Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 Culture and the Consumer Journey Sharon Shavitt ∗ , Aaron J. Barnes ∗ Gies College of Business, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 350 Wohlers Hall, Champaign, IL 61820, United States Available online 20 December 2019 Abstract The consumer journey metaphor emphasizes the steps that individuals take in their path toward relationships with brands or satisfying shopping experiences. However, in many non-Western cultures, these steps are less likely to be shaped by individual preferences and priorities. Instead, they emerge from a collectivistic motivation to adapt to prevailing norms and others’ expectations, and are shaped by a holistic thinking style that emphasizes context and relationships. As a result, the meaning of each step in the consumer journey is likely to be normatively infused and contextually embedded. This paper will review research showing cross-cultural differences in responses to prices, ads, store displays, retailer reputations, coupons, and other characteristics important to the retail context. Our focus is on contrasting the consumer journey in individualistic contexts versus collectivistic ones, but we also address emerging findings on other key cultural differences, such as power distance belief. Taken together, these findings suggest that the patterns and drivers of consumers’ pre-purchase activities, purchase decisions, and post-purchase commitment may differ significantly across cultures. In describing these culturally distinct processes, we illustrate how a deep consideration of cultural differences can enhance our understanding of the consumer journey. Published by Elsevier Inc. on behalf of New York University. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/). Keywords: Consumer journey; Individualism; Collectivism; Independent and Interdependent Self-construal; Thinking style; Power distance; Global and local identities Shopping in a modern mall in Bangkok feels like any mall in Boston. Similar stores, similar product lines. Online environments also offer similar browsing and shopping experiences across countries. Indeed, the experience of shopping around the world — whether in physical stores or through online retailers — seems to be converging to such an extent that it is tempting to conclude that there are few remaining cultural differences in the consumer journey. What this perspective overlooks, however, is that despite the global similarities in many retail environments, consumers themselves differ. The way consumers see their world — the motivations that drive them and the thinking styles that affect their judgments and decisions — is influenced by culture in fundamental ways. Culture influences the values that consumers hold (Hofstede 1984), the goals that they pursue (Markus and Kitayama 1991), and the ways that they perceive, categorize, and reason about their environment (Nisbett et al. 2001). Even ∗ Corresponding authors. E-mail addresses: shavitt@illinois.edu (S. Shavitt), ajbarne2@illinois.edu (A.J. Barnes). as levels of national wealth or product availability converge, and economic systems become more integrated (e.g., the European Union), cultural differences in consumers’ purchasing priorities persist (De Mooij and Hofstede 2002). These differences have numerous implications for the way the shopper journey unfolds. Indeed, if retailing across cultures were as easy as replicating, say, a proven Western formula in another cultural region, Ebay would not have failed in China (Lafevre 2013), and Tesco, Carrefour, and Walmart would still be in Japan (Turner 2018). However, the problems that these and other retailers have encountered in new geographic regions are partly due to an incomplete appreciation of cultural differences in the consumer journey. When a consumer evaluates a product on display in a store, compares prices, views ads, or receives a coupon in the mail, cultural factors will influence how they respond. In this article, we consider the various ways that culture can influence the consumer journey. We will not be comprehensive; the relevant cross-cultural literature is quite large and rapidly growing (see Shavitt and Barnes 2019 for a review). Instead, we limit our scope to selectively reviewing research on the key ways that cultural factors can affect shoppers as they interact with retail https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jretai.2019.11.009 0022-4359/Published by Elsevier Inc. on behalf of New York University. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/). S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 environments. We emphasize the most commonly studied cultural classifications, as well as noting key emerging cultural distinctions, and the psychological processes associated with each of them. Then, we address what the research implies for current shopper journey models and the cognitive and behavioral states they identify (e.g., Lee et al. 2018). Finally, we offer an outline of a Culturally Adapted Shopper Journey model to integrate these patterns into a set of priorities for future research. Consumer Journeys The consumer journey refers to a series of touchpoints that “involves all activities and events related to the delivery of a service from the customer’s perspective” (Zomerdijk and Voss 2010, p 74). Understanding the consumer journey has long been important to marketers and researchers (e.g., Howard and Sheth 1969), but recent changes to the retail landscape (e.g., omnichannel environments) have revitalized scholarly interest (e.g., Grewal, Roggeveen, and Nordfält 2017). Recent models have emphasized the role of psychological elements throughout the consumer journey, such as the customer’s cognitive, emotional, behavioral, sensorial, and social experiences (Lemon and Verhoef 2016) and their subjective well-being (Lee et al. 2018). There are numerous ways to organize the touchpoints along the consumer journey into stages (e.g., Deloitte 2015; Edelman and Singer 2015; Google 2015), such as by breaking the path into pre-purchase, purchase, and post-purchase stages (Lemon and Verhoef 2016). A recent approach offered an adaptive model that forwards not one, but multiple consumer journeys to match the diversity of consumer needs and goals (Lee et al. 2018). Regardless of the model(s) one prefers, however, cultural factors are strikingly absent from consumer journey research (Lemon and Verhoef 2016). We will discuss the ways that cultural factors can affect shoppers at each stage. For simplicity, we organize past cross-cultural research into the broad stages of pre-purchase, purchase, and post-purchase. However, we view cultural factors as key in shaping consumer needs and goals, suggesting the possibility of multiple consumer journeys. We begin by defining the notion of culture, describing some of the most important distinctions between cultural groups, and the multiple types of comparisons used to study cultural differences. Defining and Dimensionalizing Culture Culture can be defined as a set of meanings shared by people in a given place and time (Triandis 2012). This definition underscores the fact that culture is fundamentally psychological, in that it provides a common set of standards for perceiving, assessing, interacting, and acting. This is not to dismiss the critical roles of material artifacts and social institutions in shaping culture, but instead to emphasize that their influences flow through the psychological processes of perceiving, thinking, and reasoning. Because culture operates in the mind, contextual elements can activate different cultural notions in memory that then influence perception, judgment, and behavior (Hong et al. 2000). In short, through exposure to common socialization processes, 41 institutions, and cultural artifacts, culture provides a “collective programming of the mind” (Hofstede 1984, p 82). One of the most culturally meaningful elements programmed in the mind is the definition of self. People from different cultures differ in how they see themselves in relation to others. Most cross-cultural research has focused on whether the self is construed in primarily independent versus interdependent terms (e.g., Markus and Kitayama 1991; Triandis 1989) and on the associated individualistic versus collectivistic values that reinforce those self-definitions (e.g., Hofstede 1984; Hofstede 2001; Triandis 1995). In individualistic cultures, such as the U.S., consumers tend to have an independent self-construal – they perceive themselves as agentic, self-reliant, and distinct from others. As consumers, their goals prioritize the pursuit of their personal satisfaction and the cultivation of their unique qualities and abilities. In contrast, in collectivistic cultures, such as India and most cultures outside the Western industrialized world, consumers tend to have an interdependent self-construal. They perceive themselves as interconnected with their in-groups, mutually obligated to them, and socially embedded in their networks. As consumers, their goals prioritize meeting others’ expectations, fitting in through making consensus choices, and cultivating their important relationships (e.g., Han and Shavitt 1994; Kim and Markus 1999). How Cultural Differences are Studied Culture can be studied via multiple types of comparisons: between countries, between regions or ethnic groups within a society, between individuals within a society by measuring cultural orientations or values, or between situations that activate distinct cultural concepts. The focus of most cross-cultural research has been on geographic comparisons of consumers in Western countries (e.g., North America, Europe) and in non-Western ones, usually Asian countries (e.g., China, Japan, Korea, India; Han and Shavitt 1994; Kim and Markus 1999). However, within the same geographic location, consumers may differ in their ethnic cultural backgrounds. Thus, for instance, comparisons of European–Americans and Asian–Americans can produce similar patterns as those attributed to different nationalities (e.g., Lalwani and Shavitt 2009). What’s more, because culture operates in the mind, different cultural notions can be activated in memory by the context. This means that manipulating situational factors in experiments will shift which cultural constructs are salient, for instance making the same person respond like a Westerner in one context, and like a non-Westerner in another (Oyserman and Lee 2007). Finally, direct measurement of individuals’ cultural values can also provide a basis for isolating the role of cultural orientations. The research we will review uses these various approaches, often in concert, to enhance the ability to attribute observed differences in consumer behavior to cultural factors. As we will see, culture implicates how consumers interpret and respond to all touchpoints of a consumer journey. 42 S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 Individualistic versus Collectivistic Values: Beginning with the End in Mind An important part of any journey is understanding where you are and where you’re trying to go. What end states, or values, motivate consumers to purchase? A deep understanding of culture helps to clarify different consumers’ desired end states. Indeed, from the first touch or impression to the final checkout, an understanding of cultural differences can enrich our understanding of each step along the journey. The Pre-Purchase Stage: Considering Options and Gathering Information Consider the advertising appeals that are used in individualistic versus collectivistic contexts. Advertisements are designed to appeal to the goals that motivate their target consumers, encouraging them to consider the brand as a means to a valued end. Thus, two of the first studies on this topic (Han and Shavitt 1994; Kim and Markus 1999) showed that magazine advertisements in the U.S. tended to focus more on hedonism, uniqueness, and personal satisfaction than Korean ads did, whereas Korean ads focused more on harmony, conformity, and in-group benefits than U.S. ads did. A similar pattern emerged from experiments assessing which types of appeals were more persuasive in each country (Han and Shavitt 1994). Individualistic appeals (“Solo [laundry detergent] cleans with a softness you will love”) were more persuasive for participants in the U.S. versus Korea, whereas collectivistic appeals (“Solo cleans with a softness your family will love”) were more persuasive for participants in Korea versus the U.S. (Han and Shavitt 1994). Similar experiments comparing individualistic and collectivistic appeals among U.S. and Chinese participants (Zhang and Gelb 1996) yielded the same pattern. However, in both sets of studies, these results were not identical across product lines. Cultural differences were greater for products that tend to be used in a shared or a socially visible manner, such as a clothes iron, detergent, or camera, compared to products that are typically consumed individually, such as running shoes, toothbrushes, or chewing gum. This suggests that, although culture influences what types of benefits shoppers find motivating, this is more important for socially shared product categories, where cultural expectations are more likely to constrain what types of benefits shoppers can seek. Besides the advertisements that consumers are exposed to, differences between individualistic and collectivistic consumers can also be observed in the way that they seek information about the marketplace, and how or whether they connect with other consumers in the process. Consider the role of word of mouth (WOM) in evaluating a retailer. One study conducted on the website of a college bookstore found that listing some endorsement quotes from student customers at that university was more effective in building trust in the retailer among students in a collectivistic culture (Hong Kong) than an individualistic culture (Australia; Sia et al. 2009). In other words, collectivistic consumers were more influenced by their peers’ views in deciding whether to trust a retailer. This pattern can help in understanding why eBay failed to gain a strong foothold in the Chinese market after entering it in 2004 (Lafevre 2013). Instead, Taobao, a relative newcomer launched by Alibaba founder Jack Ma, quickly outcompeted them. One of the many drivers of their success was the unique feature that Taobao built in: peer-to-peer interaction. Consumers in China seek more peer-to-peer interaction when deciding whether to buy online. Unlike eBay, Taobao facilitated such interactions between buyers and sellers via instant messaging, and the extensive communication among Taobao users was important in building consumer trust and a sense of community (Barnett, Feng, and Luo 2010). Ultimately, despite their greater size and strength going in, eBay’s performance did not meet expectations and they withdrew from the Chinese market in 2006. In line with this, broader cultural differences have been observed in the degree to which websites offer consumers the opportunity to connect with other consumers. An analysis of the websites of the top-50 national advertisers in the U.S., U.K., Japan, and Korea (Cho and Cheon 2005) showed that websites in East Asia were more likely than websites in Western countries to encourage communication and interaction among consumers by incorporating features such as product user groups, online communities, and electronic postcards (consumer–consumer interactivity). And they were less likely to provide various channels for communication and interaction with the marketer through features such as online ordering, online problem diagnostics, and site surveys (consumer–marketer interactivity). In other words, although top corporate websites in both cultural regions often had many of these features, the priorities of the websites in East Asia leaned more toward community building among their customers. A similar conclusion emerged from an analysis of apparel websites in Korea versus the U.S. (Sook Lee, Geistfeld, and Stoel 2007). Future research could examine cultural differences in consumers’ reactions to these types of website functionalities (see Table 1). In addition, consumers from collectivistic versus individualistic cultures tend to both seek and share different types of WOM endorsements, in ways that align with their culturally important goals. Psychological research suggests that people in individualistic cultures such as the U.S. and Australia tend to be motivated to express themselves and their opinions (Kim and Sherman 2007) whereas people in collectivistic cultures tend to be motivated to conform to others (Kim and Markus 1999) and thus to seek information on others’ opinions. This can be seen in consumers’ online peer-to-peer communications. Analysis of nearly 6,000 postings on online discussion boards regarding digital photography in the U.S. (e.g., eBay, Google) and China (e.g., EachNet, Sina) showed that posts on the Chinese boards were significantly more likely to seek advice and information from others about their opinions than were posts on the U.S. boards. And U.S. versus Chinese postings were more likely to provide information and recommendations to others (Fong and Burton 2008). Similarly, a smaller-scale analysis of online customer reviews of consumer electronics products in China (amazon.cn) and the U.S. (amazon.com) showed that American reviews were S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 43 Table 1 Sample hypotheses for future research on the role of cultural factors in the consumer journey. Future research priority Specific research question Prediction for collectivistic or interdependent cultural context Prediction for individualistic or independent cultural context What types of website features are most engaging in different cultural contexts? Does culture predict how consumers respond to website functionality that stimulates different types of interactions? Features enabling peer-to-peer interaction and online community building will drive engagement. Features focusing on distinctive self-expression (e.g. show off your unique design) and individual problem-resolution (in interaction with marketer) will drive engagement. What are the features of effective word-of-mouth (WOM) in different cultural contexts? Does culture predict how shoppers respond to WOM features that offer advice versus seek advice? What are effective ways of stimulating positive WOM in each context? Providing ways to access aggregated opinions and advice boards from other consumers before purchase will motivate more WOM and stimulate more purchases. Promoting opportunities for self-expression (e.g., rate-your-must-have features) before purchase will motivate more WOM and stimulate more purchases. Pre-purchase stage Purchase stage What are the effects of enhancing the efficiency and speed of the shopper journey on consumers of different cultural backgrounds? Does culture predict how shoppers respond to technological innovations that speed up the in-store experience? Shoppers may need time to reflect and feel comfortable with finalizing their purchases. Enhancing efficiency at checkout may worsen the shopper experience by increasing uncertainty. Providing enhanced efficiency at the checkout, parking lot, etc. will improve the shopper experience by allowing one to enjoy their purchases sooner. What factors determine responses to promotion delivery applications in each cultural context? Does activating a high versus low temporal construal enhance how independent consumers respond to coupons and promotions delivered by mobile applications? Temporal construal may not increase app usage or coupon proneness because self-regulatory processes are chronically active. Managerial efforts may instead focus on in-app features that promote purchase without coupons (e.g. loyalty points). Focusing attention on long-term financial goals may activate self-regulatory processes that enhance app usage and coupon proneness. How does culture determine responses to new pricing technologies? Does culture predict the inferences that consumers make about price fairness in response to digital price tags? Digital price tags may drive inferences about the use of dynamic pricing. That possibility may be particularly threatening since collectivistic consumers are more prone to make in-group comparisons to the prices paid by others. Digital price tags, and the associated inference of dynamic pricing, may be relatively accepted, particularly if the pricing tactic can be framed in a way that helps consumers to feel unique and distinctive. How does cultural thinking style influence the quality inferences consumers make about discount retailers, and how can these be mitigated? Does thinking style predict the way discount retailers are perceived relative to stores with higher pricing? What cues help to mitigate negative perceptions about product quality? In cultures where holistic thinking prevails, discount retailers in utilitarian product categories may struggle to gain ground against higher-end retailers. Offering external reference price cues by discount retailers may help to minimize negative quality inferences. In cultures where analytic thinking prevails, discount retailers in utilitarian product categories may be better positioned to compete against higher-end retailers, but high-end retailers may gain more success by cueing internal reference prices to increase the likelihood that consumers will infer lower quality for discount merchandise. Post-purchase stage more self-expressive, providing personal opinions as well as direct recommendations to others more often than the Chinese reviews did (Lai et al. 2013). An important research priority is examining how consumers in different cultures respond to each type of review. In summary, distinct cultural emphases on building community, conformity, and harmony in collectivistic cultures, versus on self-expression and uniqueness in individualistic cultures, are reflected in the ways that consumers respond to and engage in WOM about retailers and in the ways that successful mar- 44 S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 keters enable interactions with their consumers. For retailers and other marketers operating in each region, these findings have important implications for how to structure and foster satisfying communications with their customers, especially at the pre-purchase stage of their journey. The Purchase Stage: Making Appropriate Choices Prior models emphasize the purchase stage as the desired end state of the consumer journey (Deloitte 2015; Edelman and Singer 2015; Google 2015; Lemon and Verhoef 2016). However, individualistic and collectivistic cultural values influence what a desirable end state looks like. Goals are internal representations of desired states (Austin and Vancouver 1996; Baumgartner and Pieters 2008), and when embarking on a consumer journey, consumers may be motivated by one of two important goals: to attain a desired end state or to maintain a current state (Yang, Stamatogiannakis, and Chattopadhyay 2015). Because individualists tend to prioritize personal advancement and distinction from others, they tend to be motivated by attainment goals. In contrast, because collectivists tend to prioritize stability and continuity of their social relations, they tend to be motivated by maintenance goals. Indeed, when American (individualistic) and Chinese (collectivistic) consumers rated how much a person would persist on an attainment goal (e.g., getting more value) versus a maintenance goal (e.g., maintaining the same value), attainment goals were more motivating for individualists but maintenance goals were more motivating for collectivists (Yang, Stamatogiannakis, and Chattopadhyay 2015). Along the consumer journey, cultural differences in selfregulatory processes influence how consumers persist toward desired end states. Self-regulation refers to the process of overriding one’s impulsive responses to attain beneficial, healthful, and virtuous outcomes (Baumeister and Heatherton 1996). Consider a road trip where the riders set out to maximize benefits (e.g., see as many landmarks as possible) versus minimize losses (e.g., save as much money as possible). For individualists, who tend to value personal advancement, self-regulatory behavior tends to be driven by a promotion focus that emphasizes internal desires to achieve or maximize positive benefits for the self. In contrast, for collectivists, who tend to value interpersonal harmony with close others, self-regulatory behavior tends be driven by a prevention focus that emphasizes protecting the group from negative outcomes and minimizing their losses (Aaker and Lee 2001; Chen, Ng, and Rao 2005; Hong and Lee 2008; Lee, Aaker, and Gardner 2000; Wang and Lee 2006). The shipping decision: patience in waiting for a purchase These cultural differences in regulatory focus have a host of implications for the consumer journey. Evidence suggests that the fit between one’s culturally-determined regulatory focus and the content of an appeal tends to be more persuasive when making spontaneous (vs. deliberative) decisions (Briley and Aaker 2006). One common spontaneous decision in the retail space is the choice to expedite shipping. How might cultural differences in regulatory focus influence how consumers respond to different shipping offers? Research suggests that consumers are less patient in waiting for their online retail purchases to arrive when that waiting time is framed in a way that matches their regulatory focus (Chen, Ng, and Rao 2005). In one experiment, consumers were primed with an independent or an interdependent self-construal and saw messages that framed faster delivery options as a promotion loss (i.e., Without faster shipping, “you cannot start enjoying the novel as early as you like”) or a prevention loss (i.e., Without faster shipping, “you will have to wait longer for the novel to arrive”). Independents, who are more motivated by promotion goals, were more impatient and willing to pay more for expedited shipping when it was framed as a promotion loss. In contrast, interdependents, who are more motivated by prevention goals, were more impatient and willing to pay more for expedited shipping when it was framed as a prevention loss (Chen, Ng, and Rao 2005). In general, this literature suggests that, as consumers progress along their journeys toward purchase, retailers should be cautious to arrange purchase options and messaging to coincide with each audience’s regulatory focus tendencies. Retailers have already begun adopting new technologies to manage their shoppers’ patience in-store. For instance, sensor-based traffic counters such as QueVision and ShopperTrak help retailers reduce the time required to park and check out (McLaughlin 2014). Such tracking technologies may provide greater benefits to independent (vs. interdependent) shoppers because they tend to be more impatient overall (Chen, Ng, and Rao 2005). Moreover, whereas independent shoppers may rejoice at the prospect of enjoying their purchases sooner, interdependent shoppers may prefer to take their time to ensure they did not forget anything. Understanding how cultural factors affect responses to tracking technologies, and to the speed of the in-store journey in general, is a worthwhile topic for future research (see Table 1). The check-out aisle: impulsive purchases As already noted, people from individualistic cultures or those with an independent self-construal tend to prioritize their personal goals (Triandis 1995) and to let their feelings be their guides when making decisions (Hong and Chang 2015). In contrast, people from collectivistic cultures or those with an interdependent self-construal tend to prioritize others’ expectations and norms (Triandis 1995) and to make decisions in a way that they can readily justify to others (Hong and Chang 2015). How do such differences play out when considering potential impulsive purchases? Several studies suggest that independent people are more prone to make impulse buys than are interdependent people (e.g., Kacen and Lee 2002; Zhang and Shrum 2009). This is true across purchase categories. For instance, greater beer consumption is observed in regions of the U.S., and in countries around that world, that are characterized as more individualistic (Zhang and Shrum 2009). Alcohol consumption is linked to impulsivity (Hoch and Loewenstein 1991) so purchase volume in this category reflects lower willpower or impulse control. S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 Getting the best buy: coupon redemption Interestingly, these patterns of impulsivity can also be observed in the effectiveness of a particular form of sales promotion that relies upon self-control: coupons. Although some coupon redemption may be random, research suggests that using coupons requires effort and energy (Bagozzi, Baumgartner, and Yi 1992). Interdependents, compared to independents, are more sensitive to the needs of others. Therefore, they are more cautious and vigilant about their behavior (Markus and Kitayama 1991). These behaviors include the self-regulatory processes that are related to successfully completing each step of coupon redemption (e.g., clipping and saving the coupon, withholding purchase until one has the coupon). Consistent with this reasoning, Lalwani and Wang (2019, Study 2) showed that Indian (vs. American) consumers were more likely to persist on an anagram task designed to measure self-regulation (Baumeister et al. 2006), and to subsequently forego their compensation in order to redeem a coupon for a movie rental. Persistence on the anagram task mediated the effect of country on coupon redemption. One way to overcome independents’ relative lack of selfregulation is to focus their attention on the distant future. When temporal construal is high (vs. low), consumers in general resist immediate gratification, view temptations more negatively, and display greater persistence on tasks requiring self-regulation (Fujita et al. 2006). Building on this, Lalwani and Wang (2019) used a writing task to shift consumers’ focus to the distant future (vs. a control task with no temporal focus shift) before priming consumers with either an interdependent or an independent selfconstrual. Independents were more likely to redeem a coupon when they were thinking about the distant future than when they were not thinking about time; however, there was no difference in coupon redemption for interdependents across the high and control temporal focus conditions (Lalwani and Wang 2019, Study 3). One implication of these findings is that, with increasing investment in mobile applications to deliver promotions, retailers could increase app usage by eliciting an interdependent self-construal among users, or by focusing attention on the distant future (e.g., highlighting long-term savings goals). Resolving decision problems: choice rules Distinct individualistic and collectivistic values also shape the kinds of choice rules consumers use during the purchase stage. For example, in individualistic cultural contexts, consumers adopt choice rules that reflect their concerns about the implications of their decisions for the self. Therefore, American consumers seek variety in their choices in order to appear unique (Ariely and Levav 2000; Ratner, Kahn, and Kahneman 1999), fulfilling their goal to distinguish themselves from others. This desire for variety applies even to the decision rules that consumers use for making sequential decisions. Thus, when participants were led to choose consecutive compromise options (e.g., a grill with intermediate values of weight and cooking area), American (vs. Korean) consumers were more likely to use a non-compromise choice rule in a subsequent decision (e.g., selecting an option with extreme attributes; Kim and Drolet 2003). 45 For collectivists, choices are driven by rules that appeal to the interdependent self. Research suggests that Asian-American consumers, who are more collectivistic than EuropeanAmerican consumers, are consistently more likely to choose brand name products (e.g., Sprite) over less costly “generic” options across a variety of common grocery items such as soda, cereal, and toothpaste (Kim and Drolet 2009). This finding was interpreted as reflecting collectivistic consumers’ greater motivation to signal their social and external characteristics (e.g., social status) through their choices. If this preference for national brands varies reliably by culture, this suggests that individualists may be more receptive to a retailer’s private label brand, in preference to national or global branded items. Indeed, in a 21-country study (De Mooij and Hofstede 2002), market share for private label brands correlated with level of individualism at the national level (Hofstede 1984, Hofstede 2001). Post-Purchase Stage Regret and fairness judgments How does culture influence when consumers experience regret after making a poor choice, or how they judge the fairness of the price they paid? These outcomes depend on which cultural norms about decision-making prevail. In individualist contexts, people assign agency to individuals, whereas in collectivist contexts, people assign agency to the group (Menon et al. 1999), and this gives rise to distinct patterns of regret and brand switching. Thus, following an unhappy product experience, collectivists (Chinese) tended to experience more regret if the original choice was made by an individual, whereas individualists (Canadians) tended to experience more regret if the original choice was made by their group. Stronger feelings of regret increased brand switching intentions (Ng, Kim, and Rao 2015). Similarly, when an individualistic cultural orientation was primed among a group of bicultural participants in Singapore, consumers felt more regret about a bad rental car experience, and greater brand-switching expectations, when they personally did not enact enough individual agency. In contrast, when bicultural consumers were primed with a collectivistic cultural orientation, consumers felt more regret and greater brand-switching expectations when their group did not enact enough collective agency (Ng, Kim, and Rao 2015). When consumers make cross-consumer price comparisons, collectivist (Chinese) consumers tend to be more sensitive to relationship loyalty in buyer–seller relationships, judging it as more unfair to pay a higher price in a loyal versus first-time relationship, compared to individualist (U.S.) consumers. This appears to be because Chinese consumers, being more oriented toward their relationships, experience more face concerns than U.S. consumers do when making in-group comparisons to the price paid by others (Bolton, Keh, and Alba 2010). More generally, individualists and collectivists are guided by distinct relationship norms that influence how they assess the fairness of pricing practices, such that asymmetric pricing activities are more accepted by individualists than collectivists because individualists emphasize exchange norms more than benevolent norms (Chen et al. 2018). 46 S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 For retailers, this suggests that common strategies such as dynamic pricing between consumer groups, and pricing innovations such as digital price tags, may have distinct consequences across cultures. For instance, the presence of a digital price tag might signal the threat of dynamic prices. That threat might be more salient to collectivistic consumers because they are more prone to make in-group comparisons to the prices paid by others. Future research could examine which cues trigger inferences about pricing (un)fairness for collectivists compared to individualists (see Table 1). Holistic versus Analytic Thinking Styles and the Consumer Journey One can readily accept the notion that people from different cultures prioritize different goals and values. What is less appreciated is the fact that people in different cultures tend to engage in fundamentally distinct thinking styles (Nisbett et al. 2001). Specifically, people raised in individualistic cultural contexts tend to adopt an analytic thinking style, which involves perceiving objects as independent and separate from one another (Nisbett 2003; Nisbett et al. 2001), and emphasizing the distinctions between them (Oyserman and Lee 2007). Objects perceived in this manner tend to be seen in terms of defining, formal features that drive categorization (popcorn and potato chips belong in the category of salty snacks). Analytic thinkers tend to use either-or decisions rules for judging arguments and objects. An argument is therefore either right or wrong, an attribute of a product is either important or unimportant. When different pieces of information about a product conflict with each other, such as when evaluating a tennis racquet that has positive attributes but a disliked endorser, analytic thinkers tend to address the inconsistency by choosing a side (Aaker and Sengupta 2000). In contrast, people raised in collectivistic cultural contexts tend to adopt a holistic thinking style, which involves perceiving objects and elements of their environment as interrelated (Nisbett 2003; Nisbett et al. 2001), and emphasizing the connections between them (Oyserman and Lee 2007). Holistic thinkers are attentive to the background and context, as well as to focal objects in the foreground, and they tend to integrate them (Monga and John 2007). This means that the perceived nature of objects can change as their context changes. Holistic thinkers tend to categorize products based on relationships between them (popcorn and candy are things you eat at the movies), rather than on formal features that they share (Monga and John 2007). Holistic thinkers also use compromise decision processes that entertain multiple arguments as being potentially true or multiple attributes as being important (Aaker and Sengupta 2000), seeking a “middle way” between propositions (Briley, Morris, and Simonson 2000; Peng and Nisbett 1999). This type of integrative thinking style gives rise to dialectical perceptions and ambivalent attitudes (every coin has two sides, Pang et al. 2017), and we shall discuss the role of dialectical thinking in detail later. For holistic thinkers, a product can be both bad and good, depending on the context in which it is encountered. As we will see, this makes the retail context potentially more influential in driving product judgments. Pre-Purchase Stage: Forming Impressions of Products in Context The impact of store and display characteristics What implications do these differences in thinking styles have for understanding the retail consumer’s journey? The answer is that there are likely to be fundamental differences at every stage. For instance, at the pre-purchase stage of the consumer journey, cultural differences in thinking styles are likely to influence the way information in the retail context is perceived, categorized, and evaluated. Because analytic thinkers are more likely to view an object and its context to be separate and distinct, in cultures where an analytic thinking style is typical, an item displayed in a retail context will be viewed as distinct from its retail environment (e.g., the store’s reputation, Lee and Shavitt 2006; the display characteristics, Zhu and Meyers-Levy 2009). For instance, in the U.S., a coffeemaker on a metal shelf at Walmart is likely to be perceived as being of similar quality as the same item displayed in a glass case at Macy’s. In contrast, because holistic thinkers are better able to integrate and see connections among elements in their environment (Ahluwalia 2008), their perception of an item is likely to be infused with its context (Riemer et al. 2014). Thus, in cultures where a holistic thinking style is typical, perceptions of a coffeemaker displayed in a retail context are likely to be colored by the characteristics of the retail context. This means that, for instance in Japan, the same appliance may be viewed differently at Seiyu (Walmart’s subsidiary) versus at high-end Mitsukoshi, with characteristics of the retail context spilling over onto product judgments. Zhu and Meyers-Levy (2009) specifically examined how display conditions affect product judgments differently, as a function of self-construal. They found that, for participants primed with an interdependent self-construal, who were presumably thinking holistically (Lalwani and Shavitt 2013; Monga and John 2007), a mug that was placed on a marble table was perceived as a more modern item than when the same mug was placed on a wooden table. That is, properties of the context were infused into perceptions of the mug on display. In contrast, those primed with an independent self-construal, who were presumably thinking analytically, contrasted the mug with its display context, evaluating a mug as more trendy when it was displayed on a wooden table, but as more natural when it was displayed on a glass table (Zhu and Meyers-Levy 2009). That is, they distinguished the item from its display context. In a similar vein, evidence suggests that the impact of shelfplacement on product judgments is greater for those with an interdependent versus independent self-construal (Jain, Desai, and Mao 2007). After self-construal was primed, participants estimated the fat content of a target low-fat snack (e.g., Keebler’s Soft Batch low-fat chocolate chip cookie) that was displayed on a shelf with related snack items. For interdependents, who were presumably thinking holistically, fat ratings of the target snack depended on the display context: These ratings were higher when S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 the other items displayed alongside were also low-fat snacks (e.g., Bearitos low-fat organic popcorn) versus when they were regular versions of similar snacks (e.g., Chips Ahoy). In contrast, for independents, who were presumably thinking analytically, the surrounding shelf placements did not affect fat ratings for the target snack (Jain, Desai, and Mao 2007). These types of effects extend to more abstract aspects of the context as well, such as a retailer’s reputation for selling high-end versus discounted merchandise. For those in cultural contexts that stimulate holistic thinking, the reputation of the retailer who sells a product can spill over to influence the way that product is evaluated. For instance, Lee and Shavitt (2006) showed that when people were primed with an interdependent (vs. independent) self-construal, a retail store’s reputation could shape inferences about a product’s quality. Specifically, participants were shown a picture of the same GE microwave (same price, same features) after being primed with either an interdependent or an independent self-construal. Interdependents evaluated the microwave more favorably when it was presented as being sold at the high-end retailer Marshall-Fields than when it was described as being sold at Kmart; however, this did not happen for independents (Lee and Shavitt 2006). Similar spillover effects have been reported in service domains: For holistic but not analytic thinkers, rude service can impact judgments of a restaurant’s food quality or a hotel’s cleanliness (Lee 2017). Taken together, these results suggest that the retail context is more likely to affect the perceptions of merchandise for interdependents (holistic thinkers) than for independents (analytic thinkers). And, indeed, when the retail context does have an impact for independents, it may influence perceptions in an entirely different way. To summarize, for people in interdependent (compared to independent) cultural contexts, there is likely to be greater spillover of store and display characteristics on perceptions of the merchandise. So, a high-end retail store will elicit higher end perceptions of its offerings (The jewelry at Nordstrom looks elegant). In contrast, for people in independent (compared to interdependent) cultural contexts, there is likely to be less of a spillover effect, and perhaps a contrast effect instead (For Bloomingdales, these scarves look a bit cheap). Journeying across channels Retailing contexts now traverse physical, online, and mobile channels, and the rise of multi-channel marketing presents new challenges. Retailers hope to integrate consistent consumer experiences across all channels in the consumer journey to increase trust and engagement with their firm. However, evidence suggests that cultural differences in thinking styles affect the inferences consumers are likely to draw between retail channels (Badrinarayanan et al. 2012). Holistic thinkers, who tend to focus on the relationships between objects, also tend to focus on the relationship between a physical retail store and its corresponding digital channels and form preferences by transferring their feeling about the physical store to the online store (I like Best Buy, so bestbuy.com must also be good). In contrast, analytic thinkers, who tend to categorize objects using either-or decision rules, tend to distinguish between physical and online channels and form their preferences based on either channel’s 47 salient attributes (bestbuy.com is good because it has fast download times). Results from a cross-national survey revealed that South Koreans (vs. Americans), who scored higher on holistic thinking, were more likely to transfer their physical store preferences and trusting beliefs to the online store. Favorable online store preferences and trusting beliefs predicted greater purchase intentions for the online store (Badrinarayanan et al. 2012). Pricing Do thinking styles affect how consumers react to the price of a product? An important retailing implication of cultural differences in thinking styles involves the perceived connections between price and quality. As noted, holistic thinkers see connections more readily, making them more likely to perceive a price–quality relationship. Thus, in a survey (Lalwani and Shavitt 2013), consumers in India (holistic thinkers) were more likely than those in the U.S. (analytic thinkers) to believe that “you get what you pay for.” Building on this, Lalwani and Shavitt (2013) showed that people with ethnic backgrounds that emphasize holistic thinking (Asian–Americans or Hispanic–Americans) are more likely than analytic thinkers (European–Americans) to use the price of a product as an indicator of its quality. For retail offerings such as calculators or alarm clocks, Asian–Americans perceived higher-priced options to have higher quality than lower-priced options. These differences were driven by cultural differences in holistic thinking. Indeed, activating holistic thinking yielded similar effects (Lalwani and Shavitt 2013). When the tendency to think holistically was primed, consumers of both ethnicities used a product’s price to judge its quality. However, when the tendency to think analytically was primed, price did not affect quality judgments, regardless of ethnicity. The nature of the product made a difference, too, with these patterns for primed thinking style emerging for utilitarian types of products (e.g., paper towels, hand soap) but not for more symbolically meaningful goods (e.g., watches, gloves). Compared to utilitarian products, symbolic products are likely to be evaluated in more relational terms, prompting a spontaneous linkage between price and quality that does not rely on cultural differences in holistic thinking. Although thinking styles influence perceived price-quality links, they may also drive which reference prices affect consumer responses to a product’s price. Research distinguishes between internal reference prices (IRP), where a price is perceived to represent the product’s inherent features, and external reference prices (ERP), where a price is perceived to be determined by competitors’ prices and market characteristics (e.g., Mazumdar and Papatla 2000; Rajendran and Tellis 1994). As might be expected based on differences in thinking styles, Chen (2009) found that relative to those primed with an interdependent self-construal, participants primed with an independent selfconstrual are more influenced by IRP, and less influenced by ERP, in evaluating the prices of TV sets, MP3 players, and printers. These patterns are in line with analytic (holistic) thinkers’ tendencies to attribute causality to internal (contextual) sources (Morris and Peng 1994) and thus to perceive separateness or connectedness between the target brand and others. 48 S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 Taken together, these findings suggest that, for retailers of consumer packaged goods, electronics, computer peripherals, and other relatively utilitarian product lines, cultural differences in consumers’ thinking styles will be important in influencing how consumers react to retailers’ pricing strategies. In cultural contexts where holistic (compared to analytic) thinking prevails, discount retailers of these product categories may struggle more to gain ground against stores with higher pricing. Offering external reference price cues may be helpful in mitigating negative perceptions about the internal features and qualities of lowpriced products. These are important areas for future research (see Table 1). Responding to reviews Product displays, channel formats, and price levels are elements that the retailer can control. However, retailers should also understand how consumers’ thinking styles influence their responses to elements that are outside of the retailer’s control (Verhoef et al. 2009). For example, holistic thinkers’ ability to see connections among elements in the environment affects their responses to product reviews. Obviously, consumers are likely to respond favorably to positive reviews regardless of thinking style. However, consumer responses to negative reviews may depend on thinking style. Compared to analytic thinkers, holistic thinkers are more likely to attribute the causes of events to situational factors as opposed to internal characteristics (Nisbett et al. 2001). In one study (Monga and John 2008), consumers were primed with a holistic or analytic thinking style and then were shown negative information about a new BMW car model failing to meet production targets. Holistic thinkers provided more contextbased explanations for the negative information (e.g., BMW along with factors in the environment are responsible for its quality and manufacturing problems), leading to no change in brand evaluations (Monga and John 2008). In contrast, analytic thinkers provided more object-based explanations for the negative information (e.g., BMW alone is responsible for its quality and manufacturing problems”), leading to less favorable brand evaluations. It is widely held that positive and negative information about a brand can seem contradictory and lead to uncomfortable feelings of ambivalence (Harmon-Jones 2000; Priester, Petty, and Park 2007). In Western contexts, this can lead to efforts to “resolve” the apparent contradiction (Nisbett et al. 2001), and thus ambivalent attitudes in Western contexts (European Canadians) shift more in response to persuasive messages than they do in non-Western contexts (East Asian Canadians), where ambivalence is less likely to feel aversive (Ng, Hynie, and MacDonald 2012). Dialectical thinking is a dimension of holistic thinking that addresses one’s tolerance for contradictory information. Dialectical thinkers regard contradiction as a constant state that should be accepted, whereas non dialectical thinkers regard contradiction as a temporary state that should be avoided (Nisbett et al. 2001; Peng and Nisbett 1999). Indeed, when faced with contradictory product information, high (vs. low) dialectical thinkers feel less discomfort (Wang, Batra, and Chen 2016) and are more decisive in product evaluations (Demotta, Chao, and Kramer 2016). In addition, high dialectical thinkers feel less discomfort when faced with multivalent product reviews compared to uniformly positive reviews, leading to lower probabilities of choice deferral and preference reversals (Pang et al. 2017). Taken together, this research suggests that learning both the good and bad sides of a product will be more persuasive for people using holistic and dialectical thinking styles, and will help them to reach decisions more confidently. Purchase Stage: Choosing in Context Brand extensions Prior to the purchase stage of their journey, consumers may form strong expectations and even loyalties to specific brands. What if a brand launches an extension into another product category, as established brands often do? Will cultural differences in thinking style help us to predict when such extensions are likely to be successful? The answer lies in how holistic thinkers categorize objects and see connections among objects in their environment. These tendencies can enhance acceptance of brand extensions because they make consumers more likely to find symbolic links between the parent brand and its extension (Monga and John 2007). Although such links are often easy to identify spontaneously (as in the case of Febreze air freshener extending the brand to Febreze laundry spray), relatively distant extensions are also sometimes launched. For instance, Colgate, a parent brand with strong brand equity, launched a frozen lasagna which, unsurprisingly, failed (Lowin 2017). Consumers may reject an extension if it does not seem to “fit” with its parent brand (e.g., Aaker and Keller 1990), but what counts as a good fit will vary by culture and thinking style (Monga and John 2007). When would Colgate lasagna be a successful brand extension? Because analytic thinkers categorize items based on abstracting shared features and formulating decision rules (Ji, Zhang, and Nisbett 2004), they are likely to implicitly assume that all products that share the name Colgate, a brand known primarily for toothpaste and oral care products, will share a key feature with the parent brand – their minty flavor. Thus, extending Colgate into the frozen entrée category will seem disgusting. In contrast, holistic thinkers categorize objects based on relationships to other objects or to the context (Ji, Zhang, and Nisbett 2004). As a result, they may be more likely to think about shared symbolic characteristics (Colgate toothpaste and Colgate lasagna are two things that are good for me) when evaluating the extension, and respond more favorably to it (Monga and John 2009). For example, in research by Monga and John (2007), Indian consumers (holistic thinkers) and American consumers (analytic thinkers) evaluated several fictional brand extensions that were pretested to have low fit with their parent brand (e.g., McDonald’s razors). Holistic (vs. analytic) thinkers rated the low-fit extensions more favorably because they perceived greater fit between the extension and the parent brand (Monga and John 2007). Consistent with this, holistic (vs. analytic) thinkers have been shown to be less sensitive to downward line extensions S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 49 that can attract a wider range of customers (Allman, Hewett, and Kaur 2019), but that can also dilute the brand. Power Distance Beliefs, Global–Local Identities, and the Consumer Journey Improving brand extension outcomes The extant research suggests several tactics to encourage analytic thinkers to think more holistically and respond more favorably to brand extensions. The first set of tactics suggests prompting consumers to focus on connections between elements unrelated to the brand. For example, directing consumers’ attention to social relationships (i.e., priming an interdependent self-construal; Ahluwalia 2008; Monga and John 2007; Kuhnen and Oyserman 2002; Oyserman et al. 2009) or background features of a drawing (i.e., encouraging field dependence; Monga and John 2008, 2010) are effective strategies to increase holistic thinking. These could be readily applied to in-store advertisements or other marketing communications. Another tactic prompts consumers to create psychological distance between the parent brand and extension category via using a sub-brand (e.g., Excer Wallet by Toyota; Monga and John 2010). The benefits of holistic thinking for brand extension evaluation do have bounds, however. Whereas holistic (vs. analytic) thinking improves extension evaluations for utilitarian or functional brands (e.g., Maytag), this effect is attenuated for prestige brands (Monga and John 2010). Prestige brands (e.g., Armani) tend to have abstract and symbolic brand concepts that facilitate consumers’ ability to find connections between the parent brand and extension categories. Therefore, it relatively easy for both holistic and analytic thinkers to perceive fit between a prestige brand and a distant product category. Moreover, holistic thinkers’ ability to see connections and relationships can take significant cognitive effort (Ahluwalia 2008). Therefore, the otherwise positive effect of holistic (vs. analytic) thinking on extension evaluation is mitigated when consumers are under cognitive load (Kim and Park 2019). All of this suggests that holistic (vs. analytic) thinkers are likely to be more accepting of extensions for utilitarian brands, unless factors in the retail environment place a burden on their cognitive capacity. As previously mentioned, the cross-cultural consumer behavior literature is large and rapidly growing. The earlier sections emphasized the most commonly studied cultural classifications of individualism and collectivism as well as analytic and holistic thinking styles. However, additional dimensions are gaining increasing interest from culture scholars. We highlight two burgeoning literatures on the culture dimensions of power distance belief and global–local identity, and briefly describe how a consideration of these factors can deepen the understanding of consumer journeys. Power distance is a cultural-level variable referring to the degree to which hierarchy is accepted and expected in a society (Hofstede 1984; Oyserman 2006). In high power-distance cultures, society is organized hierarchically and people expect differential treatment, and treat each other accordingly, depending on where they are in that hierarchy. In low power-distance cultures, society is organized in a more egalitarian manner and people are less willing to accept differential status and treatment. At the individual level, the variable power distance belief (PDB) refers to an individual’s endorsement and acceptance of power disparities. People who believe that power disparities are a necessary part of society (i.e., people with high PDB) tend to discriminate between objects and place them along a hierarchical ranking (Winterich and Zhang 2014). In contrast, people who believe power disparities should not be a part of society (i.e., low PDB people) tend to endorse equality independent of hierarchy. Power distance beliefs can also be situationally activated (Zhang, Winterich, and Mittal 2010; Winterich, Gangwar, and Grewal 2018; Han, Lalwani, and Duhachek 2017). Giving in to cravings For holistic thinkers, factors in the retail environment can also place a burden on their ability to self-regulate in certain contexts. As previously mentioned, holistic thinking is the tendency to focus on the interconnectedness among objects, whereas analytic thinking is the tendency to separate objects from their context. An implication of this difference in thinking style is that, when presented with cues that set the occasion for consumption (e.g., candy at a movie theater), holistic (vs. analytic) thinkers may be more likely to imagine themselves consuming the indulgent item and be more likely to crave it. For example, Hildebrand, Harding, and Hadi (2019) primed participants to think analytically or holistically and showed participants a cheese pizza with either an occasion-setting cue (a brick oven pizzeria in the background) or a control cue (a blank background). Holistic thinkers craved the cheese pizza more when it was displayed with an occasion-setting cue (vs. no cue). In contrast, cue type did not affect analytic thinkers’ pizza cravings. The Pre-Purchase Stage Celebrity influence How might the acceptance and endorsement of power disparities affect consumer journeys? Although there are likely to be important effects at every stage, most research to date has identified them at pre-purchase and purchase stages. For example, many firms use high-status celebrity endorsers to persuade consumers pre-purchase (e.g., Beyoncé and Pepsi). However, consumers’ power distance beliefs (PDB) prompt different responses to those celebrities’ position within the social hierarchy. In one study (Winterich, Gangwar, and Grewal 2018), participants from the US and India were primed to endorse social hierarchy (high PDB) or endorse equality (low PDB) before evaluating an advertisement with or without a celebrity endorser. Participants primed with high PDB evaluated the advertisement more favorably when it included a celebrity endorser (vs. not). In contrast, celebrity endorsement did not affect evaluations for participants primed with low PDB. Moreover, for participants with high (vs. low) PDB, expertise and trust perceptions mediated the relationship between celebrity endorsement and advertisement evaluations (Winterich, Gangwar, and Grewal 2018). 50 S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 Product design source If power distance beliefs determine how consumers respond to a product’s endorser through expertise and trust perceptions, might they also influence how consumers respond to a product’s designer? In addition to traditional company-designed products, many brands employ user-design philosophies to crowdsource new product designs (e.g., Threadless or ideas.starbucks.com). Evidence suggests that preference for company- (vs. user-) designed products is greater for those with high (vs. low) PDB (Paharia and Swaminathan 2019). For instance, consumers with high PDB preferred a company- (vs. user) designed software product, whereas the opposite was true for those with low PDB. Moderated-mediation analyses revealed that, consistent with their tendency to discriminate among objects and arrange them on a hierarchy, high PDB consumers’ preference for company-designed products operated through quality perceptions. In contrast, yet consistent with their tendency to endorse equality, low PDB consumers’ preference for user-designed products was mediated by feelings of empowerment (Paharia and Swaminathan 2019). Pricing Recent research has found that PDB also affects how consumers react to the price of a product (Lalwani and Forcum 2016). High (vs. low) PDB consumers’ tendency to endorse hierarchy gives rise to a relatively greater need for structure. Lalwani and Forcum (2016) showed that one consequence of the need for structure is to categorize products by price and ascribe higher quality to higher priced products. For example, participants from the US and India reported their tendencies to judge a product’s quality from its price before indicating their need for structure and power distance beliefs. In line with expectations, a serial mediation analysis revealed that the effect of nationality on price-quality judgments was mediated by participants’ PDB and need for structure (Lalwani and Forcum 2016). Moreover, the effects of PDB were not explained by holistic thinking (Lalwani and Shavitt 2013), suggesting that power distance beliefs operate via a distinct mechanism. Pricing and global–local identities Consumers differ in how strongly they associate with the local versus global community (Reed et al. 2012). Compared to those with a salient global identity, people with a salient local identity are devoted and deferential to local traditions, events, and communities, discerning greater differences between local and nonlocal communities (Zhang and Khare 2009). Similar to people who are high (vs. low) in PDB who discriminate between objects in terms of their quality or status (Winterich and Zhang 2014), people with a salient local (vs. global) identity tend to focus on dissimilarities between objects and thus, associate the one that has a higher price with higher quality (Yang et al. 2019). For example, a meta-analysis of previous studies on price-quality judgments conducted across different countries revealed that consumers are more likely to make price-quality judgments in countries in which a local identity is more dominant (e.g., Cuba, North Korea), compared to those in which a global identity is dominant (e.g., the US). Further, a field study showed that consumers with a local (vs. global) identity were more likely to purchase a more expensive water bottle because they tended to judge products with higher prices to have higher quality (Yang et al. 2019). The effects were robust beyond the effects of other country-level variables such as gross domestic product per capita, competitive environment, and Hofstede’s five cultural dimensions (e.g., power distance). These findings complement related work that has found people with a more salient local (vs. global) identity and countries with more local emphasis (lower values on the KOF Index of Globalization) to be more amenable to paying higher prices (Gao, Zhang, and Mittal 2017). The Purchase Stage Impulse buying Do power distance beliefs affect consumers’ likelihood of buying on impulse? For those with high PDB, the general need for structure and tendency to organize objects along a hierarchy may also manifest in greater self-restraint because of the emphasis on order (Zhang, Winterich, and Mittal 2010). Compared to those with low PDB, high PDB consumers’ familiarity with restraint also results in a lower tendency to buy on impulse for items that elicit self-control associations (e.g., vice products). In one experiment, consumers were primed with high (vs. low) PDB before choosing vice (e.g., cola) and virtue (e.g., orange juice) food items. Participants who were primed with high (vs. low) PDB bought fewer and spent less on vice products. However, the PDB prime did not affect the quantity purchased or amount spent on virtue items (Zhang, Winterich, and Mittal 2010). The Culture-Adaptive Shopper Journey Model The shopper journey metaphor has inspired a number of different models regarding how shopper behavior unfolds. For instance, the needs adaptive shopper journey model (Lee et al. 2018) emphasizes shopper well-being, highlighting the importance of understanding how consumers’ goals shape their shopping journeys. This provides a valuable starting point for understanding the possible impacts of culture at each step in the journey. According to this model, two of the central factors that influence the shopper journey are shoppers’ own psychology (their mental and behavioral states experienced during the shopping process) and peer-to-peer or social influences (Lee et al. 2018). As we have already described, individualistic or Western contexts, compared to collectivistic or non-Western contexts, are characterized by a stronger influence of internal states and impulses on consumer decisions (e.g., Hong and Chang 2015; Zhang and Shrum 2009). The same is true for low PDB (compared to high PDB) people or contexts (Zhang, Winterich, and Mittal 2010). Taken together, these findings suggest that the “shopper psychology” factor may be more central in individualistic cultures and in low-PDB contexts. Conversely, social and normative influences exert a stronger motivating force in collectivistic or non-Western contexts compared to individual- S. Shavitt, A.J. Barnes / Journal of Retailing 96 (1, 2020) 40–54 istic or Western contexts (Riemer et al. 2014), and in high-PDB (compared to low PDB) contexts. These results suggest that peer-to-peer influences should be given greater emphasis in understanding the consumer journey in non-Western contexts or contexts that are high in PDB. One key priority in understanding non-Western contexts is to move away from an emphasis on personal consumer preferences toward a focus on their normatively infused preferences (Riemer et al. 2014). Shoppers in non-Western contexts may not evaluate products in isolation, but instead view products as embedded within their context. As we have described, their shopper and user experiences will be more profoundly shaped by the retail environment. From a strategic perspective, this means that retailer reputation, store atmosphere, and display characteristics require more investment to shape the right associations with the products being sold. This may be seen as good news for the retailer, as the retailer has more control over these elements versus over the branding strategies of their product lines. For individualists, shopper journeys are more likely to unfold in the service of agency, independence, uniqueness, and selfexpression. Shoppers are promotion focused, and seek products that help them to convey a distinct self-concept that separates them from others, such as products in unique colors or products that represent really new innovations (e.g., Kim and Markus 1999; Ma, Yang, and Mourali 2014). Emphasizing the uniqueness or distinctness of a retailer’s merchandise will therefore be beneficial. Individualistic shoppers seek opportunities to advocate for their consumer preferences, and are likely to find forums for self-expression to be rewarding. Retailing strategies that emphasize shopper agency and freedom of choice are also advisable. For instance, surprising customers with token gifts can elicit greater pleasure than giving them an expected gift, because they feel greater agency to respond emotionally without the constraints of maintaining social harmony (Valenzuela, Mellers, and Strebel 2010). In addition, newer scanning technologies (e.g., self-checkout and scan-and-go applications; Inman and Nikolova 2017) could also garner more favorable responses from individualistic (vs. collectivistic) shoppers because they offer increased autonomy. By contrast, evidence suggests that retailers’ efforts to solicit donations at checkout and publicize customers’ gifts tend to backfire with independents. Compared to interdependents, independents want to appear uninfluenced by others, and feel that their image of autonomy is threatened by the promise of recognition (Simpson, White, and Laran 2017). For collectivists, in contrast, the focus of the shopper journey is on maintaining and building benevolent relationships with other consumers and with the retailer, adhering to societal and normative expectations, prioritizing and protecting their ingroups, and honoring traditions. Because they define themselves contextually and relationally, collectivistic shoppers are likely to seek products that help them to conform to others, such as products in typical colors (Kim and Markus 1999) or new products that offer incremental changes (Ma, Yang, and Mourali 2014). Driven by a prevention focus and group harmony priorities, collectivistic shoppers seek validation from others on forums and message boards that offer advice from their peers. 51 For retailers, this means moving away from a reliance on appealing to consumers’ inner feelings and impulses to drive purchases, and toward promoting more normative, social, and traditional themes. Because collectivists tend to be more sensitive to social risk compared to financial risk (Mandel 2003), offering assurances of acceptance and approval for one’s purchases, such as consensus cues about others’ preferences (Aaker and Maheswaran 1997), may be more beneficial than highlighting personal enjoyment or financial savings. For instance, collectivists may be less tempted to buy alcohol because of a personal urge to consume it, but more motivated to buy alcohol because of a sense that drinking in a group will help to solidify their relationships or to celebrate traditional occasions. They will respond to public recognition with more normatively appropriate behavior (e.g., charitable donations; Simpson, White, and Laran 2017) and less inappropriate behavior (e.g., impulsive consumption; Zhang and Shrum 2009). Collectivistic shoppers’ group identities and relationships will drive a broad range of consumer behaviors. Consumers will often buy products to convey and restore a sense of belonging (White, Argo, and Sengupta 2012), and the depths of their brand relationships will determine how they respond to negative product outcomes (Sinha and Lu 2016). Finally, it is important to emphasize that collectivists, as primarily holistic thinkers, define their shopping experiences by contextual elements rather than by abstract characteristics of the products they encounter. The same merchandise will be experienced differently, depending on contextual characteristics such as features of store displays, what items are shelved alongside one another, or the retailer’s broader reputation for quality. This means that retailers’ decisions shape consumer experiences in a profound way. Conclusion Cultural factors are noticeably absent from investigations into consumer journeys. However, as we have reviewed, culture implicates how consumers interpret and respond to all touchpoints of a consumer journey. The distinctions between cultural contexts that we have described highlight the importance of considering each element of the consumer journey — including responses to advertisements, prices, websites, product lines, retail contexts, promotional gifts, and charitable partnerships — through the lens of cultural differences. Executive Summary Cultural factors are rarely addressed in investigations into consumer journeys. However, as we review in this article, culture implicates how consumers interpret and respond to all touchpoints of the shopper journey. The differences that emerge between cultural contexts, as described here, highlight the importance of considering each element of the consumer journey—including responses to advertisements, prices, websites, product lines, retail contexts, promotional gifts, and charitable partnerships—through the lens of cultural differences. 52 S. Shavitt, A.J. 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