as a ray of hope towards the recognition of
national identity which can solely be achieved through amendment in the colonized persona.
Challenging the colonized mindset is a step towards decolonization according to fanon.
In Fanon’s view, the description of the identity of black people concerning white is the only
identity they have, globally the mark of national identity raised by black people have only been
reflected through their skin color however he argues that it is not something to be commemorated,
especially by African thinkers. This kind of mindset and black movements especially in the
united states is have been highly restricting and are bound to fail as people find out that culture is
something in the circle of nationality. Fanon points out how the “Negro” culture fails to capture
the culture of the whole African continent depicting all of the people in a racialized term. As a
result, these identities due to the culture will disappear and slowly become extinct something
which is also one of the products of colonialism as it has suppressed national cultures and has
consistently called out Africa as not having any culture and then racializing the culture
occurrences. Falling under these racialized movements only helps the colonizers and makes the
colonized weak hence making the identity of national culture even more of an important task to
do.
These colonized intellectuals see themselves as dependent on another nation to draw a relation
for their national identity as it is barely possible for them to describe themselves independently
due to lack of national cultures existence and hence are in the “double consciousness” as Fanon
describes them since they are bound to reflect themselves through the vision of the colonizers.
The colonizer’s identity becomes a tool for them to anchor their own national identity.
For the colonized intellectuals to attain the national cultural identity of the nation they must have
the willpower and the ability to deconstruct their unconscious colonial mindset. Three stages have
been marked out by fanon for doing so, the first one involves the colonized to absorb the white
identity next they identify their cultural identity by studying the pre-colonial time as a stranger,
and in the last stage the intellectual becomes a warrior and uses literature as a weapon against
colonialism writing literature to inspire their countrymen. Fanon claims that they will soon find
out how their unity is actually through the joint struggle against colonial tyranny and not because
of their culture.
Language is an important element towards the road of decolonization the language of the
colonizer often becomes normalized for the subjects as they lose their own identity, hence making
the intellectual's approach towards the people seem to like something strange or new for them.
These writings explain the grandeur of their own identity which the subjects of colonialism are
unknown to due to the differences in what is being told and what is happening around them
deeming these intellectuals as conventional people of such sort. The same goes for poetry as it
needs to link people with their culture in a way that is effectively understood in the way they are
at the moment. Ultimately fanon highlights the importance of intellectuals' commitment towards
this struggle as a whole which requires physical effort as well. National liberation is achieved by
fighting for the national identity which fanon suggests is not something to prove its existence or
tell and commemorate as a tale. It is a collective way of thinking that represents their identity and
gives ground for the liberation of the nation.
Ch: 5 “Colonial War and Mental Disorder”
Summary
In the final chapter of the book, fanon talks about the effects of colonialism on the mental health
of a person. He explains how colonialism has impacted the cognitive consciousness of its subjects
so drastically that many of its impacts become a lifelong burden he further shares some of his
case studies as a psychiatrist in Algeria. He also talks about the ways men's muscular powers get
suppressed under colonialist rule. In the beginning, he starts with a discussion of the ways the
psychology of a person gets damaged. He highlights how the dehumanization of the colonized
makes them a stranger towards reality. Since both go against each other. Since colonialism lowers
the image of the colonized as a human he/she is constantly left questioning their rights and
position as such. Telling the post-world wars surge in mental disorder cases he argues how the
minds of both the colonist and the colonized get adversely impacted.
Further, he talks about the case studies he has been involved in during his work in Algeria from
1954 to 59. His cases have been separated into 4 parts. The first part includes the reactional
disorder in which a traumatic event results in such a reaction which becomes a disorder. For
example, he points out how a person whose village had been massacred in front of him developed
homicidal urges as a result. He then claims how even colonialists are not free from these
disorders as the horrors that are the products of colonialism are so deeply engraved in the minds
that it is almost impossible to get rid of them along with the disempowerment and guilt. The
consequences are violence even among one’s family members and children.
In the next series he talks about victims who had developed extreme anxiety and mental
instability with recurring suicidal thoughts, they develop adjustment disorders, a permanent sense
of insecurity, and high depression. Many of such victims are women or children refugees who are
either living or had lived in an unstable environment of violence and chaos which led to the
development of such disorders. He explains in the third series about people who have got
disorders as a result of torture. Insomnia, depression, and eating disorders are commonly found in
victims of torture. Fanon describes them as having broken their brain due to extreme torture and
injustice for no apparent reason. These people lose their interest or enthusiasm and develop
psychological problems as well.
In the last part, he tells us about those who have developed a physical disorder or disease. All
these problems were observed by fanon in people who have been in the Algerian concentration
camps. Fanon ends the chapter by countering the argument of colonial writers that claimed the
colonized were primitive who practiced barbarianism and are prone to what has been happening
to them as a result of colonialism. He says that their reaction or violence caused by them is due to
what the colonized have been doing to them and is not something intrinsic in their nature. In
return, the liberation of the nation from colonialism is not only freedom but also a cure for the
mental disorders caused by colonialism.
THE END
ANALASIS
Now, Fanon clears that liberation cannot occur without violence, which is one of his arguments
throughout the book. The word species heed to the animal terms colonists use to describe the
colonized, who the colonists believe are savage and bestial. Decolonization cannot occur through
a gentleman’s agreements, or handshake, as it did not start this way. The expectation that the
colonized must achieve liberation through nonviolent means reflects the double standards that
plague colonialism. The division of the colonial world highlights the oppression of the colonized
people. Control is chosen as violent, military means, and there are frequent casualties among the
colonized. The colonized people are oppressed by the poor conditions in which they are forced to
live. They were rejected, while the colonists lived a high life. This passage also reflects the
fundamental prejudice of colonialism: the colonized are considered as disreputable simply
because they are helpless.
Fanon again uses the word species, which is further reflects animal terms such as “bestiary” used
to dehumanize colonized people. Of course, by referring to the colonists as a species, too, Fanon
implies that the colonists are the animals. Fanon’s use of the word “other” here also upends the
traditional use of the word. Typically, the colonized are detected because they are something
other than the colonist. But here, Fanon makes the colonist the other, which effectively
dismantles the colonial situation. Fanon’s description of the colonial world as a “Manichaean
world” reflects the absolute racism of colonialism, and Christianity, the white man’s Church,
further perpetuates this racist worldview. Fanon frequently describes decolonization as the last
becoming the first, which again dismantles the colonial situation. In overcoming oppression, the
colonized are no longer at the mercy of the colonists. Fanon’s use of words such as reasonable
and regression is highly ironic, as they highlight the fact that there is nothing about colonialism
and that regressing beyond the violence and immorality of it seems to be quite impossible.
As the colonized intellectuals often take the place of the colonialist bourgeoisie after
decolonization, the channels and oppression of colonialism remain intact, even in the official
absence of the colonial power. It is known as neocolonialism, and Fanon argues that it is just as
bad as colonialism. He goes deeper into the implications of neocolonialism later in the book. And
doing argues that it is the absolute enemy of decolonization despite initially seeming like progress
in the right direction. Fanon ultimately argues that true decolonization can only occur if the
people band together and, most importantly, strip the bourgeoisie of their power. The best
interests of the colonists have nothing to do with the best interests of the colonized. The
bourgeoisie does not accurately represent the people. What is in their best interest is not in the
best interest of the nation as a whole. It must be driven by and for the majority—in this case, the
peasants—not the minority bourgeoisie.
Decolonization is simple: get back to the nation and find a way to sustain the people. Bread and
land are the absolute bare bones of this struggle. A demagogue is a political leader who uses
exploitation and prejudice (like the colonists) to rule. By becoming demagogues, the colonized
intellectuals become the oppressors in more ways than one. Thus, the intellectual is a mimic man,
following suit after the example set by the colonialists. Again, Fanon’s use of the word penned in
connotes a racist and dehumanizing colonial interpretation of the colonized, as it hearkens to
animals and cages. The colonists believe the colonized are savages, so they pen them in. Fanon
repeatedly mentions the tense muscles of the colonized individual, and these muscles are a
symbol of the stress and violence of colonialism. But they also represent the colonized people’s
dedication to and readiness for decolonization. They are tense, which suggests anger, but they are
also ready to rise and fight for their dignity and right to exist.
Fanon contends that much of the preexisting culture is varnish during decolonization. Nationbuilding drastically changes the national consciousness, which means that culture will change
radically as well. Fanon is a medical doctor—a practicing psychiatrist—and medical slang is
frequently, joined into the book, such as his description of the emotions of the colonized like
running sore flinching from a caustic agent. Fanon again mentions the muscles where these
emotions seem to be stored. To completely dismantle colonialism and challenge the colonial
situations, things must be eliminated. The new nation cannot be realized in a Western image and
ideal, as it does not exist in the West, and the same rules do not apply. In taking the place of the
colonists, instead of competing with them, Western thoughts and ideas are eliminated by the
colonized masses. To maintain the colonial situation as the colonized intellectuals want
(according to their Western education and political views) does not challenge the colonial time. It
merely modifies it, allowing it to continue in another form.
Fanon again draws attention to violence and the fact that colonialism can be overcome peacefully.
His argument is simple: that which is a violent response to violence. Fanon’s theories on
decolonization and overcoming oppression were quite popular during the Civil Rights Movement
in the U.S during the 1960s. Notably, Malcolm X and the Black Panthers were proponents of
Fanon’s theories. The demonstrations and boycotts are ultimately unsuccessful because they are
peaceful. Violence is essential for successful decolonization, Fanon insists, and anything less
basically amounts to a waste of time. Fanon implies several times that capitalism is present in a
developing nation. While it is most certainly damaging—the colonized people have been used as
slaves to satisfy capitalist greed—capitalism is much like violence as it is wholly necessary to
decolonize and grow as a nation.
The colonist giving the colonized examples of heroes who forgave trespassing is subtle
brainwashing. The colonists want to colonize to forgive people. Especially in terms of
trespassing, since the colonizers quite literally trespass on the land of the colonized. Again, Fanon
implies that liberation will not win with talk. There is no way to convince the colonialist power
with language, even if those languages strongly represent the nation and its people. The people of
the Third World are shattering their chains because they will not be slaves to the West anymore.
For centuries Europe has taken those from the Third World, shackled them in chains, and sold
them into slavery against their will. This atrocity is the epitome of violence, and it can be
overcome with anything less than violence. This violence was rejected in Fanon's language. The
violence is atmospheric, meaning it is in the air—essentially everywhere—which makes the
people trigger-happy and ready to fight at all times.
Fanon later implies that the colonized have been robbed by West Europe. Europe is exceedingly
wealthy, especially when compared to the Third World. But that wealth, Fanon contends, was
essentially stolen from the Third World in the form of people, culture, and national resources.
America wants Europe to decolonize not because it is the right thing to do. But because
decolonizing is better for the current global economic climate. Politically speaking, Europe
should keep the Third World under control and away from socialism. The colonized individuals
know that they are little more than pawns for the rest of the world, and they use this knowledge to
their benefit whenever possible.
The colonized individual is a political creature in the form of most global sense. And this has
been created by everyone else’s politics. Newly independent nations are indeterminate because it
is not yet, know what they will be. The post-colonial situation is an entirely new situation, to
which old pre-colonial views and thoughts cannot be applied. Everything must bear anew in the
post-colonial period, Fanon argues, which takes time. Thus, Fanon implies that the felt by
colonialism suffering for years to come. Neutrality during the Cold War was often seen, as taking
handouts, but Fanon argues this isn’t the case with the Third World since the West owes the Third
World more than could ever be repaid. Still, the West begrudgingly gives to the Third World and
believes that it should only be thankful for the charity. Both the East and West want to gain the
support of the Third World so they can continue to exploit them in a slightly different—but
essentially the same—way. Everyone wants a piece of them, Fanon says, which is ironic because
the West, namely Europe, already HAS most of them.
Fanon repeatedly hammers home how important violence is to the struggle for nationhood. He
doesn’t just imply it; he explicitly says it time and time again. This gained Fanon a bit of a
reputation among intellectuals—especially white intellectuals—as a proponent of violence.
However, Fanon does imply that since those white intellectuals have not experienced violence.
And the oppression of colonialism firsthand, they can’t possibly understand the absolute and
ever-present threat of violence in colonialism.
The Algerian War of Independence, which Fanon mentions several times, lasted eight years. By
the end of the war, Algeria was free, but they had lost nearly 300,000 Algerians, and another
2,000,000 had been displaced or fled the country. Conservative numbers of French and other
European losses during the war are around 25,000. The force and violence are incredibly unequal,
but the viewpoint of the Manichaean world is that the colonized is automatically evil and in the
wrong.
Again, Fanon’s assessment is very bleak and violent. Algerians are killed every day under
colonial rule. So, Fanon therefore asks, shouldn’t violence be expected in overcoming that rule?
The fact that the colonized expect violence and don’t abuse the dire nature of their position. Their
everyday lives are unimaginable to many Europeans or Westerners, who would likely be the first
to react in a profoundly violent way if their existence and dignity were blackmailed in the same
way.
Here, Fanon implies that viewing violence as a wholly bad thing is a Western ideal. To the Third
World, after independence win, through violent means. So, this violence serves a positive
purpose. Fanon later writes about the mental health issues associated with colonialism. The
cleansing violent uprising is a way to treat and quell this psychological stress. In many, if not all,
of the medical cases Fanon presents, colonialism is the direct cause of symptoms. Here, that
causative agent is removed. Fanon implies that the idea that Europe became wealthy through hard
work is ridiculous. Europe exploited and stole their wealth from the Third World; therefore, it is
not theirs. Underdeveloped countries are still at an incredible disadvantage, even with their
freedom. There was nothing fair about the global distribution of wealth, and now the Third World
has to start from scratch.
Here, Fanon outright says that Europe stole its wealth from the Third World. Fanon later talks
about reparations given to European countries after Nazism destroyed their nations, cultures, and
people during World War II. Attempts were to make it whole again, but this has not happened
with the Third World. Europe isn’t just doing right, and they live in excess and luxurious, while
their victims suffer. Moreover, this is another form of neocolonialism in a sense. Fanon implies
that the colonial power is still in control of the Third World regardless of whether the colonized
countries gain independence or are in captivity. Whether it is an outright occupation or economic
or political, even the independent nation is still below a European power on some level.
Fanon doesn’t advocate for keeping much of the colonial situation after decolonization. But, he
also argues that Western channels of economics must remain. The Third World must be able to
manufacture and sell goods in some way. To do so is the very basis of a capitalist society, which,
Fanon argues, the Third World is. Socialism will only turn the people back into slaves, putting
them right back where they started. Put, Fanon implies that simply apologizing isn’t sufficient for
the Third World. They want to compensate for what they have lost and not make it out to charity
cases when assistance is needed. After all, they probably wouldn’t need any compensation had
their wealth not has been stolen in the first place. Fanon’s use of the phrase double consciousness
nods to a concept coined by W. E. B. Du Bois assumes that black individuals see themselves
through the racist eyes of their society. Fanon turns this concept on its head: his idea of dual
consciousness involves both parties recognizing that the Third World has been wronged, and
Europe right that wrong.
Fanon’s argument is again clearly articulated here. For the Third World, it is simple: Europe must
right the wrong of colonialism. Fanon believes in Third World deeply, as he repeated many times.
Decolonization is the issue of Fanon’s time, and he says it every chance he gets. However, the
repetition of this message also reflects just how much the Third World ignored.
In this chapter, Frantz Fanon Describes How colonial powers regroup and then fight harder.
Fanon Uses Word “Petrification” to justify how Premodern and old ways of living in the country
like inflexible, rigid, and hard like stone. Also In this justification, he put his judgment in which
he is in the favor of modernization. Fanon also says that colonial rulers make this petrification
more intensive, they better intensify opposition between city workers and Agricultural laborers
with Small social status. There is a multicultural way of living in rural North African Life. But
this is not the Frantz view of the peasantry. In this thing, Frantz follows Karl Marx. In his book,
Marx wrote that the Upper class of the country dominates and influences the lower class or rural
who don’t have high social status. Fanon also supports this because he wants to rescue his
countrymen. He aims to free colonized people, urban and rural alike and his point of view is
universal of equality in the society.
The title of the chapter is “spontaneity: its strength and weakness” One of the weaknesses of the
countryside is spontaneous uprising as its reliance on hatred. He clearly remarks that “Hatred is
disarmed by the psychological windfalls”. In the end, I would like to say that Frantz only wants
equality and humanity in the country, And in this chapter, he only tells about the inequality of
society and explains his point of view about the weakness of the countryside.
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness composed by Fanon in 1961, is a text that calls attention
to a portion of the things that turned out badly with patriot developments in a provincial and postfrontier setting and attempts to break down how one may keep these things from turning out
badly later on. In this paper, I will fundamentally draw in
Overpowering issues. The connection between the Nationalist Parties and the Economy, and the
Leadership after autonomy comparable to contemporary occasions in Guinea Equatorial trying to
make them significant and more significant to our the present political reality. I will draw in these
two individuals. To start with, Fanon broke down the connection between Nationalist Parties and
the Economy. He contended that Leaders of new states were regularly on the cutting edge of
these enemies of pioneer battles and have a tremendous measure of public trust put resources into
them in light of what they penance during that battle and the Leadership job they played.
Nonetheless, when autonomy is accomplished, he expresses, the Leader will uncover his inward
reason; to turn into the overall leader of that organization of opportunists, anxious for their
profits, which establish the public bourgeoisie. The Leader's extra time loses this colossal
appreciation that would have been put resources into them because of the job they played in the
counter provincial construction and comes to be seen progressively critically as just an agent of
unfamiliar organizations and public bourgeoisies. There is continuous defilement and developing
separation from the majority. These pioneers decipher analysis as in appreciation for against
pilgrim administration and react. I thought that it is both intriguing and dismal to see these old
considerations shown in our contemporary political reality. It is a great text notwithstanding,
aside from the way that I had tough situations deteriorating his musings, I thought that it is a
piece of decent information to snatch. It challenges my convictions and made me unmistakably
see the reason why numerous African economies are as yet stale and how on the other hand,
private enterprise, which I used to have faith in, can broaden the hole between the rich and poor
people. I'm presently starting to comprehend the impacts of expansionism on our Leadership
today, and I expect that message like this will situate me better to address Africa's difficulties in
my ability as a Leader in the close-by future. I thank my speaker and personnel assistant who
regardless of now and then I acted problematic, still easily figured out how to cause me to remain
alert with the class readings and pull me to see the world according to their viewpoint to make me
think more.
The fourth chapter of the book began as a lecture and can stand out on its own. In this chapter
fanon strongly tells us about the importance of national identity for the nation that leads towards
the national liberation from the shackles of colonialism. Fanon argues that the colonized
intellectuals will work towards a way out of colonialism through national identity, the
racialization of identities, and the identity drawn of black in correspondence to white in
movements or writings is bound to fail and thus shouldn’t be taken up by these intellectuals he
further argues how the knowledge of the colonized are dependent on the identity of another
nation to portray their own national image, these intellectuals must possess sufficient will power
and the skill to decolonize the colonial persona in which language plays an important role, the
commitment and efforts of people will give meaning to the struggle of the nation.
Decolonization starts with the individual's mind which leads to the formation or identification of
who they are as a society and an individual. This leads to the unity of people towards a single
national movement of freedom for the attainment of sovereignty. The intellectuals as told by
fanon play a major role in this process. However, it shouldn’t be done respective to color as many
global movements are racialized. The one global identity of such movements based on
Similar skin color will lead to more damaging results as it favors the colonizer, in reality, it
should be the identification of people by their national culture and not by skin color which
eliminates or significantly reduce the national identity that exists and needs to be discovered. The
discovery of this national identity needs to be done by the intellectuals and be told to the people
in a way they realize who they are familiarized once aging with their true persona and style and
then fight for their liberation as a nation for example the subcontinents fight towards freedom
from British raj. For such a movement of liberation to gain momentum nationwide commitment
and willpower is necessary they are a must-have for the leaders, the people and especially the
intellectuals as their job is tough which requires them to be steadfast and resolute. They must
have the skill to communicate and by doing that once again unite the people on their own identity
by works of literature and art. This needs to be done in such a manner that is understood by the
people best and thus language has its importance in doing so. The role of the intellectual in filling
up the cultural void left by colonialism is important but true liberation requires physical effort as
well. The nation needs to act according to the situation in the best way possible to remind the
colonized that they have an existence that is discrete and that they are not below any other.
The writer is asking people to move in the national direction to demolish the idea that colonialism
has built-in their conscious and subconscious mind and to recognize who they are as a nation and
as an individual such a discrete national identity and determination of the people would lead the
nation towards freedom and success. Fanon, in this chapter, uses an approach different from the
previous ones. He talks about cases one after another to make his point more concrete. Previously
he was more of just stating facts but here he tries to convey his point of view with a strong
foundation. The basic lesson from these case studies is that the effects of war are not just physical
or economic but also Psychological.
In previous chapters, he indirectly asserted that colonization or decolonization is majorly a
psychological phenomenon. A colonist makes people submit out of their fear, repression, or
making them realize they are superior and all of these factors do mean psychology plays a
significant role in colonialism. Fanon in this chapter explains psychological severity which seems
to be normal in wars. The author, Fanon, writes this chapter in the context of warfare. For the
context, he picks personalities that he has been doing throughout the book. He would first create a
link out of these personalities and then intervene to present his point of view. This chapter at first
established a link between colonialism and psychology and told that how what these
psychologists consider normal is a result of traumatic situations.
Neurosis, as said by Fanon, is not natural but rather a result of external factors. These external
factors not only make this chapter psychological but also sociological. This means a person's
psychology could not just be analyzed through his personal history but also could be analyzed
through one’s social life or through a culture that is not particularly related to one but is shared by
many. And the treatment of such a psychological problem could not be individual therapy
sessions but rather a collective one. A collective cure for the mental health of the nation is also a
nation’s responsibility as part of the decolonization process.
THE END