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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND
GOVERNANCE
WORKBOOK FOR SENIOR HIGH SCHOOL
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE
COPYRIGHT PAGE
PREFACE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1
2
2
4
MODULE 1 - THE CONCEPTS OF POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Lesson 1 –Meaning of Politics
Lesson 2 – How Politics can be Studied
Lesson 3 –Meaning of Governance
6
8
11
MODULE 2 – POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
Lesson 1 – Meanings of Ideology
Lesson 2 – Anarchism versus Absolutism
17
20
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Lesson 3 – Liberalism versus Conservatism
Lesson 4 – Socialism
MODULE 3 –POWER
Lesson –Nature, Dimensions, Types and Consequences of Power
MODULE 4 – STATES, NATIONS, AND GLOBALIZATION
Lesson 1 –Distinction between State and Nation
Lesson 2 - Globalization as a Context of Relations among
Nation-States
22
26
29
39
43
MODULE 5 – HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF PHILIPPINE DEMOCRATIC
POLITICS
Lesson 1 - History of Philippine Politics and Government
46
Lesson 2 - Description of Philippine Government and Politics
55
MODULE 6 - THE EXECUTIVE
60
MODULE 7 - THE LEGISLATIVE
71
MODULE 8 –THE JUDICIARY
79
MODULE 9 - DECENTRALIZATION AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE
90
MODULE 10 - ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL PARTIES
MODULE 11 - CIVIL SOCIETY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
100
111
MODULE 12–CITIZENSHIP
126
MODULE 13 – INTEGRATION
138
ENRICHMENT ACTIVITIES
145
GLOSSARY
159
REFERENCES
162
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
MODULE I
CONCEPTS OF POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
LESSON 1: THE MEANING OF POLITICS
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Demonstrate understanding about politics and political science, governance, political
ideologies, power, states, nations, and globalization;
2. Clearly identify a specific political phenomenon and how it can be studied; and
3. Articulate definitions of politics.
LEARNING CONTENT:
Politics is the way in which we understand and order our social affairs, and acquire greater control over
the situation. (B. Pomton and P. Gill, Politics, Introduction. (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1982, p.6.)
It is also the strategy for maintaining cooperation among people with different needs and ideals in life,
or for resolving the conflict within the group, whether this is a family, a tribe, a village or a nation-state.
(Amable G. Tuibeo, “Politics and Governance: A Critical Introduction (Makati: Grandwater
Publication, 1998), p.1.
Political Scientist Harold Lasswell, author of a major study of the distributive consequences of political
activity, gave his book the title, Politics--Who Gets What, When, and How. Lasswell, in effect, defined
"politics" as involving questions as to "who gets what, when, and how." Politics, according to Lasswell,
is concerned with determination, by official governmental decision making and action, of:
a. Who in political society receives what benefits, rewards, and advantages and how much of
them they receive,
b. when they receive the benefits, rewards, and advantages, and
c. the methods by which they receive them.
Conversely, politics is also concerned with determining, by governmental decision making and action,
(1) who in society is denied what benefits, rewards, and advantages, (2) when and how long they are
denied them, and (3) the methods by which they are subjected to such deprivations.
Politics and Everyday Life
a. Politics is all about the way human beings are governed, which involves order, power, and justice.
It is not just an abstract study;
b. It involves the government’s day-to-day performance;
c. It does not affect only one individual, but is inextricably bound up with the perpetual quest for what
is fair or just in light of the interest of the entire community;
d. Issue is more or less political based on the extent that the use of political power affects the lives
and well-being of private citizens; and
e. An issue becomes political when the government must render a decision, which must always be for
the common good of the community.
Politics in the Philippines
It takes place in an organized framework of a presidential, representative, and democratic republic. It
revolves around the three separate and sovereign yet interdependent branches: The Legislative branch
(the law-making body, Article VI, 1987 Philippine Constitution); The Executive branch (the law-enforcing
body, Article VII, 1987 Philippine Constitution); and The Judicial branch (the law-interpreting body,
Article VIII, 1987 Philippine Constitution).
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
LESSON CHECK UP:
Give the meaning of the following words or phrases:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Politics _______________________________________________
Political Science________________________________________
Government___________________________________________
State_________________________________________________
Sovereignty____________________________________________
Nation________________________________________________
MODULE I
CONCEPTS OF POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
LESSON 2: HOW POLITICS CAN BE STUDIED
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Differentiate the various views on politics; and
2. Explore the connection between the phenomenon (politics) and the method of inquiry
(Political Science)
LEARNING CONTENT:
How is Politics Studied?
Political Science deals with the systematic study of political structures, political processes and political
behavior. A number of approaches and methods have been suggested and used by thinkers and
scholars of political science for the scientific investigation of political phenomena and
for the arrival at systematic generalizations and theories.
But, as Giovanni Sartori has pointed out, “approaches and research methods are largely decided by
the kind of evidence which is available for the units, and the kind of problems with which one deals"
In using the term "approach" we mean a particular orientation or point of view in looking at and
interpreting the world of politics.
By making use of a particular set of concepts and assumptions about the salience of certain factors, an
approach seeks to provide a framework for analysis, explanation and prediction. In the criterion of time
dimension, approaches to the study of political science, can be broadly classified into traditional and
modern or behavioral. Philosophical, historical and legal-institutional modes of analysis are often called
traditional
while
value-free,
empirical
and
behavioral
modes
of
enquiry
come
under modern approaches.
The dichotomy between tradition al and modern approaches need not be stressed too far for the simple
reason that political analysis is characterized by a degree of continuity from the distant past to the
contemporary, both with regard to substance and approaches and methods of study.
Traditional Approach
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Traditional approach to the study of political science is a combination of views on and orientations
to politics in philosophical, ethical and institutional terms. Since the time of Plato and Aristotle, the great
issues of politics have revolved around the organization and functioning of the state- the political
institution par excellence. Traditional approaches exhibit certain well defined features.
Characteristics of Traditional Approaches:
1. Traditional approaches are largely normative and stresses on the values of politics
2. Emphasis is on the study of different political structures and institution
3. Traditional approaches made very little attempt to relate theory and research
4. These approaches believe that since facts and values are closely interlinked, studies in 6olitical
5cience can never be scientific.
The traditional approach is further divided into various forms:
1. Philosophical-This approach firmly believes that values cannot be separated from the study
of politics and political system. Therefore, its main concern is to judge what is good or bad in
any political society.
2. Historical-As the name of this approach is related to history, it emphasizes on the study of
history of every political reality to analyze any situation.
3. Institutional-This approach is concerned with the study of formal structures and institutions
like legislature, executive, judiciary, political parties, etc.
4. Legal- This approach is concerned with the legal process, legal bodies or institutions, justice
and independence of judiciary.
Behavioral Approach
The behavioral approach to political science mainly emphasizes on scientific, objective and value free
study of political phenomenon. This approach stresses upon the use of empirical as well as scientific
methods of study political behavior. This approach shifts its emphasis from the study of the state and
government to the day-today problems, activities and behavior of individuals and groups.
Characteristics of Behaviorism:
1. Regularities -believes that there are certain uniformities in political behavior which can be
expressed in generalizations or theories in order to explain and predict political phenomena.
2. Verification -emphasizes testing and verifying everything. According to the behaviorists, what
cannot be verified is not scientific.
3. Techniques -put emphasis on the use of those research tools and methods which generate
valid, reliable and comparative data.
4. Quantification -After collecting data, the researcher should measure and quantify those data.
5. Values -believe that to do objective research one has to be value free.
6. Systematization -research in Political Science must be systematic. Theory and research
should go together.
7. Pure Science -believes that the study of Political Science should be verified by evidence.
8. Integration -Political Science should not be separated from various other social sciences like
history, sociology and economics, etc.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
LESSON CHECK UP
Compare and Contrast Traditional Approach from Behavioral Approach
Approach in the Study
of Politics
Definition
Characteristic Features
MODULE I
CONCEPTS OF POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
LESSON 3: MEANING OF GOVERNANCE
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Recognize the value of politics; and
2. Differentiate governance from government.
LEARNING CONTENT:
GOVERNANCE
Governance has been defined to refer to structures and processes that are designed to ensure
accountability, transparency, responsiveness, rule of law, stability, equity and inclusiveness,
effectiveness and efficiency and broad-based participation.
Good governance is understood through its eight indicators or characteristics: (1) Participatory; (2) Rule
of Law; (3) Effective and Efficient; (4) Transparent; (5) Responsive; (6) Equitable and Inclusive; (7)
Consensus Oriented; and (8) Accountability.
They are inextricably related to each other. For instance, without active participation among the various
actors in governance, there would be a concomitant lack of responsiveness. Likewise, if decisionmaking is not transparent, then inevitably there would be no participation, accountability, and decisions
are not consensus-oriented.
Elements of Good Governance
1. Participation -Good governance essentially requires participation of different sectors of the society.
Participation means active involvement of all affected and interested parties in the decision-making
process. It requires an enabling environment wherein pertinent information is effectively disseminated
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
and people could respond in an unconstrained and truthful manner. It also means gender equality,
recognizing the vital roles of both men and women in decision-making.
Participation is one of the strengths of Philippine governance. The 1987 Philippine Constitution is
replete of provisions dealing with relational and inter-sectoral governance. The Local Government Code
of 1991 was borne out of the need for decentralization in Philippine governance. As such, these and
other related legislations may be considered as normative standards for good governance.
2. Rule of Law -Democracy is essentially the rule of law. It is through the law that people express their
will and exercise their sovereignty. That the government is of law and not of men is an underlying
democratic principle which puts no one, however rich and powerful, above the law. Not even the
government can arbitrarily act in contravention of the law. Thus, good democratic governance is
fundamentally adherence to the rule of law. Rule of law demands that the people and the civil society
render habitual obedience to the law. It also demands that the government acts within the limits of the
powers and functions prescribed by the law. The absence of rule of law is anarchy. Anarchy happens
when people act in utter disregard of law and when the government act whimsically or arbitrarily beyond
their powers. In more concrete terms, rule of law means “peace and order,” “absence of corruption,”
“impartial and effective justice system,” “observance and protection of human rights,” and “clear,
publicized, and stable laws.” Rule of law also requires that laws are responsive to the needs of the
society. Archaic or irrelevant laws must be amended or repealed to cater to modern demands.
3. Effectiveness and Efficiency -Good governance requires that the institutions, processes, and
actors could deliver and meet the necessities of the society in a way that available resources are utilized
well. That the different actors meet the needs of the society means that there is effective governance.
That the valuable resources are utilized, without wasting or underutilizing any of them, means that there
is efficient governance. Effectiveness (meeting the needs) and efficiency (proper utilization of
resources) must necessarily go together to ensure the best possible results for the community.
Concretely, effectiveness and efficiency demands “enhancement and standardization of the quality of
public service delivery consistent with international standards,” “professionalization of bureaucracy,”
“focusing of government efforts on its vital functions, and elimination of redundancies or overlaps in
functions and operations,” “a citizen-centered government,” and “an improved financial management
system of the government.”
Professionalism in Philippine bureaucracy requires competence and integrity in civil service.
Appointments to civil service must be depoliticized and must be based solely on merits. Effectiveness
and efficiency also demands that the programs and objectives of the various government agencies are
aligned with individual performance goals. The increases in compensation are likewise necessary for
the economic well-being, sustained competence and boosted morale of the civil servants. Although still
insufficient, efforts were made to attain effectiveness and efficiency in Philippine governance. The AntiRed Tape Act of 2007 (ARTA), for instance, was passed to require the setting up of Citizen’s Charter
for a simplified procedure and to facilitate governmental transactions. Also, many government
departments and agencies pursued a rationalization program to check excessive and redundant
staffing.
4. Transparency - As an indicator of good governance, transparency means that people are open to
information regarding decision-making process and the implementation of the same. In legal terms, it
means that information on matters of public concern is made available to the citizens or those who will
be directly affected. It also means that transactions involving public interests must be fully disclosed
and made accessible to the people. It is anchored on the democratic right to information and right to
access of the same. Transparency is necessary not just from government transactions but also in those
transactions of the civil society and private sector imbued with public interests.
Reason why there should be transparency - To promote and protect democratic ideals. When there is
transparency, people are placed in a better position to know and protect their rights as well as denounce
corrupt or fraudulent practices in the public sector and in the private sector.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
5. Responsiveness - Means that institutions and processes serve all stakeholders in a timely and
appropriate manner. It also means that actors and structures of governance easily give genuine
expression to the will or desire of the people. In other words, the interests of all citizens must be well
protected in a prompt and appropriate manner so that each of them can appreciate and take part in the
process of governance. While responsiveness is also a characteristic sought from the private sector
and civil society, more is demanded from the government or the public sector.
Gender equality is engrained in the egalitarian principles of democracy. Gender concerns that respond
to the women and their community must always be part of the agenda of public sector and civil society.
Thus, emerging as important areas in the study of democratic governance are “Gender and
Development” and “Gender Responsiveness.” The participation of women in governance within the
context of “gendered socialization” rests on how responsive the structures and processes are to their
roles and needs.
Some of the important efforts made to attain responsive governance in the Philippines are
decentralization, creation of citizen’s charter in all frontline agencies and gender sensitivity programs.
First, through decentralization, local governments, which are more proximate to their constituents, serve
more promptly the people, who in turn become more involved in decision-making. Second, every
government agency now has it Citizen’s Charter, which provides timeframes for every step in attaining
frontline services. Agencies now must also respond to written queries sent by the stakeholders or
interested parties within a period of ten days, otherwise there will be delayed service. However, this
aspect of governance still remains to be one of the causes for the decline of public’s confidence in the
public sector.
6. Equity and Inclusiveness -Equity and inclusiveness means that all the members of the society,
especially the most vulnerable ones or the grassroots level, must be taken into consideration in policymaking. Everyone has a stake in the society and no one should feel alienated from it. Particularly, those
who belong to the grassroots level must not only be the subject of legislation but they must be given
the opportunity to participate in decision or policy making. Social equity refers to a kind of justice that
gives more opportunity to the less fortunate members of the society. It is based on the principle that
those who have less in life should have more in law. Good governance demands that the actors must
give preferential attention to the plight of the poor. Laws must be geared towards this end and the
society must actively participate in the promotion of the same.
The Philippine Government has done extensive efforts in promoting equity and inclusiveness. The
current Constitution makes it as one of its state policies the promotion of social justice. Pursuant to this,
the Congress has enacted social legislations like the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law which aims
at freeing the farmer tenants from the bondage of the soil. Also, representation in the Congress, under
the party list system, is constitutionally mandated to have sectoral representation of the underprivileged.
Gender and Development programs are in the process of being integrated with the various structures
and institutions in the country. But legislation is one thing; implementation is another.
7. Consensus-Oriented -Governance is consensus-oriented when decisions are made after taking into
consideration the different viewpoints of the actors of the society. Mechanisms for conflict resolution
must be in place because inevitably conflict that will arise from competing interests of the actors. To
meet the consensus, a strong, impartial, and flexible mediation structure must be established. Without
such, compromises and a broad consensus cannot be reached that serves that best interest of the
whole community. Fundamentally, democratic governance is based on the partnership of the actors of
the society in providing public services. Decision-making must therefore entail recognition of their
respective interests as well as their respective duties. The essential of governance could never be
expressed in a unilateral act of policy making by the public sector or other dominant sectors. Public
hearings or consultations in arriving at a consensus are therefore inherently necessary in the process
of governance.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Among the things done by the Philippines in promoting a consensus-oriented governance are: (1)
creation of a wide-based of representation in the Congress; (2) a two-tiered legislature or bicameralism
which subject legislation to the evaluation of national and district legislators; and (3) necessity of public
hearings or consultations of various governmental policies and actions.
8. Accountability -Accountability means answerability or responsibility for one’s action. It is based on
the principle that every person or group is responsible for their actions most especially when their acts
affect public interest. The actors have an obligation to explain and be answerable for the consequences
of decisions and actions they have made on behalf of the community it serves.
Accountability comes in various forms: political, hierarchical, and managerial accountability. Political
accountability refers to the accountability of public officials to the people they represent. Hierarchical
accountability refers to the ordered accountability of the various agencies and their respective officers
and personnel in relation to their program objectives. Managerial accountability refers to employee
accountability based on organization and individual performance. A system of rewards and punishment
must be in place to strengthen the processes and institutions of governance.
The Philippines in the recent years had endeavored to comply with the requirements of accountability.
It had put in action the concept of political accountability as it held answerable erring public officials
involved in graft and corruption and for acts contrary to the mandate of the constitution. It had also
strengthened parliamentary scrutiny through legislative investigations and creation of special
committees exercising oversight functions. The Office of the Ombudsman, considered as the public
watchdog, has become ever so active in investigating and prosecuting graft and plunders cases.
Citizen’s Charter, as required by ARTA, was also an important tool in promoting professional public
service values. In this area, Philippine governance has done relatively well.
Importance of Studying Governance
From the information learned in the discussion of governance, the people, most especially the citizens,
will be aware of the need for good governance. Consequently, such awareness should move them to
action. For their continued empowerment and sustainable development, they have to know how to fight
for their rights by knowing what to expect from Philippine governance. Thus, what will follow is an
exposition of the basic concepts of governance, the ideal type of governance, and the status of the
Philippines vis-à-vis the indicators of good governance.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
LESSON CHECK UP
Identify Which Characteristic of Good Governance Is Being Defined
1. active involvement of
all affected and
interested parties in
the decision-making
process
2. information on
matters of public
concern is made
available to the
citizens or those who
will be directly
affected
3. institutions and
processes serve all
stakeholders in a
timely and
appropriate manner
4. answerability or
responsibility for
one’s action
6. demands that the
people and the civil
society render
habitual obedience
to the law
7. requires that the
institutions,
processes, and
actors could deliver
and meet the
necessities of the
society in a way that
available resources
are utilized well
MODULE 2
5. decisions are made
after
taking
into
consideration
the
different viewpoints
of the actors of the
society
8. all the members of
the society must be
taken
into
consideration
in
policy-making
POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
LESSON1: BASIC TENETS OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Demonstrate understanding about political ideologies;
2. Examine the various definitions of ideologies; and
3. Analyze how political ideologies impact on the social and political life of Filipino
LEARNING CONTENT:
MEANING OF IDEOLOGY
Ideology is a comprehensive set of normative beliefs, conscious and unconscious ideas, that an
individual, group or society has.
An ideology is less encompassing than the ideas expressed in concepts such as worldview, imaginary
and ontology.
Political ideologies can be proposed by the dominant class of society such as the elite to all members
of society as suggested in some Marxist and critical-theory accounts. In societies that distinguish
between public and private life, every political or economic tendency entails ideology, whether or not it
is propounded as an explicit system of thought.
Louis Althusser’s Ideological State Apparatuses (2010) in essence define ideology as “the imaginary
relation to the real conditions of existence”.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Ideological Analyses
There has been considerable analysis of different ideological patterns. This kind of analysis has been
described by some as meta-ideology – the study of the structure, form, and manifestation of ideologies.
Recent analysis tends to posit that ideology is a coherent system of ideas, relying upon a few basic
assumptions about reality that may or may not have any factual basis. Ideas become ideologies (that
are, become coherent, repeated patterns) through the subjective ongoing choices that people make,
serving as the seed around which further thought grows. According to most recent analysis, ideologies
are neither necessarily right nor wrong. Believers in ideology range from passive acceptance through
fervent advocacy to true belief. An excessive need for certitude lurks at fundamentalist levels in politics
and religions.
The works of George Walford and Harold Walsby, done under the heading of systematic ideology, are
attempts to explore the relationships between ideology and social systems. Charles Blattberg has
offered an account which distinguishes political ideologies from political philosophies.
David W. Minar describes six different ways in which the word “ideology” has been used:
•
•
•
•
•
•
As a collection of certain ideas with certain kinds of content, usually normative;
As the form or internal logical structure that ideas have within a set;
By the role in which ideas play in human-social interaction;
By the role that ideas play in the structure of an organization;
As meaning, whose purpose is persuasion; and
As the locus (a central or main place)of social interaction.
For Willard A. Mullins an ideology should be contrasted with the related (but different) issues of utopia
and historical myth. An ideology is composed of four basic characteristics:
•
•
•
•
it must have power over cognition
it must be capable of guiding one’s evaluations;
it must provide guidance towards action; and
it must be logically coherent.
Terry Eagleton outlines (more or less in no particular order) some definitions of ideology:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
the process of production of meanings, signs and values in social life;
a body of ideas characteristic of a particular social group or class;
ideas which help to legitimate a dominant political power;
false ideas which help to legitimate a dominant political power;
systematically distorted communication;
that which offers a position for a subject;
forms of thought motivated by social interests;
identity thinking;
socially necessary illusion;
the conjuncture of discourse and power;
the medium in which conscious social actors make sense of their world;
action-oriented sets of beliefs;
the confusion of linguistic and phenomenal reality;
semiotic closure;
the indispensable medium in which individuals live out their relations to a social structure;
the process whereby social life is converted to a natural reality.
The German philosopher Christian Duncker called for a “critical reflection of the ideology concept”
(2006). In his work, he strove to bring the concept of ideology into the foreground, as well as the closely
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
connected concerns of epistemology and history. In this work, the term ideology is defined in terms of
a system of presentations that explicitly or implicitly claim to absolute truth.
Though the word “ideology” is most often found in political discourse, there are many different kinds of
ideology: political, social, epistemological, ethical, etc.
LESSON CHECK UP
Why is Ideology a Significant Element in a Political System?
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________
MODULE 2
POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
LESSON 2: ANARCHISM VERSUS ABSOLUTISM
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Identify the basic tenets of Anarchism and Absolutism, and
2. Differentiate the political ideologies.
LEARNING CONTENT:
MAJOR POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
Major Political Ideologies: Over the millennia, political philosophers have expounded on a variety of
political ideologies, or ways governments and societies can be organized. Today, scholars generally
talk about five major political ideologies – (1) Anarchism; (2) Absolutism; (3) Liberalism; (4)
Conservatism; and (5) Socialism.
These political ideologies are, for the most part, mutually exclusive. So, a liberal government does not
usually practice socialism, nor does an absolute ruler follow liberalism. The five major political ideologies
have played a key role in world history by shaping governments and political movements.
Anarchism
The belief that the best government is absolutely no government is known as anarchism. This ideology
argues that everything about governments is repressive and therefore must be abolished entirely. A
related ideology known as nihilism emphasizes that everything—both government and society—must
be periodically destroyed in order to start anew. Nihilists often categorically reject traditional concepts
of morality in favor of violence and terror. Anarchism and nihilism were once associated with socialism
because many anarchists and nihilists supported the socialists’ call for revolution and the complete
overhaul of government and society in the early to mid-twentieth century.
Example: Although neither violent nor strictly anarchist, members of the American Libertarian Party
believe that government should be so small that it hardly ever interferes in citizens’ lives, thereby best
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
preserving individual liberty. Russia has had a long association with anarchism and nihilism. Many
prominent members of both movements were Russian, including Mikhail Bakunin, considered the father
of anarchism. Russian nihilists engaged in a number of terrorist attacks in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, including the assassination of Czar Alexander II in 1881.
2. Absolutism
Traditionally, much of Western civilization’s history was dominated by absolutism, the belief that a single
ruler should have control over every aspect of the government and of the people’s lives. Absolute rulers
had a variety of titles, including chieftain, king, shah, pharaoh, emperor, sultan, and prince. In some
cultures, the absolute ruler was seen as a god in human form. Other peoples believed that their ruler
had the divine right of kings, meaning that God had chosen the ruler to govern the rest. As a result,
many cultures with absolute rulers practiced some form of caesaropapism, the belief that the ruler is
head of both the governmental authority and the religious authority.
Advocates of Absolutism -A number of political philosophers have advocated absolutism. The Greek
philosopher Plato, for example, firmly believed that the best government would be run by a benevolent
absolute ruler who would have the people’s best interests at heart. English philosopher Thomas
Hobbes, meanwhile, was perhaps the most persuasive proponent of absolutism. In his book Leviathan
(1651), he argued that life without governments was “nasty, brutish, and short” and that people must
willingly submit to absolute rulers—even tyrannical ones—in order to live longer, more stable lives.
Absolutism emphasizes:
• A strong sense of order: Everything should be carefully structured, including society. Disorder
and chaos are generally considered to be dangerous.
• A clear-cut law of nature (or law of God): This law must be obeyed. According to this law, some
people are inherently better than others.
• A natural hierarchy: a power structure in which some people have authority over others exists.
Therefore, the superior should rule the inferior. This general view is called elitism, or elite
theory.
LESSON CHECK UP
A. Compare and Contrast Anarchism and Absolutism
Political Ideology
13
Advantages
Disadvantages
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
B. Make a biographical sketch of an absolute monarch and a notorious anarchist of the
current dispensation.
MODULE 2
POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
LESSON 3: LIBERALISM VERSUS CONSERVATISM
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
A. Identify the basic tenets Liberalism and Conservatism; and
B. Differentiate the political ideologies.
LEARNING CONTENT:
LIBERALISM
In the early modern age of the Western world (beginning roughly in the early 1500s and running for
about 200 years), a number of changes occurred that led to new ideologies: The European discovery
of the Americas, the rise of Protestantism, the beginnings of the free-market economy, and the early
stages of the scientific revolution fundamentally altered Europe. People began developing different
ways of thinking to take account of these changes.
Perhaps the most important of the new ideas is liberalism (also known as classical liberalism). This type
of liberalism, which began in England in the 1600s, differs from American liberalism. Classical
liberalism developed when such thinkers as John Locke (in his Second Treatise of Government in
1690) rethought the relationship between the individual and society, as well theorized about the rights
and responsibilities of the individual. These ideas formed the foundation for many political systems still
operating today.
Liberalism in Action - During the French Revolution (1789–1799), the monarchy and much of the
church were destroyed, as were traditional laws and habits in different parts of the country. The
revolutionaries exalted reason, to the point of literally creating a temple to it (the revolutionaries
renamed the Church of Notre Dame in Paris “the Temple of Reason”) in 1793. But as a result of the
revolution, France plunged into years of civil war and violence. Only the emergence of Napoleon—an
authoritarian ruler—brought stability back to the country.
Liberalism emphasizes:
• Individualism - The individual takes priority over society;
• Freedom -Individuals have the right to make choices for themselves. This freedom is not
absolute, and some behaviors, such as murder, are prohibited. Freedom of religion is a
particularly important freedom to come out of liberalism because so many governments at the
time were very closely tied to a particular religious creed;
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•
•
•
•
Equality- No person is morally or politically superior to others. Hierarchies are rejected;
Rationalism - Humans are capable of thinking logically and rationally. Logic and reason help
us solve problems;
Progress- Traditions should not be kept unless they have value. New ideas are helpful because
they can lead to progress in the sciences, the economy, and society;
The free market - Liberalism and capitalism go hand in hand. Liberals like the free market
because it more easily creates wealth, as opposed to traditional economies, which often have
extensive regulations and limits on which occupations people can hold.
These basic characteristics of liberalism have led liberals to argue in favor of a limited government,
which draws its power from the people. In practice, this has meant favoring a democratic government.
Mill’s Good Government - In his books On Liberty (1859) and Considerations of Representative
Government (1861), English philosopher J. S. Mill argued that good governments should be
unrestricting enough to allow people—both men and women—to pursue their own interests and achieve
their own potential as they see fit. Fostering individuality would, in turn, benefit society as a whole,
because fewer people would feel restricted or marginalized. Mill also believed that representative
democracy was the best form of government because it allowed people to express their individuality
and provided them the opportunity to take a more active role in the political process. The more active
the people are, Mill thought, the more satisfied they are with their government.
Classical liberalism has profoundly influenced the modern world, so much so that we do not even realize
how controversial its ideas were in early modern Europe. Back then, liberal ideas were considered
dangerous and inflammatory by traditional European governments, and liberals were frequently
persecuted. Even after liberalism took hold in England, the rest of Europe was hostile to liberal ideas
for another century (and even longer in some cases).
Example: For centuries, Eastern Europe suffered greatly from authoritarian rule, in which one person
or a small group holds all the political power and oppresses everybody else. As recently as 1989, open
discussion of liberal ideas (such as the free market) or publicly complaining that the communist
governments did not speak for the people could get a person arrested. The writer Vaclav Havel, for
example, was jailed by the Czechoslovakian government. But after the 1989 end of the communist
government in Czechoslovakia, Havel served as the newly democratic government’s first president.
CONSERVATISM
Conservatism (also known as classical conservatism) began as a reaction against the liberal ideas
taking hold of Europe during the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century. This type of
conservatism differs from American conservatism. Edmund Burke, a British Member of Parliament,
observed the early stages of the French Revolution with great distress and predicted the violence and
terror that would ensue. His book, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), is one of the founding
texts of classical conservatism.
Burke and other conservatives attacked liberalism for many reasons. They argued that liberalism
destroyed tradition. In its rush to overturn the old and bring in the new, liberalism and capitalism
ruthlessly attacked traditional institutions and beliefs.
Conservatism emphasizes:
• Stability - Stability is a precious thing, and change must be made gradually in order to preserve
it. Undermining stability is very dangerous because societies can easily fall into chaos and
violence. Classical liberals frequently called for revolution, which opens the door to great
turbulence, according to the classical conservative view;
• Concreteness - Liberalism is too abstract. It focuses on freedom and equality, not on the
concrete way people live every day;
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•
•
Human fallibility - Liberalism overestimates human beings. Humans are frequently ignorant,
prejudiced, and irrational. By ignoring these defects, liberalism becomes unrealistic;
Unique circumstances - There is no universal answer to the problems of society; the
circumstances are unique in each country.
Classical Conservatism and Democracy
Many early conservatives favored authoritarian government. In the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars
(roughly 1792–1815), for example, most European governments actively worked to stop the spread of
liberalism and democracy. Nevertheless, conservatives were not necessarily hostile to democracy.
Generally, these conservatives argued that some sort of monarchy was necessary, but some were more
open to popular government. Burke, in particular, thought that limited democracy was a good form of
government for England, as long as it maintained the customs and mores it inherited from its
predecessors.
Classical Conservatism Today
For the most part, classical conservatism has faded. Most people who label themselves conservatives
are more like American conservatives than classical ones. But there are still some classical
conservatives. Many of them in Europe have ties to old noble families, and some advocate monarchism.
Classical conservatives can also be found in other parts of the world.
LESSON CHECK UP
A. Compare and Contrast Liberalism and Conservatism
Political Ideology
Definition
Characteristic Features
B. Can Liberalism and Conservatism Co-Exist? Why?
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
MODULE 2
POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
LESSON 4: BASIC TENETS OF SOCIALISM
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Identify the basic tenets of Socialism
2. Differentiate the political ideologies; and
3. Examine the relationship between political ideologies and configurations of political
communities
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LEARNING CONTENT:
SOCIALISM
Socialism arose as a response to the Industrial Revolution, which was the emergence of technologies
such as the steam engine and mass production. The Industrial Revolution started in England in the last
years of the eighteenth century and had spread too much of Europe and America by the end of the
nineteenth century. It caused major upheavals: In a very short time, many people were forced to
abandon agricultural ways of life for the modern mechanized world of factories.
Early versions of socialism were put forward in Europe in the first part of the nineteenth century (these
versions are often dubbed “utopian socialism”), but truly influential socialist theories did not emerge until
industrialization expanded in the mid-nineteenth century. Karl Marx is the best-known theorist of
socialism. Along with Friedrich Engels, Marx wrote The Communist Manifesto (1848) as a call to
revolution. Other prominent socialist-thinkers included Karl Kautsky, Vladimir Lenin, and Antonio
Gramsci.
Socialist Beliefs
Socialism emphasizes:
• Collectivism -Human beings are social by nature, and society should respect this.
Individualism is poisonous;
• Public ownership - Society, not individuals, should own the property;
• Central economic planning - The government plans the economy; there is no free market;
• Economic equality - All citizens have roughly the same level of prosperity.
Class Warfare
According to socialists, liberalism fails to live up to its promises of freedom and equality. Socialists
blame the free market for liberalism’s failings. Under a capitalist system, money and means of
production are the measures of power. The haves (the bourgeoisie, in Marx’s terms) and the have-nots
(whom Marx calls the proletariat) are locked into a fight that Marx called class warfare. Because they
control the money and means of production, the bourgeoisie have the power and thus are winning the
fight. The rich use the government to further their control and to increase their power over the lower,
poorer classes, so people are neither free nor equal.
The Evolution of Socialism
Socialism evolved in a variety of ways. Communism and democratic socialism are the two most
prominent evolutions of socialism.
Communism: An authoritarian and revolutionary approach to achieving socialism. As an ideology,
communism emphasizes a classless society in which all members jointly share the means and output
of production. The regimes of the Soviet Union and communist China embody this ideology.
Communists such as Vladimir Lenin, who became the first premier of the Soviet Union in 1917, argued
that people can and must make the transition to socialism quickly rather than waiting for it to evolve.
Authoritarian and violent measures are often required because the defenders of capitalism will fight
ferociously to stop socialism from coming into being.
Communism Today
With the fall of communist regimes in Russia and Eastern Europe, communism has been in retreat for
most of the 1990s and 2000s. There are, for example, fewer communist movements around the world
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than during the Cold War. But there are still several major communist regimes, including the
governments of North Korea and Cuba.
Democratic socialism: A peaceful and democratic approach to achieving socialism. As an ideology,
democratic socialism also emphasizes a classless society in which all members jointly share the means
and output of production. But unlike communism, democratic socialism attempts to achieve its goals
peacefully via the democratic processes. Democratic socialists reject the need for immediate transition
to socialism in favor of a gradualist approach, achieved by working within a democratic government.
Economic inequalities should be remedied through a welfare state, a system that provides aid to the
poor and help to the unemployed.
Democratic Socialism Today
Democratic socialism has been quite successful in Western Europe and Scandinavia. Many
governments there have extensive welfare systems that have remained largely intact even when
democratic socialists are voted out of office. Democratic socialist parties exist in many democracies
around the world. Germany’s Social Democratic Party and Britain’s Labor Party are contemporary
examples of successful political parties heavily influenced by democratic socialism.
LESSON CHECK UP
Differentiate Socialism from Communism
Political Ideology
Definition
Characteristic Features
MODULE 3
POWER
LESSON: POWER: MEANING, NATURE, DIMENSIONS AND METHODS
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Define power;
Recognize the nature, dimensions, types, and consequences of power;
Analyze the nature, dimensions, types, deployments, and consequences of power; and
Assess how power is exercised in different situations
LEARNING CONTENT:
POWER: MEANING, NATURE, DIMENSIONS AND METHODS
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What is Power?
Power may be explained in different ways because its meaning is within the context of human relations.
We are encountered with many different explanations in various disciplines. Even within a single social
discipline, power is defined in several different ways.
Some social scientists define it as the use of force whereas many others explain it as the capacity to
secure the desired goals through the use of force or threat of use of force or even by exercising
influence.
According to Morgenthau “Power is the power of man on others” and as a “man’s control over the minds
and actions of other men.”
Another definition is from Schwarzenberger who view power as “the capacity of one to impose his will
on others by reliance on effective sanctions in case of non-compliance.”
Charles P. Schleicher defines power as “the ability to exercise such control as to make others do what
they otherwise would not do by rewarding or promising to reward them, or by depriving or threatening
to deprive them of something they value.”
Based on these definitions we can say that power in the context of human relations is the capacity and
ability to secure a desired and intended effect or gain through the use of force, influence and sanctions.
In Social Science and Politics, Poweris the ability to influence or outright control the behavior of people.
It is authority when the power is perceived as legitimate by the social structure. Power may also be
seen as evil or unjust, but the exercise of power is accepted as reserved only to humans as social
beings.
What is National Power then? “National Power is that combination of power and capability of a state
which the state uses for fulfilling its national interests and goals” according to Padelford and Lincoln. To
Hartman, it denotes the ability of a nation to fulfil national goals, how much powerful or weak a particular
nation in securing them.
National Power is simply the ability or capability of a nation to secure the goals and objectives of its
national interests in relation with other nations. It involves the capacity to use force or threat of use of
force or influence over others for securing the goals of national interest. In this way, we can define
National Power as “the ability to control the behaviour of other states in accordance with one’s own will.”
National Power is the currency of international relations.
Nation in political science a union of a society of inhabitants of the same country, speaking the same
language, coming from a common racial ancestry, obeying the same laws and a community of interests
and sentiments formed over the lapse of years.
Nature of National Power
For understanding the nature of National Power let us know the meaning of the terms ‘National’ and
‘Power’:
National
National means pertaining to the nation making national power the power of a nation. However, in the
context of national power the term ‘nation’ does not mean the same as in Political Science. In the context
of national powers, nation stands for the power of the group of decision makers and authorities who
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exercise power on behalf of the nation. It is the power of the decision-makers who formulate and
implement the foreign policy of the nation and thereby attempt to secure national goals.
National Power does not mean the power of the entire population of the state. It is only a psychological
link that makes the people regard the power of the decision-makers as their own power.
Power:
For understanding the nature of power in the context of National Power, it is necessary to distinguish
between Power and Force, and Power and Influence.
Power and Force: Force means physical force, violence in the form of police action, imprisonment,
punishment or war. Power means a psychological relationship of control which is backed by the use of
force, or threat of use of force. When physical force, war and other means involving the use of military
power or police power are actually used to secure certain objectives, power stands replaced by force.
Power and Influence: Both involve the ability to produce an intended change or effect in the behavior
of others. However, the two are not the same. Power involves a use of force or threat of use of force.
Political Power or Legal Power is backed by authority or sovereignty of the state.
Influence involves the attempt to change the behavior of others through persuasion and not by threats
or force. The scope of influence is wider than the scope of power and it is more democratic than power.
8 Main Features of National Power:
National Power has a non-stable, dynamic character and as such it has to be continuously or at least
periodically and regularly evaluated for understanding the role of the nation in international relations.
National power is always dynamic. A powerful nation can become less powerful or more powerful in
future.
The Most Important Features of National Power in Politics:
1. Is both a Means as well as an End in International Relations:
National Power is the means to control the behavior of other states with a view to accomplish certain
ends. It is recognized as the currency with which a nation can secure the desired values—peace,
security, progress, development, status, and more power. Nations use power to secure their interests
in international relations. This makes power a means in relations among nations.
However, in actual practice power is pursued as an objective or as an end. Nations want power not only
for their immediate but also for their future needs. They, therefore, always try to build up a reserve of
power and hence pursue power as an end. Thus, power like money is a means but it is mostly pursued
as an end.
2. National Power is the Ability to Secure Goals of National Interest:
National Power is the ability or capacity of a nation to influence or change the behavior of other nations
with a view to secure the goals of its national interest. It is a relationship in which a powerful nation is
in a position to achieve its desired goals of national interest in international relations. National Power is
measured in terms of a nation’s ability to secure its goals and objectives in international relations.
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3. National Power is Dynamic and Relative in Character:
National power is always relative to time and resources. The power of a nation has to be analyzed both
through an analysis of the capabilities and ability of the nation as well as by a comparison of its national
power with other nations..
National Power has a non-stable, dynamic character and as such it has to be continuously or at least
periodically and regularly evaluated for understanding the role of the nation in international relations.
National power is always dynamic. A powerful nation can become less powerful or more powerful in
future.
This depends upon the changes in the power potential of other nations as well as upon the various
components of national power. The power of a nation is always relative to the powers of other nations,
particularly the power of its adversaries. In 1990, the collapse of the USSR and decline in the Russian
power acted as a source of increase in the US power in international relations.
4. No Two Nations Have Equal Power:
Further, it must be noted that no two nations have or can have absolutely equal power. There can be
only a rough equality between two equally powerful super powers or great powers or major powers.
The power of a nation is always more or less than the power of every other nation.
5. There Are Several Elements of National Power:
National power is often analyzed and evaluated in terms of the capabilities of a nation which are
determined on the basis of several factors, like Geography, Population, Industrial Capacity, Diplomacy,
Military Preparedness, Quality of Leadership and Government etc. All these factors have to be analyzed
both quantitatively and qualitatively for evaluating the national power of a nation.
6. Actual Power and Potential Power:
Moreover, the attempt to analyze the power of a nation must focus both on the analysis of actual power
as well as potential power of a nation. Actual power is the power which is immediately available,
whereas potential power is the power that can be generated in situations of crisis and times of need. It
refers to the crisis- management ability as well as the possible availability of power in the years to come.
7. National Power is the Currency of International Relations:
Each nation seeks to use its power for securing its national interests in international relations. It is this
feature which makes international relations regarded as a process of struggle for power. The nature of
this struggle for power can be analyzed only through an analysis of the national powers of various
nations. The role a nation is playing or can play in international relations can be judged by evaluating
its national power.
In fact, the greatest of all the national interests of a nation is to maintain and increase its national power.
It is the means for the fulfillment of the needs and aspirations of a nation.
8. National Power is the Basis as Well as a Means of Foreign Policy:
National Power is the very basis of the foreign policy of a nation, and foreign policy can be effective in
securing the goals of national interest when there is adequate national power. The ability of the
statesmen and diplomats to act and react with others is again determined by their respective national
power
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Dimensions of National Power:
The three forms of national power are inseparable from each other. Without economic power no nation
can develop her military power, and without the latter no nation can play an active role in international
relations. Psychological power can be enduringly and really effective only when it is backed by
economic and military power.
Some of the major dimensions of national power in international politics are as follows:
A. Military Power:
Military power is an important dimension of national power. It is regarded as absolutely essential for
achieving the objective of security of the nation. For every nation, security is the most vital element of
its national interest. It is the primary concern of every nation to work for her security.
The possibility of violation of security of a nation through war and aggression by other nations is always
considered as a distinct possibility and hence every nation gives first priority to her security. For keeping
her security against possible violations, each nation maintains an army. Military power is regarded as
the key means for securing the security and territorial integrity of each nation.
Military power is as such a vital part of national power. The role and importance of a state in international
relations depends upon its military power. No state can get recognition as a super power without being
militarily superior.
While evaluating military power of a nation we have to take into account the other two forms (Economic
Power and Psychological Power) of national power, the elements of military power and the military
power of other nations. USA is a super power and is a formidable military power. Japan and Germany
are big economic powers but are not recognized even as great powers because they are weak military
powers. Russia, the successor state of former USSR is a nuclear power but not a super power because
of its economic weakness. China is a big military power but is not recognized as a super power.
B. Economic Power:
Economic power is the second important dimension of national power. It is constituted by the ability of
a nation to satisfy its own needs and to control the behavior of other states by affording or denying
access to economic goods and services. The economic means of foreign policy are today the most vital
means which a state can use for influencing the actions and behaviour of other states. No state can
become a military power without having adequate economic power.
According to Palmer and Perkins, economic power is inseparable from military power, for it is one of its
basic components, but even under conditions of modern warfare, economic power and military power
are not the same.
Economic power is used by rich and developed nations to influence other states by granting them
economic aid and loans, and try to secure their interests in international relations. It is used as a means
to induce as well as to coerce a desired change in the behavior of other states.
In present times, it has come to be recognized as even more important form of national power than
military power as in the case of Japan. Lack of economic power is a basic factor behind the weak power
positions of the Third World countries.
While evaluating the economic power of a nation one has to take into account such factors as raw
materials, natural resources, food stocks, industrial and technological capacity, G.N.P., trade surplus,
means of transport and communication, GDP, GDP per capita etc. However, economic power of a
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nation when not backed by military power and psychological power is not very effective in international
relations.
C. Psychological Power:
Psychological power means the power of opinion and image of the nation. The role of propaganda and
persuasive negotiations in international relations have been used by the states for securing an intended
change in the behavior of other states.
The improvement in the means of communications, increased influence of mass media, social media
and public opinion on foreign policy, the emergence of open and conference diplomacy, the popularity
of alternative ideologies, the role of NGOs and social movements, and the increased role of propaganda
and publicity in international relations, have all increased the role of this dimension of National Power.
By the use of psychological and cultural means a nation always tries to influence the people and leaders
of other nations. The ability to influence others through systematic publicity and educational and cultural
relations constitutes the psychological part of the national power of a nation.
The Interdependence of the Three Dimensions of National Power:
The three forms of national power are inseparable. Without economic power no nation can develop her
military power, and without the latter no nation can play an active role in international relations.
Psychological power can be enduring and really effective with economic and military power. Thus,
psychological power is a valuable and important part of national power. The nature and scope National
Power of nation can be evaluated only by evaluating all these three highly related and interdependent
dimensions of National Power.
Methods of Exercising National Power:
Each nation uses its national power for securing its national interests, and goals of foreign policy. It is
used by the nation through four basic means Persuasion, Rewards, Punishment and Force.
1. Persuasion:
The art of persuasion consists in defining and logically explaining a particular problem or issue or
dispute to other nations or any other nation. An attempt is made to persuade other nations to adopt a
particular and desired view or perception of the nature of issues involved in any bilateral or multilateral
problem or dispute or issue. The attempt is to convince others about goodness of the policies of the
nation. Diplomacy basically uses persuasion to secure support for the foreign policy that it represents.
Persuasion is widely used by diplomats and statesmen for securing the desired and defined objectives
of the foreign policy. But success in persuasion can be achieved only when it is supplemented by other
methods and when it is supported by a strong national power and effective foreign policy.
2. Rewards:
The offering of rewards can be material or economic or psychological. A nation can give material help
to another nation in times of crisis or in other ways. The practice of giving economic aid and easy loans
or grants-in-aid is another method of winning support and inducing a change in the behavior of other
states.
The token support or grant of certain honors to the statesmen, philosophers, artists, scientists and
scholars of other nations also serve as psychological rewards intended to keep the other states friendly
and cooperative.
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The lease of territories or a military bases or equipment—industrial or military, transit and trade facilities
and grant of right to allow passage of ships are some of the other forms of rewards which a state can
offer to other states for securing a desired change in their behaviors.
3. Punishment:
A powerful nation can inflict punishment on an offending or unhelpful state by imposing economic
sanctions or norms or policies or placing trade restrictions or ensuring a denial of a possible reward.
Denial or reduction in foreign aid or loan or refusal to export certain items or technology can be used
by a powerful nation for inflicting a punishment or pressure on other nations.
Thus punishment can be used by a powerful nation for exercising its power over other states. In actual
practice the powerful nations use threat of punishment as a method and refrain from actual imposition
of punishment. The recourse to punishment can cause a reaction and thus harm the interest of the state
resorting to punishment as a method of exercising its power.
The most effective punishment is the one which secures the desired objective of a state without the
actual infliction of punishment on other states. Threat of punishment is a better method of exercise of
national power than its actual infliction.
4. Force or Physical Violence:
By the use of military power or physical force, a powerful nation can compel a desired behavior of
another nation. As a method of exercising power, force is related to punishment.
When punitive action is taken against another nation, it becomes a case of use of force. However, when
only threat of punitive action is given without the actual use of physical violence against the other state,
it becomes a case of exercise of power through the use of punishment. As such the difference between
force and punishment is in the actual use of force versus the threat of use of force.
Physical force or violence can be used by resorting to war or acts of reprisals by a powerful state. Resort
to war is the extreme form of exercise of force in international relation. It is a risky and dangerous
method, which can damage the national power of the state which resorts to war. This consideration
makes the resort to war as a method of last resort.
LESSON CHECK UP
A. Compare and Contrast the Three Classes of National Power
Classification of Power
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Definition and Basic Features
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
MODULE 4
STATE, NATION, and GLOBALIZATION
LESSON 1: DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE STATE AND THE NATION AS A POLITICAL
CONCEPT
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Define nation and state; and
2. Differentiate nation from state.
LEARNING CONTENT:
STATE
A State is a community of persons, more or less numerous, permanently occupying a definite portion
of territory, independent of external control, and possessing an organized government to which the
great body of inhabitants render habitual obedience.
A State is composed of four elements which must all be present for a State to exist.
1. People: refers to the inhabitants or population of a particular territory. There is no specific
number required in terms of the population. It is only given emphasis that the population must
be sufficient. That it is enough to ensure a permanence of existence but not too much that it is
difficult to govern. The people that make up a state are usually called as the nation or nations.
Nation: a union of a society of inhabitants of the same country, speaking the same language,
governed by the same laws, connected by identity of origin, physical characteristics and moral
dispositions, by a community of interests and sentiments and a fusion of existences formed
over the lapse of centuries (Pradier-Fodere).
2. Territory: a definite portion of the surface of the earth which is the subject of the jurisdiction
and sovereign rights of a state in accordance with the international law.
The territorial domains are: a. terrestrial (land) b. fluvial (water) which includes maritime and c.
aerial (air). It consists the land within its boundaries, the air space above the land, the inland
waters and all the natural resources therein, and the sea beyond the state’s coastlines,
including its seabed and subsoil. In the case of archipelagic states this territorial sea stretches
to 12 miles (19kms) from the coastlines to the open sea.
3. Sovereignty: the supreme power to command and enforce obedience, the power to which,
legally speaking, all interests subdue and all wills subordinate.
There are two aspects of sovereignty, (a) Internal sovereignty is the supreme or absolute power of
a state to enforce its will on the people within its territory; and (b) External sovereignty refers to the
independence of a state from control by any other state.
4. Government: an institution or aggregate of institutions by which an independent society makes
and carries out those rules of action necessary to enable men to live in a social state, or that
which are imposed upon the people by those who possess the power or authority of prescribing
them
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Recognition: A community may have all the requisites for a state to exist. It may already have its
people, a territory, a government and sovereignty, however, until it is recognized, it shall remain to
be only a de facto state. It has to be a member of the family of nations, that is, nations that recognize
each other. To become a member of this family or circle of nations the de facto must be recognized.
Recognition then refers to the act, made by the family of nations that renders a state its international
status.
Where did the State originate? The following are the theories on the origin of the State:
1. Divine Right Theory – It holds that the origin of the state is of divine creation and the ruler is
ordained by God to govern the people
2. Necessity and Force Theory – It maintains that the state must have been created as a product
of the existence of the strong and the weak in society, and as a result of their struggle against
each other wherein those who are strong are able to dominate and impose their will upon the
weak.
3. Patriarchal Theory – It attributes the origin of the states to the enlargement of the family which
remained under the authority of the father or mother. By natural stages, the family grew into clan,
then developed into tribe, which broadened to a nation, and the nation became a state
4. Social Contract Theory – It asserts that the early states must have been formed by deliberate
and voluntary agreement among the people to form a society and organize a government for their
common good.
5. Instinctive Theory – It holds that the state is founded out of man’s natural instinct for association.
6. Economic Theory – It believes that the state must have been founded to take charge of man’s
various needs that must be continuously and consistently satisfied.
7. Historical Theory – It asserts that the state is product of human development.
It is not known exactly which of the above theories is the correct one. History, however, has shown
that the elements of all the theories have played an important part in the formation and development
of states.
NATION
A nation is society of inhabitants of a specific geographic region united and bound together by a
common racial ancestry, the same language and culture, historical past, laws and a shared interests
and sentiments over the passing of many years.
State Distinguished from Nation
Nation should not be confused with state for they are not the same.
1. The state is a political concept, while nation is an ethnic or racial concept.
2. A state is not subject to external control while a nation may or may not be independent of
external control.
3. A state cannot become a state without a nation or nations that consists its people. On the other
hand, a nation is a nation whether or not a state exists.
4. A single state may consist of one or more nations or peoples and conversely, a single nation
may be made up of different states. The United States is a melting pot of several nationalities.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
On the other hand, the Arab Nation is divided politically into several foreign states. The
Philippines is a state composed of one nation.
LESSON CHECK UP
A. Identify and Explain the Four Elements of State
Element of State
Definition
B. Match the Theories of the Origin of State and their Definitions
1
Patriarchal Theory
2
Historical Theory
3
Divine Right Theory
4
Economic Theory
Social Contract
Theory
Necessity and Force
Theory
Instinctive Theory
5
6
7
a. attributes the origin of the states to the
enlargement of the family
b. founded out of man’s natural instinct for
association
c. formed by deliberate and voluntary
agreement among the people
d. product of the enlargement of the family
e. founded to take charge of man’s various
needs
f.
state is of divine creation
g. state is product of human development
MODULE 4
STATE, NATION, AND GLOBALIZATION
LESSON 2: GLOBALIZATION AS A CONTEXT OF RELATIONS AMONG NATION-STATES
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Explain meanings of globalization; and
2. Evaluate how globalization influences nation-states.
LEARNING CONTENT:
GLOBALIZATION
What Is Globalization?
Globalization is a process of interaction and integration among the people, companies, and
governments of different nations, a process driven by international trade and investment and aided by
information technology. This process has effects on the environment, on culture, on political systems,
on economic development and prosperity, and on human physical well-being in societies around the
world.
27
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Globalization is not new, though. For thousands of years, people—and, later, corporations—have been
buying from and selling to each other in lands at great distances, such as through the famed Silk Road
across Central Asia that connected China and Europe during the Middle Ages. Likewise, for centuries,
people and corporations have invested in enterprises in other countries. In fact, many of the features of
the current wave of globalization are similar to those prevailing before the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914.
But policy and technological developments of the past few decades have spurred increases in crossborder trade, investment, and migration so large that many observers believe the world has entered a
qualitatively new phase in its economic development. Since 1950, for example, the volume of world
trade has increased by 20 times, and from just 1997 to 1999 flows of foreign investment nearly doubled,
from $468 billion to $827 billion. Distinguishing this current wave of globalization from earlier ones,
author Thomas Friedman has said that today globalization is “farther, faster, cheaper, and deeper.”
This current wave of globalization has been driven by policies that have opened economies domestically
and internationally. In the years since the Second World War, and especially during the past two
decades, many governments have adopted free-market economic systems, vastly increasing their own
productive potential and creating myriad new opportunities for international trade and investment.
Governments also have negotiated dramatic reductions in barriers to commerce and have established
international agreements to promote trade in goods, services, and investment. Taking advantage of
new opportunities in foreign markets, corporations have built foreign factories and established
production and marketing arrangements with foreign partners. A defining feature of globalization,
therefore, is an international industrial and financial business structure.
Technology has been the other principal driver of globalization. Advances in information technology, in
particular, have dramatically transformed economic life. Information technologies have given all sorts
of individual economic actors—consumers, investors, businesses—valuable new tools for identifying
and pursuing economic opportunities, including faster and more informed analyses of economic trends
around the world, easy transfers of assets, and collaboration with far-flung partners.
Globalization is deeply controversial, however. Proponents of globalization argue that it allows poor
countries and their citizens to develop economically and raise their standards of living, while opponents
of globalization claim that the creation of an unfettered international free market has benefited
multinational corporations in the Western world at the expense of local enterprises, local cultures, and
common people. Resistance to globalization has therefore taken shape both at a popular and at a
governmental level as people and governments try to manage the flow of capital, labor, goods, and
ideas that constitute the current wave of globalization.
The role of the nation-state in globalization is complex since there are many varying definitions and
shifting concepts on globalization. Even though defined in many ways, globalization is generally
recognized as the gradual or complete disappearance of economic, social and cultural borders between
nation-states. Some scholars have theorized that nation-states, which are inherently divided by physical
and economic boundaries, will be less relevant in a globalized world.
While reducing barriers in regard to international commerce and communication are sometimes seen
as a potential threat to nation-states, these trends have existed throughout history. Transportation that
made same-day travel to other continents possible and greatly expanded trade among countries did
not violate the sovereignty any nation. Instead, globalization is a force that changed the way nationstates deal with one another, international commerce.
One common effect of globalization is that it favors Westernization, meaning that other nation-states
are at a disadvantage when dealing with the North America and Europe. This is particularly true in the
agricultural industry, in which second- and third-world nations face internal competition from Western
companies. Another potential effect is that nation-states are forced to examine their economic policies
in light of the many challenges and opportunities that multinational corporations and other entities of
international commerce present. Multinational corporations, particularly, challenge nation-states to
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
confront the unique issue of foreign direct investments, forcing nation-states to determine how much
international influence they allow in their economies. Globalization also creates a sense of
interdependence among nations, which could create an imbalance of power among nations of differing
economic strengths.
The role of the nation-state in a global world is largely a regulatory one as the chief factor in global
interdependence. While the domestic role of the nation-state remains largely unchanged, states that
were previously isolated are now forced to engage with one another to set international commerce
policies. Through various economic imbalances, these interactions may lead to diminished roles for
some states and exalted roles for others.
Sources:
http://www.investopedia.com/ask/answers/022415/what-role-nationstateglobalization.asp#ixzz4aC2YYLSw
https://www.globalpolicy.org
MODULE 5
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF PHILIPPINE DEMOCRATIC POLITICS
LESSON1: THE EVOLUTION OF PHILIPPINE POLITICS, GOVERNMENT, AND GOVERNANCE
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Demonstrate an understanding of the historical background of Philippine democratic politics;
Explain the roles of different political institutions;
Assess the effects of the colonial experience on Philippine politics and governance; and
Appraise the influence of prior stages of Philippine political developments on contemporary
Philippine politics
LEARNING CONTENT:
HISTORY OF PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
The Ancient Filipinos: pre-colonial period.
The “barangay” were well-organized and independent villages, which were not unlike the Greek citystates. The name originated from “balangay” meaning sailboats, evident from the sailboats which
brought our ancestors to the Philippines. The barangays generally consisted of 30 to 100 families. Some
were quite large having a population of more than 2,000 already by the time of the arrival of the
Spaniards. Among them were Sugbu (Cebu), Bigan (Vigan), and Maktan (Mactan). Maynilad (Manila)
was approximately 4,000 already. These barangays made wars, made peace, traded and had relations
with each other. Manila, when Legazpi came to conquer, was already a center for trade. Islamic
sultanates in Mindanao such as the Sultanate of Sulu and Maguindanao, have prospered.
The pre-colonial society was divided into three social classes namely: 1. Maharlika (nobles) 2. Timawa
(freemen) 3.Alipin (slaves). The nobles constituted the barangay’s highest social class. To the Maharlika
belonged the affluent slave-owning families that included the Datu. The Timawa consisted the middle
class who composed the majority of the people of the barangay. The lowest class was the Alipin which
consisted two types: a. the “namamahay” who enjoyed some rights like owning properties and b. the
“saguiguilid”, who lived in their master’s house and could be sold anytime.
The ancient Filipinos who lived in barangays were ruled by a chieftain called datu, who were addressed
either as Raja or Lakan. The datu exercised all powers of government. He was the chief executive, the
lawmaker, and the judge, so much so that he became very powerful and influential. He obtained his
position either by inheritance, strength, bravery or wisdom. The Datu promulgated laws with the help of
the elders or advisers consisting of former datus. Once a law was made, a town crier called
29
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Umalohokan, would go around the village and announce to the people the new law. Violators were
punished by fines, swimming for long hours, exposure to ants, death or slavery.
Spanish Era
.
The Philippines was a crown colony ruled by Spain through Mexico from 1565 to1821, as such, Spain
ruled the Philippines with the help of the Council of the Indies, created in 1524, which was an overseas
ministry governing the colonies of Spain. The head of the council was the Viceroy of Mexico. Laws in
the Philippines were from Spain and consisted of royal decrees issued by the king. The laws were
compiled to become the colonial code entitled “Recopilacion de las Leyes de Indias,” or the Laws of
Indies.
Part of the Spanish rule was the institution of systems adopted by all the colonies. Among these was
the Polo, the forced labor rendered by Filipinos and the falla, the exemption fee for forced labor. Another
was the paying of the tribute, or the tax called tributo, which was replaced by the cedula tax. Bandala
was also a system that oppressed the Filipinos wherein farm produce were sold compulsory to the
government.
The chief executive of the Philippines was the governor general. He was the king’s official
representative to the colony. He possessed tremendous powers with executive, legislative and judicial
powers under his control. As chief executive he enforced the Spanish laws and royal decrees in the
Philippines. He appointed all subordinate officials including the “alcalde mayor” (provincial governor).
For his legislative power, he enacted and issued laws, regulations and decrees. For his judicial power,
he was the president or presiding officer of the “Royal Audencia”, the supreme court of the Philippines
during the Spanish era. He was also the commander in chief of the armed forces. The governor also
had ecclesiastic powers, the power to recommend priests for appointment and intervene in
controversies within the Church. During the encomienda period, he was in full control of the operations
of the church.
From 1565–1898, a total of 122 governors general served in the Philippines. Accordingly, there were
more undesirable governors who only exploited the Filipinos than serve them. There were, however, a
few good men who truly served well and are remembered by Filipinos. One was Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi who was the first governor general, from 1565–1572.and is remembered for his diplomacy with
the natives. At a time of rigid racism, Legazpi worked on for the Spaniards and native Filipinos to live
together as one community. He is remembered for founding the cities of Manila and Cebu.
Another outstanding governor was Jose Basco y Vargas (1778-1787) for his agricultural contributions,
and economic programs that made Philippines financially independent from Mexico. He established
the “Economic Society of the Friends of the Country,” to help in the development of agriculture, and in
1782, established the tobacco monopoly. The most liberal minded governor general was Carlos Ma.
De la Torre (1869-1871). His liberal policies included the abolition of press censorship and the
encouragement of liberal discussions. He encouraged movements calling for reforms and sympathized
with the Filipinos aspirations for freedom and change.
From 1835-1898, Spain experienced series of political changes. Wars and revolutions led to frequent
changes in the government and leadership of Spain as well as in the Philippines.
The Judicial powers of the government were exercised by the Royal Audencia and the lower courts.
The Royal Audencia was the supreme court that time. Its president was the Governor General. The first
was Santiago de Vera.
Spain instituted the centralized form of government. The barangays became part of the unitary
government. Philippines was divided into provinces of two types: 1) the pacified provinces called
alcaldia mayor headed by the alcalde mayor and, 2) the unpacified provinces called corregimentos,
each under a corregidor. The provinces were divided into towns or pueblos, administered by a
gobernadorcillo (petty governor). Another town official was the teniente mayor (chief lieutenant) who
was in charge of peace and order. A pueblo was divided into barrios or barangays under a cabesa.
30
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Both the gobernardorcillo and cabesa served without salary. Large towns were organized into cities.
The city government was called ayuntamiento. The council that governed the city was the cabildo
composed of the alcalde regidores, alguacil mayor and the escribano.
Under the Patronato Real, in the case of Spain, the Church was placed under the care of the royal
government. The Diocese of Manila, with its bishop, was at the top of the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the
colony. The bishop was appointed by the pope upon the recommendation of the king of Spain. The
other early dioceses established were Cebu, Nueva Caceres (Naga) and Nueva Segovia (Vigan), all in
1595 the Diocese of Jaro (Iloilo) was created on May 27, 1865. The four regular orders assigned to
Christianize the natives, were the Augustinians, who came with Legazpi, the Discalced Franciscans
(1578), the Jesuits (1581), and the Dominican friars (1587).
Part of the process on how Spain governed was through the “encomienda system”, the first
governmental system where lands were politically divided to those given grants, a reward for persons
who have rendered valuable services to the king of Spain. Those who were given were called
“encomenderos.” The grant of encomienda, by the Spanish Crown was one that of a trusteeship. The
first to benefit were men of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, the first Spanish Governor-General, who colonized
Cebu. The three classes of encomienda were the royal, ecclesiastical and private. Those that were set
aside for the king were “royal”; those assigned to the religious order were: “ecclesiastical encomiendas”;
and for those who helped in the conquest and colonization were “private encomiendas” or
repartimientos.
The land belonged to the Spanish Crown but the encomendero received income from the land, imposed
the tribute and governed the people therein. He was obliged by law to promote the welfare of his
constituents, protect them from enemies (bandits and pirates), assist the Church in evangelization,
maintain peace and order, promote education, and render humane treatment among his subjects.
Most encomenderos abused their power and committed acts of injustice. Subsequently, the
encomienda system was abolished beginning the 19th century. It was a primary cause of rebellions that
broke out in the islands. The encomiendas were transformed become part of provinces. Former
encomenderos were given vast tracks of “hacienda” lands for their ownership.
The imposition of the polo, the tribute and other Spanish policies, the delegation of strong political
powers to the friars referred to as “Frailocracy”, and all the injustices, abuses and maladministration
committed by the government officials met resistance all throughout the islands at different periods
during the colonization. About a hundred revolts and other forms of resistance were launched for
freedom and justice. Some had momentary successes and were left alone without intrusion, however,
in the end, the colonizers still prevailed. Some of the Filipino heroes who emerged during these periods
were: Magalat (Cagayan revolt of 1596); Francisco Sumoroy (Samar revolt of 1649); Tamblot and
Bankaw (Religious revolts in Bohol and Leyte); Dagohoy (85 years of Boholano revolt, 1744-1829);
Diego and Gabriela Silang (Ilocos revolt); Hermano Pule (Tagalog religious revolt of 1840); and the
many Muslim resistances which extended throughout the entire period of colonization.
The Cavite Mutiny of 1872 against Gov. Gen. Izquerdo which led to the execution of the three Filipino
priests Gomez, Burgos and Zamora resulted to the loss of Philippine representation to the Cortes. Its
restoration was one of the grievances of the Illustrados, the learned native middle class. The Illustrados
started the Propaganda to campaign for reforms in running the government and stayed on for almost
two decades without significant results.
Revolution and the First Republic
Dr. Jose Rizal left the Propaganda in Europe and returned to the Philippines to introduce change
through his civic association La Liga Filipina. But then he was arrested and put to exile where he will
stay for 4 years. In Rizal’s absence the Katipunan was founded and advocated complete Philippine
independence, thereby starting the Philippine Revolution in 1896 under the command of Andres
Bonifacio.
31
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
After Rizal’s exile, he was put to trial being implicated as primary leader of the revolt, was executed of
Jose on December 30, 1896. The revolution intensified.
The Katipunan in Cavite, the revolution stronghold, was split into the Magdiwang and Magdalo factions.
The Tejeros convention in 1897 was held for unity, resulting to the dissolution of the Katipunan and the
founding of the revolutionary government. Emilio Aguinaldo was elected President while Bonifacio, who
was almost disqualified, rejected all results of the conference and walked out. Bonifacio was hunted
down, arrested, tried for treason control and executed.
Right after Bonifacio’s death, the Spanish forces was strengthened. Aguinaldo and his men retreated
northward reaching Biak-na-Bato, Bulacan. The Spaniards and the revolutionaries signed the Pact of
Biak-na-Bato, that provided for Aguinaldo's exile to Hong Kong, and amnesty and payment of
indemnities by the Spaniards to the revolutionaries. However, both sides violated the agreement, and
this gave an opportunity for the US admiral George Dewey to lead his squadron to Manila Bay, defeating
the Spanish navy. Aguinaldo returned from exile, most of the Philippine revolutionists rallied to his
cause, and negotiated with the Americans, while the Americans in 1898 defeated the Spaniards in what
was called a mock battle in Manila, and took control of the city. Aguinaldo then proclaimed the
independence of the Philippines on June 12, 1898 in Cavite. The Malolos Congress was convened in
January 1899 in Barasoain Church.
The Americans bought the Philippines from Spain with Guam and Puerto Rico through the Treaty of
Paris on December 10, 1898 with strong opposition from Aguinaldo’s government and inaugurated the
first Philippine Republic on January 23, 1899. The Americans have also built the U.S. Military
Government to strengthen their position. The Philippine–American War erupted in February 4, 1899 in
a skirmish in Manila; the Filipinos lost the battle, and Aguinaldo again began a northward retreat. After
many battles, Aguinaldo was captured on April 1, 1901 at Palanan, Isabela, while the Americans had
already started setting up a civil government to replace the military one.
American Occupation and WW2
The Americans passed the Philippine Organic Act in 1902 to introduce a national government; by 1907,
an election to the Philippine Assembly was held. Led by Sergio Osmeña, the assembly was held
predominantly by the Nacionalista Party, which advocated independence. The Americans controlled
the Philippine Commission, the upper house of the Philippine Legislature. Under the Jones Law of 1916
the Philippine Assembly and Commission were later replaced by a bicameral Congress. However, the
Nacionalistas were split between camps Sen. Osmeña and Senate President Manuel L. Quezon.
Several independence missions went to the US and the OsRox Mission led by Osmeña and House
Speaker Manuel Roxas resulted to the independence law Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act. However, the
Quezon rejected this and worked on another law, the Tydings–McDuffie Law which was minimally
different from the previous one. The law facilitated for the Commonwealth of the Philippines, a 10 year
preparatory government.
Quezon and Osmeña reunited, and were elected as president and vice president respectively in 1935.
With independence in the near future, Quezon pushed for constitutional amendments that would allow
him to a second term, and the restoration of a bicameral legislature. Both amendments were achieved
as Quezon, Osmeña and the Nacionalista Party as a whole won the elections in 1941.
The Japanese invasion of 1941 at the onset of World War II delayed the independence, forced the
Commonwealth government to go into exile, and subjected the country to a puppet government. Initially,
the Japanese created the Executive Commission as the collaborating government for the occupied
Philippines, created KALIBAPI which became the only political party, and Jose P. Laurel was declared
president of the Second Philippine Republic. This nationalist government espoused anti-American
sentiment. In 1944, the Philippines was liberated with the return of Gen. Douglas MacArthur and
32
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
theAllied Forces. Osmeña, who succeeded Quezon upon the latter's death, restored the
Commonwealth government.
Independence and the Third Republic
The Nacionalistas were split anew in the 1946 presidential election, with Manuel Roxas setting up the
Liberal Party. Roxas defeated Osmeña, and became the last president of the Commonwealth. The
Americans granted the Filipinos independence on July 4, 1946 and the 3rd Republic was inaugurated
with Roxas as its first president. Roxas died in 1948 and Vice President Elpidio Quirino succeeded. The
presidential election was held in 1949 with Quirino of Liberal Party defeating Jose P. Laurel. Quirino's
Liberal government was widely seen as corrupt and untrustworthy, and was easily beaten by his
charismatic Defense secretary Ramon Magsaysay in the 1953 election. Magsaysay, who achieved the
surrender of the HUKBALAHAP rebels, would not complete his term, dying in a plane crash in Cebu.
Vice President Carlos P. Garcia succeeded him, won the 1957 election, and implemented a "Filipino
First" policy and an austerity program. Garcia was defeated by his Vice President, Diosdado Macapagal
of the Liberal Party in 1961. Macapagal initiated a return to a system of free enterprise not seen since
the Quirino administration. Macapagal's policies faced a stiff opposition in Congress, where the
Nacionalistas held the majority. Macapagal was defeated in 1965 by Senate President Ferdinand
Marcos.
Martial Law and Dictatorship
Marcos' infrastructure projects, economic and anti-crime policies had him re-elected in 1969 with the
election tainted by violence and overspending. However, significant protests, such as the First Quarter
Storm, the communist and Moro insurgencies, and civil unrest, heightened. This made Marcos in 1972
declare martial law and suspend the constitution. A new constitution calling for a semi-presidential
government was approved in 1973, but Marcos still ruled by decree until 1978, when the Interim
Batasang Pambansa was established. However, the opposition, who were mostly either political
detainees like Sen. Ninoy Aquino or exiles, boycotted the election, and Marcos still allowed martial law
to continue. Marcos ended martial law in 1981, but opposition groups still boycotted the 1981
presidential election, which Marcos easily won.
People Power and the Aquino Administration
Exiled opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr. was slain upon his return in August 21, 1983. By this time,
the government was marred by alleged rampant corruption and allegations of human rights violations.
The opposition participated in the 1984 parliamentary election and won several seats, but not enough
to topple Marcos' KBL. To counter growing opposition and the allegations that he has lost the confidence
of the people, Marcos called a snap election in 1986. The opposition nominated Aquino's widow
Corazon as their candidate. Marcos was declared the winner in the midst of numerous incidents of
massive cheating. The opposition refused to accept the result claiming that the election was rigged by
COMELEC.
Aquino called for civil disobedience from the people to pressure Marcos to step down. Defense Minister
Juan Ponce Enrile with Gen. Fidel Ramos made a coup attempt but failed. Civilians by millions went
out and protected the soldiers. The People Power Revolution ousted Marcos from power, ended
dictatorship and restored democracy, and installed Aquino as president. Aquino governed in 1987 when
a new constitution restoring the presidential system was approved. Aquino's government was mired by
coup attempts, high inflation and natural calamities, but introduced land reform and market
liberalization. Aquino's administration also saw the pull-out of the U.S. bases.
The Fifth Republic: From Ramos to Noynoy Aquino
As the 1992 election grew closer, Aquino declined to extend her term and, instead, supported Fidel V.
Ramos, who won under controversial circumstances as the gap of votes between him and Miriam
33
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Defensor-Santiago was slim. Ramos had to face an on-going energy crisis which had started during the
Aquino administration which was resolved when Ramos issued contracts favorable to power producers.
The Ramos administration hosted the 1996 APEC summit, reinstated the death penalty, signed a peace
agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front, and bore the brunt of the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
Ramos' vice president Joseph Estrada won the 1998 election in a comfortable margin. Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo was elected vice president.
Estrada expanded the land reform program and the death penalty, and refused to sign contracts with
sovereign guarantees on public projects. Like Ramos, Estrada also wanted to amend the constitution
but was also countered by Aquino, the Catholic Church and many other sectors. The administration
launched an "all-out war" against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and took over Camp Abubakar, the
main rebel encampment. However, the administration was caught up in allegations of cronyism and
corruption; the Jueteng scandal had him impeached by the House of Representatives. In the
impeachment trial, Estrada was defended by his allies in the Senate which triggered massive protests
resulting to the 2001 EDSA Revolution, as the AFP and his Cabinet withdrew their support to Estrada
and transferred their allegiance to Vice President Arroyo who was sworn in as Acting President when
Estrada left Malacañang.
Arroyo was sworn in as president on January 20, 2001. On May, Estrada supporters almost attacked
the presidential palace but were later expelled. In 2003, Arroyo put down a coup attempt Makati. In the
2004 presidential election Arroyo faced Fernando Poe, Jr., a friend of Estrada, along with three others,
and won on a slim plurality. Months after Poe died on December, it was exposed, via wiretapped
conversations, that Arroyo rigged the election. This resulted to massive protests from the opposition
and other sectors. The opposition united in the 2007 Senate election and won easily, but Arroyo's allies
still held the House of Representatives. At the end of her presidency, Arroyo became the most
unpopular president on record, with increases on taxes, attempts to amend the constitution, and the
alleged illegitimacy of her administration as the reasons.
In the 2010 election, Benigno Aquino III, son of former president Aquino, overtook the second time
aspirant Joseph Estrada and Manny Villar in the polls. Under Pnoy Aquino the anti-corruption drive
was effective, the economy grew as he maintained high popularity. However, with natural calamities,
and scams on the use of pork barrel and other discretionary funds coming into light, the Aquino
administration had to contend with rising opposition. Aquino's handpicked successor, Mar Roxas,
grandson of Manuel Roxas, was defeated by former Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte in 2016.
Duterte then oversaw a massive crackdown on illegal drugs in the country.
LESSON CHECK UP
•
Write a Biographical Sketch of one of our Former Presidents
34
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
MODULE 5
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF PHILIPPINE DEMOCRATIC POLITICS
LESSON 2: THE ROLES OF DIFFERENT POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Explain the roles of different political institutions: executive, legislative and judicial departments;
decentralization and local governance; and
2. Describe the functions of the local government.
LEARNING CONTENT:
DESCRIPTION OF PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS
The Politics of the Philippines is within an organized framework of a presidential, republican, and
democratic government where the president is both the head of state and the head of government who
is elected directly by the people under an open and multi-party system. This democratic republican
system revolves around three separate but interdependent branches: the legislative, the executive, and
the judicial, whose powers and authority are within the provisions of the 1987 Philippine Constitution.
Executive power is exercised by the government under the president who is referred to as the chief
executive. Legislative power is vested in a bicameral Congress: The Senate and the House of
Representatives. Judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court of the Philippines as the highest
judicial body and including all other lower courts.
Elections are administered by an independent Commission on Elections every three years. Elections
are held every second Monday of May, national and local (except for the barangay), and the declared
winners in the elections take office on June 30 and will end on the same day upon expiration of their
term.
Local government is composed of local government units from the provinces, cities, municipalities and
barangays. While most regions do not have political power, and exist merely for administration
purposes, autonomous regions have expanded powers more than the autonomy of other local
government units. Being that local government units enjoy autonomy through the process of
decentralization, they are obliged to create their own economy and sources of budget.
The Legislative Department:
Legislative power is vested to the Philippine Congress which is a bicameral legislature, meaning, it is
composed of two houses or chambers- the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Senate is
composed of 24 senators elected-at-large by the people. The senators are limited to a term of 6 years
and only up to 2 consecutive terms allowed. The Senate President is its leader, elected at least by a
majority of its members. The House of Representatives, currently composed of 292 representatives,
with no more than 20% elected via party-list system, with the rest elected from legislative districts. The
members are limited to a term of 3 years and only up to 3 consecutive terms allowed The House of
Representatives is headed by the Speaker.
Legislative power means the authority under the constitution to make laws and to alter or repeal them.
Bill in Legislation refers to a proposed law presented by a member or committee to a legislative body
for its approval by the majority and enactment. After it has gone through both houses and received the
constitutional sanction of the president, where such approbation is requisite, it becomes a law. Each bill
needs the consent of both houses in order to be submitted to the president for his signature. Congress'
decisions are mostly via majority vote, except for voting on constitutional amendments and other
matters. Each house has its own inherent power, with the Senate given the power to vote on treaties,
35
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
while the House of Representatives legislate money bills like appropriations and revenues. The
constitution provides Congress with impeachment powers, with the House of Representatives having
the power to create and approve the Articles of Impeachment and the Senate having the power to put
to trial the official for impeachment.
From 1907 to 1941, the Nacionalista party operated under a dominant-party system, with factions within
that party becoming the primary political conflict. During World War II, the Japanese-sponsored Second
Philippine Republic forced all the existing parties to merge into the KALIBAPI that controlled the party
as a one-party state. From 1945 to 1972, the Philippines was under a two-party system, with the
Nacionalistas and the Liberals alternating in power, until President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial
law. Political rivalry was kept into a minimum during the Martial Law period and presidential elections
were suspended until 1981 when Marcos created the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL), which dominated
elections until 1986 when Marcos was overthrown as a result of the People Power Revolution. The
political climate, as provided in the 1987 Constitution, ushered in a multi-party system which persists
into this day.
The Executive Department
Executive power is vested in the President. The president appoints and delegates his power to a
cabinet. The president, who is both the head of state and head of government, is directly elected to a
no re-election six-year term. In case of death, permanent disability, resignation or removal from office,
the Vice President becomes president until the expiration of the term. The Vice President is elected
separately from the president and may come from a different political party. While the vice president
has no constitutional powers aside from acting as president when the latter is temporarily incapacitated,
the president may give the Vice President a cabinet office. The cabinet is mostly composed of the heads
of the executive departments and other cabinet-level officials who are all appointed by the President
and confirmed by the Commission on Appointments, except for the Vice President.
The president is also the commander in chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, thereby ensuring
civilian supremacy over the military. The president is given military powers that includes the suspension
of the privilege the writ of habeas corpus or the proclamation of martial law either within a specific area
or the entire land. However, once exercised, Congress is able to prolong or end it. The president also
proposes a national budget, in which Congress may adopt in full, with amendments, or a complete
revision altogether. With the prior concurrence with the Monetary Board, the president may contract or
guarantee foreign loans in behalf of the republic. The pardoning power is also given to the President,
but in cases amnesty should be granted a majority of the members of Congress must concur. Annually,
on the 4th Monday of July, when the Congress convenes, the President shall deliver his State of the
Nation Address.
The Judicial Department
The branch of government that is endowed with the authority to interpret and apply the law, adjudicate
legal disputes, andotherwise administer justice is the Judiciary.
The judiciary is composed of the Supreme Court and other lower courts. The Supreme Court is the
court of last resort, and decides on constitutionality of laws and state matters through review. The
president selects justices and judges from nominees given by the Judicial and Bar Council. The Court
of Appeals is the second highest appellate court, the Court of Tax Appeals rules on tax matters, and
the Sandiganbayan is a special court to put to trial graft cases of government officials and employees.
The Regional Trial Courts (RTC) are the main trial courts. The Regional Trial Courts are based on
judicial regions, which almost correspond to the administrative regions. Each RTC has at least one
branch in each province and handles most of the criminal and civil cases; several branches of an RTC
may be designated as family courts and environmental courts. Metropolitan Trial Courts try lesser
offenses.
36
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
The Ombudsman investigates and prosecutes government officials on crimes while in dispensing
powers given by the government. The Office of the Solicitor General represents the government in legal
cases.
Elections in the Philippines
Elections are administered by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The elected officials are the
president, vice president, members of Congress, regional governors and assemblymen, provincial
governors, vice governors and board members, city and municipal mayors, vice mayors and councilors,
and barangay (village) chairmen and councilors. Elections are for fixed terms. All elected officials have
three-year terms, except for the president, vice president and senators, which are six years. All terms
begin and end on June 30 of the election year.
Elections above the barangay level are held every three years since 1992 on the second Monday of
May, all positions are disputed except for president and vice president; presidential and vice presidential
elections are held every six years since 1992. Single-winner elections are done via the plurality voting
system: the candidate with the highest number of votes is elected. Multiple-winner elections, except for
representatives elected the party-list system, are done via plurality-at-large voting. Each voter has x
votes, with the x candidates with the highest number of votes being elected. For representatives elected
the party-list system, a party that won at least 2% of the national vote wins one seat, with additional
seats, but not exceeding three seats, depends on the number of votes it received. If the number of
sectoral representatives does not reach 20% of the membership of the House of Representatives,
parties with less than 2% of the vote are given a seat each until the 20% membership is filled.
Composition of the Local Government
The Philippines is divided into provinces, which are grouped into several regions.
The constitution mandates that local governments must have local autonomy. The smallest local
government unit, the barangay or village, is descended from the balangay of the Maragtas legend,
where the first Austronesian people reached the Philippines via the boat. The prehistoric barangays
were headed by datus. Currently, barangays are grouped into municipalities or cities, while
municipalities and cities may be further grouped into provinces. Each barangay, municipality or city,
and province is headed by a barangay chairman, mayor, or governor, respectively, with its legislatures
being the Sangguniang Barangay (village council), Sangguniang Bayan (municipal council) or
Sangguniang Panlungsod (city council), and the Sangguniang Panlalawigan (provincial board).
Regions are the highest administrative divisions but do not have powers possessed under them;
however, autonomous regions are given wider powers than other local government units. While the
constitution allows autonomous regions in the Cordilleras and in Muslim Mindanao, only the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) exists, with the proposed autonomous region in
Cordillera being defeated after two plebiscites. The ARMM has a regional governor and a regional
assembly.
While local government units have autonomy, most of their budget is derived from the Internal Revenue
Allotment, a disbursement from the national government which is ultimately derived from taxes. This
makes most local government units ultimately dependent on the national government, unless they have
other
sources
of
income,
such
as
property
taxes.
Source:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_history_of_the_Philippines
LESSON CHECK UP
37
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
•
Draw a Diagram on the Passage of a Bill until it Becomes a Law
MODULE 6
THE EXECUTIVE
LESSON 1: THE ROLE OF THE PHILIPPINE PRESIDENT IN RELATION TO HIS/HER POWERS
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Explain the roles and powers of the Philippine president;
2. Analyze how contemporary Philippine presidents exercised their powers; and
3. Critique the Philippine presidents’ exercise of power.
LEARNING CONTENT:
THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT
Executive Power
Article VII, Section 1, of the 1987 Constitution vests executive power on the President of the
Philippines. The President is the Head of State and Head of Government, and functions as the
commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. As chief executive, the President
exercises control over all the executive departments, bureaus, and offices.
The President of the Philippines
The President of the Philippines is elected by direct vote by the people for a term of six years. He may
only serve for one term, and is ineligible for re-election. The term of the President of the Philippines
starts at noon of the 30th day of June after the election.
The qualifications for an individual aspiring to become the President of the Philippines are outlined in
Article VII, Section 2 of the 1987 Constitution.
a. natural born Filipino
b. a registered voter
c. must be able to read and write
d. 40 years of age at the day of the election
e. must have resided in the Philippines ten years before the election is held.
History
38
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
The President of the Philippines, as provided in the 1987 Constitution, is elected by direct vote of the
people, and has a term of six years with no provision for re-election.
There have been 16 Presidents of the Philippines from the establishment of the office on March 22,
1897 during the Tejeros Convention when the Revolutionary Government was established.
1. Emilio Aguinaldo (1899-1901)
President Emilio Aguinaldo is the inaugural holder of the office from the Revolutionary Government to
the First Republic and held the position until March 23, 1901, when he was captured by the Americans
during the Philippine-American War.
The Office of the President of the Philippines was abolished after the capture of Aguinaldo, and ceased
to exist until the inauguration of the Philippine Commonwealth in 1935. In 1901, the Executive Power
shifted to the American Civil Governor and Governor General from 1904 to 1935.
2. Manuel L. Quezon (1935-1943)
After the first national elections were held on September 16, 1935, Manuel L. Quezon was elected as
the second President of the Philippines and the first President of the Philippine Commonwealth.
Originally elected to a six-year term, Quezon stayed in office until 1944, because the 1935 Constitution
was amended in 1940 to allow re-election but this shortened the term to four years. Quezon was elected
again in 1941—however, the constitutional limitations would have given him eight years total term—his
term started on November 15, 1935, and thus would end on November 15, 1943. In 1943, however,
while in the US,Quezon had to take an emergency oath of office, extending his term, because an
election cannot be held in the Philippines due to the outbreak of World War II.
When World War II forced the Philippine Commonwealth into exile, a different government would be
installed in the Philippines, which would later to be known as the Second Republic of the Philippines.
3. Jose P. Laurel (1943-1944)
Jose P. Laurel would lead this government as the third President of the Philippines and the only
President of the Second Republic. Laurel stayed in office from 1943 to 1945 when he abolished at war’s
end. In these years, the President of the Second Republic would overlap with the President of the
Commonwealth. On September 17, 1945, however, the laws of the Second Republic were declared null
and void by the Supreme Court.
4. Sergio Osmeña (1943-1945)
The Philippine Commonwealth would be re-established in the Philippine in 1945 with President
Osmeña as the second President of the Commonwealth and the fourth President of the Philippines.
Osmeña took his oath of office in the United States after the demise of President Quezon. Osmeña
would run in the first post-war presidential elections held in 1946, but lose to Senate President Manuel
Roxas.
5. Manuel Roxas (1946-1948)
President Roxas was elected in 1946 as the third President of the Philippine Commonwealth, first
President of the independent Republic of the Philippines, and the fifth President of the Philippines. He
would usher in the end of the Philippine Commonwealth on July 4, 1946, and the birth of the Third
Republic.
6. ElpidioQuirino (1948-1953)
President Quirino succeeded as President after the untimely death of Roxas. He won in the 1935
Presidential Elections. The Quirino administration was known for infrastructures but was marred with
allegations of corruption and failure to resolve the insurgency conflict.
39
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
7. Ramon Magsaysay (1953-1957)
The Third President of the Third Republic, Magsaysay was known as “Man of the Masses” placed the
presidency to the hearts of the people. He is known for his projects that benefit labor and the
agricultural sector. He was also able to settle the HUKBALAHAP issue.
8. Carlos P. Garcia (1957-1961)
The plane crash accident that killed Magsaysay shortly before the 1957 election gave way for the
presidency of Garcia. He would be remembered for his “Filipino First” policy.
9. Diosdado Macapagal (1961-1965)
President Macapagal was known for pushing the Philippines’ claim to Sabah and transferring the
Independence Day from July 4 to June 12.
10. Ferdinand E. Marcos (1965-1986)
President Ferdinand E. Marcos became the last President of the Third Republic when he declared
martial law in 1972, while the 1973 Constitution suspended the 1935 Constitution, he only formally
proclaims the “New Republic”—the Fourth—in 1981. Marcos became the first President of the Fourth
Republic and the tenth President of the Philippines overall. Marcos stayed in office for 20 years—the
longest serving President of the Philippines.
11. Corazon C. Aquino (1986-1992)
In 1986, the EDSA Revolution successfully installed Corazon C. Aquino as the new President of the
Philippines—the 11th in the country’s history. President Aquino served as the second and last
President of the Fourth Republic at the beginning of her term. A transitional, Freedom Constitution was
put into effect in the same year. When the 1987 Constitution was put into full force and effect, the
Fourth Republic was ended and the Fifth Republic inaugurated. Thus, President Aquino became the
first President of the Fifth Republic.
She would be followed by Presidents Fidel V. Ramos (1992-1998), Joseph Ejercito Estrada (19982001), Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001-2010), and Benigno S. Aquino III (2010-2016) as the 12th,
13th, 14th and 15th Presidents of the Philippines, respectively.
16. Rodrigo R. Duterte (2016- )
The current President, Rodrigo Roa Duterte, (2016-present) is the sixth President of the Fifth Republic
and the 16th President of the Philippines.
POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT
Besides the constitution, the powers of the President of the Philippines are specifically outlined in
Executive Order No. 292, s. 1987, otherwise known as the Administrative Code of 1987. The
following powers are:
1. Power of Control over the Executive Branch
The President of the Philippines has the mandate of control over all the executive departments,
bureaus, and offices. This includes restructuring, reconfiguring, and appointments of their respective
officials. The Administrative Code also provides for the President to be responsible for the
abovementioned offices’ strict implementation of laws.
2. Power to Issue Executive Orders, Decrees, Proclamations or Letters of Instructions, etc.
40
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
The President of the Philippines has the power to give executive issuances, which are means to
streamline the policy and programs of an administration. There are six issuances that the President
may issue. They are the following as defined in the Administrative Code of 1987:
.
a. Executive orders — Acts of the President providing for rules of a general or permanent
character in implementation or execution of constitutional or statutory powers shall be
promulgated in executive orders.
b. Administrative orders — Acts of the President which relate to particular aspects of
governmental operations in pursuance of his duties as the administrative head shall be
promulgated in administrative orders.
c. Proclamations — Acts of the President fixing a date or declaring a status or condition of public
moment or interest, upon the existence of which the operation of a specific law or regulation is
made to depend, shall be promulgated in proclamations which shall have the force of an
executive order.
d. Memorandum orders — Acts of the President on matters of administrative detail, or of
subordinate or temporary interest which only concern a particular officer or government office
shall be embodied in memorandum orders.
e. Memorandum circulars — Acts of the President on matters relating to internal administration,
which the President desires to bring to the attention of all or some of the departments, agencies,
bureaus, or offices of the government, for information or compliance, shall be embodied in
memorandum circulars.
f.
General or special orders — Acts and commands of the President in his capacity as
commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines shall be issued as general or special
orders.
It is important to note that during the term of President Ferdinand E. Marcos, he used executive
issuances known as presidential decrees as a form of legislation. These decrees have the full force
and effect of laws because at the time the legislature did not exist and, when the 1973 Constitution
was put into full force and effect, it gave the power to the President to do as such. This continued until
the first year of President Corazon C. Aquino’s term. However, President Aquino opted to used
executive orders instead of presidential decrees. President Aquino’s executive orders, however, still
had the full force and effect of laws until the ratification of the 1987 Constitution.
3. Power over Aliens
The President of the Philippines has certain powers over non-Filipinos in the Philippines. The powers
he may exercise over foreigners in the country are as follows:
a. The chief executive may have an alien in the Philippines deported from the country after
due process.
b. The President may change the status of a foreigner, as prescribed by law, from a nonimmigrant status to a permanent resident status without necessity of visa.
c. The President may choose to overrule the Board of Commissioners of the Bureau of
Immigration before their decision becomes final and executory (after 30 days of the
issuance of the decision). The Board of Commissioners of the Bureau of Immigration has
jurisdiction over all deportation cases.
d. The president is also mandated by the Administrative Code of 1987 to exercise powers as
recognized by the generally accepted principles of international law.
4. Powers of Eminent Domain, Escheat, Land Reservation and Recovery of Ill-Gotten Wealth
41
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
The President of the Philippines has the authority to exercise the power of eminent domain. The power
of eminent domains means the state has the power to seize or authorize the seizure of private property
for public use with just compensation. There are two constitutional provisions, however, that limit the
exercise of such power: Article III, Section 9 (1) of the Constitution provides that no person shall be
deprived of his/her life, liberty, or property without due process of law. Furthermore, Article III, Section
9 (2), provides that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation.
Once the aforementioned conditions are met, the President may exercise the power of eminent domain
which are as follows:
a. Power of eminent domain — The President shall determine when it is necessary or
advantageous to exercise the power of eminent domain in behalf of the national government,
and direct the solicitor general, whenever he deems the action advisable, to institute
expropriation proceedings in the proper court.
b. Power to direct escheat or reversion proceedings — The President shall direct the solicitor
general to institute escheat or reversion proceedings over all lands transferred or assigned to
persons disqualified under the constitution to acquire land.
c. Power to reserve lands of the public and private domain of the government —
(1) The president shall have the power to reserve for settlement or public use, and for specific public
purposes, any of the lands of the public domain, the use of which is not otherwise directed by law. The
reserved land shall thereafter remain subject to the specific public purpose indicated until otherwise
provided by law or proclamation.
(2) He shall also have the power to reserve from sale or other disposition and for specific public uses
or purposes, any land belonging to the private domain of the government, or any of the friar lands, the
use of which is not otherwise directed by law, and thereafter such land shall be used for the purposes
specified by such proclamation until otherwise provided by law.
d. Power over ill-gotten wealth — The President shall direct the solicitor general to institute
proceedings to recover properties unlawfully acquired by public officials or employees, from
them or from their nominees or transferees.
Within the period fixed in, or any extension thereof authorized by, the constitution, the President shall
have the authority to recover ill-gotten properties amassed by the leaders and supporters of the
previous regime, and protect the interest of the people through orders of sequestration or freezing of
assets or accounts.
5. Power of Appointment
The President may appoint officials of the Philippine government as provided by the constitution and
laws of the Philippines. Some of these appointments, however, may need the approval of the
Committee on Appointments (a committee composed of members from the House of Representatives
and the Senate of the Philippines).
6. Power of General Supervision Over Local Governments
The President of the Philippines, as chief executive, has the mandate to supervise local governments
in the Philippines, despite their autonomous status as provided by Republic Act No. 7160 otherwise
known as the Local Government Code of 1991.
42
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Traditionally, this is done by the Department of the Interior and Local Government, headed by a cabinet
secretary—an alter ego of the President.
7. Military Powers
The President is the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). He may call
upon the AFP to prevent and supress lawless violence, rebellion or invasion. In cases of rebellion or
invasion, when public safety requires, the President may suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus or proclaim Martial Law for 60 days. This proclamation may be revoked or extended by
Congress. The Supreme Court shall review the constitutionality of such proclamation.
8. Other Powers
Aside from the aforementioned powers of the President of the Philippines, he can also exercise powers
enumerated in the constitution, and powers given to him by law: Pardoning Power, Budgetary Power
and Power to Contract Loans.
Line of Succession
The constitution provides for a line of succession in the event that the elected President of the
Philippines is not able to discharge the duties of his office due to death, disability, or resignation. The
following is the line of succession:
a. Vice President — in cases of the death, disability, or resignation of the President shall
succeed as President and finish the term
b. Senate President — in cases of the death, disability, or resignation of the President and
Vice President shall act as President until a special election is called and a new President
is elected
c. Speaker of the House of Representatives — in cases of the death, disability, or resignation
of the President, Vice President, and Senate President, shall act as President until a special
election is called and a new President is elected
Contrary to popular belief, the constitution doesnot include the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in
the President’s line of succession.
The Congress of the Philippines is mandated enact a law calling for a special election three days after
the vacancy in the Office of the President and Vice President. The special election should occur 4060 days after the enactment of the law.
THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES
The Vice President of the Philippines is elected by direct vote by the people for a term of six years,
and may run for re-election once. The term of the Vice President of the Philippines starts at noon of
the 30th day of June after a regular election is held.
Qualifications
The qualifications for aspirants to the Office of the Vice President are outlined in Article VII, Section 3.
According to the constitution, the qualifications for the President are the same for the Vice President.
43
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
History
The Vice President of the Philippines is elected via a direct vote of the people for a term of six years,
with a possibility of re-election. According to the constitution, the vice president may take on a cabinet
portfolio in concurrent capacity, if the President chooses.
The first constitution of the Philippines, the Malolos Constitution, did not provide for a Vice President
of the Philippines. It only had provisions for a president and a prime minister. The first legal basis for
the existence of the office came in 1935 upon the inauguration of the Commonwealth government.
There have been 12 people who have held the Office of the Vice President from its establishment in
1935. Vice President Sergio Osmeña is the inaugural holder of the position, and served until 1944. He
first took his oath after the 1935 elections under the Philippine Commonwealth, and once again, after
being re-elected again in 1941, before the Philippine government went into exile. His third oath taking
happened in the United States when the terms the officials of the Philippine government-in-exile
expired and were extended.
The Philippines’ second vice president was elected in 1946 under the Commonwealth of the
Philippines. Vice President Elpidio Quirino was elected under the Commonwealth government, but
transitioned into the Third Republic on July 4, 1946. Quirino was followed by Fernando Lopez, Carlos
P. Garcia, and Emmanuel Pelaez. Fernando Lopez would once again be elected in 1965 when he ran
with Ferdinand Marcos. Lopez was elected for two terms until the abolition of the Office of the Vice
President on September 23, 1972, when martial law was declared.
The original 1973 Constitution did not provide for a vice president of the Philippines. The position
remained abolished until constitutional amendments were made in 1978. The position was filled in
1986 by Arturo Tolentino, the running mate of President Ferdinand Marcos during the 1986 Snap
Elections. On February 15, 1986, the Batasang Pambansa certified the COMELEC results,
proclaiming the Marcos-Tolentino ticket as winners of the election. Arturo Tolentino took his oath as
Vice President on February 16, 1986; his term lasted days before the EDSA Revolution installed new
leadership.
When the 1987 Constitution was ratified, the position of Vice President of the Philippines would remain
with Salvador Laurel Jr. as its inaugural holder. Since the institution of the 1987 Constitution, the Fifth
Republic has had six vice presidents with five being elected (Laurel, Joseph Ejercito Estrada, Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo, Noli De Castro, and Jejomar Binay), and one being appointed and confirmed by
Congress (Teofisto Guingona Jr.).
Duties of the Vice President
According to the constitution, the vice president may concurrently assume a cabinet position should
the President of the Philippines offer the former one. The vice president can become a Cabinet
member concurrent to the position of vice president if appointed by the President. This position does
not need any confirmation. Aside from the cabinet post, the vice president is mandated to assume the
presidency in case of the death, disability, or resignation of the incumbent President.
Line of Succession
Should there be a vacancy of the Office of the Vice President; the President of the Philippines is
required by the constitution to nominate a successorfrom Congress with the concurrence of the
majority of both Houses.
Cabinet Secretaries
44
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Functions of a Cabinet Secretary
Cabinet secretaries act as the alter ego of the President executing, with his authority, the power of the
Office of the President in their respective departments.
The number of cabinet secretaries varies from time to time depending on the need of an administration.
According to the Administrative Code of 1987, the President of the Philippines may create or dissolve
any department as he sees fit.
Appointment of Cabinet Secretaries
According to the Article 7, Section 16, the President may appoint anyone to executive departments
with the consent of the Commission on Appointments. Names of individuals nominated to cabinet posts
are submitted to the Commission on Appointments for their consideration.
An individual may not assume his post in a given department unless confirmed by the Commission on
Appointments. However, the constitution provides for individuals becoming cabinet secretaries in an
acting capacity before they are confirmed. According to Article VII, Section 16 of the constitution, the
president may appoint anyone to cabinet posts even if Congress is in recess. These appointments are
valid until the Commission on Appointments disapproves them, or at the end of the next session of
Congress.
Not all cabinet members, however, are subject to confirmation of the Commission on Appointments.
According to the Commission of Appointments website, the following need confirmation in order to
assume their posts:
45
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Executive Secretary
Secretary of Agrarian Reform
Secretary of Agriculture
Secretary of Budget and
Management
Secretary of Education
Secretary of Energy
Secretary of Environment and
Natural Resources
Secretary of Finance
Secretary of Foreign Affairs
Secretary of Health
Secretary of Justice
Secretary of Labor and
Employment
Secretary of National Defense
Secretary of Public Works and
Highways
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Secretary of Science and
Technology
Secretary of Social Welfare
and Development
Secretary of the Interior and
Local Government
Secretary of Trade and
Industry
Secretary of Transportation
and Communications
Secretary of Tourism
Commission on Higher
Education
Director General of the National
Economic and Development
Authority
Powers of a Cabinet Secretary
As stated above, a cabinet secretary is the alter ego of the President in their
respective departments. Thus, cabinet secretaries possess the power to issue
directives relative to their departments, such as department orders. These orders
only apply to offices under a specific department under the cabinet secretary’s
jurisdiction. Cabinet secretaries also act as advisors to the President of the
Philippines for their areas. Source: www.gov.ph/about/gov/exec/
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
LESSON CHECK UP:
COMPLETE THE CHART
Supply the needed information in the Chart based on the Lecture
Discussion.
President’s Name
Term of
Office
Former
Profession/Job
EMILIO AGUINALDO
MANUEL L. QUEZON
JOSÉ P. LAUREL, JR.
SERGIO OSMEÑA SR.
MANUEL ROXAS
ELPIDIO QUIRINO
RAMON MAGSAYSAY
CARLOS P. GARCIA
DIOSDADO MACAPAGAL
FERDINAND MARCOS, SR.
CORAZON AQUINO
FIDEL V. RAMOS
JOSEPH ESTRADA
GLORIA MACAPAGAL
ARROYO
BENIGNO AQUINO III
RODRIGO R. DUTERTE
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Finished
Term/Did not
Finish Term
MODULE 7
THE LEGISLATIVE
LESSON 1: THE ROLE AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE PHILIPPINE
SENATE AND THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Discuss the roles and responsibilities of the Philippine Senate and the
House of Representatives;
2. Assess the performance of the Philippine Congress;
3. Appraise the impact of Congress’s performance on Philippine
development; and
4. Articulate a position or advocacy to a Philippine legislator through a formal
correspondence
LEARNING CONTENT:
THE LEGISLASTIVE
According to the 1987 Constitution, legislative power shall be vested in the
Congress of the Philippines, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of
Representatives.
The Congress of the Philippines is the national legislature of the Philippines. It
is a bicameral body consisting of the Senate (upper chamber), and the House of
Representatives (lower chamber) although commonly in the Philippines the term
congress refers to the latter.
The Senate is composed of 24 Senators half of which are elected every three
years. Each senator, therefore, serves a total of six years. The senators are
elected by the whole electorate and do not represent any geographical district.
The House of Representatives is currently composed of 297 congressmen. Sec. 5
Art. VI of the Constitution states that the House "shall be composed of not more
than 250 members, unless otherwise fixed by law..." There are two types of
congressmen: the district and the sectoral representatives. The district
congressmen represent a particular geographical district of the country.
All provinces in the country are composed of at least one congressional district.
Several cities also have their own congressional districts, with some composed of
two or more representatives.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
The sectoral congressmen represent the minority sectors of the population. This
enables these minority groups to be represented in the Congress, when they
would otherwise not be represented properly through district representation. Also
known as party-list representatives, sectoral congressmen represent labor
unions, rights groups, and other organizations.
ARTICLE VI – THE LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT
Section 1: The legislative power shall be vested in the Congress of the Philippines
which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives, except to the
extent reserved to the people by the provision on initiative and referendum.
Legislative Power: The authority under the constitution to make laws and to alter
or repeal them.
Sections 2. The Senate shall be composed of twenty-four Senators who shall be
elected at large by the qualified voters of the Philippines, as may be provided for
by law.
Section 3. No person shall be a Senator unless he is a natural-born citizen of the
Philippines, and, on the day of the election, is at least 35 years of age, able to
read and write, a registered voter, and a resident of the Philippines for not less
than 2 years immediately preceding the day of the election.
Section 4. The term of office of the Senators shall be six years and shall
commence, unless otherwise provided by law, at noon on the 30th day of June
next following their election.
No Senator shall serve for more than two consecutive terms. Voluntary
renunciation of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an
interruption in the continuity of his service for the full term for which he was
elected.
Qualifications, term of office, etc., of a senator or member of the House of
Representatives.
Section 5. [1] The House of representatives shall be composed of not more than
250 members, unless otherwise fixed by law, who shall be elected from legislative
districts apportioned among the provinces, cities, and the Metropolitan Manila
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area in accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants, and on the
basis of a uniform and progressive ratio, and those who, as provided by law, shall
be elected through a party-list system of registered national, regional and sectoral
parties or organizations.
[2] The party-list representatives shall constitute 20% of the total number of
representatives including those under the party-list. For three (3) consecutive
terms after the ratification of this Constitution, ½ of the seats allocated to partylist representatives shall be filled, as provided by law, by selection or election from
the labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, women youth,
and such other sectors, as may be provided by law, except the religious sector.
[3] Each legislative district shall comprise, as far as practicable, contiguous,
compact and adjacent territory. Each city with a population of at least one hundred
fifty thousand, or each province, shall have at least one representative.
[4] Within 3 years following the return of every census, the Congress shall
make a reapportionment of legislative districts based on standards provided in
this section
Section 6. No person shall be a member of the House of Representatives unless
he is a natural born citizen of the Philippines and, on the day of the election, is at
least 25 years of age, able to read and write, and except the party-list
representatives, a registered voter in the district in which he shall be elected, and
a resident thereof for a period of not less than 1 year immediately preceding the
day of the election.
Section 7. The members of the House of Representatives shall be elected for a
term of 3 years which shall begin, unless otherwise provided by law, at noon on
the 30th day of June next following their election.
No member of the House of Representative shall serve for a period of more than
3 consecutive terms. Voluntary renunciation of the office for any length of time
shall not be considered as an interruption in the continuity of his service for the
full term for which he was elected.
Section 8. Unless otherwise provided by law, the regular election of the Senators
and the Members of the House of Representatives shall be held on the second
Monday of May.
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Section 12. All members of the Senate and the House of Representatives shall,
upon assumption of office, make a full disclosure of their financial and business
interests. They shall notify the House concerned of a potential conflict of interest
that may arise from the filing of a proposed legislation of which they are authors.
Section 13. No Senator or Member of the House of Representatives may hold
any other office or employment in the government, or any subdivision, agency or
instrumentality thereof, including government-owned and controlled corporations
or their subsidiaries, during his term without forfeiting his seat. Neither shall he be
appointed to any office which may have been created or the emoluments thereof
increased during the term for which he was elected.
POWERS of CONGRESS
The powers of the Congress of the Philippines may be classified as:
A. General Legislative
It consists of the enactment of laws intended as a rule of conduct to govern the
relation between individuals (i.e., civil laws, commercial laws, etc.) or between
individuals and the state (i.e., criminal law, political law, etc.)
B. Implied Powers
It is essential to the effective exercise of other powers expressly granted to the
assembly.
C. Inherent Powers
These are the powers which though not expressly given are nevertheless
exercised by the Congress as they are necessary for its existence such as:
•
•
•
to determine the rules of proceedings;
to compel attendance of absent members to obtain quorum to do business;
to keep journal of its proceedings; etc.
D. Specific Legislative Powers
It has reference to powers which the Constitution expressly and specifically
directs to perform or execute.
Powers enjoyed by the Congress classifiable under this category are:
• Power to appropriate;
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Power to act as constituent assembly; (The Senate and the House of
Representatives must convene and vote on joint or separate session to
do this.
Power to impeach; (to initiate all cases of impeachment is the power of
the House of Representatives; To try all cases of impeachment is the
power of the Senate.)
Power to confirm treaties;(Only the Senate is authorized to use this
power.)
Power to declare the existence of war; (The Senate and the House of
Representatives must convene in joint session to do this.)
Power to concur amnesty; and
Power to act as board of canvasser for presidential/vice-presidential
votes. (By creating a joint congressional committee to do the canvassing.)
Power to contempt
Blending of power
Delegation of power
Budgetary power
Power to taxation
E. Executive Powers
Powers of the Congress that are executive in nature are:
• Appointment of its officers;
• Affirming treaties;
• Confirming presidential appointees through the Commission on
Appointments;
• Removal power; etc.
F. Supervisory Powers
The Congress of the Philippines exercises considerable control and supervision
over the administrative branch - e.g.:
•
•
•
•
To decide the creation of a department/agency/office;
To define powers and duties of officers;
To appropriate funds for governmental operations;
To prescribe rules and procedure to be followed; etc.
G. Electoral Powers
Considered as electoral power of the Congress of the Philippines is the Congress’
power to:
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•
•
•
Elect its presiding officer/s and other officers of the House;
Act as board of canvassers for the canvass of presidential/vicepresidential votes; and
Elect the President in case of any electoral tie to the said post.
H. Judicial Powers
Constitutionally, each house has judicial powers:
•
•
•
•
To punish its Members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence
of two-thirds of all its Members, suspend or expel a Member
To concur and approve amnesty declared by the President of the
Philippines;
To initiate, prosecute and thereafter decide cases of impeachment; and
To decide electoral protests of its members through the respective
Electoral Tribunal.
I. Miscellaneous Powers
The other powers of Congress mandated by the Constitution are as follows:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
To authorize the Commission on Audit to audit fund and property;
To authorize the President of the Philippines to fix tariff rates, quotas, and
dues;
To authorize the President of the Philippines to formulate rules and
regulations in times of emergency;
To reapportion legislative districts based on established constitutional
standards;
To implement laws on autonomy;
To establish a national language commission;
To implement free public secondary education;
To allow small scale utilization of natural resources;
To specify the limits of forest lands and national parks;
To determine the ownerships and extent of ancestral domain; and
To establish independent economic and planning agency.
LAWMAKING PROCESS
•
Preparation of the Bill
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The Member or the Bill Drafting Division of the Reference and Research
Bureau prepares and drafts the bill upon the Member's request.
•
•
•
First Reading
1. The bill is filed with the Bills and Index Service and the same is
numbered and reproduced.
2. Three days after its filing, the same is included in the Order of
Business for First Reading.
3. On First Reading, the Secretary General reads the title and number of
the bill. The Speaker refers the bill to the appropriate Committee/s.
Committee Consideration / Action
1. The Committee where the bill was referred to evaluates it to determine
the necessity of conducting public hearings.
2. If the Committee finds it necessary to conduct public hearings, it
schedules the time thereof, issues public notices and invites resource
persons from the public and private sectors, the academe, and experts
on the proposed legislation.
3. If the Committee determines that public hearing is not needed, it
schedules the bill for Committee discussion/s.
a. Based on the result of the public hearings or Committee
discussions, the Committee may introduce amendments, consolidate
bills on the same subject matter, or propose a substitute bill. It then
prepares the corresponding committee report.
b. The Committee approves the Committee Report and formally
transmits the same to the Plenary Affairs Bureau.
Second Reading
1. The Committee Report is registered and numbered by the Bills and
Index Service. It is included in the Order of Business and referred to
the Committee on Rules.
2. The Committee on Rules schedules the bill for consideration on
Second Reading.
3. On Second Reading, the Secretary General reads the number, title
and text of the bill and the following takes place:
• Period of Sponsorship and Debate
•
•
Period of Amendments
Voting, which may be by a viva voce
a. count by tellers
b. division of the House
c. nominal voting
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
•
Third Reading
a. The amendments, if any, are engrossed and printed copies of the bill
are reproduced for Third Reading.
b. The engrossed bill is included in the Calendar of Bills for Third
Reading and copies of the same are distributed to all the Members
three days before its Third Reading.
c. On Third Reading, the Secretary General reads only the number and
title of the bill.
d. A roll call or nominal voting is called and a Member, if he desires, is
given three minutes to explain his vote. No amendment on the bill is
allowed at this stage.
•
•
The bill is approved by an affirmative vote of a majority of the
Members present.
If the bill is disapproved, the same is transmitted to the Archives.
Transmittal of the Approved Bill to the Senate
The approved bill is transmitted to the Senate for its concurrence.
Senate Action on Approved Bill of the House
The bill undergoes the same legislative process in the Senate.
Conference Committee
A Conference Committee is constituted and is composed of Members from
each House of Congress to settle, reconcile or thresh out differences or
disagreements on any provision of the bill. The conferees are not limited
to reconciling the differences in the bill but may introduce new provisions
germane to the subject matter or may report out an entirely new bill on the
subject. The Conference Committee prepares a report to be signed by all
the conferees and the Chairman. The Conference Committee Report is
submitted for consideration/approval of both Houses. No amendment is
allowed.
Transmittal of the Bill to the President
Copies of the bill, signed by the Senate President and the Speaker of the
House of Representatives and certified by both the Secretary of the
Senate and the Secretary General of the House, are transmitted to the
President.
Presidential Action On The Bill
If the bill is approved by the President, it is assigned an RA number and
transmitted to the House where it originated.
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Action On Approved Bill
The bill is reproduced and copies are sent to the Official Gazette Office for
publication and distribution to the implementing agencies. It is then
included in the annual compilation of Acts and Resolutions.
Action On Vetoed Bill
The message is included in the Order of Business. If the Congress decides
to override the veto, the House and the Senate shall proceed separately
to reconsider the bill or the vetoed items of the bill. If the bill or its vetoed
items is passed by a vote of two-thirds of the Members of each House,
such bill or items shall become a law.
Source: www.gov.ph/about/gov /legislature/
LESSON CHECK UP:
A. EXPLAIN
1. Why is there a need for a Bill to pass three readings?
_____________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________
___________________________________________________
2. Why is there a need for a Bicameral Conference in the Lawmaking
process? Why is the Veto Power of the President important to the
Lawmaking Process?
_____________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________
____________________________________________________
3. What action can Congress do on Vetoed Bill by the President?
_____________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________
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MODULE 8
THE JUDICIARY
LESSON 1: THE ROLE AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE PHILIPPINE
JUDICIARY
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Discuss the roles and responsibilities of the Philippine Judiciary;
2. Discuss how the Judiciary exercises political neutrality and fairness; and
3. Evaluate the performance of the Philippine Judiciary as a dispenser of
justice and a protector of constitutional safeguards to freedom
LEARNING CONTENT:
THE JUDICIARY
Judicial power rests with the Supreme Court and the lower courts, as established
by law (Art. VIII, Sec. 1 of the 1987 Constitution). Its duty is to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and enforceable (Art.
VIII, Sec.1 (2)).
The judiciary enjoys fiscal autonomy. Its appropriation may not be reduced by the
Legislature below the appropriated amount the previous year (Art. VIII, Sec. 3).
Rules and Procedures
The Rules of Court of the Philippines, as amended and the rules and regulations
issued by the Supreme Court, define the rules and procedures of the judiciary.
These rules and regulations are in the form of administrative matters,
administrative orders, circulars, memorandum circulars, memorandum orders,
and OCA circulars. The Supreme Court disseminates these rules and regulations
to all courts, publishes important ones in newspapers of general circulation, prints
them in book or pamphlet form, and uploads them to the Supreme Court website
and the Supreme Court E-Library website.
On June 21, 1988, the Supreme Court promulgated the Code of Professional
Responsibility for the legal profession. The draft was prepared by the Committee
on Responsibility, Discipline and Disbarment of the Integrated Bar of the
Philippines.
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Appointments to the Judiciary
By virtue of Article VIII, Section 8, appointments to the judiciary are made by the
President of the Philippines based on a list submitted by the Judicial and Bar
Council which is under the supervision of the Supreme Court. Its principal
function is to screen prospective appointees to any judicial post. It is composed
of the chief justice as ex-officio chairman, the Secretary of Justice and
representatives of Congress as ex-officio members, and a representative of the
Integrated Bar, a professor of law, a retired member of the Supreme Court and a
representative of the private sector as members.
Philippine Judicial Academy
The Philippine Judicial Academy (PHILJA) is the “training school for justices,
judge, court personnel, lawyers and aspirants to judicial posts.” It was originally
created by the Supreme Court on March 16, 1996 by virtue of Administrative
Order No. 35-96, and was institutionalized on February 26, 1998 by virtue of
Republic Act No. 8557. No appointee to the bench may commence the discharge
his adjudicative function without completing the prescribed court training in the
academy. Its organizational structure and administrative setup are provided for
by the Supreme Court in its en banc resolution (Revised A.M. No. 01-1-04-scPHILJA).
Katarungang Pambarangay
Presidential Decree No. 1508, or the Katarungang Pambarangay Law, took effect
on December 11, 1978, and established a system of amicably settling disputes at
the barangay level. This decree and the Local Government Code provided rules
and procedures, Title I, Chapter 7, Sections 339-422. This system of amicable
settlement of dispute aims to promote the speedy administration of justice by
easing the congestion of court dockets. The court does not take cognizance of
cases filed if they are not filed first with the Katarungang Pambarangay.
Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) System
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Republic Act No. 9285 institutionalized the use of an alternative dispute resolution
system, which serves to promote the speedy and impartial administration of
justice and unclog the court dockets. This act shall be without prejudice to the
adoption of the Supreme Court of any ADR system such as mediation,
conciliation, arbitration or any combination thereof.
THE SUPREME COURT
History of the Supreme Court
A. Royal Audencia
The Royal Audencia was established on May 5, 1583, composed of a president,
four oidores (justices) and a fiscal. The audencia exercised both administrative
and judicial functions. Its functions and structure were modified in 1815 when a
chief justice replaced its president and the number of justices was increased. It
came to be known as the Audencia Territorial de Manila with two branches, civil
and criminal. A royal decree issued on July 24, 1861 converted it to a purely
judicial body with its decisions appealable to the Court of Spain in Madrid. A
territorial audencia in Cebu and audencia for criminal cases in Vigan were
organized on February 26, 1898.
B. Philippine Revolution and First Republic
In the three phases of the revolution: 1896-1897; 1898; 1899-1901, the
exigencies of war prevented the thorough organization of the administration of
justice. Katipunan councils, then the provisional governments of Tejeros, Biakna-Bato, and the Revolutionary Republic proclaimed in Kawit, essentially had
General Emilio Aguinaldo exercising decree-making powers instituting ad hoc
courts and reviewing any appeals concerning their decisions.
In 1899, when the Malolos Constitution was ratified, it provided for a Supreme
Court of Justice. President Aguinaldo proposed the appointment of Apolinario
Mabini as Chief Justice, but the appointment and the convening of the Supreme
Court of Justice never materialized because of the Philippine-American War.
C. American Military Rule
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
During the Philippine-American War, General Wesley Merrit suspended the
audencias when a military government was established after Manila fell to
American forces in August, 1898. Major General Elwell S. Otis re-established the
Audencia on May 29, 1899 by virtue of General Order No. 20, which provided for
six Filipino members of the audencia.
D. Establishment of the Supreme Court
With the establishment of civil government, Act No. 136 of the Philippine
Commission abolished the audencia and established the present Supreme Court
on June 11, 1901, with Cayetano Arellano as the first chief justice together with
associate justices—the majority of whom were Americans.
E. Commonwealth: Filipinization of the Supreme Court
With the ratification of the 1935 Constitution, the membership was increased to
11 with two divisions of five members each. The Supreme Court was Filipinized
upon the inauguration of the Commonwealth of the Philippines on November 15,
1935. The composition of the court was reduced by virtue of Commonwealth Act
No. 3. It provided for a Supreme Court, headed by a chief justice with six associate
justices.
F. World War II and the Third Republic
During World War II, the National Assembly passed legislation granting
emergency powers to President Manuel L. Quezon; Chief Justice Jose Abad
Santos was made concurrent Secretary of Justice and acting President of the
Philippines in unoccupied areas. After his capture and execution at the hands of
the Japanese, the Commonwealth government-in-exile had no system of courts.
Meanwhile, the Japanese organized the Philippine Executive Commission in
occupied areas on January 8, 1942, which gave way to the Second Republic in
October 14, 1943. By the end of World War II, the regular function of the courts
had been restored, beginning with the appointment of a new Supreme Court on
June 6, 1945. On September 17, 1945, the laws of the Second Republic were
declared null and void; a Supreme Court decision on Co Kim Cham v. Eusebio
Valdez Tan Keh and Arsenio P. Dizon recognized this.
G. Martial Law
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The Supreme Court was retained during the martial law years under rules similar
to the 1935 Constitution, but with the exception few key factors, e.g.:
The 1973 Constitution further increased the membership of the Supreme Court
to 15, with two divisions;
The process by which a chief justice and associate justices are appointed was
changed under to grant the president (Ferdinand Marcos during this time) the sole
authority to appoint members of the Supreme Court. There were five chief justices
that were appointed under this provision.
H. Present-day Supreme Court
Pursuant to the provisions of the 1987 Constitution, the Supreme Court is
composed of a chief Justice and 14 associate justices who serve until the age of
70. The court may sit en banc or in one of its three divisions composed of five
members each. The chief justice and associate justices are appointed by the
President of the Philippines, chosen from a shortlist submitted by the Judicial and
Bar Council. The president must fill up a vacancy within 90 days of occurrence.
Article VIII, Section 4 (2) of the constitution explicitly provides for the cases that
must be heard en banc, and Section 4 (3) for cases that may be heard by
divisions.
The Judiciary Reorganization Act of 1980 transferred the administrative
supervision of all courts and their personnel from the Department of Justice to the
Supreme Court. This was affirmed by Article VIII, Section 6 of the 1987
Constitution. To effectively discharge this constitutional mandate, the Office of
the Court Administrator (OCA) was created under Presidential Decree No. 828,
as amended by Presidential Decree No. 842 (and its functions further
strengthened by a resolution of the Supreme Court en banc dated October 24,
1996). Its principal function is the supervision and administration of the lower
courts throughout the Philippines and all their personnel. It reports and
recommends to the Supreme Court all actions that affect the lower court
management. The OCA is headed by the court administrator, three deputy court
administrators, and three assistant court administrators.
According to the 1987 Constitution, Article VIII, Section 5, the Supreme
Court exercises the following powers:
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
•
•
Exercise jurisdiction over cases affecting ambassadors, other public
ministers and consuls, and over petitions for certiorari, prohibition,
mandamus, quo warranto, and habeas corpus.
Review, revise, reverse, modify, or affirm, on appeal or certiorari, as the
law or the Rules of Court may provide, final judgments and orders of the
lower courts in:
All cases in which the constitutionality or validity of any treaty,
international or executive agreement, law, presidential decree,
proclamation, order, instruction, ordinance, or regulation is in
question;
All cases involving the legality of any tax, impost, assessment, or
toll, or any penalty imposed in relation thereto;
All cases in which the jurisdiction of any lower court is in issue;
All criminal cases in which the penalty imposed is reclusion
perpetua or higher;
All cases in which only an error or question of law is involved;
• Assign temporarily judges of lower courts to other stations as public
interest may require. Such temporary assignments shall not exceed
six months without the consent of the judge concerned.
• Order a change of venue or place of trial to avoid a miscarriage of
justice.
• Promulgate rules concerning the protection and enforcement of
constitutional rights, pleading, practice, and procedure in all courts;
the admission to the practice of law, the Integrated Bar; and legal
assistance to the underprivileged. Such rules shall provide a
simplified and inexpensive procedure for the speedy disposition of
cases, shall be uniform for all courts the same grade, and shall not
diminish, increase or modify substantive rights. Rules of procedure
of special courts and quasi-judicial bodies shall remain effective
unless disapproved by the Supreme Court.
• Appoint all officials and employees of the Judiciary in accordance
with the Civil Service Law (Sec. 5, id.).
The Supreme Court has adopted and promulgated the Rules of Court for the
protection and enforcement of constitutional rights, pleadings and practice and
procedure in all courts, and the admission in the practice of law. Amendments
are promulgated through the Committee on Revision of Rules. The Court also
issues administrative rules and regulations in the form of court issuances posted
on the Supreme Court E-Library website.
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The Chief Justice
There were six chief justices appointed by the President of the United States. In
1935, upon the inauguration of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, the power
to appoint the chief justice was transferred to the President of the Philippines.
According to the 1935 Constitution, the President of the Philippines shall make
appointments with concurrence of the National Assembly. There have been six
Chief Justices who were appointed under the 1935 Constitution. The only chief
justice that was not appointed by a president was Chief Justice Jose Yulo, who
was in office during the Japanese occupation, from 1942 until the liberation of the
Philippines in 1945. During this time, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was
appointed by the Philippine Executive Committee headed by Jorge B. Vargas.
The 1943 Constitution provided for the members of the Supreme Court and the
chief justice to be appointed by the president with the concurrence of his cabinet.
Upon the declaration of martial law and the subsequent establishment of the 1973
Constitution, the process of selection of the Chief Justice of the Philippines was
changed. The power of Congress to veto an appointment by the president to the
office of the chief justice was removed. According to the 1973 Constitution, “The
Members of the Supreme Court and judges of inferior courts shall be appointed
by the President.” There were five chief justices that were appointed under this
provision.
After the revolution of 1986, a new constitution was enacted and a new process
of selecting a chief magistrate was created. Former chief justice and 1986
Constitutional Commission delegate Roberto V. Concepcion introduced the
concept of the Judicial and Bar Council. The aim of the Council is to de-politicize
the judiciary by lessening the appointing power of the president. To read more
about the appointment of chief justices, members of the judiciary, and the Office
of the Ombudsman, please click here.
To date, there have been nine chief justices appointed under the conditions of the
1986 Constitution.
Chief justices listed according to appointing President of the Philippines. Of the
15 Presidents of the Philippines, only eight have been able to appoint an
individual to the highest judicial post in the land. The following is the list of
presidents who appointed chief Justices and their appointees.
•
Manuel L. Quezon
Jose Abad Santos
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•
Sergio Osmeña
Manuel V. Moran
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
•
Elpidio Quirino
Ricardo M. Paras
• Carlos P. Garcia
Cesar Bengzon
• Ferdinand E. Marcos
Roberto V. Concepcion
Querube Makalintal
Fred Ruiz Castro
Enrique M. Fernando
Felix V. Makasiar
Ramon C. Aquino
• Corazon C. Aquino
Claudio Teehankee
Pedro L. Yap
Marcelo B. Fernan
Andres R. Narvasa
• Joseph Ejercito Estrada
Hilario G. Davide
• Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
Artemio Panganiban
Reynato Puno
Renato C. Corona
• Benigno S. Aquino III
Maria Lourdes P.A. Sereno
Notable chief justices
Of the list of chief justices, there are a few individuals that stand out for having
gone above and beyond their duty and tenure as chief justice.
1. Cayetano Arellano: Cayetano Arellano was the first Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court. He was appointed in 1901 when the Supreme Court was
created through Act No. 136, along with three American justices and one
Filipino justice.
2. Ramon Avanceña: Appointed in 1925 by U.S. President Calvin Coolidge, he
is known for ushering in an all-Filipino Supreme Court in 1935. Upon the
establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth in 1935, American justices
were no longer allowed to sit in the Philippine Supreme Court—thus, new
justices were appointed, all of whom were of Filipino citizenship.
3. Jose Abad Santos: As a wartime chief justice, Abad Santos took on two
different roles; he was the chief justice and concurrently the Secretary of
Justice. When President Quezon left the Philippines to evade capture by the
Japanese, Abad Santos chose to stay in the country as a caretaker of the
government. On May 2, 1942, the Japanese military caught Abad Santos in
Cebu and invited him to become one of the members of their puppet
government. Abad Santos refused to collaborate. He died at the hands of the
Japanese on May 2, 1942. His last words to his son were, “Do not cry, Pepito,
show to these people that you are brave. It is an honor to die for one’s country.
Not everybody has that chance.”
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4. Claudio Teehankee: Claudio Teehankee was known for his firm anti-martial
law stance during his tenure in the Supreme Court. Teehankee resisted
multiple attempts by the Marcos administration to garner absolute power by
issuing questionable decrees. In 1973, he was part of the bloc that dissented
from the implementation of the 1973 Constitution. In 1980, he dissented from
the proposed judicial reorganization act of President Marcos. In 1986, after
the EDSA Revolution, he administered the Oath of Office of President
Corazon C. Aquino in Club Filipino. He was appointed Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court in 1986 by President Corazon C. Aquino
5. Hilario G. Davide: Appointed by President Joseph Ejercito Estrada in 1998,
Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide was known as the presiding judge of the first
impeachment proceedings in Asia. During the impeachment of President
Estrada, he conducted proceedings with impartiality. Following EDSA II
uprising, which deposed President Estrada, Davide swore in Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo as the 14th President of the Philippines.
6. Maria Lourdes P.A. Sereno: Appointed by President Benigno S. Aquino III
in 2012, Chief Justice Sereno is the first woman appointed to the position.
Court of Appeals
The Court of Appeals is the second highest tribunal in the country, which was
established on February 1, 1936 by virtue of Commonwealth Act No. 3. The
current form of the Court of Appeals was constituted through Batas Pambansa
Blg. 129, as amended by Executive Order No. 33, s. 1986, Republic Act No. 7902,
and Republic Act No. 8246.
The Jurisdiction Of The Court Of Appeals Are As Follows:
•
•
•
Original jurisdiction to issue writs of mandamus, prohibition, certiorari, habeas
corpus, and quo warranto, and auxiliary writs or processes, whether or not in
aid of its appellate jurisdiction;
Exclusive original jurisdiction over actions for annulment of judgements of
Regional Trial Courts; and
Exclusive appellate jurisdiction over all final judgements, resolutions, orders
or awards of Regional Trial Courts and quasi-judicial agencies,
instrumentalities, boards or commission.
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The Court of Appeals shall also have the power to try cases and conduct hearings,
receive evidence and perform acts necessary to resolve factual issues raised in
cases falling within its original and appellate jurisdiction, including the power to
grant and conduct new trials or proceedings.
The Court of Appeals is composed of one presiding justice and 68 associate
justices, all of which are appointed by the President from a shortlist submitted by
the Judicial and Bar Council. The associate justices shall have precedence
according to the dates (or order, in case of similar appointment dates) of their
respective appointments. The qualifications for the justices of the Supreme Court
also apply to members of the Court of Appeals.
The current presiding justice of the Court of Appeals is Andres Reyes Jr., who is
set to retire on May 11, 2020.
Court of Tax Appeals
The Court of Tax Appeals (CTA), which is of the same level as the Court of
Appeals, was created by virtue of Republic Act No. 1125, which was signed into
law on June 16, 1954. Its present-day form was constituted through RA 1125, as
amended by Republic Act No. 9282 and Republic Act No. 9503.
Sandiganbayan
To attain the highest norms of official conduct among officials and employees in
the government, the creation of a special graft court to be known as the
Sandiganbayan was provided for in Article XIII, Section 5 of the 1973 Constitution.
This court was formally established through Presidential Decree No. 1606, which
was signed into law on December 10, 1978.
Through Article XI (Accountability of Public Officers), Section 4 of the 1987
Constitution, the Sandiganbayan was carried over to the post-EDSA Revolution
republic. The current form of the Sandiganbayan was constituted through PD
1606, s. 1978, as amended by Republic Act No. 7975 and Republic Act No. 8245.
The Sandiganbayan has jurisdiction over violations of Republic Act No. 3019 or
the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, as amended, and Chapter II, Section 2,
Title VII, Book II of the Revised Penal Code, where the accused are officials
occupying the positions in the government whether in a permanent, acting or
interim capacity, at the time of the commission of the offense:
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In addition, the Sandiganbayan exercises exclusive appellate jurisdiction over
final judgments, resolutions or orders or regional trial courts whether in the
exercise of their own original jurisdiction or of their appellate jurisdiction as herein
provided.
The Sandiganbayan comprises of one presiding justice and 14 associate justices,
all of which are appointed by the President from a shortlist submitted by the
Judicial and Bar Council. The associate justices shall have precedence according
to the dates (or order, in case of similar appointment dates) of their respective
appointments.
The qualifications to become a member of the Sandiganbayan are as follows: a
natural-born citizen of the Philippines; at least 40 years of age; has been a judge
of a court for at least ten years, or been engaged in the practice of law in the
Philippines or has held office requiring admission to the bar as a prerequisite for
at least ten years.
Source: www.gov.ph/about/gov/judiciary/
LESSON CHECK UP:
Answer the following questions:
1. What is Judicial Power? Give a specific example.
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
______________________________________
2. What are the characteristics and scope of Judicial Power?
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
3. What is the Supreme Court and what are its powers?
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
4. What is the Judicial and Bar Council?
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
5. What happens when a court decision is reached?
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________
6. Why is a judicial branch so essential to a government?
__________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________
MODULE 9
DECENTRALIZATION AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE
LESSON 1: LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE 1991 LOCAL
GOVERNMENT CODE (LGC) OF THE PHILIPPINES AND NATIONAL-LOCAL
GOVERNMENT DYNAMICS
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Demonstrate understanding of decentralization and governance;
Identify the different levels of the Philippine Local Government;
Explain the roles and functions of Local Government Unit;
Examine how decentralization affects governance;
Conduct an interview with barangay officials on community programs; and
Evaluate the performance of a local government unit.
LEARNING CONTENT:
DECENTRALIZATION AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE
Local Governance in the context of the 1991 Local Government Code (LGC)
of the Philippines and National-Local Government dynamics
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1991 Local Government Code of the Philippines: An Overview
One of the fundamental state policies enshrined in the 1987 Philippine Constitution
is the autonomy of local government units. (Art. II, Sec. 25). In this regard, the
Constitution mandated Congress to “enact a local government code which shall
provide for a more responsive and accountable local government structure
instituted through a system of decentralization with effective mechanisms of recall,
initiative, and referendum, allocate among the different local government units their
powers, responsibilities, and resources, and provide for the qualifications, election,
appointment and removal, term, salaries, powers and functions and duties of local
officials, and all other matters relating to the organization and operation of the local
units.” (Art. X, sec. 1)
Pursuant to the mandate given by the Constitution, Congress enacted Republic
Act No. 7160, otherwise known as the Local Government Code of 1991. The Code
is divided into four books and covers the following:
Book I – basic principles governing the attributes of local government units and the
exercise of powers; intergovernmental relations as well as relations with people’s
and nongovernmental organizations; the qualifications and election of elective
officials and the process for disciplinary action and recall; the creation and
composition of local school boards, local health boards, local development
councils and local peace and order councils;
Book II – local taxation and fiscal matters (which include the imposition of local
business taxes as well as real property taxes);
Book III – the creation, organization, and powers of local government units and the
officials for each local government unit; and
Book IV – penal provisions for violation of the Code, provisions for implementation
and transitory provisions.
The Code replaced Batas Pambansa Blg. 337, which is the old local government
code.
The Local Government Code of 1991 has given impetus not only to the local
government itself, but the rest of the stakeholders in governance. Decentralization
as a framework of governance serves as a tool in building the capacities of both
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
government and non-government actors in engaging each in managing societal
affairs. Decentralization has provided a democratized space where Local
Government Units (LGU’s - Provinces, Cities, Municipalities and Barangays) are
able to transform themselves into self-reliant communities and be more
independent in managing their own affairs.
In the name of democratic governance, national government may guide local
governments and provide policies and technical expertise but they must recognize
that in the principle of subsidiarity, the decentralized entity - the LGU, is the nearest
to the people
.
LGU’s, in order to work smoothly with the national government, should align their
development plans along with the national government’s policies but focus more
on what development needs are to be met in their community. Thus, the
central/national government and the LGUs should not look at each other as
competitors in service delivery but as active partners in governing.
Decentralization
Decentralization refers to the transfer of powers from central government to local
levels in a political-administrative and territorial hierarchy. This process allows the
participation of the people and the local government.
Decentralization hands over political, financial and administrative authority from
central to local governments, so that the government can facilitate and guarantee
better public services for the people.
Components of Decentralization:
1. Political Decentralization
2. Fiscal Decentralization
3. Institutional Decentralization
Indicators of Political Decentralization:
1. Accountability – local committees consisting of men and women work in
selected LGUs according to the guidelines of the Local Government Code of
1991 to implement result-oriented & target-relevant decisions and measures.
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2. Transparency – selected LGUs and national organizations/departments
publish their annual budgets in media accessible to citizens such as
newspapers, bulletin boards at the town hall and churches; and report semiannually on the implementation status of programs in citizen’s assemblies.
3. Responsibility and Participation – The portion of programs and projects
realized by LGUs through active and quantifiable participation, such as job
performance & financial contributions of citizens.
Political Decentralization focuses among others on improved planning and
monitoring of development measures, formulating strategies for the active
integration of civil society and the economic sector, and the promotion of
information exchange and management.
Impact of Political Decentralization: It empowered Local Leaders to take greater
control over their region’s destinies. Local Leaders, citizens and other stakeholders
are given more freedom in determining their development paths. Political
Decentralization delegated some powers from the central authority to the local
authorities, who are much familiar with the cultural, social and economic aspects
of their respective regions. The main objective is for the provinces, cities and
municipalities to use their financial resources more efficiently, generate additional
resources and tap alternative resources.
The Medium Term Philippine Development Plan 2004-2010 (MTPDP) – specifies
the need to maintain fiscal discipline in government spending. It outlines several
measures to ensure that fiscal strength is achieved. It calls for a strengthening of
the revenue generation effort of the LGUs.
Indicators of Fiscal Decentralization:
4. The dependency of the cooperating LGUs on national funds is reduced by
generating additional funds
5. Improved fiscal systems, especially just taxation for a measurable and
transparent improvement of tax revenues; and
6. The participating institutions (LGUs, selected government departments) on
national, regional and municipal level present coordinated, harmonized and
gender-sensitive development plans and budgets are properly implemented.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Impact of Fiscal Decentralization:
Fiscal Decentralization improved financial management including qualification of
participants in areas of financial management, strengthening cooperation on
different levels, promoting exchange of experiences, formulating strategies for an
improved integration of the business sector and civil society in social and economic
programs. A large part of the operations of the fiscal decentralization focused on
the optimization of administrative processes and the standardization of the
application of the law for local taxes with the help of information technology. Also
known as the Debureaucratization - Involves the harnessing of the private sector
and non-governmental organizations in the delivery of services through various
modalities including contracting out, private-public partnership and joint ventures.
Focus: Training staff members of partner organizations - promoting collaboration
among the participating Institutions- monitoring the development of the programs
and projects being implemented - clarify roles and responsibilities of government
institutions - national and local - enable efficient and effective interaction among
government, private sector and civil society
Impact of Institutional Decentralization: Better service delivery is a matter of
coordination and collaboration. - Bridging and empowering the public and private
sectors of different regions in the country through forums, seminars, workshops,
studies and researches. Working within networks is a strategic element in
achieving sustainability, reliability and a broad effect, especially for the forging of
“strategic alliances”. - Exchange of ideas and mutual understanding among local
chief executives, police and military is crucial in achieving sustainable peace and
development.
Major Features of the Local Government Code of 1991
Sec. 17 of LGC of 1991: Basic Services and Facilities
Local government units shall endeavor to be self-reliant and shall continue
exercising the powers and discharging the duties and functions currently
vested upon them. They shall also discharge the functions and responsibilities of
national agencies and offices devolved to them pursuant to this Code. Local
government units shall likewise exercise such other powers and discharge such
other functions and responsibilities as are necessary, appropriate, or
incidental to efficient and effective provision of the basic services and facilities
enumerated herein.
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Devolved Basic Services
On Health and Social Services Include the Implementation of:
2. Programs and projects on primary health care, maternal and child care, and
communicable and non-communicable disease control services;
3. Health services which access to secondary and tertiary health services;
4. Purchase of medicines, medical supplies, and equipment needed to carry
out the services;
5. Social welfare services which include programs and projects on child and
youth welfare, family and community welfare, women’s welfare, welfare
of the elderly and disabled persons;
On Environmental Management:
1. Solid waste disposal system;
2. Services or facilities related to general hygiene and sanitation;
3. Implementation of community-based forestry projects which include
integrated social forestry programs and similar projects;
4. Management and control of communal forests;
On Agriculture:
a. Inter -Barangay irrigation system;
b. Water and soil resource utilization and conservation projects;
c. Enforcement of fishery laws in municipal waters including the conservation
of mangroves;
On Infrastructure:
f.
Maintenance and Rehabilitation of the following:
a. roads and bridges
b. school buildings and other facilities for public elementary and
secondary schools
c. clinics, health centers and other health facilities
d. small water impounding projects
e. fish ports; artesian wells, spring development, rainwater collectors and
water supply systems
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f. seawalls, dikes, drainage and sewerage, and flood control
g. traffic signals and road signs and similar facilities.
On Tourism:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Tourism facilities and other tourist attractions,
Acquisition of equipment
Regulation and supervision of business concessions,
Security services for such facilities
Devolved Regulatory Functions:
A. Inspection of food products such as meat, fruits, poultry, milk, fish,
vegetables and other foodstuffs;
B. Adoption of quarantine regulations;
C. Enforcement of the National Building Code;
D. Regulations of tricycle operations;
E. Regulation of the real estate trade;
F. Licensing of cockpits;
Section 76 of LGC of 1991, granted the local government units the power to
develop their own organizational structure staffing pattern and appoint officials
wholly paid by the local governments;
Organizational Structure and Staffing Pattern
Every local government unit shall design and implement its own
organizational structure and staffing pattern taking into consideration its
service requirements and financial capability, subject to the minimum
standards and guidelines prescribed by the Civil Service Commission.
Powers, Duties, Functions and Compensation (Sec. 447. of LGC of 1991)
a. The Sangguniang Bayan, as the legislative body of the municipality, shall enact
ordinances, approve resolutions and appropriate funds for the general welfare of
the municipality and its inhabitants pursuant to section 16 of this Code and in the
proper exercise of the corporate powers of the municipality as provided for under
section 22 of this Code, and shall: (i) Review all ordinances approved by the
Sangguniang Barangay and executive orders issued by the Punong Barangay to
determine whether these are within the scope of the prescribed powers of the
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
sanggunian and of the Punong Barangay; (ii) Subject to the provisions of this Code
and pertinent laws, determine the powers and duties of officials and employees of
the municipality; (iii) Determine the positions and the salaries, wages, allowances
and other emoluments and benefits of officials and employees paid wholly or
mainly from municipal funds and provide for expenditures necessary for the proper
conduct of programs, projects, services, and activities of the municipal
government;
b. It increased the share of the local government units in the share in the internal
revenue taxes as well as taxes in the utilization and development of national
wealth; Article X, Section 6 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution Local government
units shall have a just share, as determined by law, in the national taxes which
shall be automatically released to them.
Allotment of Internal Revenue Taxes (Section 284 of the LGC of 1991)
Local government units shall have a share in the national internal revenue
taxes based on the collection of the third fiscal year preceding the current fiscal
year as follows:
a. On the first year of the effectivity of this Code, thirty percent (30%);
b. On the second year, thirty-five percent (35%); and
c. On the third year and thereafter, forty percent (40%).
Allocation to Local Government Units (Section 285 of the LGC of 1991)
The share of local government units in the internal revenue allotment shall be
allocated in the following manner:
a. Provinces - Twenty-three percent (23%);
b. Cities - Twenty-three percent (23%);
c. Municipalities - Thirty-four percent (34%); and
d. Barangays - Twenty percent (20%)
Provided, however, that the share of each province, city, and municipality shall be
determined on the basis of the following formula:
a. Population - Fifty percent (50%);
b. Land Area - Twenty-five percent (25%); and
c. Equal sharing - Twenty-five percent (25%)
Provided, further, that the share of each Barangay with a population of not less
than one hundred (100) inhabitants shall not be less than Eighty
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
thousand pesos (P=80,000.00) per annum chargeable against the twenty
percent (20%) share of the Barangay from the internal revenue allotment, and the
balance to be allocated on the basis of the following formula:
a. On the first year of the effectivity of this Code: 1. Population - Forty percent
(40%); and 2. Equal Sharing - Sixty percent (60%);
b. On the second year: 1. Population - Fifty percent (50%); and 2. Equal
Sharing - Fifty percent (50%);
c. On the third year and thereafter: 1. Population - Sixty percent (60%); and
2. Equal Sharing - Forty percent (40%)
Provided, finally, that the fiscal requirements of barangays created by local
government units after the effectivity of this Code shall be the
responsibility of the local government unit concerned.
Amount of Share of Local Government Units (Section 290 of the LGC of 1991)
Local government units shall, in addition to the internal revenue allotment, have a
share of forty percent (40%) of the gross collection derived by the national
government from the preceding fiscal year from mining taxes, royalties, forestry
and fishery charges, and such other taxes, fees, or charges, including related
surcharges, interests, or fines, and from its share in any co-production, joint
venture or production sharing agreement in the utilization and development of the
national wealth within their territorial jurisdiction.
Sources of Revenue
1. National Government
2. Internal Revenue Allotment
3. Share from taxes, fees and charges collected from the development and
utilization of national wealth
4. Other grants and Subsidies
5. Debt Relief Program Locally Generated
6. Real Property Taxes
7. Business Taxes
8. Other Local Taxes
9. Regulatory Fees
10. Operation of Local Economic Enterprises
11. Tolls and Users Charges.
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Other Sources
1. Sales/Lease of Assets
2. Credits
3. BOT-BT Scheme Legal B as is Section 18, Power to Generate and
Apply Resources.
Local government units shall have the power and authority to establish
an organization that shall be responsible for the efficient and effective
implementation of their development plans, program objectives and priorities; to
create their own sources of revenue and to levy taxes, fees, and charges.
The Code encouraged active and direct participation of civil society, nongovernmental organizations and the private sector in the process of local
governance by making them formal members of several local special bodies such
as local development councils;
Role of People's and Nongovernmental Organizations (Section 34 of
the LGC of 1991)
Local government units shall promote the establishment and operation of people's
and nongovernmental organizations to become active partners in the pursuit of
local autonomy. The Local Government Code of 1991 provided the policy context
for the emergence of entrepreneurial local governments by encouraging LGUs to
enter into joint ventures and partnerships with the private sector such as buildoperate-transfer arrangement and bond flotation
Linkages with People's and Non-Governmental Organizations (Section 35 of
the LGC of 1991)
Local government units may enter into joint ventures and such other cooperative
arrangements with people's and nongovernmental organizations to engage in the
delivery of certain basic services, capability-building and livelihood projects,
and to develop local enterprises designed to improve productivity and income,
diversify agriculture, spur rural industrialization, promote ecological balance, and
enhance the economic and social well-being of the people.
Credit Financing: The Issues/ Concerns
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
a. The inadequacy of the internal revenue shares of the local government units to meet
the budgetary requirements of the devolved function, programs and projects
b. The continued lack of budgetary support from the national government for the full
implementation of devolved tertiary health services
c. The interference of national government in personnel and fiscal management of eth
local government units
d. The need to further broaden the tax base of the local government units
e. The need to devolve more power functions and programs.
Source: www.gov.ph/about/gov/lgu/
LESSON CHECK UP:
Answer the following questions:
1. In what ways can citizen participation contribute to good governance?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
_________
2. What is the structure of local government units in the Philippines?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________
3. How have you strengthened citizen participation in local governance?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________
4. How do you measure the impact of stronger citizen participation?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
____________
5. What does it mean to strengthen our LGU’S in local governance and why is
it important?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
_____________________________________
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
MODULE 10
ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL PARTIES
LESSON 1: THE NATURE OF ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE
CONTEXT OF THE PHILIPPINES
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Demonstrate an understanding of elections and political parties and civil
society and social movements;
2. Analyze the interactions between state and society;
3. Describe the nature of elections and political parties in the Philippines;
4. Identify the types of electoral systems;
5. Assess the implications of the type of electoral systems on politics and
governance; and
6. Analyze the nature of elections and political parties in the Philippines
LEARNING CONTENT:
ELECTIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES
Political parties and elections play an important role in the analysis of politics in
developing countries, particularly in the analysis of democratization, and
specifically the consolidation of democratic political regimes.
The Nature of Elections and Political Parties in the Context of the Philippines
An election is a formal decision-making process by which a population chooses an
individual to hold public office. Elections have been the usual mechanism by which
modern representative democracy has operated since the 17th century. Elections
may fill offices in the legislature, sometimes in the executive and judiciary, and for
regional and local government. This process is also used in many other private
and business organizations, from clubs to voluntary associations and corporations.
The universal use of elections as a tool for selecting representatives in modern
representative democracies is in contrast with the practice in the democratic
archetype, ancient Athens, where the Elections were considered an oligarchic
institution and most political offices were filled using sortition, also known as
allotment, by which officeholders were chosen by lot.
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Electoral reform describes the process of introducing fair electoral systems where
they are not in place, or improving the fairness or effectiveness of existing systems.
Psephology is the study of results and other statistics relating to elections
(especially with a view to predicting future results).
To elect means "to choose or make a decision", and so sometimes other forms of
ballot such as referendums are referred to as elections, especially in the United
States.(Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Election)
History of Political Parties in the Philippines
The first Philippine political party, established in 1900, was the Federal Party,
which advocated peace and eventual statehood. Later, the Nationalist Party (NP)
and the Democratic Party were established. They did not produce an actual twoparty system, since the Nationalists retained exclusive control and the Democrats
functioned as a "loyal opposition."
However, following Japanese occupation and the granting of independence, an
effective two-party system developed between the Liberal Party (LP) and the NP.
The Progressive Party, formed in 1957 by adherents of Ramon Magsaysay, polled
more than one million votes in the presidential election of 1958.
In the elections of November 1965, Senator Ferdinand Marcos, the NP candidate,
received 55% of the vote. In the 1969 election, he was elected to an unprecedented
second term. All political activity was banned in 1972, following the imposition of
martial law, and was not allowed to resume until a few months before the April
1978 elections for an interim National Assembly.
The Marcos government's New Society Movement (Kilusan Bagong Lipunan- KBL)
won that election and the 1980 and 1982 balloting for local officials, amid charges
of electoral fraud and attempts by opposition groups to boycott the voting. The
principal opposition party was the People's Power Movement-Fight (Lakas Ng
Bayan- Laban), led by Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., until his assassination in 1983.
This party joined with 11 other opposition parties in 1982 to form a coalition known
as the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO). Following Aquino's
murder, some 50 opposition groups, including the members of the UNIDO
coalition, agreed to coordinate their anti-Marcos efforts. This coalition of opposition
parties enabled Corazon Aquino to campaign against Marcos in 1986.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
In September 1986 the revolutionary left formed a legal political party to contest
congressional elections. The Partido ng Bayan (Party of the Nation) allied with
other left-leaning groups in an Alliance for New Politics. This unsuccessful attempt
for electoral representation resulted in a return to guerrilla warfare on the part of
the Communists.
After assuming the presidency, Aquino formally organized the People's Power
Movement (Lakas Ng Bayan), the successor to her late husband's party. In the
congressional elections of May 1987, Aquino's popularity gave her party a sweep
in the polls, making it the major party in the country. Marcos's KBL was reduced to
a minor party.
Some of its members formed their own splinter groups, such as the Grand Alliance
for Democracy (GAD), a coalition of parties seeking distance from Marcos. Others
revived the LP and the NP, seeking renewed leadership. The left-wing People's
Party (Partido Ng Bayan), which supports the political objectives of the NPA, was
a minor party in the elections. In May 1989 Juan Ponce Enrile reestablished the
Nacionalista Party.
A new opposition party, the Filipino Party (Partido Pilipino), organized in 1991 as
a vehicle for Aquino's estranged cousin Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco's
presidential campaign. He ran third in the election, taking 18.1% of the vote, behind
Miriam Defensor Santiago with 19.8% of the vote. On 30 June 1992 Fidel Ramos
succeeded Corazon Aquino as president of the Philippines with a plurality of
23.6%. In September 1992 Ramos signed the Anti-Subversion Law signaling a
peaceful resolution to more than 20 years of Communist insurgency, with the
repeal of the anti-subversion legislation in place since 1957.
On 26 August 1994 Ramos announced a new political coalition that would produce
the most powerful political group in the Philippines. Ramos' Lakas-National Union
of Christian Democrats (Lakas/NUCD) teamed with the Democratic Filipino
Struggle (Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino, Laban). Following the 1995 elections,
the LDP controlled the Senate with 14 of the 24 members. The elections in 1998
changed the political landscape once more. In the Senate the newly created Laban
Ng Masang Pilipino, led by presidential candidate, Joseph Estrada, captured 12
seats to the Lakas 5, PRP 2, LP 1, independents 3. The LAMP party also
dominated the House of Representatives with 135 seats to the Lakas 37, LP 13,
Aksyon Demokratiko 1, and 35 independents.
Political parties and their leaders in 2002 included: Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New
Society Movement), led by Imelda Marcos; Laban Ng Demokratikong Pilipino
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
(Struggle of Filipino Democrats) or LDP, led by Eduardo Angara; Lakas, led by
Jose De Venecia; Liberal Party or LP, led by Florencio Abad; Nacionalista Party,
led by Jose Oliveros; National People's Coalition or NPC, led by Eduardo
Cojuangco; PDP-Laban, led by Aquilino Pimentel; and the People's Reform Party
or PRP, led by Miriam Defensor-Santiago.
The Philippine presidential and vice presidential elections of 2016 was held on
Monday, May 9, 2016, as part of the 2016 general election. This was the 16th
Presidential election in the Philippines since 1935 and the 6th Presidential election
since 1986. Congress had met in late May to canvass the results, issued an official
result with Davao Mayor, Rodrigo Duterte and Bicol Representative, Leni Robredo
emerging as the winners of the presidential and vice presidential races,
respectively. They were proclaimed on May 30, in the House of Representatives.
The plurality voting system is used to determine the winner - the candidate with
the highest number of votes, whether or not one has a majority, wins the
presidency. The vice presidential election is a separate election, is held on the
same rules, and voters may split their ticket. Both winners will serve six-year terms
commencing on the noon of June 30, 2016 and ending on the same day six years
later. Congress, Senate and local elections are held in the years of presidential
elections and three years before and after them.
According to the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines, the election is held every six
years after 1992, on the second Monday of May. The incumbent president is term
limited. The incumbent vice president may run for two consecutive terms.
Voter participation is typically around 70 percent to 85 percent. There were 54.4
million registered voters in 2016; 50.6 million voters in 2010; 43 million eligible
voters in 2004; 36.1 million in 2001; and 34 million in 1998. Overseas Filipinos
were allowed to vote in presidential elections for the first time in 2004. Voting rates
are high in national elections despite obstacles such as difficult transportation, the
need to write out the names of all candidates in longhand, and, occasionally, the
threat of violence. Filipinos enjoy and expect elections so much that even
Ferdinand Marcos dared not completely deny them this outlet. Instead, he changed
the rules to rig the elections in his favor.
Electoral System in the Philippines
The Philippines has universal direct suffrage at age 18 and older to elect the
president, vice president (who runs independently), and most of the seats in the
bicameral legislature, consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate;
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a minority of House members known as sectoral representatives are appointed by
the president. Elections are held not just for national leadership but also for
representation at the provincial and local levels. In the last elections in May 2004,
some 74 percent of eligible voters participated, but the process was marred by
violence and numerous irregularities, which the political opposition continues to
protest, even calling for the president’s impeachment. (Source: Library of
Congress)
Elections in the Philippines are the arena in which the country's elite families
compete for political power. The wealthiest clans contest national and provincial
offices. Families of lesser wealth compete for municipal offices. In the barangays,
where most people are equally poor, election confers social prestige but no real
power or money.
The 1987 Philippine Constitution also empowers the commission to "accredit
citizens' arms of the Commission on Elections." This refers to the National
Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), a private group established in the
1950s, with advice and assistance from the United States, to keep elections
honest. NAMFREL recruited public-spirited citizens (320,000 volunteers in
104,000 precincts in the 1987 congressional elections) to watch the voting and
monitor ballot-counting, and it prepared a "quick count," based mostly on urban
returns, to publicize the results immediately. Because the Commission on
Elections can take weeks or even months to certify official returns, the National
Movement for Free Elections makes it harder for unscrupulous politicians to distort
the results. NAMFREL itself has sometimes been denounced by election losers as
being a tool of United States intervention and has not always been impartial. In
1986 it favored Aquino, and its chairman, Jose Concepcion, was subsequently
named Aquino's minister of trade and industry.
The 1987 constitution establishes a new system of elections. The terms of
representatives are reduced from four years to three, and the presidential term is
lengthened from four years to six. Senators also serve a six-year term. The
Constitution's transitory provisions are scheduled to expire in 1992, after which
there is to be a three-year election cycle. Suffrage is universal at age eighteen.
The constitution established a Commission on Elections that is empowered to
supervise every aspect of campaigns and elections. It is composed of a
chairperson and six commissioners, who cannot have been candidates for any
position in the immediately preceding elections. A majority of the commissioners
must be lawyers, and all must be college-educated. They are appointed by the
president with the consent of the Commission on Appointments and serve a single
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seven-year term. The Commission on Elections enforces and administers all
election laws and regulations and has original jurisdiction over all legal disputes
arising from disputed results. To counter the unwholesome influence occasionally
exercised by soldiers and other armed groups, the commission may depute law
enforcement agencies, including the Armed Forces of the Philippines. In dire
situations, the commission can take entire municipalities and provinces under its
control, or order new elections.
The final decision on all legislative elections rests with the electoral tribunals of the
Senate and House of Representatives. Each electoral tribunal is composed of nine
members, three of whom are members of the Supreme Court designated by the
chief justice. The remaining six are members of the Senate or the House, chosen
on the basis of proportional representation from parties in the chamber. *
History of Elections in the Philippines
Until 1972 Philippine elections were comparable to those in United States cities
during early industrialization: flawed, perhaps, by instances of vote-buying, ballotbox stuffing, or miscounts, but generally transmitting the will of the people. A
certain amount of election-related violence was considered normal. Marcos
overturned this system with innovations such as asking voters to indicate by a
show of hands if they wanted him to remain in office. In the snap election of 1986,
Marcos supporters tried every trick they knew but lost anyway. The heroism of the
democratic forces at that time inspired many Filipinos. (Source: Library of
Congress)
The commission to "accredit citizens' arms of the Commission on Elections” is
known as the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL). A private
NAMFREL was instrumental in the election of President Ramon Magsaysay in
1953, and played a minor role in subsequent presidential elections. It lapsed into
inactivity during the martial law years, then played an important role in Aquino's
1986 victory. (Source: Library of Congress)
The first congressional elections under the 1987 constitution were held on May 11,
1987. Political parties had not really coalesced. Seventy-nine separate parties
registered with the Commission on Elections, and voters had a wide range of
candidates to choose from: 84 candidates ran for 24 Senate seats, and 1,899
candidates ran for 200 House seats. The elections were considered relatively
clean, even though the secretary of local government ordered all governors and
mayors to campaign for Aquino-endorsed candidates. There were sixty-three
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election related killings. Some of these deaths were attributable to small-town
family vendettas, whereas others may have had ideological motives. The armed
forces charged that communists used strong-arm tactics in areas they controlled,
and the communists in turn claimed that nineteen of their election workers had
been murdered. Election results showed a virtual clean sweep for candidates
endorsed by Aquino. *
The next step in redemocratization was to hold local elections for the first time
since 1980. When Aquino took office, she dismissed all previously elected officials
and replaced them with people she believed to be loyal to her. Local elections were
originally scheduled for August 1987, but because many May 1987 congressional
results were disputed and defeated candidates wanted a chance to run for local
positions, the Commission on Elections postponed local elections first to
November 1987 and then to January 18, 1988. More than 150,000 candidates ran
for 16,000 positions as governor, vice governor, provincial board member, mayor,
vice mayor, and town council member, nationwide. *
The final step in redemocratization was the thrice-postponed March 1989 election
for barangay officials. Some 42,000 barangay captains were elected. At this level
of neighborhood politics, no real money or power was involved, the stakes were
small, and election violence was rare. The Commission on Elections prohibited
political parties from becoming involved.
Election Campaigns in the Philippines
Before elections in May 2010, Blaine Harden wrote in the Washington Post:
“Elections in the Philippines are personality-driven, a kind of national soap opera
in which distinctions between infamy and celebrity tend to blur over time. In the
chaotic run-up to national elections on May 10, about 85,000 candidates are
clamoring after 17,000 positions, from town council member to president. Political
violence has claimed at least 80 lives, including 57 in one incident. And families
that have long called the shots in the Philippines are angling for advantage.
(Source: Blaine Harden, Washington Post, April 22, 2010)
Campaigns in the Philippines have been called charades and compared to con
games. They are generally long on impossible-to-fulfill promises and entertainment
and short on policy statements, positions on issues and substantive debate. There
are rules that limit campaign spending, advertising and television air time but these
rules are often broken. The campaign period for presidential and legislative
elections is theoretically about 60 days but is often much longer than that in reality.
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Political rallies are entertainment extravaganzas. Candidates uses comic books to
radio jingles to reach the voters. In a typical campaign rally the crowd wears caps
with the names of the candidates they support and chant their names. It is not
unusual for many of the members of the crowd to be paid to show up. In some
cases candidates have been accused of using taxpayer money for their
campaigns.
In the early 2000s it became fashionable for politicians to appear in advertisements
and commercials, peddling everything from milk to detergents, to make money and
get their names and faces recognized. Politicians have appeared on television,
radio, billboards and posters. One presidential candidate plugged a Philippinemade brandy. President Arroyo appeared in ads endorsing low-price medicines,
cheap rice and a commuter train service. Government -owned mobile stores that
sold rice and other basic foodstuffs were called Gloria’s Stores.
Describing the scene six months before presidential in 2004, Ellen Nakashima
wrote in the Washington Post, “In just one week in the Philippine capital, a former
air transportation official was shot dead in a control tower at the international
airport, lawmakers clashed over whether to impeach the nation's top judge and
police dispersed thousands of protesters with tear gas and water cannons. And
that, many Filipinos fear, was just another typical week as the May 2004
presidential election season opens and opposition forces sense that President
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is vulnerable. (Source: Ellen Nakashima, Washington
Post, November 23, 2003)
Election Irregularities and Problems with Philippine Electoral System
Philippine elections are often marred by violence, fraud and irregularities. Polling
stations run out of ballots; ballot boxes go missing; names of legitimate voters
aren’t not on voting lists; dead people remain on lists that have not been updated;
stations run out of ink that keeps voters from voting twice. There have also been
allegations that computers have been manipulated to change results.
"Politicians routinely" employ "election techniques that would embarrass a Chicago
ward heeler," William Branigin wrote in the Washington Post. "Vote buying and
dirty tricks are run-of-the-mill. Political groups here have resorted to such methods
as moving polling stations at the last minute, kidnapping opposition voters,
switching ballot boxes and tally sheets, voting not only involving the dead but entire
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ghost precincts and, when all else fails, blowing away rival candidates or local
organizers."
Vote buying is common. "Election in the Philippines function something like a
national welfare system," Mimi Swartz wrote in New Yorker, "In a country where
the minimum wage is five dollars a day, an undecided vote is one who has not yet
received gifts of food and cash from a candidate." The Marcos's spent an estimated
$1 billion to win one election and that was when they were in power.
Carlos H. Conde wrote in the New York Times, “Here, politicians have no qualms
about using what critics call "guns, gold and goons." Votes are still being counted
by hand, while vote-counters are appointed by politicians who are also candidates.
Vote-buying is said to be rampant - a charge frequently leveled by defeated
candidates - and it is widely reported that many ordinary voters have come to
expect bribes from politicians. The padding and shaving of votes - the practice of
which Arroyo is now accused - is also apparently prevalent. (Source: Carlos H.
Conde, New York Times, July 1, 2005)
The electoral infrastructure “is the Commission on Elections, which had been a
credible institution until Marcos politicized it and used it to lend legitimacy to his
regime. Among other things, he packed it with his own appointees. When Marcos
was ousted in 1986, his successor, Corazon Aquino, wanted to rebuild and
strengthen the democratic institutions that Marcos destroyed, among them the
commission. She appointed people with acknowledged credibility to run these
institutions.
“One of them is Christian Monsod, whom Aquino appointed as chairman of the
commission in 1992, her last year in office. But, according to Monsod, who left the
commission in 1995, "the three presidents after Aquino did more to weaken than
to strengthen the commission." Monsod said the succeeding regimes "did not
appoint good commissioners because they were more interested in their political
agenda." This had the effect of restoring what Marcos had done - to pack the
commission with the politically connected to control the outcome of votes. As a
result, a "creeping rot" threatens the foundation of Philippine democracy, Monsod
said. "The commission has zero credibility and is part of the problem."
“In 1993, Monsod modernized the commission, overseeing the drafting of a new
election code and improving its systems, most especially procedures for the
counting of votes. More than a decade later and after spending close to 2 billion
pesos, or about $36 million, on equipment and projects that never got off the
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ground, the commission still uses hand-counted votes and final results are not
known until weeks after an election. Under the present setup, fraud apparently
remains prevalent.
“Every election since Marcos has brought complaints of cheating. Sulay Alipa, a
former mayor of Bongao town in the southern Philippines, says he was cheated in
the 2004 elections. The cheating took on many forms, he said by telephone. Some
towns in his province had 98 percent voter turnout rates, which, he said, was
statistically improbable. In one town, 10,000 were listed as voters when there were
only 6,000 people of voting age. The teachers who did the counting, Alipa said,
were appointed by officials who were also candidates, opening the way to fraud.
And because elections here are often accompanied by violence, the police and
military are usually put under the commission's control during the voting, which
also raises the likelihood of fraud. In past elections, state security forces were
involved in snatching ballot boxes or preventing people from voting.
Need to Reform the Philippine Elections
In 2005, after Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, went on national
television to apologize for election-related improprieties, Carlos H. Conde wrote in
the New York Times, “Election experts say that Filipinos must have honest
elections before they have even a chance of becoming prosperous and politically
stable. Electoral reforms are crucial in a country whose politics are still dominated
by decades-old political dynasties. “The current political crisis is the result of our
faulty and corrupt electoral system," said José Concepción, chairman of the
National Movement for Free Elections, an election monitoring group. "Either we
reform this system or this is not going to be the last of these crises. It's now or
never." (Source: Carlos H. Conde, New York Times, July 1, 2005)
If shady election “practices are eliminated, according to the experts, the Philippines
may finally see an end to the political upheavals that roil it with worrisome
frequency - upheavals that are often caused by the questionable mandates that
election fraud often creates. Only then, they say, can the country attain political
maturity and the full flowering of its democracy. “The current political crisis is the
result of our faulty and corrupt electoral system," said José Concepción, chairman
of the National Movement for Free Elections, an election monitoring group. "Either
we reform this system or this is not going to be the last of these crises. It's now or
never." "The electoral process is at the very center of this crisis," said Ronald
Meinardus, country representative for the Friedrich Naumann Foundation of
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Germany, which has been funding programs here for election reforms. "Had it not
been for the flawed electoral process, this wouldn't have happened."
“Alipa says his experience is all too common in many parts of the country. "We
should really change our electoral process," he said. But change can only happen
if Filipino leaders have the political will to do it, according to Meinardus of the
Friedrich Naumann Foundation. "The political class is happy with the status quo
because they could have their privileges, no matter that it does not allow for true
democracy, that it only allows for manipulation of the process," he said. "Looking
around, I don't see anybody among them calling for electoral reforms."
In Isabela Province, the Catholic Church deployed 3,000 parishioners to help
guard ballot boxes after a powerful local family unplugged a radio station and took
other actions when it appeared there was a good chance they might lose the
governorship.
In the mid-2000s there was a trend to contest elections in the courts. One the eve
of the 2004 election more than half a dozen disqualification cases were heard in
the courts. They involved allegations of excessive campaign spending, breaking
limits on political advertising, vote-buying and illegal use of tax payer money for
elections. (Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles
Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress,
Philippines Department of Tourism, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian,
National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time,
Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The
Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books,
websites and other publications.)
Source:http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/Asia-andOceania/Philippines-POLITICAL-PARTIES.html#ixzz4Zo0kfP1f
LESSON HECK UP:
What are the common strategies of Politician-Candidates, Political
Parties, Partylist and Other Interest Groups during elections? Write
them down inside the hexagons.
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DYNAMICS
OF
PHILIPPINE
POLITICS
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MODULE II
CIVIL SOCIETY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
LESSON 1: POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OUTSIDE FORMAL INSTITUTIONS
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Demonstrate an understanding of elections and political parties and civil
society and social movements;
2. Analyze the interactions between state and society;
3. Discuss the concepts of civil society and social movements;
4. Explain the contributions of civil society organizations and social
movements to Philippine democracy; and
5. Evaluate the role of civil society organizations and social movements
LEARNING CONTENT:
WHAT DEFINES A CIVIL SOCIETY?
Think about the country that you live in - what does it take to make that country
operate smoothly? The government takes care of law and order and businesses
offer goods and services in exchange for money, which both help to keep a society
moving. But what about other groups, like churches or the PTA, how do they
contribute to your society? These other groups actually play a very big part in how
your country operates, and they fall into a category known as civil society.
Meanings and Definitions:
What Is Civil Society?
Initially, Civil Society used to be defined as a political community i.e. a society
governed by the government, law and authority. In contemporary times, however,
Civil Society is distinguished from the state and political community. It means
non-governmental, private, voluntarily organized associations or institutions of the
people, through which they try to secure their needs, desires and objectives.
Such associations and organizations work independently of the government. Civil
Society even opposes the wrong politics, decisions and projects of the
government. In doing so the civil society depends upon constitutional, peaceful
and legal method of action.
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The term Civil Society is used to collectively refer to the voluntary organizations
corporate bodies, socially active groups, and firms working in each society.
Civil Society is the set of intermediate associations which is neither the state nor
the family, but which plays an active and positive role in social, economic, and
cultural activities.
According to Andrew Heywood, "Civil society refers to "a realm of associations,
business, interest groups, classes’ families and so on."
Civil Society includes all private organizations of the people. Press, professional
associations of the people, Human Right groups and organizations, voluntary
social service organizations, and in fact, all NGOs working in society.
In other words, Civil Society refers to the effective presence of non- governmental
autonomous groups and associations, business groups, interest groups, trade
unions, voluntary social service organizations, in fact, all non-governmental
organizations, and groups working for securing public interests and welfare by their
self-efforts.
A civil society is comprised of groups or organizations working in the interest of
the citizens but operating outside of the governmental and for-profit sectors.
Organizations and institutions that make up civil society include labor unions, nonprofit organizations, churches, and other service agencies that provide an
important service to society but generally ask for very little in return.
Civil society is sometimes referred to as the civil sector, a term that is used to
differentiate it from other sectors that comprise a functioning society. For example,
the United States is made up of three sectors: the public sector, which is the
government and its branches; the private sector, which includes businesses and
corporations; and the civil sector, which includes the organizations that act in the
public's interest but are not motivated by profit or government.
Features of Civil Society:
a. Civil Society consists of non-governmental, voluntarily organized
associations, organizations and institutions of the people.
b. Civil Society is different from both the State and Society.
c. Civil Society is, however, neither opposed to state nor to society. On the
contrary it works as a supplementary to each of the two. It, however, works
in an organized and autonomous way.
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d. A healthy and efficient democratic system needs and integrates civil
society, society and state.
e. Civil Society is constituted by the well-organized and active presence of a
number of social, economic and cultural associations and groups of the
people.
f. Both Liberalism and Marxism accept and advocate the role of Civil Society
but each conceptualizes it in a different way.
Role of Civil Society:
1. Civil Society as an instrument for securing rights and interests of the
people:
Civil Society works for discharging several economic, social, cultural, moral and
other responsibilities which fall in the domain of private activities. It is not a part of
government and yet it serves the purpose of securing the rights, general welfare
and development of all the people of the state.
2. Growing Strength and Role of Civil Society in our Country:
In our country the Civil Society has been becoming more and more aware, alert
and active. The continuous presence and successful working of Indian liberal
democratic political system, the spread of literacy, the freedom of mass media, the
existence of a very broad based decentralized local self-government system, the
presence of a direct, homogeneous and democratic process of Political
Socialization and people's full commitment to liberal democracy have been
together helping the Civil Society to become increasingly active and strong.
The Right to Information and the implementation of the Right to Information Act
has given an additional strength to the Civil Society. It now uses this Act for
securing its objectives; It has now come to be a powerful actor in the process of
Indian democratic polity, economy and society. Anna Hazare's anti-corruption
movement and the movement for the creation of a strong Lokpal as the watchdog
against corruption have shown the increasing strength and role Civil Society in our
country.
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3. Need of Civil Society in Undemocratic States:
Civil Society is needed even in an authoritarian system because it can help the
process of overthrow of the authoritarian regime and replace it with a democratic
system. The Civil Society, particularly the Bar Association of Pakistan, played a
key role in 2008 to compel General Parvez Musharraf to accept the demand for
holding democratic and free elections for constituting a democratic government
capable of developing Pakistan as a democratic state and society.
Since March 2008, Pakistan has been living with a democratic government and
this development has been helping the Civil Society in Pakistan to become better
organized and more active and efficient in playing its role in Pakistani society,
economy and polity. It alone can help the Pakistani government in controlling the
menace of terrorism.
In February 2011 several states of Africa, particularly Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and
some others have experienced the increasing strengths of their civil societies.
Strong opposition to authoritarian and dictatorial regimes was demonstrated by the
civil society in Egypt.
The civil society of Tunisia successfully secured its objective of overthrowing the
forces of authoritarianism in their country and on 11th February 2011, the Egyptian
Civil Society also successfully secured its objective of eliminating the authoritarian
regime of Hosni Mubarak in their country. It is expected that it will now ensure the
installation of a democratic regime in the country.
In fact, the civil society of each state has been trying to become more active and
assertive in its society, polity and economy. It is indeed a very healthy development
which is destined to give more strength to the movements for the restoration of
democratic regimes in all authoritarian states of the world.
The current drive for the protection of Human Rights of all the people living in all
parts of the globe and the environment protection movements will get more and
more support and efforts from the civil society of each member of the international
community.
Source: www.preservearticles.com/.../civil-society-meaning-features-androle-of-civil-society
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Social Movements
Concept of Social Movements: Social movements are a type of group action.
They are large, sometimes informal, groupings of individuals or organizations
which focus on specific political or social issues. In other words, they carry out,
resist, or undo a social change.
Social Movements: Meaning, Causes, Types, Revolution and Role
The Meaning of Social Movements:
In the society a large number of changes have been brought about by efforts
exerted by people individually and collectively. Such efforts have been called social
movements. A social movement may, therefore, be defined as “a collectively acting
with some continuity to promote or resist a change in the society or group of which
it is a part”.
According to Anderson and Parker, social movement is “a form of dynamic
pluralistic behaviour which progressively develops structure through time and aims
at partial or complete modification of the social order.” Lundberg and others define
social movement as, “a voluntary association of people engaged in concerted
efforts to change attitudes, behaviour and social relationships in a larger society.”
Thus, social movement is the effort by an association to bring about a change in
the society. A social movement may also be directed to resist a change. Some
movements are directed to modify certain aspects of the existing social order
whereas others may aim to change it completely. The former are called reform
movements and the latter are known as revolutionary movements.
Social movements may be of numerous kinds, such as religious movements,
reform movements, or revolutionary movements.
Social movements may be distinguished from institutions:
Firstly, Social institutions are relatively permanent and stable elements of a culture,
whereas social movements have an uncertain life. Marriage is a permanent social
institution but the life of family planning movement is not certain. Secondly,
institutions hold institutional status. They are regarded as necessary and valuable
aspects of the culture. A social movement lacks institutional status. Some people
are indifferent or even hostile to it.
Social movements may also be distinguished from association. Firstly, an
association is an organized group, while some social movements may be totally
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unorganized. Secondly, an association carries the customary behaviour of the
society, while the social movement is concerned with some change in behaviour
norms.
Features of the Social Movement:
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
It is an effort by a group
Its aim is to bring or resist a change in society
It may be organized or unorganized
It may be peaceful or violent
Its life is not certain. It may continue for a long period or it may die out soon.
Causes of Social Movements:
Social movements do not just happen. It is social unrest which gives rise to a social
movement.
Factors Causing Social Unrest among Societies:
1. Cultural Drifts:
The society is undergoing constant changes. The values and behaviour are
changing in all civilized societies. In the course of cultural drift most of the people
develop new ideas. To get these ideas operative in society they organise a
movement. The development of a democratic society, the emancipation of women,
the spread of mass education, the removal of untouchability, equality of opportunity
for both the sexes, growth of secularism are the examples of cultural drift.
2. Social Disorganization:
A changing society is to some extent disorganized because changes in different
parts of society do not take place simultaneously. One part changes more rapidly
than the other producing thereby numerous lags. Industrialization has brought
urbanization which has in its turn caused numerous social problems.
Social disorganization brings confusion and uncertainty because the old traditions
no longer form a dependable guide to behaviour. The individuals become rootless.
They feel isolated from the society. A feeling develops that the community leaders
are indifferent to their needs. The individuals feel insecure, confused and
frustrated. Confusion and frustration produce social movements.
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3. Social Injustice:
When a group of people feel that injustice has been done to it they become
frustrated and alienated. Such feeling of injustice provides fertile soil for social
movements. The feeling of social injustice is not limited to the miserable poor. Any
group, at any status level may come to feel itself the victim of social injustice. A
wealthy class may feel a sense of injustice when faced with urban property ceiling
Act or high taxes intended to benefit the poor. Social injustice is a subjective value
judgment. A social system is unjust when it is so perceived by its members.
Thus, social movements arise wherever social conditions are favorable. It may be
noted that in a stable, well integrated society there are few social movements. In
such a society there are very few social tensions or alienated groups.
The people are contented. But in a changing and continuously disorganized
society the people suffer from tensions. They are not fully contented. In such a
society they perceive social injustice and become dissatisfied. It is the dissatisfied
who build social movements. The modern society is more afflicted by social
movements.
The People More Susceptible to Social Movements:
a. Mobile and have little chance to become integrated into the life of the
community
b. Not fully accepted and integrated into the group and are termed marginal
c. Isolated from the community
d. Threatened by economic insecurity and loss of social status
e. Free from family responsibilities or are estranged from their families
f. Maladjusted.
Thus, the people who are homeless and misfits of society become the supporters
of mass movements. It may also be noted that some people join the social
movements for reasons unrelated to the movement’s objectives. Some may join it
first to fill their leisure Ume, or they may be personally attracted to some of its
members.
The Sequence Pattern of Social Movements:
1. First, there is unrest and discontent in some part of the population. A small
group of individuals becomes conscious of the need for a change, voices
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its feelings and opinions, and sets out to influence the opinions and
emotions of others and prepare them for a reform.
2. Then, thereafter, there is a period of growth in following. A preliminary
organization is effected and the programme is restated in more popular
and appealing terms.
3. Then follows a more systematic effort to gain supporters. There is a formal
campaign. Backed by the enlarged following and increased propaganda
the leaders eventually exert pressure on those in authority.
4. The program is either accepted or rejected, or partly accepted and partly
rejected. If accepted, necessary institutional changes are made; if rejected
the movement either collapses or reorganizes for a new trial of strength at
a later date.
Thus most completed movements pass through four stages of unrest,
excitement, formalization and institutionalization.
Types of Social Movements:
1. Migratory Movement:
Migratory movement takes place when a large number of people leave one country
and settle at some other place. The reason for mass migration may be discontent
with present circumstances or the allurement of a bright future. Mere migration of
people does not mean migratory movement.
There is a migratory social- movement only when there is a common focus of
discontent, a shared purpose or hope for the future and a widely shared decision
to move to a new location. The Zionist movement, the movement of Jews to Israel
was a migratory social movement. Similarly, the movement of people from East
Germany to West Germany can be called migratory social movement.
2. Expressive Movement:
When people are faced with a social system from which they cannot flee and which
they feel powerless to change, the result is an expressive social movement. In an
expressive social movement the individual comes to terms with an unpleasant
external reality by modifying his reactions to that reality. He somehow makes life
bearable. He tries to ignore the miserable present and fixes his gaze upon a
glorious future. The Hippie movement is an expressive social movement.
3. Utopian Movement:
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A Utopian movement is one which seeks to create an ideal social system or a
perfect society which can be found only in man’s imagination and not in reality.
There have been a number of Utopian socialist in the nineteenth century such as
Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. Such movements are based on a conception
of man as basically good, cooperative and altruistic. The Sarvodaya movement
can be called a Utopian movement.
4. Reform Movement:
The reform movement is an attempt to modify some parts of the society without
completely transforming it. Reform movements can operate only in a democratic
society where people have freedom to criticize the existing institutions and may
secure changes. The movements to abolish untouchability, dowry system,
preserve wild life, control population growth are reform movements. The total
revolution movement led by J. P. Narayan was a reform movement. The movement
led by J. P. Narayan was a reform movement.
5. Revolutionary Movement:
The revolutionary movement seeks to overthrow the existing social system and
replace it with a greatly different one. The reform movement wants to correct some
imperfections in the existing social system but a revolutionary movement wants to
root out the system itself. Revolutionary movement’s flourish where reform is
blocked so that revolution remains the people’s only alternative to their present
misery. The communist movements in Soviet Russia and China were revolutionary
movements.
6. Resistance Movements:
The resistance movement is an effort to block a proposed change or to uproot a
change already achieved. The revolutionary movement arises because people are
dissatisfied with the slow rate of social change whereas resistance movement
arises because people consider social change too fast. The D. M. K. movement
against Hindi can be termed resistance movement.
7. Revolutionary Movements:
As said above, revolutionary movements or revolutions seek to over throw the
existing social system itself and replace it with a greatly different one. The
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communist revolution in Soviet Russia overthrew the Czarist regime and replaced
it with the communist system of production and distribution of goods.
According to MacIver, “at a time when a political regime is overthrown by force in
order to impose a new form of government or a government which proclaims a new
policy on some crucial issue, we may call it a revolution.” He further says, ‘The
assassination of a king or President or Premier would not constitute a revolution if
it was inspired by personal motives or were the act of a small group of desperados
who could not hope to establish an alternative government.
A revolution implies a deep schism within the state. It reveals a pathological
condition of the individual which shows by contrast the physical nature of the
political authority.” Revolutions flourish where reform is blocked so that revolution
remains the only alternative left with the people. It is accompanied by violence,
mass-scale killings, use of underground methods and untold sufferings, yet the
people resort to it because they see no hope.
Although an Oligarchy state ruled by an oligarch or a class is most prone to
revolution, however, a democracy also is not free from it. In an oligarchy, the
people have no power, their rights are suppressed, there is coercion and
oppression which take the people to revolution. In a democracy, religious, social
or economic issues may cause revolution. The earlier writers like John of Salisbury
and Mace Gold held that contract with God is superior to contract with men and
hence paramount over the demands of the state.
Religion is a big emotive issue which can flare up in a revolution. Among the social
issues the most important is the feeling by a particular group or race that it is not
getting its just share in the political set up of the country and that the only
alternative is to achieve autonomy or to be separated from the state to which it is
coercively bound.
If such a group or race occupies a determinate territory, such feeling acquires
greater force. In the economic sphere, the present division between capital and
labor, the owners of the means of production and workers, has fostered much
bitterness and revolutionary feeling. The capitalists control the government and,
therefore, the only way of abolishing the capitalism is to get control over the
government.
However, in contrast to oligarchies, the democracies are less prone to revolutions,
in the words of MacIver, “A truly democratic state is vastly more secure than an
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oligarchy against the threat of /evolution. Doubtless, the general will is still most
imperfect and undeveloped, but at least it is sufficiently real to give it a new
character to political authority. The formal basis of this authority is no more the
division of master and servant but the unity of agent and principal.”
MacIver also holds that when authority ceases to exist in its own right and becomes
derivative, when it becomes authority over action as distinct from authority over
thought and opinion, when it becomes authority according to prescribed norms
instead of personal command, when it becomes reciprocal instead of unilateral and
when it learns to appreciate its relation to that inner control which all personality
seeks for itself, the conditions for revolution are abolished.
Role of Leadership:
Social movements in order to succeed must have effective organization and strong
leader. The members or supporters must be recruited in greater number, financial
support must be procured and various tasks connected with the movement must
be properly allocated. There must also be proper coordination among personnel
assigned to more or less specific roles. In social movements the role of the leader
is very important.
Many a movement fails due to lack of leadership. The leader is the spokesman of
the group. He is the coordinator and the important participator in the decisions as
to the goals and methods. He is an example to others. He enjoys great authority
and power. He also enjoys great prestige. He excels others in personal qualities.
The leader has great responsibilities. He is expected to fulfill them.
He is expected to keep his word, to stick by the members and to uphold the group
norms and values. If he does not live up to the level expected, he suffers a loss of
prestige and even of position in the group. He can be thrown out of leadership. If
he betrays the confidence reposed in him by the supporters, he may even be killed.
Thus, the leader plays a crucial role in a social movement. The success or failure
of the movement depends largely on him.
The Leadership Functions Are Related To The:
a. goal achievement
b. strengthening of the social movement
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Functions of Leadership in Achieving Goals:
1. Make suggestions for action
2. Evaluate the movement towards the goal
3. Prevent activities irrelevant to the goal
4. Offer effective solutions for goal achievement
Functions in the Second Category Maintain and Strengthen the Movement.
1. Encourage the members
2. Release tension that builds up
3. Give everyone a chance to express himself
4. Stimulate coordinated action
The leader has the basic responsibility for seeing that the social movement
achieves its goals. The followers follow the leader because they recognize that he
can lead them to the goal. The leader should select his technique with great
forethought. It should be “reality-oriented.” The leader should know that in case of
failure of the movement he may have to suffer rebuffs, loss of status and blame.
He should, therefore, be very cautious in assuming the leadership, and having
assumed should be careful in handling it successfully. A leader can channelize the
mass enthusiasm into constructive social reforms or he can eventually destroy the
social system. (Source: www.sociologydiscussion.com › Social Movements)
Common features between Civil Society and Social movement
Social movements and civil society have structures like organizations a well
identified leadership and ideology. Civil society initiatives and social movements
are social processes which undergo several stages of progression from
mobilization to intensive collective action.
Social movements and civil societies pledge for change in the established order of
society. However, some of them also work to resist change in society. They both
occupy civil space in society. The creation of new collective identity is an essential
part of both social movements and civil society. They are based on identified
ideological choices.
They are initiated by enterprising people for the maximization of specific interests.
Here both processes can be taken over by the state. Social movements are
broader categories or agencies. At times it even looks for radical change by
attacking the existing structure of the society. Civil society looks for gradual change
within the existing arrangement. Civil society at times asks political questions and
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political
solutions
through
developmental
activities.
(Source:
http://www.sociologyguide.com/civil-society/common-features.php)
Political Participation Outside Formal Institutions
Political Participation
Political participation is any activity that shapes, affects, or involves the political
sphere. Political participation ranges from voting to attending a rally to committing
an act of terrorism to sending a letter to a representative. Broadly speaking, there
are three types of participation:
1. Conventional participation: Activities that we expect of good citizens. For most
people, participation occurs every few years at election time. People strongly
committed to politics are more likely to participate on a regular basis.
Example: Conventional political participation includes voting, volunteering for a
political campaign, making a campaign donation, belonging to activist groups, and
serving in public office.
2. Unconventional participation: Activities that are legal but often considered
inappropriate. Young people, students, and those with grave concerns about a
regime’s policies are most likely to engage in unconventional participation.
Example: Unconventional political participation includes signing petitions,
supporting boycotts, and staging demonstrations and protests.
3. Illegal participation: activities that break the law. Most of the time, people resort
to illegal participation only when legal means have failed to create significant
political change.
Example: Illegal political participation includes political assassination, terrorism,
and sabotaging an opponent’s campaign through theft or vandalism.
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Why People Participate
Most democratic citizens feel that some level of political participation, particularly
conventional participation, is admirable and acceptable. But political participation
can be hard: One must find time, and perhaps money, in order to participate. So
why do people do it? People participate in politics out of a sense of the following:
•
Idealism: Some participate because they believe strongly in a particular
idea.
•
Responsibility: For many, participation is a responsibility of democratic
citizenship.
•
Self-interest: A person might work to promote issues and causes that
personally profit that person.
•
Enjoyment: Some simply enjoy public activity, either because of the activity
itself or because of the friends they make while politically engaged.
The Paradox of Participation
Rational choice theorists have argued that participation, particularly voting, is
irrational. In a large country, the probability that one’s vote will decide the outcome
of an election is microscopic. Because participation has costs (time to vote, effort
to learn about the candidates and issues, and so on), the costs of voting outweigh
the benefits. In other words, voting does not make sense for people as an activity.
Another way to think about this issue is to consider the person who votes because
he or she desires to have an impact on the government. If he or she votes out of
a sense that the one vote will make a difference, then this person will be sorely
disappointed. The truth is that one vote does not make a difference. At the same
time, however, if everyone who votes ceased to believe in the power of voting to
effect change, then no one would turn out for elections and the democratic process
would stop functioning. Political scientists call this phenomenon the paradox of
participation.
Nonparticipation
In some countries, large parts of the population do not participate in politics at all.
In the United States, for example, only about half of all eligible people vote in
presidential elections.
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Attitudes for Nonparticipation:
a. Contentment: Lack of participation indicates satisfaction with the status
quo—if they were upset about an issue, people would participate.
b. Freedom: In a democratic society, people have the freedom to not
participate.
c. Apathy: Many people do not know much about politics and do not care.
d. Alienation: People do not participate because they feel that no one in
power listens to their views and that the government is, at best, indifferent
to them.
Source: www.sparknotes.com › ... › Political Culture and Public
Opinion
LESSON CHECK UP:
ARRANGE THE JUMBLED LETTERS TO FORM HIDDEN WORD USING THE GIVEN CLUE.
Jumbled Letters
Clue
Hidden Word
1. SOMEONEHUGO
talk the same language
______________________
2.
ITROPICANATIP
joining with others
______________________
3.
ABOLITIONZIM
move people to perform
______________________
4.
MONTENTCENT
state of satisfaction
______________________
5.
TRAINOURVELOY
radical change
______________________
6.
ULTIMATEMAILERS
alliance of countries
______________________
7.
NOHOPENMEN
an observable fact or event
______________________
8.
GECOILLOIDA
concerned with ideas
______________________
9.
SCARENITES
refusal to accept or submit
______________________
adapting behavior to norms
______________________
10. ASIATICOILZON
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MODULE 12
CITIZENSHIP
LESSON 1: THE TRADITIONAL AND MODERN VIEWS OF CITIZENSHIP, i.e.,
THE STATE-CENTRIC vs PARTICIPATORY NOTIONS OF CITIZENSHIP
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Demonstrate an understanding of citizenship;
Propose a project on political engagement and youth empowerment;
Explain citizenship;
Assess the various avenues for citizen participation; and
Illustrate the value of citizenship.
LEARNING CONTENT:
Citizenship-in-practice
CITIZENSHIP: MEANING, DEFINITION AND OTHER DETAILS
Since the state is organized and the government is established for the welfare of
the citizen, it becomes essential that we should know the meaning of the term
“citizen”. The term ‘citizen’ can be understood in a narrow or in a broad sense. In
a narrow sense, it means the resident of a city or one who enjoys the privilege of
living m a city. While in a broad sense citizen means a person who resides within
the territorial limits of the state.
Speaking in terms of Political Science, citizen means a person who is the member
of the state and who enjoys social and political rights. In our country an adult of
twenty-one years of age enjoys, regardless of the distinction of caste, color and
creed, education, property and residence, etc.
As a matter of fact, the concept of citizenship goes back to the ancient city- states
where the population was divided into two classes —the citizens and the slaves.
The citizens enjoyed both civil and political rights. They directly or indirectly
participate in all the functions of the civil and political life of the state.
Whereas the slaves enjoyed none of such rights and suffered from all kinds o
political and economic disabilities. In this way in ancient Greece the term ‘citizen’
was used in its narrow sense. Only those who enjoyed the civil and political rights
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and who participated in the functions of the civil and political life of people were
regarded as citizens.
Since every individual of the total population privileged to enjoy these rights, the
number of the slaves was far in excess of citizens. The number of the citizens
comprised 20,000 of the total population and the rest were regarded as slaves who
did not enjoy any such rights.
In short, we can say that in ancient Greek states this right to citizenship was
enjoyed by only a selected few persons. Much similar process was followed in
ancient Rome. People belonging to only rich class, known as Patricians, were
privileged to enjoy the civil and political rights.
Only the Patricians participated in the functions of the civil and political life of the
state. The rest of the population was not privileged to enjoy any of such rights.
Much similar process was adopted in the medieval age. But in modern times, the
dawn of democracy has turned the tables in most of the states. In such states
every adult enjoys the right to vote. This process is being adopted in India. Canada,
Sri Lanka, Japan, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, England, Lanka,
Australia, United States of America, etc. Even in the communist countries almost
all the adults are enjoying the right to vote.
The Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Poland, Czechoslovakia, etc., are some
of the states where the policy of adult suffrage has been adopted. In Switzerland,
women are not privileged to enjoy the right to vote. In Pakistan and in many
backward Afro-Asian countries citizens are not privileged to enjoy a number of civil
and political rights. It is hoped that in due course of time people will enjoy all the
rights in these countries also. The U.N. is trying its best in this respect.
Definition of the Citizen:
According to Aristotle, citizen is he “who has the power to take part in the
deliberative or judicial administration of any state is said by us to be a citizen of
that state”. Vattal has defined citizens as, “the members of a civil society bound to
this society by certain duties, subject to its authority and equal participants in its
advantages”. “Citizenship”, according to Laski, “is the contribution of one’s
instructed judgment to the public good”.
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A Citizen Must Have:
1. The membership of the state.
2. The Social and Political rights.
3. Sentiment of devotion to the state.
Distinction between an Alien and a Citizen:
There is a marked distinction between an alien and a citizen. A citizen enjoys civil
and political rights in his own country. Whereas an alien is not privileged to enjoy
the political rights of the country but sometimes he is privileged to enjoy a few of
the social rights. It depends entirely on the government of the country, in which he
lives, to permit him to enjoy the social rights or not.
Three Types of Aliens:
1. Resident aliens
2. Temporary aliens
3. Ambassadors.
The people who have left their native land and have settled in the foreign countries
are known as resident aliens. For example, a number of Indians have permanently
settled in Sri Lanka, Burma, Canada, South Africa, Australia, U.S.A., England, etc.
They are no more the citizens of India. But it depends on the government of the
respective states to grant these residents the citizenship of their country or not.
Temporary aliens are those people who visit foreign countries in order to serve
their purposes and when their purposes are served, they go back to their native
land.
For example every year a number of students go to foreign countries in order to
receive higher education. Traders visit foreign countries for the purpose of trade.
When their purposes are served, they come back to their home.
Ambassadors are those aliens who settle in foreign countries as the
representatives of their governments. For example, the representatives of foreign
countries live in India and the representatives of Indian government live in foreign
countries.
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Foreign Friends and Enemies:
Every country has some friends and some enemies. Friendly countries are called
foreign friends and enemy countries, foreign enemies. For example, during the
Second World War, France, U.S.S.R., America, Canada, Australia, etc., were
foreign friends to England; and Germany, Japan and Italy were foreign enemies to
England.
We do not have good relations with South Africa and China and they can be called
foreign enemies of India. On the contrary, we have good relations with U.S.S.R.,
U.S.A., Rumania, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Egypt and so they can be called
our foreign friends.
Previously, we did not have good relations with Pakistan and the result was IndoPak conflicts in 1965. But Tashkent Summit held in January, 1966 resulted in an
agreement between Mr. Lal Bahadur Shastri, the then Prime Minister of India, and
President Ayub Khan of Pakistan.
The agreement could remain effective only for a bit longer. The relations between
the two countries were once again strained and the result was the second IndoPakistan conflict in December, 1971. But historic Simla Summit held in July, 1972
resulted in an agreement between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and President
Bhutto. In spite of that Pakistan continued hostile attitude towards India.
How Can the Citizenship be Acquired?
Citizens are of two types: natural born and naturalized. Natural born citizens are
those who are the citizens of a state by virtue of their birth or blood relations.
Naturalized citizens are those foreigners who are granted the citizenship of the
country on the fulfillment of some conditions laid down by the respective country.
A person who desires to be the citizen of a foreign country has to give up the
citizenship of his native country. No persons can be the citizen of more than one
country at the same time. Any person can acquire the citizenship of a foreign
country after having fulfilled the condition laid down by that country for this
purpose.
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How the Citizenship is Lost?
1. If a person willingly gives up the citizenship of his country and becomes a
foreign citizen;
2. A woman loses her citizenship if she marries a foreigner;
3. A person loses his citizenship if he remains absent from his country for a
longer period of time. But if he gets his citizenship renewed every year
through the embassy of his country, he does not lose his citizenship;
4. A person can be deprived of his citizenship if he proves a traitor to the
country or if he runs away from the army
5. A person loses his citizenship if he joins a foreign service or receives a
foreign honor without the permission of his own government.
Qualities of A Good Citizen:
1. Social sentiment
2. Good health and sound physique
3. Sentiment of world citizenship
4. Moderate thinking and self-control
5. Unselfishness and helpful attitude to others
6. Patriotism and the elimination of a sense of untouchability
7. The proper use of adult suffrage
Hindrances of Good Citizenship:
1. Selfishness
2. Favoritism and Nepotism
3. Indifferences
4. Feeling of regionalism
5. Idleness
6. Illiteracy
7. Poverty
8. Capitalism
9. Feeling of Untouchability
10. Provincialism, Communalism and aggressive nationalism
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A good citizenship can be established only after eliminating the hindrances
mentioned above. So every state is adopting measures to eliminate these evils.
Ideals citizenship can lead to the progress of the country and to the security of
world-peace.
Source:www.politicalsciencenotes.com/essay/citizenship-meaningdefinition-and-other
Each country has its own policies, regulations and criteria as to who is entitled to
its citizenship. A person can be recognized or granted citizenship on a number of
bases. Usually citizenship based on the place of birth is automatic; in other cases
an application may be required.
Citizenship by Birth (jus sanguinis)
If one or both of a person's parents are citizens of a given state, then the person
may have the right to be a citizen of that state as well. Formerly this might only
have applied through the paternal line, but sex equality became common since the
late twentieth century. Citizenship is granted based on ancestry or ethnicity, and is
related to the concept of a nation state common in China. Where jus sanguinis
holds, a person born outside a country, one or both of whose parents are citizens
of the country, is also a citizen. States normally limit the right to citizenship by
descent to a certain number of generations born outside the state. This form of
citizenship is not common in civil law countries.
Born within a country (jus soli)
Some people are automatically citizens of the state in which they are born. This
form of citizenship originated in England where those who were born within the
realm were subjects of the monarch (a concept pre-dating citizenship), and is
common in common law countries. In many cases both jus solis and jus sanguinis
hold; citizenship either by place or parentage (or of course both).
Citizenship by Marriage (jure matrimonii)
Many countries fast-track naturalization based on the marriage of one person to
another citizen. Countries which are destinations for such immigration often have
regulations to try to detect sham marriages, where a citizen marries a non-citizen
typically for payment, without them having the intention of living together.
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The Traditional and Modern Views of Citizenship, i.e., the State-Centric vs.
Participatory Notions of Citizenship
Traditional Views on Citizenship
POLIS
Many thinkers point to the concept of citizenship beginning in the early city-states
of ancient Greece, although others see it as primarily a modern phenomenon
dating back only a few hundred years and, for mankind, that the concept of
citizenship arose with the first laws. Polis meant both the political assembly of the
city-state as well as the entire society. Citizenship has generally been identified as
a western phenomenon. There is a general view that citizenship in ancient times
was a simpler relation than modern forms of citizenship, although this view has
come under scrutiny. The relation of citizenship has not been a fixed or static
relation, but constantly changed within each society, and that according to one
view, citizenship might "really have worked" only at select periods during certain
times, such as when the Athenian politician Solon made reforms in the early
Athenian state.
Historian Geoffrey Hosking in his 2005 Modern Scholar lecture course suggested
that citizenship in ancient Greece arose from an appreciation for the importance of
freedom. Hosking explained: It can be argued that this growth of slavery was what
made Greeks particularly conscious of the value of freedom. After all, any Greek
farmer might fall into debt and therefore might become a slave, at almost any time.
When the Greeks fought together, they fought in order to avoid being enslaved by
warfare, to avoid being defeated by those who might take them into slavery. And
they also arranged their political institutions so as to remain free men.
Geoffrey Hosking suggests that fear of being enslaved was a central motivating
force for the development of the Greek sense of citizenship. Sculpture: a Greek
woman being served by a slave-child. Slavery permitted slaveowners to have
substantial free time, and enabled participation in public life. Polis citizenship was
marked by exclusivity. Inequality of status was widespread; citizens had a higher
status than non-citizens, such as women, slaves or barbarians. The first form of
citizenship was based on the way people lived in the ancient Greek times, in smallscale organic communities of the polis. Citizenship was not seen as a separate
activity from the private life of the individual person, in the sense that there was not
a distinction between public and private life.
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The obligations of citizenship were deeply connected into one's everyday life in the
polis. These small-scale organic communities were generally seen as a new
development in world history, in contrast to the established ancient civilizations of
Egypt or Persia, or the hunter-gatherer bands elsewhere. From the viewpoint of
the ancient Greeks, a person's public life was not separated from their private life,
and Greeks did not distinguish between the two worlds according to the modern
western conception. The obligations of citizenship were deeply connected with
everyday life.
To be truly human, one had to be an active citizen to the community, which Aristotle
famously expressed: "To take no part in the running of the community's affairs is
to be either a beast or a god!" This form of citizenship was based on obligations of
citizens towards the community, rather than rights given to the citizens of the
community. This was not a problem because they all had a strong affinity with the
polis; their own destiny and the destiny of the community were strongly linked.
Also, citizens of the polis saw obligations to the community as an opportunity to be
virtuous; it was a source of honour and respect. In Athens, citizens were both ruler
and ruled, important political and judicial offices were rotated and all citizens had
the right to speak and vote in the political assembly.
Roman ideas
In the Roman Empire, citizenship expanded from small-scale communities to the
entire empire. Romans realized that granting citizenship to people from all over the
empire legitimized Roman rule over conquered areas. Roman citizenship was no
longer a status of political agency; it had been reduced to a judicial safeguard and
the expression of rule and law. Rome carried forth Greek ideas of citizenship such
as the principles of equality under the law, civic participation in government, and
notions that "no one citizen should have too much power for too long", but Rome
offered relatively generous terms to its captives, including chances for lesser forms
of citizenship.
If Greek citizenship was an "emancipation from the world of things,"the Roman
sense increasingly reflected the fact that citizens could act upon material things as
well as other citizens, in the sense of buying or selling property, possessions, titles,
goods. One historian explained: The person was defined and represented through
his actions upon things; in the course of time, the term property came to mean,
first, the defining characteristic of a human or other being; second, the relation
which a person had with a thing; and third, the thing defined as the possession of
some person.
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Roman citizenship reflected a struggle between the upper-class patrician interests
against the lower-order working groups known as the plebeian class. A citizen
came to be understood as a person "free to act by law, free to ask and expect the
law's protection, a citizen of such and such a legal community, of such and such a
legal standing in that community. Citizenship meant having rights to have
possessions, immunities, expectations, which were "available in many kinds and
degrees, available or unavailable to many kinds of person for many kinds of
reason". And the law, itself, was a kind of bond uniting people. Roman citizenship
was more impersonal, universal, multiform, having different degrees and
applications.
Middle Ages
During the European Middle Ages, citizenship was usually associated with cities
and towns, and applied mainly to middle class folk. Titles such as burgher, grand
burgher (German Großbürger) and bourgeoisie denoted political affiliation and
identity in relation to a particular locality, as well as membership in a mercantile or
trading class; thus, individuals of respectable means and socioeconomic status
were interchangeable with citizens.
During this era, members of the nobility had a range of privileges above
commoners (see aristocracy), though political upheavals and reforms, beginning
most prominently with the French Revolution, abolished privileges and created an
egalitarian concept of citizenship.
Renaissance
During the Renaissance, people transitioned from being subjects of a king or
queen to being citizens of a city and later to a nation. Each city had its own law,
courts, and independent administration. And being a citizen often meant being
subject to the city's law in addition to having power in some instances to help
choose officials. City dwellers that had fought alongside nobles in battles to defend
their cities were no longer content with having a subordinate social status, but
demanded a greater role in the form of citizenship. Membership in guilds was an
indirect form of citizenship in that it helped their members succeed financially. The
rise of citizenship was linked to the rise of republicanism, according to one account,
since independent citizens meant that kings had less power. Citizenship became
an idealized, almost abstract, concept, and did not signify a submissive relation
with a lord or count, but rather indicated the bond between a person and the state
in the rather abstract sense of having rights and duties.
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Modern views on citizenship
The modern idea of citizenship still respects the idea of political participation, but
it is usually done through "elaborate systems of political representation at a
distance" such as representative democracy. Modern citizenship is much more
passive; action is delegated to others; citizenship is often a constraint on acting,
not an impetus to act. Nevertheless, citizens are usually aware of their obligations
to authorities, and are aware that these bonds often limit what they can do.
Modern citizenship has often been looked at as two competing underlying ideas:
The liberal-individualist or sometimes liberal conception of citizenship suggests
that citizens should have entitlements necessary for human dignity. It assumes
people act for the purpose of enlightened self-interest. According to this viewpoint,
citizens are sovereign, morally autonomous beings with duties to pay taxes, obey
the law, engage in business transactions, and defend the nation if it comes under
attack, but are essentially passive politically, and their primary focus is on
economic betterment. This idea began to appear around the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, and became stronger over time, according to one view.
According to this formulation, the state exists for the benefit of citizens and has an
obligation to respect and protect the rights of citizens, including civil rights and
political rights. It was later that so-called social rights became part of the obligation
for the state.
The civic-republican or sometimes classical or civic humanist conception of
citizenship emphasizes man's political nature, and sees citizenship as an active
process, not a passive state or legal marker. It is relatively more concerned that
government will interfere with popular places to practice citizenship in the public
sphere. Citizenship means being active in government affairs.] According to one
view, most people today live as citizens according to the liberal-individualist
conception but wished they lived more according to the civic-republican ideal. An
ideal citizen is one who exhibits "good civic behavior". Free citizens and a republic
government are "mutually interrelated." Citizenship suggested a commitment to
"duty and civic virtue".
What is Participatory Citizenship?
A citizen that is active at local, state, or national levels in addressing social issues
relevant to the community by learning how government systems work and taking
part in community-based initiatives.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Ways Citizens Can Participate
Looking for information in newspapers, magazines, and reference materials and
judging its accuracy; Voting in local, state, and national elections; Participating in
a political discussion; Trying to persuade someone to vote a certain way; Signing
a petition; Wearing a button or putting a sticker on the car; Writing letters to elected
representatives; Contributing money to a party or candidate; Attending meetings
to gain information, discuss issues, or lend support; Campaigning for a candidate;
Lobbying for laws that are of special interest; Demonstrating through marches,
boycotts, sit-ins, or other forms of protest; Running for office; Holding public office;
Serving the country through military or other service; Disobeying laws and taking
the consequences to demonstrate that a law or policy is unjust.
Should citizens participate?
Many citizens do not participate in our government. They don't vote or participate
in most of the other ways you have just discussed. However, some people believe
that citizens have a responsibility to participate.
Deciding whether to participate and how much time to spend participating is
important. To make good decisions, you must think about several things. Some of
these are: The purpose of our government; How important your rights are to you;
How satisfied you are with the way the government is working.
An Example May Help
Imagine that you have hired a company to repair your bicycle. Before you hired
them, you would want to be sure they could repair bicycles. Then you would want
to make sure that they did what you had hired them to do. Suppose the company
did a good job. Then you would not worry about checking on them if your sister's
bicycle needed repairs a few weeks later.
Suppose the company did a bad job on your bicycle. Then you might want to
replace them or watch them even more closely when your sister's bicycle needed
work. The same is true with the government. We should be sure the people we
"hire" (elect) can do the job we are hiring them for. Once they get the job, we should
keep an eye on them to make sure they are doing that job. If they do a good job,
we may not watch them as closely. If they do a bad job, we may watch them very
closely and may even decide to replace them.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Participation in government is in our own self-interest. The amount of time we
spend participating will probably depend on how well we think our elected officials
are doing. If everything is going well, we will spend less time than if we are
concerned that someone is violating our rights. If we are pleased with the
government, we may vote and do little else. If we are dissatisfied, however, we will
probably take other types of action.
[From We the People: The Citizen & the Constitution, second edition (1998),
STUDENT BOOK]
HERE IS A LIST OF DIFFERENT COUNTRIES; CAN YOU GIVE THE NAME OF ITS CITIZEN?
NO.
COUNTRY
1
FRANCE
2
PHILIPPINES
3
DENMARK
4
IRELAND
5
JAPAN
6
GREAT BRITAIN
7
QATAR
8
CYPRUS
9
CZECH REPUBLIC
10
GREECE
11
IRAQ
12
SPAIN
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NAME OF PEOPLE
PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
MODULE 13
INTEGRATION
LESSON: HOW THE CONCEPTS/IDEAS LEARNED IN CLASS CAN BE
UTILIZED IN ACTUAL EXPERIENCES
LEARNING OUTCOMES: The learners are expected to:
1. Demonstrate an understanding of citizenship;
2. Identify issues related to political engagement and youth empowerment;
3. Determine programs that address issues related to political engagement
and youth empowerment;
4. Addresses an issue related to political engagement and youth
empowerment; and
5. Conduct a research for a draft proposal on a project on political
engagement and youth empowerment.
LEARNING CONTENT:
For Unit 1: The concepts of Politics and Governance
Guide Questions:
1.
2.
3.
4.
What is politics according to Lasswell?
Describe Politics in the Philippines.
How should politics be studied?
What are the different indicators/characteristics of Good Governance?
Give its meaning.
5. How are the indicators of good governance related to each other? Give a
concrete example of your answer.
6. Give your recommendations on how to improve Philippine governance.
For Unit 2. Political Ideologies
Guide Questions:
1. Give the five (5) major political ideologies discussed in this Unit. Explain
them briefly.
2. Who are the advocates of Absolutism? Explain their respective
advocacies.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
3. Discuss the different beliefs or its emphasis in Conservatism.
4. Explain the evolution of Socialism.
5. What are the two most prominent evolutions of socialism? Briefly explain
them.
For Unit 9. Decentralization and Local Governance
Your class should be divided into small groups. Each group should visit a particular
Barangay and interview a Punong Barangay regarding the following devolution of
basic services on 1. Health and Services; 2. Environment Management; 3.
Agricultural (if applicable); 4. Infrastructure and 5. Tourism (if applicable).
For Unit 10. Elections and Political Parties
Guide Questions:
1. Assuming honest elections are still possible; do you honestly believe the
government wants us to have clean and honest elections? Will it exert the
necessary effort to bring that about?
2. Assuming they are honest, do you think elections alone can change anything
in our society, or at least in the government? If no, what do you think should be
done? And what should be your role in it?
3. Assuming the elections are rigged, will you accept the results? If no, what will
you do, and what do you think should be done? Will you call upon the military to
get involved and defend the integrity of our political institutions?
4. Among the “presidentiables,” during the 2016 Presidential election, have you
heard or seen anything that leads you to believe things will change if anyone of
them is elected? How do you regard now the present Duterte administration?
5. Do you think anyone of them wants to do something concrete and lasting for
the nation, or do you feel they simply want to become President for their own
reasons?
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
For Unit 11. Civil Society and Social Movements
The role of civil society and social movements
Civil society organizations (CSOs) can provide both immediate relief and longerterm transformative change – by defending collective interests and increasing
accountability; providing solidarity mechanisms and promoting participation;
influencing decision making; directly engaging in service delivery; and challenging
prejudice. In this way, excluded groups can be effective drivers of their own change
by forming or participating in organizations that represent group interests. CSOs
also play an important role in conducting research to raise the profile of excluded
groups.
However, these activities can be constrained by institutional factors, such as the
type of regime they are operating in, the level of decentralization of state
institutions and various other aspects of governance. New research is recognizing
the importance of building alliances and platforms across the state and civil
society, to connect champions of change.
Your class should be divided into small groups. Each group should make a Role
Playing illustrating the concepts of the important role of Civil society organizations
(CSOs) as well as the Social Movements in our society.
For Unit 12. Citizenship
Guide Questions:
1. How is citizen participation related to the purposes of our government? Explain
why participating in government is in our own self- interest.
2. List three ways of participating in government. For each, tell why it would be an
effective way of protecting your basic rights.
3. Suppose you do not choose to vote or participate in any way in government.
Should you still be required to obey its laws? Why or why not?
4. If you do not think the government is protecting your basic rights, should you still
be required to obey its laws? Explain your answer.
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
5. Does a good citizen have a responsibility to work to improve his or her society?
Why or why not?
6. Should a good citizen be concerned with improving the lives of those less
fortunate? Why or why not?
Problem Solving
Examining Participation
The main purpose of government was to protect people's basic rights. Almost all
citizens have the right to participate in governing our nation.
Your class should be divided into small groups. Each group should read the list of
ways citizens can participate. Then each group should answer the following
questions and share its responses with the class.
What are the advantages and disadvantages of each form of participation that is
listed?
Are all these forms of participation equally important in protecting our basic rights?
Why or why not? Which seem the most important?
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
GLOSSARY
Absolutism: The belief that a single ruler should have control over every aspect
of the government and of the people’s lives
Accountability: Refers to the answerability or responsibility for one’s action
Anarchism: The belief that the best government is absolutely no government
Authority: The exercise of legitimate power
Bureaucracy: Refers to the administrative machinery of the state
Citizen: A member of society who possesses rights and responsibilities
Citizenship: May be defined as (a) identification of an individual based on a
formal-legal status coterminous with the emergence of states, or (b) shared
membership of a political community in which [the] conception [of] citizens [is that
of] political actors constituting political spaces
Civil society: A society governed by law under the authority of a state and is
distinguished from the state
Conservatism: A set of political beliefs based on preservation of customs and
traditions that define the character of a society
Decentralization: The transfer of authority, responsibility, and resources from the
center to the lower levels of administration
Democracy: A system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for
their action in the public realm by citizens, intervening (a) directly, through their
own actions; or (b) indirectly, though the competition and cooperation of their
elected representatives
Elections: A democratic process which is a major source of political recruitment,
a means of making government and of transferring government, a guarantee of
representation, and a major determinant of government policy
Executive: Head of government responsible for the implementation of laws
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Globalization: Refers to processes whereby many social relations become
relatively delinked from territorial geography, so that human lives are increasingly
played out in the world as a single place
Governance: Refers to the various ways through which social life is coordinated
Government: One of the institutions involved in governance
Ideology: Usually refers to a system of beliefs about how society should function,
behave, and operate
Judiciary: The branch of government that is empowered to decide legal disputes
and interpret law, and arbitrate disputes between branches of government
Legislature: A collection or gathering of people to make laws
Legitimacy: The popular idea that the government’s rule is right; legal and
psychological right to govern
Liberalism: A set of political beliefs emphasizing individual rights and liberties
Nation: A complex phenomenon shaped by a collection of cultural, political, and
psychological factors
Nationalism: This [patriotic feeling, principles, or efforts] has three core elements:
(a) nations are real; (b) membership in a nation has practical implications; and (3)
nationhood is politically significant
Natural born citizens: Those who are the citizens of a state by virtue of their birth
or blood relations.
Naturalized citizens: Those foreigners who are granted the citizenship of the
country on the fulfillment of some conditions laid down by the respective country.
Patron-client relation: An exchange relationship between roles—may be defined
as a special case of dyadic (two-person) ties involving a largely instrumental
friendship in which an individual of higher socioeconomic status (patron) uses his
own influence and resources to provide protection or benefits, or both, for a person
of lower status (client) who, for his part, reciprocates by offering general support
and assistance, including personal services, to the patron
Political party: Organized for the purpose of winning government power by
electoral or other means
Political science: The study of politics
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PHILIPPINE POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Politics: May be defined as: the art of government, public affairs, compromise and
consensus, and power
Power: The ability to achieve a desired outcome and, in politics, is usually thought
of as a relationship
Proportional representation: An electoral system in which candidates are
elected based on the total percentage of votes cast for their party
Social movements: Collective challenges based on common purposes and social
solidarities in sustained interaction with elites, opponents, and authorities
Socialism: A set of political beliefs emphasizing community and social equality
State: An organization, composed of numerous agencies led and coordinated by
the state’s leadership (executive authority), with the ability or authority to create
and implement the binding rules for all the people as well as the parameters of
rule-making for other social organizations in a given territory, using force if
necessary to have its way
Theory: A systematic explanation of empirical data usually presented as reliable
knowledge
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