Article
Coping and Resilience in the Transition
to Adulthood
Emerging Adulthood
2019, Vol. 7(1) 12-20
ª 2018 Society for the
Study of Emerging Adulthood
and SAGE Publishing
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/2167696817752950
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Bernhard Leipold1, Marco Munz1, and Amy Michéle-Malkowsky1
Abstract
Three general types of coping (problem-focused coping, social support-seeking, and meaning-focused coping) in the transition
from adolescence to early adulthood are examined. Specifically, we investigated age differences, their interdependence, and their
adaptive function in respect to academic work-related stress (resilience). The present study examined these issues in a crosssectional assessment (1,608 pupils and students between 14 and 30 years). Problem-focused coping and seeking social support
were positively correlated with age. Age-moderated analyses showed pronounced associations between problem-focused coping
and support-seeking in adolescence, but stronger associations between problem- and meaning-focused coping in young adulthood. Seeking social support and meaning-focused coping moderated the negative correlation between subjective stress and wellbeing. Age differences and the adaptive role of coping are discussed within a developmental framework.
Keywords
adolescence, stress, coping, resilience, well-being
The present cross-sectional study investigates (a) developmental aspects (age differences) and (b) protective functions (i.e.,
resilience) of different coping mechanisms (problem-focused
coping, social support-seeking, and meaning-focused coping)
in the transition from adolescence to adulthood. Although evidence supports age-related change in coping in childhood and
adolescence (Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007), the picture
is not clear, with studies showing different age trajectories for
differently measured coping forms that are difficult to integrate
into a general developmental pattern (Zimmer-Gembeck &
Skinner, 2011). Age differences in coping and positive stress
regulation during the transition to adulthood have rarely been
studied. The process of “growing up” is considered to be a turbulent and confusing period in the lifetime. Conducting one’s
own life independently, being dependent on one’s own self
comes to the fore (Erikson, 1959) but with only rather vague
or tentatively formed attitudes toward life goals, and rarely
concrete long-term goals (see, e.g., the end goals in adolescence; Bühler, 1968). More recently, it has been argued that
emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2014; Tanner & Arnett, 2009),
with a focus on ages 18–25, is neither adolescence nor adulthood and consists of theoretically and empirically distinct
demands and challenges. Our focus in this study is on the stress
young people experience related to educational challenges.
Research has shown that school and career demands are a
source of stress for college and high school students and that
these appraisals of stress are correlated with lower subjective
well-being (Dumont & Provost, 1999; Eisenbarth, Champeau,
& Donatelle, 2013).
Coping During the Transition From Adolescence
to Young Adulthood
In accordance with the cognitive-transactional model, we
define coping as efforts to manage demands that individuals
appraise as exceeding their own resources (Carver, 2011).
Although the story of coping development is more complex,
we focus on three general forms of coping that have often been
investigated (Grey, Berzenski, & Yates, 2015; ZimmerGembeck & Skinner, 2011) but still present unresolved problems regarding age differences and developmental trajectories
in the transition to adulthood.
Problem-focused coping. This form of coping includes intentional
efforts to generate solutions to a problem. Some kinds of problems (e.g., long-term demands or developmental tasks) require
the coordination of planning behavior and instrumental actions
1
Bundeswehr University Munich, Neubiberg, Germany
Corresponding Author:
Bernhard Leipold, Bundeswehr University Munich, Werner-Heisenberg-Weg
39, 85577 Neubiberg, Germany.
Email: bernhard.leipold@unibw.de
Leipold et al.
as well as the suppression of competing activities. Skinner and
Zimmer-Gembeck (2007; Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011)
reviewed several studies reporting an increase in problemfocused coping between childhood and early adulthood (see also
Cicognani, 2011), but the results were not consistent. According
to Zimmer-Gembeck and Skinner (2011), age-related increases
in problem-focused coping were found consistently when the
measures in the studies focused exclusively on pure problemsolving, and problem-solving was given as a strategy for dealing
with general or self-identified stressors (in contrast to coping in
the interpersonal domain or with uncontrollable problems).
This age trend, however, was not confirmed in all studies, and
it was not clear whether this age trend continues beyond the
mid-20s. Only a few studies compared adolescents’ coping
with that of adults. For example, Garnefski, Legerstee, Kraaij,
van der Kommer, and Teerds (2002) found higher degrees of
coping in adulthood but compared adolescents with a heterogeneous group of adults ranging in age from 18 to 71 years.
Because planning and cognitive problem-solving depend on the
cognitive ability to retain the activated goals in working memory (e.g., Evans, Kouros, Samanez-Larkin, & Garber, 2016), it
seems plausible that these forms of problem-focused coping
develop during adolescence.
Social support-seeking. Seeking social support is a multidimensional construct. Among these dimensions, emotional, instrumental, and informational support have often been distinguished
(Carver, 2011; Scabini, Marta, & Lanz, 2006). Several studies
examining the transition to adulthood provided support for
changes in intergenerational openness, communication skills,
and social support (Oudekerk, Allen, Hessel, & Molloy,
2015). An increase in family cohesion and a decrease in intergenerational distance during the transition to adulthood has also
been found (Scabini et al., 2006). Zimmer-Gembeck and Skinner
(2011) reported some indications that the source of support
shifted from adults to peers during adolescence, but with regard
to “pure” support-seeking measures, the results revealed no
homogenous picture. Compared to children, adolescents relied
less on their family members and more on their peers and themselves. Most of the studies reviewed showed neither increases
nor age differences, but a comparison between adolescents and
young adults was not the focus of most studies.
Meaning-focused coping. Meaning-focused coping is assumed
to be palliative because it dampens the negative impact of
problems that cannot be resolved by changing the situation.
These processes unfold their protective effects via cognitive
reorganization of meaning and value. Positive reappraisal,
acceptance, and downward social comparison are processes
supporting individuals’ willingness or ability to see a problem from a different point of view. Positive correlations
between meaning-focused coping and age have been found
repeatedly in middle-to-advanced adulthood (Brandtstädter &
Rothermund, 2002; Garnefski, Legerstee, Kraaij, van der
Kommer, & Teerds, 2002; Heckhausen, Wrosch, & Schulz,
2010; Leipold & Loepthien, 2015), but not in early adolescence
13
(Thomsen & Greve, 2013). With younger age groups, studies that
included measures of meaning-focused coping reported agerelated increases in childhood and adolescence only when items
were combined with other items (e.g., problem-solving, support-seeking; see Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). Although
many studies on the development of coping have been conducted
with children and adolescents, evidence on age-related differences during the transition into adulthood is scarce.
Correlations Between Coping Competences and Age
Significant correlations between support-seeking, problemfocused, and meaning-focused coping have been reported
(Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989). We argue more explicitly from a developmental point of view and explain why
these coping forms are correlated. In general, support-seeking
and problem-focused coping are both competences that are
expected in more mature adolescents. The more general
developmental goal of balancing autonomy and relatedness
(see Ryff, 2013; Taradash, Connolly, Pepler, Craig, & Costa,
2001), for instance, presupposes the acquisition of problemfocused and social coping competences (e.g., in parent–adolescent
and peer relations; Oudekerk et al., 2015). Both coping forms
reflect intentionally planned strategies that can be improved
through learning and motivational efforts. In social relations, one
learns from one another, which in turn can improve autonomy in
adulthood. One could expect that the interdependent relations
between problem-focused coping and support seeking are
stronger when adolescents are older, but this has rarely been
investigated. It has also been argued that successful coping in a
specific domain may lead to better adjustment in other domains
(Super, 1980) or, in the other direction, when coping is not
effective, more negative sequelae (loss cycles) will occur.
According to the concept of loss cycles (Hobfoll, 2002), threats
or low resources in one domain would predict low resources in
others. No study has investigated whether this is more likely to
occur in late adolescence or rather in early adulthood.
Meaning-focused coping can be expected to benefit intentionally planned coping strategies through reorganization of meaning
and value. Intentional coping processes often require the modification of standards (e.g., when goals are blocked; Wrosch &
Miller, 2009), and thus one can expect that meaning-focused coping should be correlated with problem-focused coping and support-seeking. As mentioned above, age differences have usually
not been found in studies on meaning-focused coping. One can
argue that age-related differences would be more likely to occur
in later life phases when individuals have experienced loss, but
not in emerging adulthood. With regard to age, however, it is
unclear whether the correlations between meaning-focused,
problem-focused, and social coping would develop as adolescents
grow older, and this has rarely been investigated.
How Do Stress, Coping, and Well-Being Work Together?
Several studies have demonstrated that many college students
are stressed by the demands of school and the subjective work
overload and that this is negatively related to well-being
14
(e.g., higher levels of depression, anxiety, reduced self-esteem,
and life satisfaction; Eisenbarth et al., 2013; Shih, 2015). College
student well-being may be impacted by several sources of stress,
but we focus here on work overload due to its primary importance
for college students and the potential use of coping skills to manage academic stress. We take a resilience perspective and argue
that coping is particularly important as a protective mechanism
for buffering the relationship between stress and well-being.
Resilience and the adaptive function of coping. According to contemporary models, resilience is defined as the potential to
recover from adverse circumstances. We adhere to a perspective that emphasizes that resilience is a relational phenomenon (Masten & Wright, 2010; Staudinger & Greve, 2016)
that presupposes adversity (perceived stressors), adaptive processes (coping), and criteria (e.g., life satisfaction, selfesteem). Concepts of self-regulation and coping emphasize
the active role of the self, and resilience refers to the resulting
stabilization of the individual’s well-being against threats and
losses (Infurna & Luthar, 2016; Leipold & Greve, 2009;
Wright, Masten, & Narayan, 2013). In accordance with these
models, we used resilience as an avenue to investigate the
moderating (buffering) effects of coping on the relationship
between perceived stress and well-being.
Many studies have provided evidence for direct relationships
between coping, perceived stress, and well-being; however,
only few studies with less consistent results have looked at the
moderating effects (Baron & Kenny, 1986) of specific types of
coping and the extent to which these are more or less important
at different ages. For example, meaning-focused coping has
been found to dampen the negative impact of stress and losses.
Longitudinal studies have shown that accommodative (meaning-focused) coping was enhanced following phases of depressive symptoms (Wrosch & Miller, 2009) and moderated the
association between functional disability and depressive symptoms (Dunne, Wrosch, & Miller, 2011). In addition, we wanted
to investigate the moderating role of problem-focused coping
and support-seeking. Both coping forms have been found to
be important in understanding the impact of stress on wellbeing (Chao, 2011; Wang, Cai, Qian, & Peng, 2014). Because
the two forms may be utilized differently at different ages
(Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011), it would make sense to
test whether they moderate the relationship between work overload and well-being.
Aims of the Present Study and Hypotheses
Given that only few studies have investigated age differences
and the effectiveness of coping (resilience) in the phase of emerging adulthood, we analyze age-related differences in a first step.
We expected positive correlations between age and problemoriented coping as well as age and social support-seeking.
Assuming that one coping competence could serve as a
resource (or a threat, see e.g., the concept of loss cycles; Hobfoll,
2002) for the other coping forms, we expected to find positive relations between support-seeking, problem-focused, and
Emerging Adulthood 7(1)
meaning-focused coping. In addition, we tested whether these
correlations differed depending on developmental phase (i.e.,
during emerging adulthood as compared to early adulthood).
With regard to resilience and the palliative function of coping in the face of stress, we expected that coping would moderate the negative relationship between subjective stress and
well-being. Although the functionality of coping has often been
shown to be directly related to positive outcomes (e.g., wellbeing), the moderating effects demonstrate how coping attenuates the impact of students’ work overload on well-being.
Method
Participants
All of the 1,608 participants were pupils and students attending
several high school classes and university courses in Germany
(51.3% female; N ¼ 825). Participants were recruited in Germany via schools, seminars and lectures in several universities,
and social networks. Participants could win vouchers, or, as a
school class, receive one Euro for each pupil that participated.
Students were asked to fill out a questionnaire during regular
class time or via the online software Unipark. The survey took
a few minutes, the participation was voluntary and confidential
treatment of the data was guaranteed. Most of the students took
part as individuals via social networks (85%). The remaining
15% were recruited from four high school classes (gymnasium)
from two cities (Berlin and Munich) and five lectures/seminars
from two universities (in Hildesheim and Munich). Participants
came from all 16 federal states of Germany. The high school
pupils were at college preparatory public high schools (Gymnasium). Participants were either striving for or had completed
the general qualification for university entrance (Abitur). They
ranged in age from 14 to 30 years with an average age of
21.79 years (SD ¼ 4.09). The correlation between age and gender
was not significant (r ¼ .02; p > .05) and the percentage of women
in the three age groups (14–19, N ¼ 404; 20–24, N ¼ 776; 25–30,
N ¼ 428) was nearly the same (49%, 50%, and 53%).
Measures
Subjective stress. To measure academic work-related stress, we
chose a scale on work overload (Schulz & Schlotz, 1999) that has
been shown to be reliable, with items that have been validated
using adults as well as adolescents. Six items from the scale were
used to measure the subjective work-related stress1 of the participants. Participants were asked to rate how often they have experienced certain academic work-related stress episodes during the
last 12 months on a scale from 1 (very seldom) to 5 (very often).
Example items are “Times in which I had too many things to do”
or “I had no time for recreation.” Cronbach’s a was .84.
Coping. The coping inventory of Carver, Scheier, and Weintraub (COPE, 1989) was well suited to assess the three general
coping forms differentiated in the present study. The person’s
general coping tendencies were assessed with six subscales
of the COPE scales, each consisting of 4 items. Participants
Leipold et al.
15
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics and Correlations Between Variables.
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
Age
Gender (1 ¼ female; 2 ¼ male)
Subjective stress
Problem-focused coping
Social support seeking
Meaning-focused coping
Well-being
M
SD
21.79
1.49
2.79
3.11
2.84
3.25
3.73
4.09
.50
.76
.64
.92
.64
.74
Min.
Max.
14
30
1.00
1.00
1.00
1.17
1.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
—
.02
.03
.20***
.21***
.02
.02
—
.20***
.03
.12***
.15***
.02
—
.04
.04
.13***
.34***
—
.28***
.32***
.25***
—
.21***
.09***
—
.27***
Note. N ¼ 1,608.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
were asked what they generally do when they experience
stressful events, and to rate their agreement on a 5-point
response format from 1 (I usually don’t do this) to 5 (I usually
do this a lot). Because three pairs of subscales in particular
(active coping and suppression, social support for instrumental
and emotional reasons, and acceptance and positive reinterpretation) were highly correlated (rs > .51), we conducted a factor
analysis that showed a three-factor structure and accounted for
46% of the variance in the 24 items. Thus, each of the following
dimensions is comprised of two subscales.
Problem-focused coping. We used the 8 items of the scales
active coping (e.g., “I concentrate my efforts on doing something
about it”) and suppression of competing activities (e.g., “I put
aside other activities in order to concentrate on the problem”)
and computed a problem-focused coping scale (a ¼ .77).
Social support-seeking. Social support consists of seeking
social support for instrumental reasons (e.g., “I ask people who
have had similar experiences”; 4 items) and emotional reasons
(e.g., “I talk to someone about how I feel”; 4 items). Cronbach’s a was .89.
Meaning-focused coping. In the COPE (Carver et al., 1989),
two scales in particular measure meaning-focused coping: positive reinterpretation (e.g., “I look for something good in what
is happening”; 4 items) and acceptance (“I learn to live with it”;
4 items). We used the mean value of all 8 items to assess
meaning-focused coping. Cronbach’s a was .74.
Well-being. To assess subjective well-being, we asked how
content individuals are with their lives and themselves.2 We
used 3 items from a Life Satisfaction Scale (e.g., “I am satisfied
with my life”; Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985) and 3
self-esteem items (e.g., “I feel comfortable about myself”; “I
like myself”; Tafadori & Swann, 1995). The items were correlated and approached good reliability (a ¼ .85).
Control Variables
We used gender as a control variable because several studies
indicate significant gender differences in coping and subjective
stress. The finding that females tend to show more negative emotions (e.g., depressivity, anxiety) or perceived stress (Griffith,
Dubow, & Ippolito, 2000; Kelly, Tyrka, Price, & Carpenter,
2008) and seek more social support or use emotion-focused coping styles (Carver et al., 1989; Frydenberg, 2008; Kelly et al.,
2008) has often been replicated. With regard to problem- and
meaning-focused coping, results are less consistent. Some studies found that male students use these forms more often (e.g.,
Fatima & Tahir, 2013), but others did not (Carver et al., 1989).
Results
We present the results in three major steps. First, a correlation
matrix was used to gain an overview of bivariate associations
between the central variables. This information was also used
to specify the resulting structural equation model. Second, we
investigated the relationships between coping styles and age
in detail. In the third step, coping is considered as a possible
mechanism promoting resilience in regard to subjective stress
and well-being.
Bivariate Correlations
Table 1 displays the bivariate correlations between age, coping, subjective stress, and well-being. As expected, problemfocused coping and seeking social support were positively
associated with age, and all coping types were positively correlated. Subjective well-being is negatively associated with
subjective stress. Because the gender variable significantly
correlated with subjective stress and coping, we controlled for
gender in the following analyses.
Age Differences in Coping
On the basis of the bivariate correlations, we used a structural
equation model to test the relationships between different coping forms and age. We specified a linear structural relationships
(LISREL) model and computed parcels (test halves), using an
even–odd method to represent the latent constructs. The three
coping forms were allowed to covary and served as criteria that
were predicted by age and gender. Because linear relations do
not consider plateaus or stages of development, we tested the
nonlinear (i.e., quadratic) relationships between age and coping
dimensions. The quadratic age term was computed and added
to the model. Given our large sample size, the likelihood ratio
can become sensitive to the most trivial discrepancies between
the model and data; thus, other indices (i.e., the normed fit
16
Figure 1. Structural equation model depicting relationships between
age, gender, and coping. Path coefficients are standardized and significant (*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.).
index [NFI], the comparative fit index [CFI], the goodness-offit index [GFI], the adjusted goodness-of-fit index [AGFI], the
root mean square residual [RMR], and the root mean square
error of approximation [RMSEA]) were computed to estimate
the model fit (Bollen, 1990). Figure 1 displays the structural
equation model with good and satisfactory fit indices: w2(18)
¼ 90.29; p < .001; RMSEA ¼ .05; NFI ¼ .98; CFI ¼ .98; RMR
¼ .02; GFI ¼ .98; AGFI ¼ .97. The figure shows the expected
relationships between age and problem-focused coping as well
as social support-seeking. The quadratic age term did not
approach significance for any of the coping forms, thus indicating that both significant age correlations were linear.
Because age correlations are not necessarily the same
between males and females, we added the Age Gender interaction term to the model. This term was computed by multiplying the z-transformed predictor variables. A significant Age Gender interaction on problem-focused coping (b ¼ .06; p <
.05) showed that the age gradient was more pronounced for
males (r ¼ .24; p < .001) than for females (r ¼ .14; p < .01).
Emerging Adulthood 7(1)
Figure 2. Seeking social support and meaning-focused coping as a
function of age and problem-focused coping.
Figure 3. Well-being as a function of subjective stress and coping.
Depicted are the moderating effects of social support seeking and
meaning-focused coping.
focused coping on meaning-focused coping was significant (b ¼
.07; p < .01). As Figure 2b shows, the correlation between these
coping forms was more prominent among adults (r ¼ .41; p <
.01) than among adolescents (r ¼ .26; p < .01) and emerging adults
(r ¼ .31; p < .01). The correlation between support-seeking and
meaning-focused coping did not vary as a function of age.
Correlations Between Coping Competences and Age
Figure 1 shows the expected interdependence between all coping
variables and supports the hypothesis that competences in one
domain can improve competences in other domains. Because
developmental patterns of problem-focused coping and social
support-seeking skills can be expected in adolescents (Oudekerk
et al., 2015), we tested the interrelation between support-seeking
and problem-focused coping depending on age. We used z-transformed scores to compute the interaction effects between
problem-focused coping and age in seeking social support. The
interaction effect was significant after controlling for the firstorder terms (b ¼ .06; p < .05) and the different correlations
between both coping forms depending on age are depicted in Figure 2a. The correlation of the youngest age-group approached the
highest degree (r ¼ .38; p < .01) and was less pronounced in in the
older age groups (r ¼ .17 and .22; p < .01). Next, we tested
whether the relations among the remaining coping pairs interacted with age. The interaction effect of age and problem-
Coping and Resilience
Our final analyses were done to test the adaptive function of
coping with regard to perceived academic stress and wellbeing. We were interested in the moderating (stress buffering)
effects of coping as indicators of resilience instead of in the
direct relationships. We used the z-transformed scores of
stress and the coping variables to compute the Stress Coping interaction terms and then computed three moderated
regression analyses (Stress, Coping, Stress Coping !
Well-Being). Two of the three possible stress–coping interactions approached significance after controlling for the firstorder terms: As expected, the predictive value of perceived
stress on well-being was moderated by social (b ¼ .05; p <
.05) and meaning-focused coping (b ¼ .06; p < .01); however,
the interaction effect between stress and problem-focused
coping was not significant (b ¼ .01; p > .20). Figure 3 depicts
well-being as a function of subjective stress and shows how
Leipold et al.
social and meaning-focused coping moderate the negative
relationship between stress and well-being.
Discussion
Age Differences in Coping
The present results showed age-related increases in problemfocused coping and social support-seeking and support the
hypothesis that teenagers adjust their general coping tendencies. Competence in problem-solving and socioemotional
domains has been discussed as a central developmental task
in adolescence (Oudekerk et al., 2015), and the present results
expand the findings in that they show age differences between
adolescence and young adulthood. Chronological age, however, is only a rough marker for normative changes because the
onset of age-related change in general coping tendencies may
be dependent on demanding situations and vary between individuals. A possible explanation for the age-related importance
may be that the transition into adulthood requires more independence and adolescents take on more responsibility—driven
by personal needs or social norms. Many social situations provide opportunities or demands through which personal and
social coping resources can be learned through experience. The
beginning of this process takes place mostly in the family (Conger, Williams, Little, Masyn, & Shebloski, 2009), but with
increasing age continually transfers to the outside, as peers
(Perry, Fisher, Caemmerer, Keith, & Poklar, 2015) and mentors
(Miranda-Chan, Fruiht, Dubon, & Wray-Lake, 2016) become
more important and the influence of parents becomes more
indirect, as they grant their children the autonomy and the
opportunities needed to gain experience and make choices on
their own (Seiffge-Krenke & Pakalniskiene, 2011). One important determinant also seems to be a sufficiently developed cognitive structure (Evans et al., 2016). Nonetheless, the present
results provide support for the hypothesis that emerging adulthood is a developmental window in which the acquisition of
intentional coping strategies can be increasingly expected and
manageable for high school and college students.
Our findings show that meaning-focused coping did not follow the age-related pattern that support-seeking and problemfocused coping did. One possible explanation that has been
discussed in life span psychology (Boerner & Jopp, 2010;
Brandtstädter & Rothermund, 2002) is that experiences of loss,
which normatively are more prevalent in the second half of life,
could be a crucial factor for age differences in meaning-focused
coping to become manifested. In addition to loss experiences in
advanced age, divergent thinking or richness of self-definition
has been assumed to be prerequisites of meaning-focused coping (Leipold et al., 2014; Rafaeli & Hiller, 2010).
As to the gender differences, the pattern of findings was consistent with results of previous studies showing that females
tend to use more socioemotional support and perceive more
subjective stress. One explanation for this pattern is that females
are socialized more to be attentive to emotional states. Our
results showed two effects that require further investigation:
17
First, male students used more meaning-focused coping, but the
gender differences were small and, according to previous studies, were not the rule (e.g., Carver et al., 1989). Second, the only
correlation that was stronger among male than female students
was the correlation between age and problem-focused coping.
One possible explanation could be that males become more
willing to invest time in problem-solving as they get older
(e.g., that exams and grades are taken more seriously).
Interdependent Coping Competences and Age
The correlations between the different coping forms confirm
the assumption that they are partly dependent on each other
or can mutually enhance one another. Some authors emphasized the interdependency of coping forms (Super, 1980) or
gain and loss cycles of resources (Hobfoll, 2002). Interestingly,
the correlation between problem-focused coping and supportseeking was different depending on age. The higher correlation
in early adolescence could be interpreted as evidence of an
interdependent influence and that both competences could be
expected or become necessary before adulthood. One might
speculate why the relationship between problem-focused coping and meaning-focused coping is not only linear but moderated by age as well. One important function of adjusting and
reorganizing ones goals is for individuals to maintain or regain
a sense of mastery after failure. This function has been discussed in the lifespan psychology literature (Heckhausen
et al., 2010) and may become more evident in early adulthood
as compared to adolescence. From the perspective of intervention/training research, it would be interesting to investigate
whether the training of social coping skills possibly enhances
problem-focused or meaning-focused competences.
Coping and Resilience
The predictive value of coping tendencies with regard to their positive or negative outcomes (e.g., self-esteem, positive or negative
affect) has often been investigated. Our study replicated empirical
findings demonstrating the positive correlations between wellbeing, problem-focused coping, and meaning-focused coping.
This draws attention to general, positive functions of coping, but
assumptions whether certain coping forms are in general better
than others should be made with care. Recent research emphasized the importance of acknowledging the quality of the stressor
(e.g., controllability; Dashora, Erdem, & Slesnick, 2011) and of a
well-balanced coping profile with regard to choice of strategies
and their quantitative use (Herres, 2015).
We introduced a resilience perspective to analyze adversity
(stress), coping, and criteria of positive adaptation in combination (Infurna & Luthar, 2016; Staudinger & Greve, 2016;
Wright et al., 2013). This perspective broadens the mind
toward the possibilities of studying positive development
beyond direct effects and directs attention toward moderating
effects. At first glance, support-seeking failed to be strongly
associated with well-being and, if one had looked only for
“main effects,” its protective function would have been underestimated. We expected that the coping styles would protect the
18
degree of well-being under conditions of increasing academic
stress and tested the interaction effects. As predicted, we found
that support-seeking and meaning-focused coping served as
moderators: Stress was associated with higher levels of wellbeing for individuals with higher degrees of these coping styles
than for those with lower degrees.
Problem-focused coping was not protective in the same
vein. One possible explanation is that adolescents used specific
strategies to deal with academic challenges. Alternatively,
assuming that general coping tendencies are indeed valid for
the academic context, the association between problemfocused coping and well-being might be moderated by controllability. A lack of routine in problem-solving can lead to further
distress through cognitive processes themselves (Matthews &
Campbell, 2009) or by frustration due to unsatisfactory results.
Overwork implies that the tasks at hand are appraised as too
much or too difficult to be solved, which in turn could compromise the expectable correlation. As far as school and university
are concerned, problem-focused coping might be appraised as
being forced, as both institutions represent the requirement for
a later profession.
Limitations
The present study assembled some tesserae of the development
and function of coping in the transition to adulthood, but several questions in the complex mosaic remain unclear. First,
cross-sectional results allow no conclusions about age-related
or situational changes. We have not investigated how teenagers
acquire coping competences or through which experiences significant progress in coping development could be facilitated
(e.g., real social situations). Second, we focused on only three
general coping forms. We do know, however, that adolescents
and young adults receive social support from different social
relations (i.e., parents, peers, and love attachments; Dwyer &
Cummings, 2001; Oudekerk et al., 2015). Other meaningfocused coping tendencies such as humor or reorientation
require further investigation with regard to age-related trajectories too. Because adolescents are usually confronted with
multiple challenges, this complexity is worth closer examination as a possible source of stress and a potential threat to
well-being, as well as with regard to its consequences in coping. Third, our sample consisted of college and academic track
high school students (i.e., college preparatory). Due to this bias,
we cannot evaluate the possible role of education in the development of coping competences. A consequence of the large
sample size is that small effect sizes also become significant
which increases the error in overestimating irrelevant effects.
Thus, the new results in particular require further replication
because we have comparatively few studies on coping in the
age range from adolescence to young adulthood.
Conclusions and Implications
The present study expanded past work on age differences
in coping by investigating the developmental window of
Emerging Adulthood 7(1)
emerging adulthood. That age and coping were positively associated is interesting to note from a developmental perspective.
It is to be expected that they have certain aspects in common.
Despite age differences, the significant correlations between
coping competences could become relevant in applied developmental and intervention research when the focus is on training
of coping competences and social skills. A remaining interesting research question is whether the training in one competence
leads to an improvement in the others.
With regard to resilience, we have argued that the protective
effects of coping become evident when the negative relationship between perceived stress and general well-being is
reduced. This puts into perspective the claim that some coping
forms are in general better than others because they correlate
with desirable outcomes. For instance, social support-seeking
moderated the stress—well-being association but was only
minimally correlated with stress or well-being alone.
In sum, the results showed that the developmental aspects and
the protective function of coping in emerging adulthood are
complex phenomena. Although we differentiated between only
three general coping forms and did not expect that one of them
would be especially important, the empirical picture that resulted
surprised us. Meaning-focused coping was not correlated with
age and problem-focused coping failed to moderate the negative
association between stress and well-being. Taken together, the
present study provided support for the assumption that all three
coping forms are adaptive, because they were either directly
related to well-being or showed a protective function in regulating stress (resilience). All coping forms were directly or at least
indirectly related to age. Despite methodological simplifications
(we measured only three forms of coping and focused only on
academic stress), the complex dynamic between coping and
adaptation became evident and the results showed the developmental relevance of the transition into adulthood.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Notes
1. To measure subjective work-related stress, we used the wellestablished Trier Inventory for the Assessment of Chronic Stress
(Schulz & Schlotz, 1999) which has been shown to have good reliability. It contains items that have been validated with adolescents
and adults in many studies, both German and international. Due
to time restrictions in the online assessment, we chose items focusing specifically on academic work-related stress (e.g., too many
demands) and did not include other possible stressful prerequisites
(e.g., social stress). We used the complete scale of work overload
(8 items) and worries (6 items) in a pilot study. Because a principal
component analysis suggested a one-factor solution, we decided to
use 6 items with high internal consistency.
Leipold et al.
2. Life satisfaction and self-esteem have often served as criteria for
general positive adaptation (Brandtstädter & Rothermund, 2002;
Staudinger & Greve, 2016). We chose two well-accepted scales
(Diener et al., 1985; Tafadori & Swann, 1995) that have been used
with these age groups. To clarify the resilience perspective, our
goal was to bring general well-being (life satisfaction, self-esteem)
together with work overload. In a pilot study, we reduced the number of well-being items and used only 3 of the 5 items, respectively,
from the Satisfaction with Life Scale (Diener et al., 1985) and from
the Self-Liking Scale (positive wording; Tafadori & Swann, 1995)
that had shown a satisfactory internal consistency. The rationale
was to make the questionnaire more economical without sacrificing
psychometrical quality.
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Author Biographies
Bernhard Leipold is an associate professor of Developmental
and Health Psychology at the Bundeswehr University Munich.
His current research interests focus on processes of intentional
development and resilience across the lifespan.
Marco Munz received his MSc in Psychology 2017 at the
Bundeswehr University Munich. His research interests include
coping and self-regulation.
Amy Michéle-Malkowsky was a research assistant at Max
Planck Institute for Human Development in Berlin and
received her MSc in Psychology from the Free University Berlin. Her research interests include adolescent coping, development in the family, and resilience.