Manchester University Press
Chapter Title: Introduction
Book Title: The regeneration of east Manchester
Book Subtitle: A political analysis
Book Author(s): Georgina Blakeley and Brendan Evans
Published by: Manchester University Press. (2013)
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt18mvktk.7
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1
Introduction
The regeneration of east Manchester is one of the largest projects of urban regeneration internationally. It provides one of the best possibilities for examining the
character of Area Based Initiatives (ABIs) for addressing urban decline and the
related social and economic problems. We examine the specific case study of east
Manchester in depth. While each such initiative is sui generis, neither is regeneration
entirely localist but is set in the context of a wider political economy.
The purpose of this case study is to examine the east Manchester initiative which
it has been argued is the most ‘policy thick’ area in Britain (Ward, 2003: 123). The
narrative of how east Manchester became such an extreme case of deprivation, and
of the various attempts to respond to the problem, is itself a purpose of the book and
we describe the way in which the initiative emerged and explain how it developed.
The revival of a substantial area of a great city, which began in a major way with the
new Labour Government after 1997, is a task that is never completed. The global
recession, the election of the Coalition Government and subsequent cuts in public
spending significantly altered the course and extent of regeneration, but some
projects continue.
Urban regeneration in Britain has always been broadly defined and included
physical, economic and social regeneration. It has tended to combine an attack on
decline together with a vision of an urban renaissance, although in practice there is
a gap between the two. Problems of urban decline were first acted upon in Britain
with the urban programme of 1968 but since then ABIs have proliferated both
nationally and internationally. Yet the problems in Britain were more marked by the
1970s than in comparable countries and the term ‘urban regeneration’ appears to
have developed from British metropolitan planning. The oil crisis of 1973 advanced
economic decline and similar policy responses have emerged internationally. Since
many of the forces which have created urban problems are themselves ­international
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2
The regeneration of east Manchester
in character, and many of the policies are similar, it is tempting to describe urban
regeneration as global. Yet there are varying local approaches and adaptations
in response to specific circumstances. In some cases urban regeneration is about
adapting the existing built environment while in others this combines with an
attention to social problems, with varying degrees of state direction. The case of
east Manchester is distinguished by its holistic approach, which seeks to cover
economic,
social and cultural regeneration.
­
It is important to describe the regeneration of east Manchester, but the narrative itself is insufficient without attempting to evaluate its success. There is no
attempt here to offer a definitive evaluation of the initiative and still less to offer
one of the success of ABIs in general. Instead, we present the results of some specific evaluations which have been undertaken, as well as considering the pitfalls
in the evaluation process itself. Despite the difficulties of presenting an overall
assessment, we suggest a number of achievements and limitations in the case of
east Manchester.
Yet our purpose goes beyond simply describing, analysing and evaluating
the regeneration of east Manchester since 1997. While we do describe the actors
involved, and offer an overview of what they have accomplished, we consider further relevant issues. The agencies and structures which are involved in the process
form a complex and diverse network. This raises the question of whether the project
can be regarded as one of traditional government, or whether it is rather a case of
fragmented governance. Also, given the extent to which a complicated partnership
has been engaged in regeneration, it is necessary to enquire how far there has been
a successful co-­ordination of the project. The inclusion of a diverse range of statutory and non-­statutory bodies in the initiative has been an advantage by virtue of
the range of interests it expresses, while potentially posing a problem because of the
resulting managerial challenge.
The regeneration of this particular area, its selection as a problematical segment
of British urban life, the aims which have been established for it and the methods
adopted are not value-­free. It is necessary to interrogate the motives and intentions
of policy-­makers and to elicit the ideology, implicit or explicit, which underpinned
the project under New Labour and led to its weakening under the Coalition
Government. This relates closely to the debate about who have been the beneficiaries. Much is made by the proponents of the aim of engaging residents and responding to their aspirations in the process and outcome of regeneration. We investigate
what has actually happened towards fulfilling this aim and seek to determine the
extent and nature of resident participation in the project.
We are sensitive to the actual realities of the context of east Manchester and so
aim to present an account which appreciates the experiences of people who are
trying to conduct their lives in often trying circumstances. Equally, while we criticise the work undertaken by the institutions involved in the regeneration project
we also note that many individuals have strained every sinew to make the project a
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Introduction
3
success in order to improve the prospects for an impoverished part of Manchester.
Accordingly, we pay attention to agency.
The specificities of time as well as of place are crucial in analysing a major urban
regeneration programme. While we note that urban regeneration is a ubiquitous
activity we address a specific spatial question, that of the particular needs and
solutions which have emerged in east Manchester. If there are common issues confronting cities across the world, and even similar pressure resulting from the trend
towards globalisation, we argue that the interactions between global economic
pressures, national political forces and specifically local issues are particularly
important.
Of equal importance to the spatial specificities of east Manchester is the temporal dimension. Whether the issue is how the project is governed, how policy is
made and implemented, its ideological imperatives or the degree to which genuine
participation has been accomplished, the answer is not static in character. Specific
‘snapshots’ of these issues at various stages between 1997 and 2012 will yield quite
different responses. Over the duration of the initiative, governing arrangements
have altered, central government’s involvement has varied, policies have been tried
and abandoned, objectives have been modified and participation has been spasmodic, so a time-­sensitive perspective is required.
There are sociological, cultural, geographical and economic aspects in the case of
east Manchester, but the primary focus here is political. Ultimately, the establishment, maintenance and survival of this type of initiative is a political issue regardless
of the social, cultural and economic impacts of the programme. It remains a political
project despite the role of private monies, and public money has a major role to play.
Governance, ideology and participation are political concepts but politics is vital in
two other respects. First, the analysis here explores the policies of the Thatcher and
Major Governments, and focuses especially on the impact of New Labour and the
election of the Coalition Government in 2010, which have been major landmarks
in the manner in which urban regeneration has been taken forward. We analyse the
public policies involved in the programme which highlights the fact that a temporal
perspective is essential. There are continuities, but also discontinuities in policy,
when central governments change. Second, we are critical of the idea of there being
a single public interest. Political decisions benefit some and harm others. ‘Power’
here is understood as a zero-­sum game. In the judgements that we advance, therefore, we recognise that some people have gained and others have lost, or perceive
themselves to have gained or lost. In other words the various stakeholders in the
east Manchester initiative will have different views about the overall efficacy of the
programme.
We have avoided the word ‘community’ thus far. The term is plagued by a multiplicity of definitions, some of which are normative and even romantic in nature,
and others simply geographical descriptions. Further, the dispersed nature of east
Manchester raises serious doubts about the possibility of cohesiveness at either a
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4
The regeneration of east Manchester
descriptive level or in terms of a common identity. Nor can the area be described as
a single neighbourhood, but rather as an agglomeration of neighbourhoods which
are sometimes in competition with each other for attention and the deployment of
resources. Where the term ‘community’ is used in the book it is to reflect the language of those actors who use the term as both a passive and an active entity. The
term ‘community’ is also used because it has an ideological resonance for some of
the participants in the regeneration process.
The focus of this book goes beyond a detailed case study of regeneration in
east Manchester to have wider relevance by using practice to analyse a series of
theoretical topics. The first part of the book describes and evaluates various aspects
of the initiative. We begin with a brief historical introduction which emphasises
the importance of the temporal and highlights change and continuity in urban
regeneration. A description of the structures engaged, either temporarily or permanently, in the regeneration of east Manchester is provided in Chapter 3. They
range from formal structures with an elite genesis such as MCC, NEM, New
Deal for Communities (NDC/Beacons), Regional Government Office (GO),
North West Development Agency (NWDA), and English Partnerships (EP), now
renamed as the Homes and Communities Agency (HCA), through voluntary
bodies such as Four Communities Together (4CT) to groups of local activists
such as Communities for Stability (C4S). Some of these bodies have a sole focus
on the regeneration of east Manchester while others have it as only a part of their
functions. Chapter 4 provides a description of the key projects which comprised
the regeneration initiative and also suggests a periodisation of the process which
demonstrates the significance of temporality. While our objective is not to provide
a definitive evaluation of the initiative’s success, in Chapter 5, we discuss the major
evaluation reports which have been produced and highlight positive and negative
elements of the initiative.
The second part of the book uses practice in east Manchester to analyse a series
of theoretical topics. While the first part of the book began with the historical context of urban regeneration and of Manchester’s experience in this area, we provide
context for the second part of the book with an analysis of the ideological roots
of regeneration policy with a view to examining how national and local ideology
interact. Since we argue that policy decisions are rooted in political values, Chapter
6 seeks to tease out the ideological principles behind New Labour’s establishment
of the initiative and its future under the Coalition Government.
Chapter 7 addresses the the co-­ordination of these diverse institutions and uses
this evidence to interrogate the concept of governance. This chapter on governing
arrangements provides a corrective to recent publications which diminish the role
of local government and is wary of replacing existing approaches to local politics
with imported interpretations from such different political and economic systems
as the United States. We argue on the basis of east Manchester that the idea of
traditional government with a powerful central and local state still carries validity.
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Introduction
5
1.1 Map of east Manchester’s regeneration area with ward boundaries
Finally, one of the recurring themes in the analysis of urban regeneration is the
extent to which residents have been involved in the process. Chapter 8 evaluates
resident participation against the specific circumstances of east Manchester rather
than against any normative ideal of what constitutes ‘genuine’ participation. In the
Conclusion, we reiterate the book’s main arguments (Figure 1.1, 1.2).
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6
The regeneration of east Manchester
1.2 Map of east Manchester’s regeneration area with Beacons, NEM and MCC boundaries
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