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3-1997
The Construction of National Identity through the Production of
Ritual and Spectacle: An Analysis of National Day Parades in
Singapore
Lily Kong
Singapore Management University, lilykong@smu.edu.sg
Brenda S. A. Yeoh
National University of Singapore
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Citation
Kong, Lily, & Yeoh, Brenda S. A..(1997). The Construction of National Identity through the Production of
Ritual and Spectacle: An Analysis of National Day Parades in Singapore. Political Geography, 16(3),
213-239.
Available at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research/1746
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Politrcal
Geography,
Vol. 16, No. 3, pp. 213-239. 1997
Copyright
0 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd
PublishedPergamon
in Political Geography, Volume 16, Issue 3, March
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http://doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(95)00135-2
0962-6298(95)00135-2
The construction of national identity through
the production of ritual and spectacle
Ananalysis
of National Day parades in Singapore
Kor~<;AN11
LILY
Department
BKENIM
A.
s.
YEOH
of Geography, Nutional liniversity of Singuppore, 10 Kent Ridge Crescent,
Singapore I 19260
AHSTRACT.
In this paper, we adopt the view that ‘nation’ and ‘national identity’ are
social constructions,
specific empirical
officially
and
produced
interviews
between
created
souvenir
with
the parades
wonderment
and
celebrations:
the
composition
National Day parades. By drawing on
programmes
participants
1965 and 1994, showing
spectacle,
how.
to a large
admirarion.
Discussion
of the
and involvement
and magazines,
and spectators,
succeed
site
ends. We discuss this in the
to serve ideological
context of Singapore’s
parades,
as an annual
extent
on
display
the
reports,
parades
ritual and landscape
in crearing
focuses
their
newspaper
we analyse
a sense of awe,
four
and
aspects
of the
theatricality,
the
of parade participants, and parade themes. We
discuss some examples
of alternative readings of parade
meanings,
illustrating how ideological hegemony is not total. Copyright 0 1997 Elsevier
Science Ltd
also
Introduction
Increasingly,
in recent years, scholars have recognized that ‘nation‘ and ‘national identity‘
are social constructions,
inventions
that they do not exist as essences
but as political,
and local tactics (Clifford, 1988: 12). The case of Singapore
well. On gaining independence
through the severance
CUkUI2l
exemplifies
this
of ties with Malaysia in 1965,
Singapore found itself in a position of having to rally its people in the exercise of nationbuilding. In 1969, racial riots threatened
the fabric of society and again highlighted the
need for a ‘national identity’ to be developed
that cut across racial and cultural lines.
Economic problems in 1973 and 1974 (triggered off by the oil crisis) and in 1985 and 1986
(brought on by global recession)
again required that Singaporeans
pulled together and
worked as a ‘nation’. In recent times, the broader ‘annihilation of space by time’ (Marx,
quoted in Massey, 1993: 232)-the
process of globalization-has
further contributed
to
the felt need to assert a sense of the local and to construct a shared national identity.
Together,
these examples
been confronted
illustrate how, at various points in its history, Singapore
with different crises in which it has been necessary
to develop
has
and
sustain a sense of national identity and belonging.
Our focus in this paper is on one of the means by which the state hopes to develop a
sense of ‘nation’ and ‘national identity’. Our specific aim is to analyse National tiy
214
The
construction of national identity through the production of ritual and spectacle
p2KKkS in Singapore
and creating
‘imagined
spectacle
community’
up this secular
space;
from 1965 to 1994 as evidence
landscape
the
examine
(Anderson,
to
have been
its ends.
because
ideological
readings
of these
parades,
are based
souvenir
programmes
and participants.’
Concepts
and Penrose
draws on notions
in physical
inviolability
interest
are evident
themes,
parade
we will
official
in the four. While
motifs
is not
and
most
of alternative
complete.
documents
reports2
four
to achieve
parade
instances
hegemony
newspaper
of the
imagined
entity
because
Our
in the form of
interviews
with
in each,
‘because,
the nation
between
people
regardless
is always
threatened
members
conceived
nurturing.
by global
Indeed,
of the essence
given that identities
identity
is especially
may be stronger
For example,
an
‘imagined
will never know
of nation
are conjunctural
and their country
are involved,
and national
forces,
conditions,
where
a
identity
the bonds
is
between
and requires
and socially constructed
and Penrose,
particular
In other words,
(Anderson,
and place, is at best tenuous,
1988:12; Jackson
and under
threatened.
sense
are
of a ‘mystical bond
citizens
groups
as western)
people
of each
that may prevail
comradeship’
between
heterogeneous
interpreted
times
and exploitation
horizontal
relationship
any nascent
and between
and natural (Clifford,
identity
nation
it
legitimacy
1983: 15). At the same time, nations
as a deep,
where
(sometimes
that at particular
comprises
of a ‘nation’ is also the articulation
and where
of the community,
‘nation’
of the actual inequality
and place’, an immutable
is lacking,
The
It
and by grounding
belief in the existence,
of even the smallest
(Anderson,
1993: 29). In circumstances
history
territory,
groups
meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds
1983: 16). Central to the construction
(Penrose,
the term ‘nation’ is a social construct.
heterogeneous
is reinforced.
‘the members
lives the image of their communion’
communities
between
a recognizable
most of their fellow-members,
follows
state
(1993: 8) have argued,
of common
space and delimiting
community’,
shared
of
of discussion,
over time and why. These
intent
of sources:
magazines,’
of ceremonial
composition
We will also discuss
how
an
that make
that the state has chosen
in the first three
illustrating
the strands
In the course
in ideological
meanings.
and
the
ritual
and develop
and contexts
As Jackson
and
motifs.
on a combination
spectators
identity
the constitution
may have changed
are less overt
convey
namely:
theatricality;
they are strategies
levels of overtness
messages
obviously
discussions
and
of parade
strategies
chosen
Different
the ideological
spectacle,
display
and the selection
how the specific
themes
of the state’s efforts at inventing
to build up national
1983). We will do so by analyzing
ritual and landscape
contribution
participants;
in order
rather than
1993; Cohen,
the sense
1993>, it
of national
the need to foster and assert the sense
of
at some times than others.
it has been shown
that the rise of the modern
nation-state
exemplifies
one
particular condition
under which there is a need to develop
and assert the sense of
identity. This is well-discussed
in a series of benchmark
essays in Hobsbawm
and
Ranger’s
(1983)
7;be Investion
of Tradition
in the context
of Europe,
in which
it is
suggested that traditions, such as the national anthem and the national flag, were invented
in order to ‘inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour’ (Hobsbawm,
1983: 1) as part
of nation-building.
It has also been argued
that in recent times, with improved
telecommunications
and the growth in travel and tourism, time-space
compression
has
led to the loss of a ‘sense of local place and its particularity’.
This has led some to
reactionary
responses:
‘certain forms of, nationalism,
sentimentalized
recovering
of
sanitized
“heritages”’
(Massey,
1993: 232). Featherstone
(1993:
177) suggests
that with
I.II.~. KONGANI)BKENIMS. A. YFOH
greater
globalization,
talist reactions
there
is the ‘generation
to globalization
new
ones’.
cultures
Attempts
may
and standardized
‘establishment
(Featherstone,
or simulating
be
made
citizens
of national
1993: 178). Under
possessed
plausibility
local traditions
to produce
these
(Featherstone,
and
National
Day parades,
and national
identities
are socially
the birth of the Republic,
attempting
Ritual entails
given
we will adopt
oft-repeated
actions,
order. Rituals may be associated
with
the
latter,
celebrations,
which
can
and everyday
National
Day psrades
is because
routinely
a variety
that celebration
ways,
played.
business
costumes
Together
along the streets
a period
moves
values
participation
points,
has suggested
social
take
relations.
place,
They
New
in which
Year
order
with the
we analyze
once
a year.
First, Goheen
(19931,:
shaped
are decorated
designed
that gather
is
grounds,
into an emotive
Second,
in
and music
in the parade
is transformed
one
ritual is ‘potentially
and axioms
of the culture
in which
(1954: 241) argues
in the context
of religious
level because
‘men [sic] express
it
in ritual what
the view that ‘the study of rituals [is1 the key to
of human
are shared
affirmation
values,
societies’.
Often,
values (Goheen,
of those
values
a third and closely
links to social relationships.
as a specific
streets
are specially
crowds
constitution
in ritual suggests
and are attempts
This is possible
here is only
annual
Specifically,
for the parade:
values
As Wilson
‘are both
as the
we are less concerned
1993b: 131-132).
she expresses
that parades,
such
and functions.
the atmosphere
Apart from the links with a society’s
of ritual is its inextricable
1965. In
to some due form and
Our concern
and episodic.
participants
the values that rituals reveal and emphasize
collective
origins.
is interrupted
of the essential
since
in the form of civic ritual is place and time apart. This
at their deepest
them most’. Indeed,
an understanding
according
characteristics
of the central
1974a: lib).
ritual, they reveal
followed
of forms,
with the mammoth
of scrutinisation
(Turner.
the
characterizing
to its survival
or secular
of this paper,
and place and time are set apart (Goheen,
occurs‘
conditions
life such as who buys the drinks
of parade
or at vantage
point this
We will discuss
or civic rituals that are stage-managed
by certain
all normal
exceptional
publicly
take
as secular
not
that
of ritual and spectacle.
than with the spectacular
Ritual is distinguished
131) has suggested
and real threats
with religious
1993: 178). In the context
ordinary
need
cultures
we take as our starting
historical
the notions
or the rituals of everyday
(Featherstone,
ethnic
constructed.
the chequered
and the perceived
this analysis,
the
of traditions‘
1993: 17X).
of Singapore’s
construction,
common
through
the rites and ceremonies
In our analysis
at such
integrated
and
These
or inventing
the reinvention
on traditions
idea that nations
attempts
and ceremonies,
ideal’, for example,
circumstances,
can draw
and fundamen-
of local cultures.
‘homogeneous,
and ceremonies
they
ethnic
assertion
loyal to the national
symbols
em nihilo because
be invented
of such nationalistic,
[that there is] a strong
might take the form of reviving
215
being
those
characteristic
Marston
form of ritual, are ‘complex
to act on and influence
that
celebrated.
related
In particular,
by the field of power
it is argued
19931~: 131) since
(1989: 255)
commentaries’
relations
relations‘
in which
(Davis,
on
they
1986: 6).
because
in them performers define who can be a social actor and what subjects and
ideas are available for communication and consideration. These defining images
in turn shape the actions and alternatives people can imagine and propose.
(kvis, 1086: 6)
A specific
example
of the link between
ritual and social relations
rituals reinforce
group cohesion:
by emphasizing
(Goheen,
1993b: 131) or belonging,
by highlighting
is the way in which
the common
attribute of citizenship
the shared values of society (Bocock,
216
The construction
of national identity through the production
1974: 174), by demonstrating
by allowing
often a suppression
‘liminality’,
normal
community
for a suspension
of the normally
defined
modes
by creating
by Turner
A fourth
dominant
of levels.
often cutting
ceremonies
Connerton
are important
turn crucial for the development
is characterized
but through
an impact through
(a celebratory
pageantry,
strategy).
spectacle
pomp;
tortured,
through
the creation
forced
positive
the whole
of place,
life
1984: 173).
which
memory,
can be
and
which
this argument,
and theatricality
it impresses
is in
writ large,
and show.
Spectacle
strategy)
(Daniels
not so much
and
by its actual
may he designed
to create
or the use of awe and wonder
through
public
torture,
execution
often using the body as the site of spectacle:
feelings
however,
of admiration
connotes
triumph
and wonder
use of ceremony;
and circumstances
life, invading
ceremonies
rather
than fear
achievement.
the conscious
for celebration;
the realms
and emits
is with the latter, in which
and proclaims
1993; Yeoh and Lau, 1995). Indeed,
of social
from
that ritual performances
to carry out tasks; it performs
spectacle
of occasion
a sense
of display
may be effected
the deliberate
and Olds, 198X; Kearns,
pervades
fanfare
out in excess,
is used to inspire
may be attained
class lines (Kaplan,
Certainly
1979; Tuan, 1979: 182). Our concern,
and terror. In this instance,
termed
of nation.
metaphor,
The former
meted
trained,
signs (Foucauk,
has been
to social and political
up collective
of home.
a sense
the use of fear (thus, a punitive
and other punishment
it is marked,
across
in building
by a high degree
1993: 58). As a landscape
substance
1989: 255), and
social relationships,
This condition
(1989) argues
of a sense
that rituals can help to sustain
Spectacle
relations.
of ritual is its role in sustaining
at a variety
C&grove,
(Marston,
day-to-day
(1974a: 156; 19743) as ‘a time and place of withdrawal
of community’,
characteristic
commemorative
suggests
and solidarity
that govern
of social action’. In these ways, rituals contribute
a ‘sense
interpreted
power
of the structures
of ritual and spectucb
This
construction
and visual effects
for Debord
of production
of
(Ley
(1973), spectacle
and consumption,
and in fact, of consciousness.
Whether
social
it is fear or admiration
control.
emphasized
of the
through
abstract
achievement,
beyond
Foucault
that is intended,
spectacle
(1979: 91, for example,
spectacle,
leaves the domain
consciousness.
celebration
the immediate
argues
In the
and
carnival
experience
way,
can enter
of witnessing
perceptions
the realm
the spectacle.
rather than force. As Ley and Olds (1988) recognize,
ritual become
pride,
construct
Hegemony,
useful
identity
generally
strong
in the context
in attempting
national
while
can effect
Applied
influence
life through
in the realm
the state’s attempt
and inculcate
loyalty.
a more effective
weapon
than outright
the
that
use
of
the elite, through
of social
of this paper, the concepts
to understand
and
consciousness
The effect is therefore
means
of spectacle,
of everyday
of
and enters that
of triumph
of abstract
hegemonic
consciousness.
realm
means
of punishment,
impression
can
control
private
the
intent
popular
the
of everyday
same
ideological
their
invade
can be an effective
that the threat
life and
of spectacle
to develop
force,
and
national
is, however,
never fully achieved
(Gramsci,
1973). In other words, those seeking
to gain and/or
maintain power, or more generally, to propagate
or perpetuate
a particular ideology, will
always
be challenged
in some
way by other
groups
in society.
Resistance
may be overt
and material, as in riots and demonstrations,
but it could as well be latent and symbolic.
Our focus will mainly be on the latter, in which resistance,
representing
political action,
can be conveyed in social and cultural terms, for example, through the appropriation
and
transformation
of the resources
of the dominating
group (see for example,
Hall and
Jefferson,
1976; Hall et al., 1978; Centre for Contemporary
Cultural Studies, 1982). Such
resistance
represents
what de Certeau (1984: xix) calls the means by which the ‘weak’
create their own sphere
of autonomous
action and self-determination
within the
LILYKONGXX,>RWPII)AS. A. Yro~r
constraints
weak’.
placed
on them by the ‘strong’, or what Scott t 1985) calls the ‘weapons
As de Certeau
‘tactics’ rather
217
than
(1984: 36-7)
‘strategies’
goes on to argue,
in that tactics
the actions
involve
seizing
of the weak
‘propitious
of the
represent
moments’
and
‘space[sl of the other’ and turning
them to one’s own ends, thus making
them
opportunities.
On the other hand, ‘strategies’ imply that people have at their disposal
spaces
of their own from which
they can launch
their ‘attack’/‘resistance‘.
In the present context, we will argue that the state attempts to persuade Singaporeana
of the naturalness
of its ideologies
by using the spectacle
and ritual of National Day
parades.
Such hegemony
is usually
successful,
as we will illustrate
below,
although
there
are instances of resistance. Such resistance usually represents
tactics, revealing ‘the cracks
that lydrticular conjunctions
open in the surveillance
of the proprietary
powers‘ (de
Certeau.
1984: 57).
A new state, a new social order:
Before attempting
will
our analysis
first sketch
backcloth
the
encountered
that eventually
Action
through
the
merger’,
economically
However.
increasingly
Central
the
at odds
Government’
non-communal
Malay
turned
an
no
the
independent
natural
resource
at the time
as conceived
leadership
conservative,
Malaysia‘
found
was
base
to
the new
polity,
fears
and
that
viable
(Yea
on,
leadership
‘was
of the
racial
of a
the Federation
arithmetic’
might
be
(Yea and Lau, 1991: 147).
peremptorily
and
its original
Lau,
severed
contention
1991:
at the time were
external
Malaya.
city-state
the PAP’s vision
to disprove
of uncertainty
depend
the
Prior
survive
towards
within
and with the union
itself having
not
could
of the
rekindled
road.
of MaktySia (Yea and
Malay-dominated
gain ascendency
exit from Malaysia,
the mood
1965.
‘independence
Singapore
then was thus directed
anti-communalist
be withdrawn
that
a
with Malaysia
for
the Federation
1991: 363). Within
Singapore
that engendered
at merger
campaigned
Union,
of the People’s
state on 9 August
fervently
its hinterland,
the Malays if the PAP should
Singapore‘s
attempt
the
In April
from the Malayan
and the installation
of
ravaged
at the end of a slow and uneven
and
‘Malaysian
would
local
the people
and British invincibility.
sovereign
believed
more
1965, the PAP ironically
parameters
had
with
the
(Chew,
privileges
This propelled
that
identity’
merger,
multiracial
against
in August
never
without
among
and economically
separate
self-government
consistently
as it was
with
socially
colony
an independent
or politically
Lau, 1991: 14X). ‘National
that
a distinct
thus dawned
PAP had
we
the
World War, the British
and aspirations
in 1959. After a failed
became
The age of independence
to merger,
attitudes
occupation
led to internal
Singapore
to provide
of a ‘nation’.
the myth of white superiority
Singapore
Party (PAP) government
( 1963-S).
in nation-building.
Singapore
in 1945 after the end of the Second
Not only had the Japanese
1946. the British made
in Singapore
Day parades
in post-war
new political
island. it had also shattered
move
context
the creation
Singapore
fundamentally
the colony.
and nation-building
of the role of National
prevailing
to understanding
On reoccupying
nation
relations
149).
The
stark: the island
with
immediate
neighhours
Malaysia and Indonesia
were strained,
the communist
challenge
was
‘crippled but not crushed’ (Chew, 1991: 3631, and Singapore’s
vulnerability
was further
underscored
by the withdrawal
of British military forces from 1967. Singapore
was ‘a
complex,
purpose
multiracial
which
community
with
is yet to be properly
towards
a destiny
Interior
and
which
Defence,
little sense
we do not know
quoted
of common
articulated,
in Chew,
yet’ (Gob
1991:
history,
in the process
363).
Keng
Swee,
National
with
of rapid
then
survival
a group
transition
Minister
became
of the
the
The construction
218
of national identity through theproduction
dominant
preoccupation
of Singapore’s
political leaders,
‘buckle down to the job of “nation-building”’
(Benjamin,
The formation
of a new nation-state
is the product
of ‘conscious
Singapore,
strategies
threatened
the fragile
economic
backwardness
These
policies
people
but
legitimacy,
needs
the ‘primacy
the
(Chua
their
political
[and cultural]
of place-bonding
the legitimized
The state’s
vision
was to integrate
‘multiracial,
non-communist,
In 1966,a Constitution
to safeguard
has since
out of the heterogeneous
lines
(Betts,
practices,
four
but equal,
customs
had consistently
nation-building
even the locally born
of the ancestor
population
community’
racial groups
and, most recently,
by racial,
religious,
Malays,
Indians
on secular,
that derive
non-cultural
or regional
(Ghan
and
language
national
values.
their meaning
Communalist
from the overarching
and
state-vaunted
and
‘Others’-
Evers,
1978: 123). The
down
PAP
as one of the two main threats
its policies
of self-help
affinity must be broken
and
to forge a single
acceptance
of the coexistence
of different
of the various
communities
‘without
and strove to ensure
through
minorities
multireligiosity
1989: 365). This
racial chauvinism
the formation
a
ideal in the
and religious
as a social formula
races-Chinese,
regarded
to create
the multiracial
multilingualism,
1976; Siddique,
and encourages
and traditions
of principles
to enshrine
riven
of
socialist state’ (Ghan, 1991:158).
of racial, linguistic
promulgated
is the welding
relating
groups
a balance
between
to education,
(Chiew,
sentiments
and replaced
‘nation-state
based
to
the
housing,
1985; Shee, 1985).
While each race is urged to maintain and draw sustenance
from a carefully contained
of ethnic and cultural identity, they are also encouraged
to develop a larger identity
surname
rule,
different
‘nation’ into ‘one people’.
on the basis
with
(the other being communism)
of the different
language
(along
‘official’
for any particular
government
from
myths
of nationhood
and democratic
was appointed
1975; Benjamin,
designates
as separate
discrimination
hailing
through
of the independent
the rights
then been
identity
religious
1988: 3). This was
and where
orientation
the ‘nation’
1991: 159). Multiracialism
cultural
interests
borders
non-aligned,
Commission
in order
multiculturalism)
viewed
area’, in this case, a
150 years of colonial
of immigrants
in the construction
within
formulation
it by ‘an abstractly
(Benjamin,
for nearly
of a
reshape
and Kuo, 1990: 2).
A corollary
constitution
long-term
consciousness
with a generalized
primarily
for the
political
into a disciplined
and more
and in turn replace
where,
which
tensions,
had to fundamentally
boundaries
in the case of Singapore
individuals
(Chan,
the population
the immediate
leaders
to
concerns.
bid to secure
crucial to forge common
linkage
consisted
and health
government‘s
meeting
and territorial
had
shortages
racial
living conditions
Singapore’s
less immediate
problems
including
to improve
and transform
consciousness
people
from the past and
socioeconomic
(such as China, India and the Malay world),
‘had to anchor
homes‘
to the
the
1988: 3). In the case of
‘nation’,
housing
it was equally
in people’s
population
‘homelands’
consensus
by political
crucial
major
created
1991). Beyond
(Chua,
and much
island’s
linked
with the nation-state.
defined
particularly
newly
(Benjamin,
not only intended
intimately
of places’
conceptualized
‘nation’
were
of the people,
of identity
to tackle
of the
who urged
1988: 20).
a radical discontinuity
planning’
and unemployment,
also
workforce
material
mounted
fabric
build ideological
industrial
sense
were
and plans
were
represents
goal-directed
of ritual and spectacle
sense
based
on race, dialect,
with social relationships
framework’
(Benjamin,
1988:
36). By appeasing
and containing ethnic demands, the multiracial ideology ‘contributes to
the nation building process’ (Hill and Lian, 1995:5).
The process
of nation-building
thus requires
that the state interferes
with the
consciousness
of its new citizens, turning people’s attention away from more parochial
concerns towards the nation-state.
This process of constructing
a ‘nation’ and a ‘people’
KONG
LILY
from their ‘almost
thus ‘relatively
immediate
(such
the major rallying
consciousness.
identity
cultural tradition;
economic
success
were
with
significantly
totally abandoned,
had to be found
identity
19X5: 42; Hill and
(Chua,
construction
collective
heritage
the development
culled from a selective
distillation
‘Janus-faced‘,
from the past and reconstitutelsl
of cultural
towards
ballast
the
of
and solidified
including
staging
Day parades:
Imp-faced
future
the national
some
older,
They cheered
stood
more.
some
and
Singapore
took
was amazed
There
:L giant
I saw
a repeat
seeing,
humps.
(Nirmala,
After
this,
spectator,
The above
I
had
seen
The Singapore
Lian,
hearing
the parade
I1ay
the
and. as will
of landscape
spectacle
sang,
and
was in the
plastic
that
to have a party.
tlaga at a man who
the Happy
the national
Birthday
song
to
into the stadium.
at ;I parade
review.
spectators.
Singaporeans
before
ritual
taking
or religion’
still. they sang
spirit had hit me. Yesterday.
new
to ‘one place’,
anthem,
as spontaneity
other
This
parades.
was wheeled
times
36).
like him at the stadium
feeling
and
‘select[s]
and ceremonial
3s he screamed.
by 60,000
three
1995:
the national
Standing
and
building
lines belonging
all of this happened
performance
and of traditional
of nation
citizens
and
their small red and white
pink cake
and
1991)
I
Then
What
cheering
a
for
and yet I felt the goose-
this cynic became
a convert.
7094: 6)
one
quoted
quotations
have on ordinary
mores,
All of them were determined
at what I saw because
it was,
Times, 6 January
sources
were 60,000 others
two-tiered
spectacle
(Stmits
of routinized
sang
on the
orienting
soared
they
identity
an emphasis
as possible
no prompting
Finally,
national
of national
are identified
in National
Ong Teng Cheong.
preferences,
of a singular
focus
of race, language
His spirits
younger.
yesterday,
Singapore.
‘regardless
He needed
the pledge.
when
to unite in their strivings.
of ritual and the creation
as they waved
in for President
anthem
(Hill
and
while not
simultaneously
flag, singing
and participating
was not alone.
some
which
goals’
Chou Shixian, 11
air. Shixian
values’
while
pride’,
(Chua
a revival of ‘Asian values’,
cutting across divisive
the invention
then screamed
night.
elements
and
economic
and national
to include
by the institutionalization
saluting
here.
11). The
and ‘western’
of stability
of 1Oydlty to serve the country
be discussed
National
those
any one
times,
and individual
the state in the process
of being ‘one people‘,
is symbolized
pledge
of ‘eastern‘
therefore
achievement
consciousness
practices,
and
‘shared
with
and identity
people
of ‘one people’,
ideology,
national
of ‘survival’ and ‘necessity‘,
has in turn broadened
progressive
elements.
culture
of choice
1995:
resources)
development
recent
justify the moulding
Lian,
and struggles
of a national
associated
to modernity.
in mobilizing
that could
from the mid-1980s
history,
the rhetoric
in the face
to form the bedrock
of self-definition
up the avenues
new imperatives
selected
than
of national
compelling
opening
rather
injection
of success,
is no longer
with affluence
values
values relating
it ‘substantial
survival
and inculcating
1978: 122, 125). In more
to the development
Kuo, 1990: 6). In the climate
Instead,
pragmatic
and Evers,
of national
as the lack of natural
the population
the 198Os, the national
deliberately
(Ghan
has brought
contributing
for mobilizing
they were ‘universalistic‘
success
(Chua and Kuo, 1990: 5). In the
odds (such
and heavy
point
At least before
of national
of no more than 30 years and is
fluid and formative’
era, the reality and rhetoric
as communism)
219
YEOH
past’ has a short history
and extremely
post-independence
of threats
became
non-existent
shallow
s. A.
hENI)A
ANI)
feels
like
one
would
fight
and
die
for
Singapore.(Paracle
in Stmits Times. 10 August l%(1)
illustrate
Singaporeans:
well the effect
the sense
that spectacular
of belonging
National
and identity,
Day parades
and the feeling
of
220
7he construction of national identity through the production of ritual and spectacle
pride,
are abundantly
we will analyse
evident.
National
How
have these
Day parades
organized
by the Singapore
Armed
inventing
ritual and creating
landscape
secular
ritual
contribution
and
landscape
to display
Forces,
spectacle:
Dmwing
on symbolic capital: the making
private
‘something
to wonder
of the landscape
of spectacle
does
in which
than others’
first National
characteristically
recreation
situated
club and surrounded
educational
ground
9 August
beneath
The appropriation
rule’ (Straits
celebration
fact that landscape
societies
associations
from
by removing
(Lewandowski,
its stock of colonial
19841, in practice,
parade
societies
forthwith
a new image
in their cities’ as ‘other priorities
appropriated
for new purposes
344). The
the architectural
National
Day
spectacularity
spectacle
(%tf?
a
the
I). While
of colonial
and street-names
often .do not have the capability
are often
1985:
event,
to illustrate
the landscape
structures
(Western,
symbolised
of a national
reinscribed
to rewrite
combining
participants
that once
such as statuary
of
of imperial
flags and other
past, serves
to divest
structures
post-colonial
Yusof Ishak, took
instruments,
ground
marked
on the morning
1990) for the staging
may attempt
ceremonial
it was from the steps
thousand
are not static but are constantly
colonialism
and
days. Its location
edifices
cricket
a premier
and other religious
by august
and musical
of this ‘green
the expanse
city. Fronting
first president,
the feet of several
military
of
1993a: 331).
Day march-past
1966). Framed
the
the choice
for ‘some sites
as cricket
of the ‘nation’ from a colonial
meanings
emerging
both
in the colonial
for the
to invade
Indeed,
the court house,
served
and
it is staged.
backcloth
at the Padang,
of the colonial
offices,
Times, 10 August
of the emergence
(Daniels
are designed
meanings.
that Singapore’s
ranks and wielding
white
a passive
and civic pride but, significantly,
offices)
vanished
mystery’
in Goheen,
of the first National
paraphernalia.
colonial
provide
was staged
had
1966 (Straits Times, 10 August
in serried
the
and the
space
from the terrain on which
quoted
Day parade
at the heart
power
participants
origin, the sea of green
arranged
(Kuper,
the Padang
the municipal
from
at
of this
space,
participants
is not a matter of indifference,
British combination)
it out as the locus of colonial
the salute
ceremonial
touching
of inscribed
by municipal
institutions,
(a quintessentially
of City Hall (once
of
efforts
four strands
of parade
and aesthetics
to stage a spectacle
In 1966,Singapore’s
and
derives
not simply
but its architecture
have more significance
of green
constitution
parades,
of the state’s
We will explore
at, thus
realm and invite visual consumption
the landscape
as evidence
of ceremonial
1993: 581, part of its enchantment
enactment
In this section,
motifs.
means
The materiality
achieved?
1965 to 1994. These
the composition
of parade
Cosgrove,
serve
the
and theatricality,
been
from
spectacle.
selection
If spectacle
effects
in Singapore
and re-invested
thus
clamor’
and colonial
with new meanings
depends
for
of the past and the animated
its effects
on
spectacularity
of
the moment. By the 199Os, the captivating
effects of the latter are stronger compared
to
the former, as evident in the fact that for the majority of the people, the site is not so much
associated
with
‘British rule’ as with ‘a distinctive
architectural
style’ (Kong
and Yeoh,
1994: 257). As national ritual, National Day parades draw selectively
from historically
sedimented
symbolic capital in the landscape;
at the same time, since landscape
is a
constantly growing repository of collective memory, new uses as national parade ground
inscribe new meanings which go some way in obscuring
older significances.
Parades do not simply occupy central space but also move through space as a means
of diffusing the effects of spectacle. From the Padang, the National Day parade wound its
way through
thickly
populated
Chinatown,
cheered
by the people,
‘normally
indifferent
PIAI~ 1. The Padang is transformed from green cricket ground to :I kaleidoscopic parade ground
framed by architectural imprinP+ of the colonial pa\t and over-reaching skyscrapers and office
towers. symbols of modernity and progress.
to police and soldiers’ (Straits Timex, 10 August 1966), crowding along roadsides
foot-ways,’
waving from windows,
and clambering
over bridges and balconies.
years
during
older
parts of the central
the 1960s and early
estates
such as Alexandra
197Os, the marching
city but also headed
and Queenstown
towards
columns
and fiveIn other
not only traversed
the satellite
towns
the
and housing
(Stmits Times. 9 August 1968: Surzda_v Timx
222
The comtruction oJ‘national identit?,through the production of ritual and spectucle
10 August 1969). In the days before ‘live’ telecast of the parades brought the spectacle into
the homes of every Singaporean,
these long marches comprising
different excerpts of the
main pageantry
multiplied
and transforming
transforming
ordinary
of spectacle
allows
to move
decentralized
every
the island at 13 selected
Park, Jalan
Besar, Jurong.
centres
through
mini-parades
the neighbouring
areas.
of at least 3000 participants
parade,
unions
featuring
contingents
and cultural
by some special
displays
quoted
life
and
in Goheen,
landscape
to the
members
informal
witnessing
to S. Kajaratnam,
grassroots
among
way and to provide
the pomp
such a function
“running
things
decentralized
parades
in the production
centres
across
were thus meant
troupes
minister
was
numbers.
drawn
and cabinet
on a time sequence
bdSiS to
idea was to celebrate
the island
in a
‘the opportunity
of
(Straits Times, 14 July 1975). According
more
of knowing
in the spirit of ‘democracy
people
to combine
at the
that they [could]
[which] after all meant
(Struits Times, 10 August
by the people”’
of parades
success’
342). Large crowds
intended
local resources
‘to demonstrate
and ‘the largest were
of spectators
were
among
crucial
1975). These
with national
as compared
the first time too, tickets
were
consensus
prestige
and civic soliclarity’,
the most memorable’
to the triumph
was held for the first time at the newly
able to admit 60000 spectators.
accommodated,
or cultural
The prime
the aim was also to involve
[successfully]’
or ‘travelling
of spectacle.
In the economy
‘size meant
athletic
‘[would] get the satisfaction
for the people
pageant’
groups,
1990: 14), however,
The underlying
of the parade
minister,
level, so that people
organise
by school,
citizens
of the typical
uniformed
local talent, usually dance
the different
more
and pageantry’
then foreign
‘pocket
by route
the decentralized
replicas
1975; Sou~~eelair Magazine,
for the march-pasts.
Staggered
an hour, followed
scated-down
to showcase
held
areas such as Farrer
military units, school
of five constituencies.
themselves
ministers
about
Each
Day
1984 and
and Queenstown.
and composition,
each were
comprising
highlights
catchment
also spread
act as reviewing
lasted
the National
1975 and
Tod Payoh
In form
or band items, performed
from the surrounding
between
and civic organizations.
(Straits Times, 10 August
distinguished
parade
(Berger,
at the heart of residential
Paya Lebar, Redhill,
marches
more
of everyday
by traversing
closer to the people,
year
8.30 a.m. and 5.30 p.m., each segment
pugilistic
capture’
the parades
between
parade’
the spaces
Parading,
the locus of the ceremonial
alternate
throughout
trade
of pomp.
the ‘symbolic
beyond
a similar logic of bringing
was
unified
by invading
into theatres
of the people.
Following
parade
streets
spaces,
1993a: 348) of spectacles
habitations
the effects
ordinary
completed
(Goheen,
of spectacle.
National
Stadium,
This was the first time that such a large crowd
to the smaller
issued
crowds
1993a:
In 1976, the
which
of less than 20 000 at the Padang.
free of charge
to ‘people
from all walks
was
could
be
For
of life’ in
place of admission by invitation only in previous years (Struits Times. 18 July 1976). The
choice of venue reflected both the pride in a new national structure (opened
in 1973) and
the desire to include more people in a collective celebration
the Stadium able to accommodate
a larger crowd both
spectators,
it wds also custom-built
to altow large crowds
the whole
parade
observers
unlike
the setting
and to provide
at the Padang
where
to converge
with a good
‘many people
of the nation. Not only was
in terms of marchers
and
in one spot to watch
viev.7 of the parade
had to stand
(Plate L),
up and crane
their
necks white those who remained
seated missed seeing the contingents
when they
marched round the sea front’ (Straits Times, 11 August 1976). The ‘national spirit of gaiety
and togetherness’
would thus be more fully captured, and with the parade timed for the
softer evening light as opposed
to brilliant sunshine.
technological
wizardry in the form
of special lighting and sound systems could be tapped to enhance the atmosphere,
giving
LILY
HHFLI)A S.
KONGi\~)
it ‘a touch of magic‘ (Stmits
Times. 11 August
of strength
which
and
patriotism’
involve
large numbers,
tailored
for such events:
policemen
stationed
the public’,
historic
parade
crowd
:md associations
conjures
up
its own
convergence
allows
for the combination
1985.
it was
with venues
logic
that
celebrations
In 1986, route
The choice
sharr
dispersed
marches
capacity
and
through
these
meant
custom-built
advantages,
events
on-site
Stadium
that
from its historical importance,
ing gleaming
office towers,
were
of
it
above.
hotels
would
for
Times,
(Straits
centralized
the
The
annual
11 July 1085).
with ‘to enable
parade
Times, 12 July 1986).
(Struits
on the achxntages
be
lx
:md the Patlang.
;I foccs
also dispensed
spectxtorship.
continues
outlined
five-star
could
~~1~1
spectators
it nevertheless
the
for the
immensity
Stadium
at the stadium
facilitated
lacking
As ;I site of spectaclr,
parades
provided
was predicated
more
structure
not
big parade
the streets
entirely
Day
the National
had
by its sheer
Lvere
to guide
with large numbers.
Nrltional
between
way that one
of the National
Its greater
that
1976). While
sophistication.
and
was
as there
to the stadium
past, the Stadium as a setting
and ceremony
and control
planning
the Stadium
the spectators
Times, 11 August
of occasion
alternating
to lx focused
among
and technological
of order
in the same
celebrations
naturr
the
(Stmits
and
in this regard,
lots and entrances
with a momentous
announced
henceforth,
was
in the parking
sense
of people
orchestration
is crucial to success;
one spectator
grandeur
22.3
1976). As with other C;IXS of ‘grand showlsl
meticulous
‘there was less confusion
space.
In
control
everywhere
observed
require
A. Y~OH
admitted.
While
that it offered.
while
its enclosed
the Padang
to lx ilsed for various
reasons.
did not
Apart
today the surrounding
skyline, comprisof international
repute
and modernist
shopping
centres. speaks of Singapore’s
achievements
and progress.
The colonial heart
of the city, of which the Padang is a part, has thus remained
the main huh of thr city
economically
capital both
in which
and administratively,
and hosting the parade there draws on its symbolic
historically and in present times. This is reflected in ;I press report in 1990,
it M’:IS said that the sight
of the then
prime
minister
Let Kuan YCM on the
224
The construction qf national identity through the production oj ritual and spectacle
steps
of City Hall ‘evoked
same
turf of the Padang’
clearly
remains
birthday
favourably
parade
much bigger
from
but two
these
This
military
might,
fireworks,
combined
and
effect
abundant
iMilitary m&&t.
created
appearance
example,
columns
to show
orchestration
of tanks,
Singaporeans
In 1970,
Alouette
the
III and
significant
step
1976, there
armour
first
was the biggest
fanfare
and
demonstration
of
the manipulation
and
music.
National
of collective
Day
memory,
reconnaissance,
included
carriers
attempts
Through
parades
and
defence
the island
from Malaysia
Day
Smll
external
advanced,
land and
a sense
of awe. In 1969, for
the first announcement
jet-trainers,
personnel
carriers
of
turbine-drive
signalled
(Straits Times. 10 August
aircraft.
capabilities,
carriers,
including
three
another
1970). In
Alouette
Republic
of
constituting
such as jeeps used mainly for
anti-aircraft
was made necessary
in 1965 and the withdrawal
WdS
Armed Forces (Straits Times, 10 August
by 60 military
build-up
martial
National
itself against
to inspire
build-up
personnel
and awe
The
to defend
of BAC Strikemaster
armoured
guns.
increasingly
and represented
by the Singapore
big
that although
became
into the parades
a range of new defence
tanks. In many ways, this defence
the
provide
in turn contributing
to flex military muscles.
it had every intention
ever flypast
Ml 13 armoured
of lights
the 1970s and early 198Os, spectacle
and armoury
V-200
in the Republic’s
the
helicopters,
three Strikemasters,
27 Skyhawks
and 27 Hunters
from the
Singapore Air Force (Straits Times, 18 July 1976). In 1984. the mobile column
the drive-past
and
of National
their pageantry,
through
through
and the world
appearance
amphibious
through
of sound
armoured
were obvious
were drawn
of mobile
to the meaningfulness
strategies,
AMX13 light tanks made their debut
the acquisition
change
on the symbolic
of place.
inconsiderable,
equipment
but
Progr~mme,
the constant
sites, it draws
of ways:
to form the substance
As the military developed
air defence
1969).
the
of a sense
and the population
25th
at the Padang
(Souvenir
requires
use of colour,
orchestrated
of these parades
was an occasion
threats.
these
to impress
in a variety
In the late 1960~, through
by
parades
of ‘nationhood’.
also seek
the deliberate
vivid images
to the development
thus
between
of site in contributing
through
of
spectacle
by alternating
achieved
through
of earlier
significance
for Singapore’s
or ‘How I was converted from cynic to proud Singaporea’1’5
parades
has been
the fact that
to mark the celebrations
landscapes
the significance
Day parades,
were
space:
and theutricality,
show.
and
Day parade
in 1966 on the very
first parade
1990). This symbolic
from
in the style
was chosen
of ceremonial
of not one
Apart
as seen
in 1990, ‘a parade
1990: 24). The National
Disphy
of that historic
Times, 10 August
evaluated
Iand] grander’
elaboration
capital
memories
tStr&s
missiles
because
of the British military forces
and
AMX13
Singapore’s
exit
from 1967 left it a
tiny island with strained relations with Malaysia and Indonesia,
and open to possible
attack by other larger powers. National Day parades were thus excellent
platforms
to
impress
others
and to assure
the local people
of their army’s capabilities.
As a sign of Singapore’s ‘coming of age’, the 21st birthday celebrations
in 1986 marked
a turning point in the display of military might on National Day. While military equipment
has been put on diSpkiy to different
anniversary
have generally
been shorn
where the military is engaged
in the
degrees
of their
creation
sophistication,
involving skill and dexterity
This was perhaps
a response
to popular
since then, parades
since that 21st
explicit martial appearance.
Instead,
of spectacle,
it is done with more
rather than the sheer power of equipment.
sentiment
that earlier displays
of military
LII.Y Kouc; <,uI) BKFTIMS. A.
equipment
were becoming
because
as immediate
military
might
became
sophistication
more
welcome
Forces
Provost
and
track,
perfectly
the
their rifles, tossing
steps
IJnit
Super
Skyhawk
jets
impressed
a loop over the Padang
away from each other before
a Super Puma helicopter
at about
minute
with more
display
head-on
drama
divers
canoes
belly-side
effortlessly;
up and themselves
Daredevils
to be that, combined
seemed
be required
be relied on: the military
of machinery
and equipment,
Apart from the general
any continuing
years to emphasize
contributions
of multiple
drive-pasts
emphasis
Police
sophistication
thread
Singapore
use of colour.
and cheer.
moving
panorama
should
the
at high
The
not only in terms
to the display
has been
done
but to underline
role in ‘total defence’.
place
and civil resource
defence
Throughout
all the National
component
contribute
in
the
Hence.
in the last ten years. the
Armed Forces to include
Forces
both the military
is now treated
the
owners,
with more
and civilians.
Day parades,
the striking
in the making of spectacle.
to the sense of celebration,
the headlines-Colour
of colour’ (Stmits Times, 10 August
Navy also
;I crisis occur.
of equipment
of machinery
of their
the way in which
and
years was ‘brain’ that
sophisticated
involving
In one year, for example,
turns
of up to 30
and manoeuvre.
have taken
display of colour has constantly been an important
The multiple hues that colour the various venues
carnival
was a four-
of the coordination
of machinery.
Joint Civil Defence
This reflects
theatricality
criss-crosses
evidence
from the display
as indication
and equipment
from
of the Patlang
and
of Singapore
forces
increasingly
of strategy
not only the sophistication
as a total concept,
7he deliberate
197Os, colour
flying off in
jumped
The highlight
did stunning
in the demonstration
groups
jets
on the other side in one swift
further
of the armed
had become
The
tight O&degree
from the earlier focus on the Singapore
Force,
as in 1990, for example.
contributing
increasingly
display.
the state flag and the
with the ‘bra\vn’ of earlier
but in terms
skilfully
did their ‘storm rolls’, flipping
and resurfacing
shift in emphasis
of vehicles
has shifted
Singapore
they
In 1993, four air
the display
the Republic
and
Police
with wing tips barely
carrying
stunts.
1986).
rigorous
a metre of each other at speeds
1993). All provided
Armed
‘flirting and
burst manoeuvre,
performing
on jet skis and jet scooters
that would
where
as
arrobatic
out at sea,
canoeists
under
message
recent
from
agility
formation
into a bomb
1993). Men from
from the waters
(Straits 7?mes, 10 August
of skills,
ever
and daredevil
the boats to within
and competence
could
first
boats
rumbling
of Singapore
on a 6 X 6 m panel in the centre
Coast Guard
(Straits Times, 9 August
speeds
breaking
landings
high-speed
bringing
rescued
manoeuvre.
in the
their
in a tight diamond
1993). Meanwhile,
by four Police
passes,
knots
rifles,
on their motorcycles.
1800 m. Two freefallers
flag went for precision
(Straits Times, 10 August
continued
of tanks
of the Singapore
(Straits Time.$, 9 August 1993). In the same year. 20 skydivers
four directions’
commando
instead
to skills honed
demonstrating
patterns
The
(Straits Times, 10 August
testimony
intricate
lives.
in later years became
their bayonet-tipped
nonchalance’
bore
everyday
forces
by members
no doubt
about Singapore’s
in 1987 by men from the Republic
Provost
their way through
‘perform[edl
metres
forces
to Singaporeans’
of the armed
thrilled
with their practised
expressed,
the message
in 1986, for example,
were
This was matched
armed
manoeuvred
force
‘irrelevant’
Hence,
synchronized
training.
interviewees
diminished,
by members
the crowds
Unit twirling
the crowd
precise
seemingly
‘entertainment’.
the tartan
Their
of confrontation
and skill displayed
across
charming
‘boring‘, a view that several
threats
225
YPOH
wins the day’ and ‘A
1973)---captured
its integral
role in
to the day’s celebrations.
The only difference through the years has been the
varied ways in which colour is injected in the parades.
In the 1960~ and
was deliberately
used
in the costumes
and props
used by participants
of
226
The comtruction
mass displays.
Whether
by the performers,
striking
yellow,
was achieved
relation
it was the T-shirts,
care was often
eye-catching
through
to public
(clothed),
of national identit?, through the production
a marking
made up and trained
spectators
as well. Whereas
contributing
through
of
to perform,
or ribbons
and cheerful
To borrow
spectators
Foucault’s
bodies.
and public
Bodies
and in this way contribute
go to parades
The
bodies
in expectation
‘spectator
the galleries
pictures.
V&IS
would
explode
described
Programme,
beautiful
of witnessing
contingents’
involved
as ‘culminat[ing]
from
through
of lights and fireworks.
committees
organizing
have
fireworks
can have in exciting
fireworks
was not harnessed
night fireworks
they
porn-poms
and
initial bursts,
touch
In tandem
as parades
searchlights
electronic
increasing
has become
celebrations
lighting
start later than usual to harness
fireworks
that would
come
of the grand
held during
The impact
cauldron
display
series
National
Day
that lights
and
effectively
out when,
1966). Instead,
atmosphere
and development,
harnessed
the power
firework
torchlights.
the spectators’
years.
spectacular
came
on, the Stadium
with up to 40
was planned
in impressing
audiences.
to
on the lights, lasers and
in the local newspapers
was transformed:
In a flash, a sea of brilliant jewels-rubies,
sapphires, opals, diamonds,
emeralds-set
the velvet darkness ablaze.
The torches went wild, stormtossed stars in a blank sky. (Straits Times, 10 August 198f5)
Such fire in the sky succeeded
Once
laser light
finale in 1986:
torchlights
“a
the scale and
in recent
The parade
of night, to capitalize
on in the dark. Descriptions
earlier
1976).
in 1986 led the way in this, with a blazing
by spectators’
What
after the
into full flame’ and ‘the
lights’ to give ‘the whole
sophistication
more
of
the day and the
Green lasers shot across the stadium, swayed, and finally burst into the air like
machine-gun fire. It resembled a scene from the movie Star Wars and the crowd
went wild.
Next, giant white rays from searchlights
pierced the sky
Then
out of the dark sky came the first shock of fireworks. Golden, the first cluster
clung high in the sky and was followed immediately
by more. (Straits Times, 10
August 1986)
When
of
finale
(Souvenir
was thus diffused.
fizzled
burst[ingl
1976; 11 August
the night sky, a dazzling
at one time, complemented
the impact
(Straits Times, 10 August
Times, 10 August
with Singapore’s
were
the firework
of ‘the stadium
and the flashing
of fireworks
the success
colours’
the use of colour,
discovered
from the celebrations.
to ignite
on the effect
again, the 21st birthday
display,
an impressive
of awe. In the 1960s and 197Os, the spectacle
successfully
were divorced
of magic”’ (Straits
spectacle
bursts
a sense
the rest failed
relied
torch
Thus, on cue,
that in 1990, the parade
of kaleidoscopic
Paralleling
increasingly
in the first year of independence,
lighted
grassroots
1990).
7??e manipulation
parades
burst
rather
the patterns
displays.
forming
use of colour
in a joyous
parade
is more,
colours,
of the effective
In
part of the performance
they flash to form spectacular
with
Such is the impact
in
are marked
to the spectacle.
form, simply by the colour of T-shirts they are asked to wear; the banners,
flags they wave; and the flashcards
such as
of colour
on the field, but of the
they become
become
or used
(1979) argument
the site of spectacle.
and display,
worn
colours
blue. This effect
true not only of the performers
their
and private
bright
gold and brilliant
becomes
to the pageantry
a marking
organizations
to include
of the body.
the body
the 1980s and 199Os, this became
than
skirts, flags, flowers
taken
red, glittering
torture,
of ritual and spectacle
As one spectator
put it:
capture
Lx\. KONGAU,)BI<FNIMS. A. YEOFI
22:
This is what we came for. It was spectacular, especially how the showers of gold
changed colours as they fell to the sea. (Fruits Times, 10 August 1993)
Others
expressed
‘fantastic’,
enchantment
‘majestic blooms
that such spectacle
celebration
in their
of fireworks’
leaves
indelible
and of the triumph
the popular
consciousness
as evidence
qfsound and music.
music
and cheers
spontaneous
cymbals,
and orchestrated.
the beat of drums,
resounding
voices
contribute
National
that have
of the celebrations
of the
the sound
to the crescendo
‘awe-struck’,
of gongs,
The sense
of
and writ large, entering
triumph.
would
be unimaginable
to be associated
with the annual
from the cacophony
of guns
in the 21-gun
the music of pipes
Schools
of sound
magic’,
of spectators.
abstracted
Day parades
come
stems
The booming
Combined
‘sheer
in the minds
becomes
of Singapore‘s
The orchestrutio~z
ritual. Part of the revelry
of words:
Times, 10 August 1993). We would argue
impressions
of the evening
without
the song,
choice
(Straits
choir,
and
the
and the air of celebration,
of sounds,
salute,
both
the clash of
and tambourines,
spontaneous
all spurred
the
cheers
all
by the energy
of cheerleaders.
Such a soundscape
laughter
becomes
people
symbolize
solidarity
is integral
to the production
a proclamation
shared
and group
of a nation
values.
of a carnival
in celebration;
they
Together,
atmosphere.
The festive
the hearty
demonstrate
cheers
community
of the
power,
cohesion.
Parade purtic@ants:
‘We are Singapore’
When 00,000 pairs of different coloured hands went up to help unfurl a
Singapore flag the size of the entire stadium, one could not but feel it was a
perfect metaphor for the spirit of co-operation that has held this island of diverse
peoples together for the last 25 years. (Straits Times, 26 August 1990)
As a public
ritual intended
to reinforce
group
cohesion
one ‘nation’, by both demonstrating
community
reservoir
of collective
memory,
National
Day
emphasizing
consensus,
hierarchical
creating
whose
ordering
dissention
would
widespread
of and relations
From
the
higher
learning
population,
parade
parade
unions,
have
themes
of
Indeed,
are often
the participants
parts,
of organized
of interests
present
1993b: 133). This is evident
for the people’,
‘to avoid
social
groups
in the city and
in the composition
participants.
1966,
military
and
and cultural
prominently.
such as military
prowess,
police
troupes,
Not only
units,
youth
and schools
is their
the rich cultural
and
uniformed
and institutions
inclusion
heritage
emblematic
of
of
of a multiracial
and a strong work ethic,
of the ‘nation’, social discipline
often in splendid
marching
order and coordinated
in
presence,
on one single
‘a show
every Singaporean
into
an accepted
designed
stage and at a culminated
high point,
organically
related constituent
parts of society have been
The National Day parade is ‘a shared event’, ‘a time to stand
Singaporeans’,
individuals
as well as augmenting
the
present
a view of society
of constituent
parades
the great variety
(Goheen,
sports
featured
the youthfulness
their simultaneous
clockwork
fashion,
different
‘nation’.
interest’
trade
characteristic
incorporate
among
first
organizations,
the compatibility
values.
[sic]’ and to ‘encourage
presence
encourage
harmony,
and shared
and weld diverse
solidarity
parades
speaks
of how
forged into one
alongside
fellow
of the nation’s progress. achievements
and aspirations
[in1 which
occasion that is truly by and
anticipates
and partakes’, ’an auspicious
a high point that reflects ‘the spirit of many people coming together for
228
The construction of national identity through the production qf ritual and spectacle
a common
cause, with a common
Programme, 1984: 2, 19).
With the years,
the
parade
drawing
from the commercial,
groups;
institutions
organizations
of
in order
at nation-building’
woven
purpose,
grew
not only
industrial,
higher
from the different
strands
‘One People,
example,
in 1990, the year Lee Kuan Yew stepped
‘Silver Jubilee
translation
common
Spectacular’
One
described
ethnic,
of ‘nationhood’,
from all walks of life participated
of the Ex-Political
to be described
as being
‘one with Singapore’s
Detainees
(Sun&zy
Times, 10 August
1969). Opposition
nowhere
in sight.
199Os, the spirit
By the
expansive:
the National
Day cultural
featuring
once overlooked
minority
subsumed
10 August
nowhere
in the category
1990). However,
to the
religious
successful
diversity
in a
1990).
joy’; the ruling party was out in
(sufficiently
participated
parties,
appears
may have
more
‘diverse’
such as the Eurasians,
‘Others‘ and consequently
hand,
were
grown
more
and ‘inclusive’,
who have traditionally
(Straits Times,
unrepresented
tightly drawn:
reformed
in the march-past
on the other
of nation-building
the line remains
Singapore’s
have no part. For example,
aspirations’)
pageantry
groups
1990). For
minister,
Association
political
of the social ‘reality’
openly
dissenting
groups
are
evident.
As a mass event with a high degree
in microcosm
galleries
the hierarchical
of orchestration,
structure
or on the parade-ground
represented
by the president
of Singapore
wait upon
who officiates
dais behind
procedure
the office
are orientated
However,
around
at the same time as reflecting
are also other elements
As part of parades
ministers
contingent,
education,
and members
the officer cadets
and/or
In a bid to innovate
All matters
(Rajah
and social
of power
within
elite
ministers
of protocol
and Sinha,
and
1994).
the ‘nation’, there
of the rulers and the ruled.
members
affairs,
uniforms
of the ruling elite-the
and
defence;
parliamentary
and marched
in the ranks of
Force (Straits Times, 10 August
1966). The PAP
leadership
in parliament,
in 1993, eight national
of City Hall and sat in the spectator
by the ruling
the president.
the hierarchy
Defence
second-line
either in the
of the president
of parliament-donned
of the People’s
comprising
embodies
citizens
as well as the cabinet
that signify the integration
culture
Day parade
ordinary
are reviewed
in the early years of independence,
for labour,
secretaries;
of the parade
the National
society:
at the parade
and MPs who sit on the reviewing
parade.
and
elements
in the national
members
effort
conclusion’
cultural
dissenting
social
[Singapore’s]
Magazine,
as prime
as ‘a fitting
of meaningful
force and even
been
(Souvenir
down
uniformed
and
‘time apart’, a tapestry
as a mirror
Singapore’
unity’ into reality (Straits Times, 10 August
national
In this mass display
‘people
was
of Lee’s ‘ideal
that constitute
is intended
of being
sectors;
cultural
1984: 2). This shared
of society,
Nation,
various
(Souvenir
in representation,
and public
and
the very elements
celebration’
but also
service
schools
Programme,
One
in numbers
financial,
learning;
to ‘epitomise
(Souvenir
in a common
stands
leaders
among
(Straits Times, 4 August 1993). These manoeuvres
is also a staple
item in the
left their usual seats on the steps
the crowd
are intended
of 20000
at the Padang
to demonstrate
that while
not all are equal in standing, each citizen, whether numbering
among the ruling elite or
rank and file, plays an equally significant role in the ‘arduous task’ of nation-building.
In
the words
demonstrating
of the then
prime
minister
that we, the people
and are prepared
to make sacrifices
‘feeling of “oneness”,
of belonging
origins’ (Lee Kuan Yew, quoted
Lee Kuan Yew,
and the leaders,
‘we can achieve
excellence
by
are united in facing up to our problems
to surmount them’ (SouvenirMagazine,
1986). This
to the same team
whatever
the differences
in
in Souvenir Magazine,
1987) was unexpectedly
demonstrated
in certain years when the weather denied its cooperation;
for example, in
1968, thousands
of Singaporeans-from
the acting vice-president
who reviewed
the
229
LILVKONGANI)BRENI)AS. A. YEOH
parade
bareheaded,
the prime
minister
the rain, down to the men, women
bedraggled-all
braved
show
against
and togetherness
1975). Thus,
governing
solidarity
between
Theoretically,
formalised
lesque’
social
identity
and
Singapore‘s
move
dramatic
change
spectators
created
has from
I3efore
the
of format,
(Souvenir
performers
wittl applause,
Muguzine,
who Lvere not directly
screams
of cheerleaders
synchronized
‘visual
rousing
treat’ (1986),
to build a nation
As .people‘s
the National
more
parades
The
in song
sentiment
colours
made
often
carved
at
contingents
signalled
or in
participation‘
and the
Magazine,
in unison
1992).
as part of the
to wave
colourful
to put on and wave
timed
to harmonize
of [the people‘s]
the
out for those
from the sidelines,
for spectators
displays,
that there would
( Souwnir
and
moments
participation’
in marching
support
and
of the parade
the ‘enthusiastic
contingents
as
in the spirit of
at selected
roles were
included
mainly
on the part of the
shared
audience
Day celebrations
support
from the mid-1980s
portion-the
by the president.
while the ‘celebration‘
fireworks
recitation
the 21-gun
segment-aerial
ground,
laser
and
A whole
hour
prior to the start of the parade
loosening’ exercises ‘to set the atmosphere
To encourage
a more informal ambience,
entertainment,
Parades.
up and had joined
to flick on torchlights
the ‘ceremonial‘
locally
used to be the standard
a
‘In a
in the
with the
for the aim
(Straits Times. 12 July 1986) (I%zte -3).
condensed
which
was
themselves
in the
was only required
to ‘signify an expression
past-was
to provide
display
spectator
of the guard-of-honour
augmented.
People’s
of expressing
caught
the choir lending
specially
of excellence’
pdrddes‘,
there
participation:
overtures
as participants
in coordinated
choreographed
air of informality:
parrlde
involved
reciprocating
and
also cued
inspection
the
been
of the spectacle
dressed
to
of collective
and not in the direct execution
stage, whether
(198X). or Big Hands
1995: 143). the
however,
became
and
in its attempt
From the mid-19XOs, it was promised
of flashcard
grand finale, were intended
distinct
Anthem
entertainment
were
(Smith,
mid-1980s,
and other means
the crowds,
nlanoeuvres
air (1989). These
of
and ‘the carniva-
strategies
active participants
their active participation
centre
contingents’
umbrellas
had
they had often been
The orchestration
as ‘a serious
prdctised’
for the people’s
(Straits Times, 12 -July 19x6). More definite
field displays.
the
1990: 20).
occasionally
mass displays.
‘Spectator
the
space
but became
the crowds
more
than
1985 to 1989 Parades
and accompanying
parading,
‘ritual ceremony’
rather
From
up more
the marchers.
but generally
between
and as a statement
the
As observers.
celebrations
form
an illusion
as citizens
of the National
.less
also present
experience
such as the singing
be
out in ritualistic
the parades
both
the parade
1985 parade.
cheering
the parade,
sacrifice
the odds’ (Stmits
combined
opening
spectators,
appreciation.
part in a
of individual
‘whatever
by and for its participants’
‘nationhood’.
towards
not only watched
and movement’
Day (Struits
and play his/her
gesture
time as playing
in
and
no room for flinching
its inception
of their common
conscious
ground
development
to be observed
spectacle
Day parade
people
to salute National
allowed
a symbolic
in society,
one may distinguish
designed
as ‘a public
remind
at the same
relations
solemnly
mud-splattered
the ruling elite and the people.
while
pageantry
National
his/her
elements,
in facing the rigours of national
Times, 10 August
hierarchies
downpour
to stand
the natural
who stood
on the Padang,
ethos of nation-building
each is expected
of defiance
members
children
the rain in an hour-long
Times, 9 August 1968). The binding
(at least outwardly);
and his cabinet
and school
displays.
and
salute
displays,
spectator
wx
took on a more
of the pledge,
the
and the marchmass displays
on
participation-was
set aside
for ‘audience-
for the parade’ (Struits Times, 9 August 1986).
rock groups and local pop stars were included
composed
tunes
fare for the march-past,
replaced
foreign
marching
and even the military,
strains
for long the
230
7he construction of national identit?, through the production of ritual and spectacle
RATE 3. Choreographed spectator participation included the massive synchronization of fk%hGUd
displays, which included the declaration of unity. as in this 25th anniversary proclamation of ‘One
people, one nation, one Singapore.
mainstay
of the parade, were ‘nudged out of the limelight’ to focus on civilian mass
displays (Straits Times, 9 and 10 August 1986; 19 August 1990). Even the ceremonial
of the parade itself was also modified to reflect the stronger involvement
from 1986, a select group of ‘ordinary Singaporeans’
ranging from bus driver to businessman,
part
of the people:
of all ages and from all walks of life,
led a mass dedication
ceremony
involving
everyone
present to affirm their allegiance to the ‘nation’ (Straits Times, 6 August 1986;
Souvenir
Magazine,
1990: 44). By encouraging
ceremony and celebration
the widest
possible
participation,
both signify the binding together of the entire community, the
‘body politic’ (cf. Daniels and Cosgrove,
1993: 59).
Two particular parades stand out in denoting the parade as people’s participation in the
spectacle
of nation-building.
independence
Twenty-one
years
after
Singapore’s
rude
thrust
into
in 1965, the 1986 National Day parade marked the ‘nation’s coming-out
party’ when ‘by unspoken
consensus,
Singaporeans
left that episode
of their history
behind for the last time’ (Straits Times, 10 August 1986). To signal this turning point, the
organizers wanted a parade with a difference,
and to do so they ‘put on centrestage’
the
70000-strong
crowd, in the hope of transforming ‘passive spectators’ into active
participants, not ‘indifferent performers’ (Straits Times, 10 August 1986). The result was ‘a
spontaneous
outpouring in unabashed nationalistic flag-waving‘ as the people celebrated
(Straits Times, 10 August 1986). As a hawker who viewed the spectacle on television said,
.the whole act would not have succeeded if everyone did not do his [sic] part’ (Straits
Times, 11 September
1986). In short,
in National
Day celebrations
over the last decade,
‘the spectators
became the parade’ (Neu: Paper; 10 August 1993).
In approximating
‘a public spectacle
created by and for its participants’, the 1993
parade, billed as the ‘Nation on Parade’ march-past, attempted to dispense with
traditional pomp and pageantry and close the gap between the leaders and the people.
This parade featured spectators themselves filing past the president and leaders on the
231
LILY KONG AND BICENI)A S. A. YEOH
grandstand,
‘waving
The ‘people
people
fans’ and ‘singing
represented
in a (deceptively)
ities for ordinary
to catch
fashion
parade
creates
a time
action,
thereby
Tl’et in this
inspiring
most
social
march-past
arduous
required
mock
coordination
National
Day
m&alliance
no longer
National
the relationship
operation
with
2500
it (Jackson,
spectators
reflect
the
Bakhtinian
into performers
between
performers
indeed,
notion
fact,
to the
itself
and
minutes’
(Fetch-Serra,
carnival
participates
of one young
carnivalistic
as ‘a pageant
without
1990: 265).
(the parade)
in it. and there
is
is no
spectator-participant
at the
to play. We were not here just to watch the Prime Minister OI
(Stmits Times. 10 August 19%)
a part
also been
transmitted
in the themes
placard
items and float decorations.
display
parade
themes
and again
consistently
through
messages.
At the same time, others
of independent
Singapore,
particular
in time.
points
Four messages
have unfailingly
of their importance
multicutturalism,
discussed,
discrimination;
is that
live in harmony;
only alongside
the specific
identity
multiracial
based
are themes
will
be
and multicultural
(1988). In one display
the programme
race, language
the nation
fairly
The concern,
treated;
that
items
notes
or religion.
read:
multiracial
‘Racial harmony
For a cohesive
society’
will
that
and identities
non-cultural
national
and
as we have
there
be avoided;
sentiments
at
the years, evidence
be
should
and floats presented
no
all groups
values.
exist
This is
year after
the ideological
positions
in a multicultural
blend’
(1986); ‘Many races, one nation’ and ‘Many cultures,
item, for example,
again
of the
times in the short history
confronting
year. The titles of these
items and floats scream
out
unequivocally:
Joy of harmony’ (1976); ‘Living harmoniously
(1985); ‘Unity in rhythm’
importance
The first is that of multiracialism.
of any sort should
on secular,
the
mass and
that have emerged
at particular
concerns
through
specific
the continued
and multireligiosity.
all groups
chauvinism
to nation-building
parades
again and again through
of state ideology.
and that racial and cultural
a larger
in the tnany
have emerged
multilingualism
that racial
There
underlining
emerged
in the bedrock
pertaining
as well as motifs characterizing
the years,
indicating
messages
that have characterized
overall
while
day
of a certain
at points
and spectators,
everyone
1988: 225). In the words
years, including
evident
the
to the field in eight
and spectators‘
In a much more direct way, the state’s ideological
should
In actual
right down
qf spectucle: parade mot+
7be constitutio~2
already
Singaporeans.
‘spontaneous’,
control.
timed
before
from the stands
of
social
Day parade:
We all had
relatedly,
suspension
governing
among
from social
in an
the National
seemingly
‘precision
seen by people;
the contingents.
have
parades,
military
interact
sense,
a temporary
and togetherness
Day
and
opportun-
199.3).
thus
a division
a spectacle
life outside
for
1993).
leaders
managed
from the protocol
the ‘lofty‘ and the ,low‘, functioning
and without
In distorting
allow
was not divorced
rehearsals
parades
between
footlights
that
‘to get the crowd
(Straits Times, 10 August
carefully
In this limited
a withdrawal
of National
incorporation
between
of, and, for a few moments,
of community
carnivalesque
unrehearsed
intricate
a sense
it created
himself.
place
relationships,
the people’s
second’,
a glimpse
and
to seal the bond
fashion:
with the president
dominant-subordinate
Times, 10 September
lustily’ (Straits
an attempt
spontaneous
citizens
unceremonious
Day
paper
on parade’
participants
and strength
formed
in unity.
(Snuzlenir Pqgramme,
one people’
the word ‘Ilnity‘,
Regardless
1986: 4X).
of
The construction of national identity through the production
232
A second
consistent
youthfulness.
message
building
and the relative
vibrance
of youth-of
time,
the role
reflected
notes
through
This may be interpreted
youthfulness
nation
of youth
the
decades
at two levels:
the importance
of Singapore
as a nation,
and people-are
as ‘citizens
last three
OJ ritual and spectucle
celebrated
of tomorrow‘
in titles of items such as ‘Our children
is concerned
of youth
The exuberance
in song and dance.
is time
and
again
our tomorrow’
with
in nationand
At the same
underscored,
as
(1985) and programme
such as:
Our children are our hope for tomorrow. With youthful energy, our little boys
and girls show they have the zest and vitality to build bridges to the future.
(Souvenir Programme, 1991: 24)
The third and fourth themes
an ideology
of pragmatism.
and economic
success,
were
promoted
actively
avenues,
Evident
National
in parade
training.
and
highlighted
iterates
succeed.
again
exhorted
parade
their
‘United
Working
was hailed
together
‘Together
(Souverzir
achieved
Instead,
together
could
‘count
and
Singapore
was: ‘Work together
so mass
displays
in 1973; ‘Teamwork
in 1984). When
and
for
floats
and loyalty’
Singapore
faced
in 1985 and 1986, Singaporeans
were
the storm.
in which
of education
and social discipline
The grand
Singaporeans
on them’
finale
were
in the ‘pursuit
in the
exhorted
1986
to ‘play
of excellence
for
1986: 53).
inculcation
and maintained.
recession
other
exercise.
for 1970, a time when
stability.
critical,
we progress’
Singapore‘,
of education
they are hailed
was
to weather
Progmmme~
Related to this pragmatic
of the importance
theme
rationalism,
Amongst
an ideological
and the importance
and political
together
part’ so that the nation
Singapore’
parade
on by worldwide
to work
to progress.
of unity (‘Unity and progress’
as one,
crisis brought
and technological
for such
are built on
to development
efficiency
teamwork
economic
guises
for the nation
the platform
Thus, the entire
to achieve
prosperity’.
in 1984 and
became
in related
values relating
the view that only with determination
the importance
economic
values
motifs are two values:
was still struggling
security
as necessary
emerged
illustrated,
such as social discipline,
Day parades
The former
can the nation
that have invariably
As we have already
of a work attitude
and training
Seldom
are education
as holding
is a fourth consistent
in order that economic
and training
theme,
development
that
can be
seen as ends in themselves,
the key to a more promising
future.
The emphasis
in
such education
and training is also on technology
rather than the humanities.
For
example,
a 1984 float had as its theme ‘Education and training for higher technology’,
whilst
a 1987 float was entitled
Apart from these
1966, we also wish to highlight
Singapore’s
.Technology
four themes,
and the parade‘s
which
other
history.
for growth’.
have repeatedly
reappeared
motifs
which
have emerged
These
are indicative
on the agenda
at particular
of the specific
since
times
concerns
in
that
have confronted
the nation. Several themes have made no more than a single appearance
as motifs of mass displays or floats. Examples include the need to industrialize
to achieve
success
(1970), the need
to conserve
water
(19731, the fight against
profiteering
and the need for self-reliance
(1976). These are certainly historically contingent,
the challenges
facing the nation at those particular historical moments.
Apart
from
these,
other
themes
have
also
emerged
over
several
years
(1973),
reflecting
at a time,
indicative of growing and continued
emphasis
on underlying
ideologies
and strategies.
The first of these is the focus on ‘one people‘, the attempt to create a new consciousness
and pride for the nation. This was very starkly expressed
in 1991 when the grand finale
entitled ‘Joy and jubilation’ was designed to encourage
Singaporeans
to express pride for
their country. This was explicitly articulated
in the Soz~~ir
Progrurnme (1991: 26):
LILYKONG ANI) BRFNIMS. A. YFOH
m
We are proud to be Singaporeans.
The celebration expresses all that we feel
about ourselves, our country and the world in which we live. My Singapore. the
place that I catt home.
This was reiterated
the official theme
the Ministry
in the 1992 declaration,
of the celebrations
of Information
pride Singaporeans
thus
intended
feel for their homeland‘
faith. a declaration
call home’
and the Arts suggested,
as a platform
(Colonel
Lee Boon
Loi. chairman
in Straits 7ime.q 4 August
getting
them to articulate
in recent
by global
forces,
Singaporeans
must be rooted
elements
of western
‘mystical
bond’
Alongside
Singapore
form
was no longer
notion
of ‘excellence’
in 1986. the parade
in pride
in order
achieved
be happy
in: to continue
‘Together
depic~ting
the productivity
theme
teamwork
and cooperation,
posed
that
the more progressive
such
thought
for all’ (Sooucenir I+ugrumme.
for Singapore’,
Control
to ‘strive
in its original
Instead,
must excel.
logo,
in
formations
emphasizing
for productivity’
and alertness’,
(.Soz4~wir
‘qualities
for
a brighter
tomorrow‘
towards
a brighter
for excellence
1987) and ‘Excellence
the
Thils.
expression
entailed
circle
attributes
that
that most Third
found
1986: 19). ‘Towards
for Singaporeans
the message
Singapore
‘skill, precision
(Souucvriv P~ogmmme,
the
success
to
Given
of survival
‘ToLvards excellence‘
as the Quality
exhortation:
Singaporeans.
sulTiving,
to be ‘essential
deli\-creel
is another
of economic
Excellence
tomorrow
underlined
threats
the concern
can be sustained.
of mobilizing
For example.
19X6: 47). ‘Spot on‘ emphasized
message
and
particular])
their ties, loyalty and indeed
the earlier ideology
was drawn
items.
fore\,&
a degree
as a means
theme,
of excellence’
while importing
for the nation
convincing
of mass display
a nation
It reveals
that this pride
to emulate,
a number
P1-ogmmmc.
has become
to the perceived
of as westernization.
to exult
for Singapore
would
for the parade,
at rallying Singaporeans
all the time maintaining
had, by the mid-1980s,
World countries
of
199.): 29) with place (Singapore).
this exhortation
strive for excellence
committee
attempt
was
statement
all else, a place we can
and belonging
in their Asian heritage
development,
(Penrose,
is, above
the state’s reactions
thought
a personal
of the executive
1993). This explicit
years and reflects
of the
Times, 18 May 1993). The parade
their sense of attachment
sometimes
from
is ‘an expression
to ‘demonstrate
and pride that Singapore
quoted
apparent
My Home’. As a spokesman
the theme
(Stmits
for Singaporeans
of feelings
and again in 1993 when
‘We are Singapore’,
was ‘My Singapore,
together
Singapore
that
We. the people of Singapore. regardless of race. language or religion.
together. celebrate our National l>ay with singing ot national songs and
spectacular display of placards and lights. Singapore. ‘3 nation of excellence for
all. (S0/1L’~~12iT.
Pro)gmmr,fe I%-#)
In order
to achieve
excellence
encouraged.
National
Day parades
of these,
One
reinforcing
of the
exhorted
through
( SozrLrnir
physical
other
values
Progmmme,
and mental
of healthy
to ‘keep
which
excellence
for Singapore
living.
fit‘ and
1986: 51). In 1989, these
found
for articulating
songs
(see Kong,
In 1986. Singaporeans
expression
society’
that the quest
is only possible
and orientations
‘stay alert for economic
make for a rugged
19X9: 26). Time and again. it is emphasized
( 1980) for young and old alike (1992).
Similarly,
of values
the platform
such as the use of national
is that
display
toughness
a variety
have again provided
strategies
advocated
a mass
for Singapore,
1995).
were
progress’
as .the qualities
of
( Souvenir Progrumm~,
for good
if the nation
are
some
health
can be fun
acknowledges
its role
in the international
community.
In 1991, the mass display item entitled
‘Singapore
International’
rrcognized
the ‘new challenges‘
and ‘new opportunities’
facing Singapore.
234
The construction of national identity through the production
and emphasized
the part that Singaporeans
community
(Souvenir
immediate
neighbours
Programme,
through
parades’
strategies
explicit
our intention
by the explicit
including
themes
that the state uses in planning
in ideological
Alternative
Having
facilitated
themes,
intent
readings
illustrated
consciousness
evidence
the different
resistance
and
against
of public
parcels
attached
(Straits
more symbolic
confrontations.
had bred
more
organized
Given
particularly
approved
it engaged
Should
a context,
in recent
actively
at most different,
in Singapore
have been
varied,
with participants
of alternative
amongst
those
participated
unhappy
enjoyed
intended
about the nature and extent
and appreciated
the parades
by the state.
were
However,
the citizenry,
influence
a
state.
and change
from the swift implementation
these
are managed
expression
and
in confrontational
has thus become
unlikely
and spectators,
meanings.
one of negligible
While the precise
it became
Second,
evident
there
Day
parades,
by the state, they are
to lead to open
of the parades.
but for entirely
to ensure
of National
intended
nature
of these
conflict.
that there were at
First, there were the feelings
in the parades.
in the parades,
of compulsion
expected
years,
rather
of an administrative
to lobby,
confrontational.
In our interviews
who
recent
readings
and confrontation.
in depoliticizing
from those
each was equally
For those who participated
there, but resented the sense
alternative
interpretations
distinct
least three categories
who
1966) and
non-resistance.
rather than outwardly
readings
in 1966,
as ‘phoney
in the 1960s, and until the early
conflict
than allowed
if Singaporeans’
years,
the festivities
there be counter-opinions,
culture
and of general
In the early
For example,
1970). In more
as the development
rather
to note that there
intentions.
Times, 10 August
constituting
and counter-groups
channels,
1993). The political
opposition
such
10 August
open
national
and some
were found in several areas, some
are [seen to be] a waste of time that detract
of the plan and programme’.
style (Kong,
(Straits
banners
This may well be because
situation
In such a state, ‘time spent by groups
through
Of the four
to develop
it is as important
money’
Times,
that Chan (1989: 78) characterizes
policy outcomes
floats.
as a platform,
such hegemonic
and marginal,
soon after the PAP came into power,
situation
of
and ideologies
this is in fact the most
employs
Day parades
from Singaporeans,
and resistances
In 1970, anti-government
has become
19705 the political
servicemen
that the state
using National
and ‘an utter waste
than outright
alternative
displays
Day celebrations,
these were more overt and confrontational.
the parade.
with harmless
how the exercise
of values
parties (Barisan Socialis and Party Rakyat) condemned
independence’
directed
is to illustrate
articulation
of mass
National
strategies
responses
readings
years of independence,
boycotted
on Singapore’s
and resistances
of the positive
opposition
turned
of all.
and build consensus
exist alternative
play in the international
‘Asean togetherness’.
is not exhaustive,
has been
can and should
1991: 16). In 1992, the focus
in an item entitled
While this discussion
nation-building
of ritual and spectacle
were
of resentment
those
who
were
Third, there were those who
different
reasons
from those
there were some who felt compelled
to be
and even entrapment.
There were national
order.
(‘I was on duty.
I had to do crowd
control. I was outside the stadium. I was reluctant and I resented it.‘). There were students
who performed
in various items. (‘I was sent by my school. We didn’t like it. None of us
liked it. Rehearsals
were
tough.
I didn’t
enjoy
it. We were
there
because
my principal
wanted us to be there.‘) Many expressed
the view that rehearsals
were ‘frustrating’ and
‘tough‘ because ‘you‘ve got to be disciplined’
and ‘wait and wait and wait and go through
LILY KONGANI>BKFSIMS.
the sequence
Instead
again
and again’. The language
of ‘we danced
invariably
used
to the music’ or ‘we waved
used phrases
of coercion
A. YIUI
235
by many
interviewees
was telling.
our flags’, many of those
such as ‘we had to’ or ‘we were supposed
interviewed
to’, indicating
the sense
they felt.
Even though
a number
of interviewees
the actual parade
in a feeling
As one interviewee
put it:
indicated
of patriotism
that the hard work
and fervour,
did culminate
it was generally
at
very short-lived.
J VGISgrateful to break the routine of having my Sunday ‘l,urnt’.” I was grateful
to break it. Life was back to normal after thar. We went back to our routines and
I was glad.
Apart from participants’
annual
parades
resentment,
aroused
more
the huge sums of money
usually spent
the perceived
routine
blatant
of the ideological
nature
Some even detect
and difficult
there were also those
‘offensive’
feelings
in putting
and lack of creativity
an attempt
problems
messages
to deflect
confronting
for whom
than patriotism.
together
the nature
Some were
the parades.
For others,
from year to year. For yet others,
(‘It’s so deliberate
Singaporeans’
of the
put off by
it was
it was the
you feel really skeptical’).
attention
away from the real issues
Singapore:
It makes LIS think that everything is good; that we are having a good life in
everybody has a ioh and all that. But it doesn’t draw our attention
Singapore
IO the more realistic aspects of life
I think it makes LIS apathetic because we
think everything is fine. We are diverting our artention from some of the real
problems
that do exist. Everything
is made to look very posirive.
While
above,
there
thus
whom
is a certain
reflecting
the parades
the state
reveal
intends.
These
for personal
There
them
a good
important
good
on
alternative
for example,
but because
are also student
record
at a personal
my testimonial’.
wanted
intemiewee
agendas
parades
people
expressed
also many
reasons
for
from those
but nevertheless
appropriate
National
Day
of its promise
portable
the parades
up at
turn
as grounds
to
for whom
up
level.
them to participate
opportunities
fol
(Stmits Times. 10
se\.eral
and ‘it’s going
student
in the parades
principals
level in the sense
my ECA points’
participants
because
use
that ‘it will he
to look good
their
their schools
of the country.
of LIS to get
gives
thus becomes
felt that
they wanted
and supportive
up as demand
in the parades
(ECA). Participation
that she was just making
such
not to share in the
for business
participation
activities
and for them to look capable
In this sense,
grounds
fans, caps and the like are marked
participants
‘it’s going
represented
parade
As one
a good reputation
arc seen to be less concerned
with national
than aith personal
agendas.
Thus, instead of being of national import, the
are appropriated
in these various instances into ;I personal everyday context in
Lvhich some
For
were
for very different
level rather than at the national
put it: ‘We thought
for the school’.
in the views
there
are not confrontational,
for whom
At yet another
to be in the limelight
latent.
1984) in which
in their extra-curricular
for my ECA records’,
principals
although
readings
(de Certeau,
1986). Prices of drinks,
soars.
positively,
gains. These entrepreneurs
spirit of nationhood
August
and objection
albeit
gain/fulfilment.
There were vendors,
quick monetary
of resentment
of opposition,
were viewed
the ‘ractical‘ ways
parades
degree
a degree
;I
personal
large number
gain or fulfilment
of participants
is to be derived.
and spectators,
such
parades
are in
fdct
enjoyabk
of their entertainment
value. Shorn of the ideological intent, the parades are fun‘
to entertain chilclren with (‘My little cousins enjoy the song and dance’; ‘It’s one u’ay ot
Ixx;luse
keeping
my children
entertained‘).
Some even go to the extent
of comparing
a parade
to
The construction of national identity through the production
236
a football
match,
in Singapore’s
teenagers,
a big party, and an event
context
always
it was an opportunity
reason’.
As one teenage
friends
at weekly
experience.’
other
attracts
to ‘hang around’
rehearsals
there
crowds.
girl put it: ‘It wasn’t
In the words
schools
like the opening
huge
and
of another
of a shopping
For student
with friends
a chore
because
scream
my lungs
out.
teenage
boy: ‘I found
and you can get to know
of ritual aud spectacle
people
centre,
which
participants,
mainly
all day ‘for a legitimate
I could
It was
be there
it quite fun because
from other
with my
a thoroughly
good
there were
schools’.
Conclusion
National
Day
conditions.
parades
serve
In particular,
as a barometer
the felt need
degrees
at different
parades.
In the past, the rude thrust
need
to survive
times
island
has emanated
parade
has become
military defence
province
more
identity,
points
of a people’s
to a degree
of parades,
specialists
to defence
on pomp
and
of success.
equated
of a small
threat
to national
forces.
has receded
In
and the
a movement
from
from the view that defence
is the
an entire nation,
essentially
a people
considerable
unchanged.
a sense
and
against
This it did
with western
tenor
have undergone
As one participant
identity.
has also been
involving
visual
Day
of the
the backdrop
the capabilities
the military
and maintaining
ceremony,
to different
of National
the perceived
sometimes
has remained
of developing
provided
asserting
history,
a movement
while the parades
manner
and national
affair. There
reflecting
their basic purpose
drawing
hostility
recent
socio-political
and the acute awareness
of nationhood
circumstances,
to total defence,
of the larger strategy
in the particular
from global forces,
Nevertheless,
and reworking,
more
historical
of a few trained
in one voice.
flavour
broader
of the local/national
into independence
a sense
In Singapore’s
line with the changing
a sense
of regional
to construct
inter alia, the military
in defence.
sovereignty
captured
in a neighbourhood
which the state sought
by using,
has been
of Singapore’s
to assert
aural
They form part
of belonging
effect.
united
elaboration
and national
Indeed,
evidence
put it:
There ~3s a great spectacle. The feeling was one of a great festival; it was very
‘carnivalish’. There was a sense of euphoria. heightened emotions, patriotism
and everything. It was wonderful.
However,
entirely
the ‘web of signification’
compelling
expressing
and
their resistance
segments
(Ley and Olds,
of the
and investing
1988: 195) spun
population
have
their alternative
does
not happen
once
the
possibility
of
meanings.
In essence,
National Day parades illustrate how as annual
serve as means to assert a sense of the local/national
and
identification
by the state is not
found
ritual and spectacle
they
underline
the point that
and for all (Hall, 1989: 73). By analyzing
a form of
ritual organized and orchestrated
by the state, we have tried to illustrate how state power
is legitimated by appealing to nationalism.
We have attempted
to examine a powerful and
dominant
group’s
ideologies
(see also Smith, 1993). We have therefore
as a counterpoint
subordinate
groups’
use of ritual and spectacle
to most
existing
struggles
research,
in the form
which
in their establishment
added
explores
of parades
to perpetuate
an empirical
parades
and negotiation
as expressions
of identity.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the Singapore Tourist Promotion
its
case that serves
Iloard for the use of their photographs.
of
Notes
1. Official sources (Souvenir Programmes) clearly present a bias since, like actual parades, they
serve overall state purposes. For this reason, it is impossible to glean any sense of how the
parades are received by Singaporeans, except when these are obviously supportive.
2. We have drawn heavily from the Straits Times, which has been described by some as a proestablishment newspaper. For this reason, it has also been difficult to glean from this source
details of alternative and oppositional readings of the parades, although there are hints every
now and again. Despite this ‘handicap‘, we have had to I-ely on this ne\vspaper because there are
no other sources of public accounts of the parades.
3. Focus group interviews were conducted with three groups of Singaporeans: students in their
early teens who had recently participated in the parades; young adults (LO-SO);and older adults
(30-50). The latter two groups comprise those who had either participated or been ‘live‘
spectators
at a parade.
alternative
readings.
These
interviews
thus compensating
constituted
the main
for the lack of such
source
information
of information
regarding
in the official sources
and newspaper reports.
4. Five-foot-ways are verandahs fronting shophouaes, which are us~~ally two- to three-storey
structures with residential quarters above the ground-floor shops.
5. This is the headline to an article reporting one Singaporean’s testimony (Nirmala, 19%).
6. A coi~oquahsm
for ‘wasted’.
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