ASOCIAŢIA ARHEO VEST
TIMIŞOARA
ARHEOVEST
II1
-IN HONOREM GHEORGHE LAZAROVICIInterdisciplinaritate în Arheologie
Timişoara, 6 decembrie 2014
JATEPress Kiadó
Szeged
2014
Editori:
Sorin FORŢIU
Adrian CÎNTAR
Consilier științific:
Dorel MICLE
Coperta: Gloria VREME-MOSER, www.ideatm.ro
Foto copertă: Ovidiu MICȘA
Această lucrarea a apărut sub egida:
© ArheoVest, Timișoara, 2014
Președinte Lorena VLAD
www.arheovest.com
referință
bibliografică
ISBN 978-963-315-228-7 (Összes/General)
ISBN 978-963-315-220-1 (Vol. 1), ISBN 978-963-315-221-8 (Vol. 2)
Avertisment
Responsabilitatea pentru conţinutul materialelor revine în totalitate
autorilor.
referință
bibliografică
THE OUTSET OF POLGÁR-CSŐSZHALOM TELL AND
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF A
SPECIAL CENTRAL BUILDING
Pál Raczky*, Katalin Sebők**
* Eötvös Loránd University, Institute of Archaeological Sciences; raczky.pal@btk.elte.hu
** Eötvös Loránd University, Institute of Archaeological Sciences; sebokkata@gmail.com
Rezumat. Începutul tell-ului Polgár-Csőszhalom și contextul arheologic al unei clădiri speciale
centrale. Complexul arheologic Polgár-Csőszhalom în nord-estul Ungariei joacă un rol semnificativ în înţelegerea Neoliticului târziu (circa 4900–4500 BC cal) în Bazinul Carpatic.
Clădirile identificate pe tell și artefactele găsite sugerează că acesta a fost o zonă non-rezidențială. A fost o scenă pentru activități speciale, nelumeşti. În acestă prezentare ne vom
concentra pe începutul tell-ului, care prezintă una dintre cele mai vechi case și gropi. Vom
oferi o analiză detaliată a contextului cronologic și spațial, precum și a descoperirilor ceramice. Rezultatele confirmă că tell-ul a fost, din primele momente, o scenă specifică pentru
locuitorii din Polgár-Csőszhalom. Studiul nostru este un tribut adus importantei lucrări a lui
Gheorghe Lazarovici referitoare la arhitectura preistorică.
Cuvinte cheie: Bazinul Carpatic, Polgár-Csőszhalom, Neoliticul târziu, tell, construcții speciale, analiză ceramică
“In common with modern architectural practice, the built environment was designed
to facilitate and give meaning to the community’s aspirations and activities, both
material and immaterial. The Neolithic built environment constituted arenas for symbolic display and ritual activity, which together constituted a multi-modal expression of a community’s ordering of their world, rooting them in space and time.”
Trevor Watkins1
1. Research history, the physical discovery of the tell and its
palisaded enclosure system (1929-1990)
Polgár-Csőszhalom is one of the special complexes within the Late
Neolithic of the Tisza Region (Fig. 1). It has an outstanding importance because
The project is funded by the Hungarian Scientific Research Fund (OTKA Grant NK 101024:
“The complex household network analysis of the late Neolithic settlement at PolgárCsőszhalom”). We wish to thank Alexandra Anders and András Füzesi for their invaluable
help in the evaluation of the ceramic data. The illustrations were prepared by Katalin Sebők.
1
Trevor Watkins, 2008, p. 647.
51
Fig. 1. 1: Polgár-Csőszhalom. The topography of the tell enclosed by a ditch system
and the horizontal settlement with the investigated areas. The reconstruction is based
on magnetometer surveys, field surveys and excavations; 2: Magnetometric plan of
the Polgár-Csőszhalom tell with the excavated areas and the reconstruction of the
ditch and palisade system of Phase I.
52
“Csőszhalom” is known in the literature as the northernmost settlement mound in
Southeastern Europe. Since the early 20th century it has been used as a point of reference, especially within the context of the Neolithic Tisza–Herpály tell cultures of
Eastern Hungary2. The significance of this settlement mound was further enhanced
by the fact that subsequently as a result of complex research a multiple palisaded
enclosure system was identified around it. The greatest diameter of the site3 thus
reached 180–190 m. Meanwhile the “Rondell” system at Csőszhalom and the
structural characteristics of its “gates” bore a clear resemblance to ditched
enclosures of the Central European Lengyel culture known from Transdanubia (i.e.
western Hungary)4. These archaeological results, that is the synthesis of a tell and an
enclosure at Csőszhalom, in themselves, can be seen as being the local manifestation
of connections on a broad scale approximately between 5000 and 4500 BC. Within
this context, Polgár-Csőszhalom and its environment may be regarded as a
monumental and intertwined form of self-representation typical of Central and
Southeastern European cultures at the time. The long-term parallel development of
the tell and the enclosure could be proven. It allows one to conclude that a more-orless homogeneous organizational principle could be harmonically implemented
during their joint formation5.
According to the first geophysical surveys carried out in 1990 the remains of
13‒16 burnt houses could be outlined within the palisaded enclosure system of
Csőszhalom (Fig. 1.2, Fig. 2). On this basis the number of inhabitants could be
estimated between 78–96. This population however looked disproportionately small
in light of the labour-investment required by the construction of the enclosure and
palisade system. Therefore a far large population was hypothesized to have lived in
the proximity of the tell. On this basis, already during the 1990s the earth construction was interpreted as a sort of regional “central place” of symbolic importance6. As
of today, the in situ analysis of special communal activity reconstructed at the site has
increasingly confirmed this idea7. Consequently it may be hypothesized that the construction of the “earthwork” at Csőszhalom involved the mobilization of people
from the broader region of Polgár, thereby creating a symbolic monument of unique
dimensions and regional significance in the Upper Tisza region8. In the Near East,
the beginnings of similar sites, variably identified as “Ritual Centre”, “centre of
congregation” and “assembly place”, were traced back to the Early Neolithic. However, their relation to the domestic sphere remains a complex problem9.
2
Childe, 1929; Tompa, 1929; Bognár-Kutzián, 1966; Bánffy, Bognár-Kutzián, 2007.
Raczky et alii, 1994; Raczky, 1995.
4
Pásztor, P. Barna, 2012; Pásztor et alii, 2014; Bertók, Gáti, 2014, p. 17-93; Petrasch, 2012;
Literski, Nebelsick, 2012.
5
Raczky et alii, 2007; Raczky, Anders, 2008, 35; Raczky, Anders, 2012, p. 289-293, Fig. 16.
6
Raczky et alii, 1994, 234; Raczky, 1995.
7
Raczky, Anders, 2008, p. 40-49; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 60-65.
8
Raczky, Anders, 2008, p. 49.
9
Gebel, Rollefson, 2005; Renfrew, 2013, p. 30-32.
3
53
Fig. 2. Polgár-Csőszhalom. Magnetic anomalies delineating spots of
hypothesized houses in the central area of the enclosure (after Raczky et alii, 2011).
54
2. The discovery and study of the associated horizontal settlement
(1995‒2013) – the “spatial turn” and new ways of interpretation
Within the framework of preventive excavations related to the construction
of a motorway near Csőszhalom first a 24–28 hectares large horizontal settlement
was reconstructed. Subsequently a one km long East–West trench could be investigated in 2010–2011. This section yielded a 38 hectares large settlement around the
previously investigated tell (Fig. 1.1).
The most striking novelty was that the ground plans of 79–80 unburnt houses with 124 associated burials were encountered in the 3.6 hectares section of the
outside, single layer settlement. According to recent calculations, two hundred moreor-less contemporaneous buildings may have coexisted at this horizontal settlement,
yielding an estimate of 1000 inhabitants. This is indicative of a site of outstanding
size and significance in the Eastern half of the Carpathian Basin during the Late
Neolithic10. The aforementioned physical parameters secured a respectable position
for the Csőszhalom site complex even within the context of the European Neolithic,
convincingly illustrated by Johannes Müller11. This demographic concentration of
unusual extent and the integration of settlement is not surprising in itself. A similar
phenomenon, interpretable as a Late Neolithic Lengyel culture “mega-site” has
recently been discovered at Alsónyék‒Bátaszék in Transdanubia. Even the excavated
detail of that settlement measured 25 hectares, but its real extent must have reached
100 hectares. The number of burials recovered was approximately 250012.
Meanwhile Chalcolithic mega-sites have been found in the Trypillia–
Cucuteni culture of Ukraine, Moldova, and North East Romania with the 200–340
hectares horizontal distribution. House numbers varied between 400 and 1960,
opening a new period of interpretation in European prehistoric settlement research13.
Recent excavation results from Polgár-Csőszhalom gave a “spatial turn” to our perception of the site allowing for a novel way of interpretation. First of all, it became
unambiguous that the bipolar spatial system had existed, represented by the duality
between the mound and its enclosures on the one hand and by the surrounding
horizontal settlement on the other14. Hundreds of thousands of ceramic shards, lithic
finds and animal remains recovered during previous years of excavation have partially been analysed. In addition burials have been evaluated on the basis of sex, age
and social status and the natural environment of the site was reconstructed as well15.
Our latest results are supported by over 100 AMS radiocarbon dates, offering a previously unknown, fine grained absolute chronological approach to the
10
Anders, Raczky, 2013; Siklósi, 2013, 240-243, Fig 197.
Müller, 2010, p. 250 (Fig.).
12
Zalai-Gaál et alii, 2012; Osztás et alii, 2012.
13
Chapman et alii, 2014; Rassmann et alii, 2014.
14
Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 65-69.
15
Raczky et alii, in press; Siklósi et alii, in press; Faragó, in press; Anders, Raczky, 2013;
Anders et alii, 2007; Sümegi et alii, 2013.
11
55
internal dynamics of this settlement complex16. On this basis it became possible to
outline different attitudes to time and space in the two radically distinct spatial units
of Polgár-Csőszhalom which made possible the high-resolution study of the rhythm
in archaeologically detectable phenomena. These data have reconfirmed that the
site’s occupation fell between 5105–4855 cal BC and 4500–4450 cal BC.
2.1. Activities
Recent analytical results have also supported previous observations concerning qualitative differences between the two segments of the Csőszhalom site. These
were created by the differential dynamics of the contents, function and communal
organization of activities at the settlement.
One of the best illustrations of this complex phenomenon is the intensive
and intentional burning of houses accompanied by the consumption of meat from large
game on the tell. This was in sharp contrast with the absence of burnt houses from
the horizontal settlement where meat was largely provided by domestic animals17.
This formal duality has also been presumed in relation to Neolithic ritual
activity at the site of Çatalhöyük where diachronic relationships between “lowfrequency, high-arousal” communal events and “high-frequency, low-arousal” types
of action could be traced. Motivation for these types of behaviour could be detected
in the intensity of crop cultivation and the size and density of population18. However, distinguishing between the loci of public feasts and private meals at the tell
settlement looked rather difficult by using archaeological methods, as these two
types of activity were often pursued in close physical proximity to each other. It is
even possible that they frequently were intertwined, simultaneous events. Moreover
the archaeological evidence for feasting and mundane food consumption are difficult
to distinguish from each other19. This, on the other hand, facilitated discussions concerning domestic and ritual time scales associated with the two types of activity20.
In the case of Polgár-Csőszhalom the two spatial segments corresponding to
mundane and ritual activity are represented by the single layer horizontal settlement
and the tell surrounded by enclosures. On the level of macrostructures these two
provided environments where two different concepts of time may have been valid21.
As of today, the mound and its system of enclosures of Csőszhalom cannot be
considered a tell in the conventional meaning of the word. Rather than being an
ordinary settlement, this enclosed area seems to have been separated from the world
of domestic activities. It was a segment of space where there predominantly special
communal rites and feasting must have taken place22.
16
Raczky, Anders, 2010; Raczky et alii, in press; Raczky, Anders, 2014.
Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010; Raczky et alii, 2011; Anders, Raczky,
2013; Csippán, 2014.
18
Whitehouse et alii, 2014, p. 151-152.
19
Twiss, 2012; Verhoven, 2002.
20
Pels, 2010.
21
Raczky, Anders, 2010, Fig 9.
22
Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010, Raczky et alii, 2011.
17
56
This possibility is congruent with the view voiced by Andrew Sherratt. He
posited that a significant number of mounds found along the periphery of the distribution area of tells in the Balkans were “Ersatz-Tells” only of symbolic significance23. According to Dragoș Gheorghiu and George Nash, in these cases a special
syncretism occurred between space, materiality, time and ritual action. It was this
amalgamation that lent symbolic/ritual content to these distinguished loci24. Meanwhile it is important to stress that in the environment of Csőszhalom spheres of ritual
activity may be hypothesised which constituted of different situational groupings
from the population of the horizontal settlement or even from people living at
greater distances. In this case, social groupings involved in ritual action at the tell
did not necessarily correspond in every respect to the social modules of the
population who inhabited the horizontal settlement.
In the relevant case study from Çatalhöyük such groups are labelled “religious coalitions”25. This methodological problem is further complicated by the fact
that in addition to mundane domestic activities, examples of ritual behaviour coreographed at a low-level of social integration may also be seen at the horizontal settlement of the Polgár-Csőszhalom. The spatial distribution of figurines as well as structured deposits recovered from wells represent this form of social embedding26.
Similarly to the example of Çatalhöyük, it is impossible to distinguish between the
material evidence of ritual and secular activities in the external, horizontal settlement of Csőszhalom where communities were organized on a lower, modular level27.
This clearly supports the multi-layered and multi-scalar nature of Late Neolithic
communities within the Polgár-Csőszhalom settlement28 as well as the existence of
ritual communities both on a small and a large social scale29.
2.2. Time
The multiscale spatial determination outlined above holds true for the entire
formation and development of tells in Southeast Europe as well as the artificial mound
of Csőszhalom30. One of the aims of ritual activities pursued in a monumental environment is the broadening of the time dimension of communal existence. This is of
help in codifying the long-term preservation of current relationships and social
values31. This extended temporality meant the filling of the dimensions of the world
between “heaven” and “earth” and even underneath with new types of action. This
23
Sherratt, 2005, p. 123.
Gheorghiu, Nash, 2013, p. 9-10.
25
Whitehouse, Hodder, 2010, p. 134-137.
26
Raczky, 2002; Anders, Raczky, 2013; Sebők et alii, 2013.
27
Brück, 1999; Lewis, Williams, 2004, p. 32-33; Kuijt, 2005.
28
Watkins, 2004, 19-20; Salisbury, 2012.
29
Bulbulia et alii, 2013, p. 390.
30
Furholt, Müller, 2011; Hofmann, 2012; Parkinson-Gyucha, 2012; Raczky, in press.
31
Bradley, 1991; Bradley, 1999, p. 90-99.
24
57
may be seen as a form of “construction” on the extant side32, which was of help in
mapping time to a new space section33.
Adopting this approach one may say that sequential layers within the corpora
of tells are the physical incarnations of time scales for long-term space-time-metaphors34, a form of a cultural memory35. In other words, tells as monuments may be
considered material manifestations of External Symbolic Storage, special manifestations of collective memory36, which may be juxtaposed against lifeworld communicative memory and with its temporality respectively37. These considerations are of
help in outlining two systems of reference regarding time and space in Neolithic cultures in Europe, as has recently been summarized by Martin Furholt and Johannes
Müller38.
From this point of view European outlines of the concept of monuments
may be interpreted as a long term time dimension in the 5th millennium BC. Prehistoric communities that created monuments in earth or stone during that time composed geometrical structures often of immense dimensions stepping across spatiality
as experienced in everyday life. They created spaces of eternity for their own use.
These monumental loci of special architecture in the meantime are broad spectrum
media of varying complexity. They bear communal, ritual, cosmic and even metric
connotations. In summary they may be regarded as commemorative means showing
efforts of large communities to preserve their traditions and values39.
Within this context, similarly to megalithic monuments, tells may be considered monumental buildings. In accordance with M. Furholt and J. Müller, they may
be seen as indexial signs referring to the communities which were involved in the
actions associated with the earthen mound40. In addition to representing a long-term
ritual time dimension with its vertical stratigraphy in a linear fashion the “tell” of
Polgár-Csőszhalom also captured the cyclical nature of time. This can be seen in the
system of circular ditches and and “gates”. Evidence of such chronotopes are also
known in other contemporaneous contexts in Europe41. Consequently, on the basis
of the duality of the tell and its enclosures the duality of linear and cyclical perceptions of ritual time may be hypothesised at this site42.
32
Bailey 2000, p. 174-176; Chapman et alii, 2006, p. 20-22; Neustupný, 2006, 4.
Majid et alii, 2013.
34
Chapman, 1997, p. 37-38; Sherratt, 1997, p. 22; Whittle, 2003, p. 124; Evans, 2005, p.
120.
35
Assmann, 1992.
36
Renfrew, 1998.
37
Assmann, 1992.
38
Furholt, Müller, 2011.
39
Biehl, 2010, p. 234-238; Scarre, 2011.
40
Furholt, Müller, 2011, p. 17.
41
Bailey, 1993; Neustupný, 2006, 4; Biehl, 2010; Pásztor et alii, 2014.
42
Morley, 2010, p. 13-17.
33
58
2.3. Monumentality
Monumental constructions in Europe may often be found in clusters within
microregions forming integrative systems of ritual topography on a regional scale,
thereby defining the ranges of interpretation for emotional and mnemonic geographies. These aid information retention by translating it into forms that the brain can
retain more efficiently than the original format. Mnemonic loci function in addition
to scenes of mundane daily activities43. Loci of varying determinations represent chronotopes that determine how configurations of time and space are represented in a
particular discourse. Associations between simultaneous events define their topographic relationships through their different configurations of time and space thereby
yielding a new chronotopic framework for the mode of discourse44. An important
development in the research of Csőszhalom was the discovery of a previously
unknown second enclosure during geophysical surveys in 2013, located some 200 m
Southwest of the tell/enclosure system investigated. The diameters of the round
enclosure ranged between 55–60 m but it had no traces of a mound in the middle.
Preliminary research has shown that this feature was in use parallel with the main tell/
enclosure system. Therefore it may be presumed that the two systems formed the
two main foci of ritual activities organized in a special manner within the same time
period.
3. Beginnings of the Csőszhalom tell
The simultaneous development of the palisaded tell/enclosure system of
Csőszhalom followed harmonic pace. The rhythm of vertical and horizontal expansion suggests that the time of their establishment was synchronous and took place
between c.a. 4825–4745 cal BC45 (Fig. 3). This may have been the time when it
became separated from the single layered horizontal settlement that was the scene of
locally articulated, imagistic modes of rituals heavily relying on the precision of
imagery by developing a clear and sharp visual language. This newly created segment
in space served as a ritual arena for doctrinal rituals that mobilized major communities, and was manifested in the creation of architectural elements of an eternal cosmos.
This model somewhat rests on the physical affiliation of ritual interactions as has
been outlined in the archaeological case study of Çatalhöyük46. The special feature
of Csőszhalom is that the corpus of the mound is no longer a humble mundane dwelling, a tell in the classical meaning of the word. It became a public building, serving
as an architectural backup for an institutionalized cognitive-ritual agency47. It is easy
to imagine that this monumental construction and the entirety of the external, horizontal settlement operated in a particular duality during the Late Neolithic in this
area. This arrangement mirrored the time/space patterns of the coevolution between
43
Harris, 2010.
Lemke, 2004; Lemke, 2005; Davies et alii, 2013; Gheorghiu, Nash, 2013, p. 6.
45
Raczky, Anders, 2014.
46
Whitehouse, Hodder, 2010.
47
Raczky, Anders, 2008, 49; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 63-71; Birch, 2013, 13-15.
44
59
Fig. 3. Polgár-Csőszhalom. Simplified modell of the
vertical stratigraphy of the tell.
ritual and society in the Eastern half of the Carpathian Basin48. It is suggested here
that the existence of this dual system at Csőszhalom guaranteed a functional control
of multidimensional daily tensions that kept emerging in the realm of mundane activities. From time to time these tensions were resolved by performing rituals and
feasting on a broad communal basis within a designated symbolic space. In essence,
this phenomenon outlines a network-mode of communal organization that corresponded to self-organization rooted in communal solidarity49. Institutionalized control
expressed in the time/space relations of tells and the reflection of such trends on a
regional scale were illustrated by archaeozoological data from the Gumelnița culture
48
49
Marcus, Flannery, 2004.
Trebsche, 2010, p. 159-164; Kienlin, 2012, p. 273.
60
in Southeastern Europe50.
Interpreting the emergence and architectural development of the Csőszhalom “tell” as consciously building a communal feature has stimulated different
opinions in the relevant archaeological literature. Quoting an earlier stand taken by
John Chapman: “The phrase ‘tell formation’ is, I believe, inappropriate, for it carries
implications of future action not present in the initial act”. In his opinion, “the
physical transformation of a tell-to-be into a tell” represents only a random outcome
of the contingent possibilities51. This statement can be best countered by the opinion
of Roland Fletcher: ‟If externals defined form then consistency of heritage and hence
traditions would vanish, since every specific external circumstance would be continually introducing arbitrary new variants into the replicative process. This alone
suggests that the concept of ‘culture’ as Lamarckian is mistaken.”52
It seems that the constructed corpus of a mound, with its physical-visual
appearance, materialised a new dimension, a special potential that included the immanent meaning of monumentality, i.e. mounds were built to be remembered. Meanwhile the vertical definition of tells in space may be seen as a new metaphor for
temporality, that is a “time capsule” firmly defined in space. By certain communal
considerations it played roles in physically representing concepts of “above and
underneath” and helped spiritually settling in the dimensions of “future and past” for
the community or even broader communities53.
Within this chain of thoughts the concepts of “building and dwelling” are
worth considering separately. They evidently lead to the study by Martin Heidegger
entitled “Bauen-Wohnen-Denken” that was also made available in English54. It inspired Tim Ingold to his independent archaeological interpretation of “Building, dwelling, living” and the concept of dwelling perspective widely discussed in the English
language archaeological literature55. Re-phrasing Heidegger, stating that “only if we
are capable for dwelling, only then can we build”, it becomes evident that construction in practice is always preceded by the envisioning of form and practical way
of realization in advance56. Studying this question from a practical point of view the
conclusions are as follows: as the idea of a mound is conceived as a consequence of
communication within a group of shared identity, a likewise shared image is embodied
in the spatiality of a mental map. This is followed by the practical realization of the
mental construction through which the tell is fit within the landscape.
Within this frame of reference the beginnings of tells such as laying the
foundations of the architecture at Csőszhalom may be considered the outcome of
communal decision-making. From this point of view, the emergence of the tells can
50
Bréhard, Bălăşescu, 2010, p. 3179-3181.
Chapman, 1997, p. 143.
52
Fletcher, 2004, p. 125.
53
Heidegger, 1971, p. 218.
54
Heidegger, 1971, p. 141-159.
55
Ingold, 2005, p. 172-188.
56
Ingold, 2005, p. 186.
51
61
not be the result of random coincidences. It is suggested here that the formation of
tells was not simply determined by circumstances “then and there” and environmental conditions. Interrelated levels of conscious human decision making also
played a fundamental role within the realm of mental space. In other words, tells as
habitation monuments are specific manifestations of communal identity expressed
by means of architecture57. This system of arguments is capable of answering the
question posed in the title of a treatise written by Eva Rosenstock: “Entstehen
Siedlungshügel‚ von selbst?”58.
4. A special building in the centre of the Csőszhalom “tell”
As it was already indicated by the first geomagnetic mapping of the Csőszhalom tell, there was a certain regularity in the spatial structuring of the features of
the mound protruding from the landscape within the enclosure. It was clearly visible
that in a distinguished position large buildings stood in the middle of the enclosure
surrounded by a system of circular ditches (Fig. 1.2, Fig. 2). They were surrounded
by likewise large structures. On the basis of magnetic anomalies the number of these
latter buildings was estimated as 13–16, subsequently modified to between 15–20.
At a certain point in time the agglomeration of buildings in the center were surrounded
by 34–38 smaller houses arranged in a circle of 35–40 m in diameter59.
These constructional zones, identifiable proceeding from the centre toward
the periphery were evidently not created at the same time. It is rather a special sort
of macro-architecture that was created by continuous horizontal expansion. This
pattern, as well as the concentric system of ditches and palisades is indicative of a
“group design”60. Similar macro-structures, composed of houses and concentric
ditches have been well known from this time period. In addition to Iclod61, Uivar62,
Okoliste63 recently the site of Szentpéterszeg-Kovadomb64 has shown yet another
characteristic example how Southeast European varieties had spread. At the majority
of these settlements the internal space also mirrors the continuously changing vertical world of the tell. Similar concentric patterns, largely represented by burnt houses,
were identified at “mega-sites” related to the Trypilia–Cucuteni cultures where
numerous parallels are known to exist65. In fact, as complex systems, they could justifiably be called “habitation monuments”66. In the case under discussion here, however, the creation of architectural spaces remains within a two dimensional plane.
57
Sherratt, 1997, p. 22.
Rosenstock, 2010, p. 1.
59
Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 62-64, Fig. 6, Fig. 9.
60
Raczky et alii, 1994, p. 232-233; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 59-64.
61
Mischka, 2010, p. 75-77; Ibidem, 2012, p. 154-159.
62
Schier, Draşovean, 2004, p. 150-154; Ibidem, 2010, p. 172-184.
63
Hofmann et alii, 2010; Müller et alii, 2013; Hofmann, Müller, Scheeßel 2013, p. 99-101;
Erkul et alii, 2013, p. 111.
64
Raczky et alii, in press.
65
Chapman et alii, 2014; Rassmann et alii, 2014.
66
Sherratt, 1997.
58
62
During the study of the internal spatial partitioning of Csőszhalom a special
question rose: what was the relationship between the communal background of the
architectural structures represented in the ritual field of activity and the social
groupings associated with buildings in the external, horizontal settlements? In other
words, was there a correspondence between physical formations of the ritual and
secular communities? In addition to the burials found on the mound, there were
large “houses” of central location surrounded by rings of larger and smaller buildings. What types of communal activity modules did this layout signalise in the
ritual arena of the tell67? If Csőszhalom is regarded the potential environment of a
centre of congregation, one may also reckon with periodical visits by groups of people
arriving from longer distances. This, however, makes it more difficult to distinguish
between assemblages of people.
Already the first exploratory borings at Csőszhalom indicated that the culture
bearing layer, varying between 280–400 cm in thickness, consisted of at least three
consecutive layers of burnt architectural remains (Fig. 3). In fact, it was this triple
layer stratigraphy that was confirmed by the first verifying excavations at the site
directed by Ida Bognár-Kutzián in 195768. The same three burnt layers were documented in the test trench opened in the central section of the tell (Square IV). At this
spot, proceeding from above, the burnt rubble of buildings 7, 8, and 9, as well as 11
could be archaeologically identified in limited detail. The associated stratigraphic
sequence is characterized by the 4825–4745 cal BC and 4500–4455 cal BC AMS
dates69. In spite of the small area of the excavation surface, a number of special artefactual assemblages were recovered in this space segment of central location. Within
the diachronic context of consecutive layers they pointed beyond the mundane
sphere of life70. In their entirety these phenomena supported the view that the central
buildings and their immediate environments on the Csőszhalom tell served
consistently as venues for special activity for a long time as is indicated by the
presence of unusual, non-mundane artefacts in the find material unearthed here. A
small assemblage of miniature objects and real tools (already published several
times) is of special interest in this regard. A new dimension in the interpretation of
these objects was recognized under the inspiration of a paper written on the topic by
Carl Knappett71. On the basis of his analysis it may be said that these miniature
objects are scale-free representations and as such they are universal in their relation
to infinite time. In other words, condensed space expressed by these scaled-down
objects concentrate essential tokens of eternity into a given time horizon. Thereby
they create a range of interpretation subject to modelling that corresponds to a
concentrated semiotic network. Miniature objects construct a space and perspectives
for playing in the world of eternity but experienced within a physical environment.
67
Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 63-64; Siklósi, 2013, p. 235-238, Fig. 196.
Bánffy, Bognár-Kutzián, 2007, Fig. 11.
69
Raczky et alii, in press.
70
Raczky et alii, 1966; Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010, p. 149-150.
71
Knappet, 2012.
68
63
Fig. 4. Polgár-Csőszhalom, analysis of calibrated radiocarbon dates from “House 11”.
1: str. 952, attic’s level; 2: str. 993, first floor level; 3: modelled dates of the “house”.
64
Fig. 5. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”,
burnt rubble of the uppermost roof and wall structure.
Fig. 6. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”,
burnt layer of the loft or attic.
65
Fig. 7. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”,
burnt layer of the first floor level.
Fig. 8. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”,
ground floor level, with bedding trenches and pits.
66
Fig. 9. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”. 1‒4, 6: decorated wall remains;
5: wall decoration in the form of a bull head.
67
The earliest building in the centre of the Csőszhalom tell has entered the
archaeological record as “House 11”. Its heavily burnt archaeological remains were
identified right above the ancient humus layer72. The two AMS radiocarbon dates
obtained so far outline the 4785–4725 cal BC time interval (Fig. 4). This means that
the clear traces of settlement detectable all over the Csőszhalom site are somewhat
earlier (4825–4745 cal BC)73. Prior to the construction of “House 11” the area had
already been in use as is proven by various pits recovered from underneath the building’s floor. The most important observation made during the course of excavating
this feature was that, covered by the layer of burnt rubble (Fig. 5), joists of an attic
or second floor (Fig. 6) and a first floor (Fig. 7) as well as a warped, depressed floor
level (Fig. 8) could be clearly distinguished from each other. These distinct strata
have unambiguously indicated that at the beginning of the tell a two storey edifice
was erected in its central location. This type of architecture was particularly
noteworthy because no similarly structured building could be observed either among
the 80 known houses of the horizontal settlement or the 10 buildings excavated on the
tell. It is also important that the burnt wattle and daub preserved the meandering
patterns that had once decorated the external wall surface (Fig. 9.1‒4, 6), as well as
the heavily fragmented remnants of a bucranium that had been fastened to the wall
(Fig. 9.5). This discovery also gives further emphasis to the special appearance and
concomitant importance of the entire building. The wall structure built on bedding
trenches clearly outlined the house that could be traced over 9 m (Fig. 8).
Unfortunately, the western end of this structure fell beyond the legally defined
excavation area. Meanwhile the foundation trenches outlined a 4 m wide internal
space. Meanwhile it is worth emphasizing that the bedding trench system itself is a
technical solution74 that is unique within the Polgár-Csőszhalom settlement. As a
curiosity it is worth mentioning that out of the 1493 known buildings at the site of
Maidanetske in the Ukraine all 9 special communal buildings were built using a
similar, “Wandgräbchen” type of structure as could be clearly recognized on the
output on magnetometric investigations75.
The two storey house built on the ancient soil of Csőszhalom must have expressed the same aspiration as the corpus of the tell that subsequently accumulated
on top of its ruins. It played the role of a specific point from which spatial elements
can be surveyed on the tell’s horizon. Meanwhile this structure is also visible from
all angles from the outside. It thus represents the principle of “to see and to be seen”,
expressing a desire for inter-visibility76. Three dimensional human vision is realized
in terms of the “point of isovist” system which is an essential and immanent human
property. Isovist is the volume of space visible from a specific point, including the
72
Raczky, Anders, 2008, p. 41.
Raczky, Anders, 2014.
74
Gheorghiu, 2009, p. 56-57.
75
Rassmann et alii, 2014, p. 119-120, Fig. on page 114.
76
Gheorghiu, 2008, p. 170.
73
68
specification of the location of that point. Isovists are by definition three-dimensional.
Every point in physical space has an isovist associated with it.
A factual element in this system is the perception of space. Vision is generated by the inter-visibility of objects. Therefore space in this sense is not an a priori
given backdrop. It is a constructed world of its own elements77. In the case of
Csőszhalom it is evident that the two storey building erected at a central locus did
not simply emerge from the spatial configuration represented by the set of dwellings
in its surroundings. Nevertheless its development resulted in a visual rearrangement
of the space, contributing to new mental map by vertically expanding the horizon of
the single layer habitation area and directing attention to the newly generated distinguished locus. This theory is consonant with the observation that one of the “gates”
of the enclosure surrounding the Csőszhalom tell is oriented Northeast toward the
point where the silhouette of Tokaj hill, a peak of volcanic origins can be clearly
seen78. A comparable visual patterning is suggested by a special mural from Neolithic
Çatalhöyük. This “map” shows the bulk of groundplans of the settlement below the
image of the monumental Hasan Dağ volcano79. In light of these considerations the
question should be naturally posed: “In other words, is the ground we walk on also,
and inevitably, a ground against which things ‘stand out’ as foci of attention, or can
it be a focus in itself ?”80
The number one consequence of creating new spatial configurations by erecting unusually large architectural features is that in the background of the visual field
expanded along the vertical dimension the Sun, the Moon and various stars become
a striking visual elements. This way simultaneously existing relations are permeated
by visual elements of the cosmical world. Within this frame of reference it cannot be
considered accidental that miniature artefactual assemblages occur in the contexts of
Neolithic and Aeneolithic tell settlements of Southeastern Europe in which representations of the Sun play a central role. On this basis it looks evident that clay Sun discs
occurred among the special small finds recovered at Csőszhalom81.
Most recently a burnt two storey building has been recovered at the VinčaPločnik culture settlement of Crkvine-Stublina in 2008. This structure indubitably
was of symbolic function within the life of a broad social grouping of the settlement.
In addition to several peculiar settlement features, this building contained, among
others, 43 anthropomorphic clay figurines which had formed 8 groups in front of an
oven82. It may be speculated that they represented some sort of a group identity. In
relation to these finds the excavator placed a special emphasis on the existence of
77
Hillier, 2014, p. 19-20.
Raczky et alii, 2002, p. 137-140.
79
Ülkekul, 1999, p. 44-55.
80
Ingold, 2011, p. 45.
81
Todorova, 1982, p. 67-77; Höckmann, 1999, p. 271-272; Ursulescu, Tencariu, 2008, p. 98;
Pásztor et alii, 2008, p. 918-921; Raczky et alii, 1996, p. 18-19; Raczky, Anders, 2008, p.
41-42, Fig. 3: 1-3.
82
Crnobrnja et alii, 2009; Crnobrnja, 2011, Fig. 8; Fig. 10; Idem, 2012.
78
69
Vinča Period multi-level houses and the existence of an attic-like feature. Adam N.
Crnobrnja cited similar examples from the sites of Parța, Opovo and Uivar83, relying
on the data of Gheorghe and Cornelia-Magda Lazarovici’s great summarizing monograph84. Another two storey building was found at Crkvine-Stublina in 2010. The
massive wall structure of this feature was special as it was made of planks. According to the excavator, special artefactual assemblages and furnishings within the inner
space seem to support the idea that everyday and religious activities overlapped in
the inside of the building85. It seems that one of the earliest examples of such buildings with special architecture was published by Stefan Hiller from the cultural environment of Karanovo III. He reviewed parallels and traced the influence of such
structures into the architectural type manifested in Greek temples86.
Henrietta Todorova relies on the aeneolitic tells from Bulgaria, Ovčarovo,
Poljanica, Radingrád to present several storeys high “Zentralhaus” types with multistorey structure, meanwhile their find material is unusually “rich” as well. She also
published clay house models from Poljanitza which unambiguously show multi-storey
buildings87.
Presenting these ideas was aimed at helping to interpret the role of the two
storey building brought to light at Polgár-Csőszhalom in the creation of a new perception of space, including the definition of a ritual space. By reviewing a few contemporaneous parallels an attempt was made to outline the general environment where
similar buildings have been found.
5. Possible connections between the Csőszhalom tell and a special
building (“House 11”) within
The aforementioned archaeological sources offer evidence that multi-storey
buildings are well-known in the Neolithic and Aeneolithic of Southeastern Europe.
They either possess a special function within horizontal settlements or are the frequented central buildings of tells. Among the examples the cases cited from Bulgaria
show that at those sites the multi-storey buildings formed an organic bond with the
tell. The two architectural units merged into a single logical unit. It is thus suggested
that such an essential connection also existed between the multi-storey building and
the tell in the case of Csőszhalom as well. Meanwhile it also seems clear that erecting
the multi-storey building was the material representation of a symbolic act which
marked a distinguished point at the site thereby turning its environment into a ritual
sphere.
Csőszhalom was built within the already existing settlement. The fact of erecting this building created a new dimension, providing the environment for communal
activity. It may also have meant defining the beginning and the axis of a new local
“chronology”. In essence this ritual gesture kick-started the periodical expansion of
83
Crnobrnja, 2012, p. 159 and footnote 10.
Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2006, p. 287-291.
85
Crnobrnja, 2012a, p. 48-49, 61-62.
86
Hiller, 2001.
87
Todorova 1982, p. 36-37, Abb. 25. 2-3.
84
70
this monumental corpus of communal identity, that is the “life” of the mound. John
Chapman and Bisserka Gaydarska essentially arrived to the same conclusion sudying
the aeneolithic tell settlement at Dolnoslav. At that site the population that opened a
new settlement horizon on the tell created an elevated platform in the middle of the
tell and placed the shards of special vessels within. These remains were seen by the
authors as an initial deposit. Subsequently found assemblages from burned down buildings were not described as living assemlages as they did not reflect the everyday
social and economic activities of inhabitants of the mound88. It cannot be considered
an accident that previously the entire tell at Dolnoslav and its set of buildings especially were regarded as a “temple centre”89.
Human self representation through the reorganization of space was often
manifested by creating the unity of the tell and a communal building. From time to
time this resulted in comparable settlement patterns during European Prehistory being
indicative of cyclical social processes in the background.
Investigations of European pile dwellings by Renate Ebersbach were illustrated by the example of Marin-Les Piécettes in Canton Neuchâtel, Switzerland, on
the western shore of Neuenburgersee. At this site a “Kultgebäude” with special dimension was erected on top of the artificial mound accumulated in the middle of the settlement. The individual external appearance of this building was accentuated by the
design painted on its walls90. This was indicative of the organic relationship between
the communal building and the mound and may be interpreted as a special spatial
language used in articulating group identity.
In general, numerous examples dated to the Neolithic and Aeneolithic of
Europe show that buildings of symbolic functions did exist. They appear under a
broad range of synonims in the literature such as “shrine”, “sanctuary”, “sacred
house”, “Tempel”, “Kultgebäude”, “Kultstätte” etc91. The probably most beautiful set
of such buildings was found at the site of Parța (Romania). This complex contained
special artefacts and its spectacular reconstruction for a museum exhibit was prepared by Gheorghe Lazarovici92.
6. Artifactual associations of the special building at the Csőszhalom tell
Reconstructing the function of the two storey building erected in the middle
of the Csőszhalom tell requires the careful study of the artefactual assemblage found
within. As was established before, the majority of objets had been evacuated before
“House 11” was intentionally burned down. Consequently, the analysis had to be
based on ceramics found in statistically meaningful numbers. Pottery, however,
88
Chapman, Gaydarska, 2007, p. 113, 116.
Radunčeva, 1991.
90
Ebersbach, 2010, p. 194-195, Abb. 1.
91
Müller, Karpe, 1968, p. 345-348; Gimbutas, 1974, p. 67-85; Idem, 1980; Kalicz, Raczky,
1987, p. 22-23; Raczky, 1995, p. 84; Tringham, Conkey, 1998, p. 41-42; Höckmann, 1999;
Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2009; Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2010; Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2013.
92
Lazarovici, 1989; Lazarovici et alii, 2001, p. 204-246; Draşovean, Schier, 2010, p. 167-169.
89
71
illustrates only one particular aspect of internal space use. The aim of these studies
was to gain quantitative data concerning the characteristics of shape and decoration
of the ceramics recovered from this distinguished area in order to compare them to
shards found in the mundane artefactual contexts of the external, horizontal settlement. Beyond these observations, recognizable patterns in assemblages of particular
styles of pottery are of help in reconstructing group identities and the general significatory role of such structured ceramic assemblages and their functions in the social
modules of everyday life. In addition attempts were made to identify and compare
these shards to the distribution of material recovered from pits dug into the ancient
soil underneath “House 11” that may be considered antecedents of this feature of prominent importance. A similar approach is reflected in the work of Adam N. Crnobrnja
who presented the find material from a partly two storey, burned down building (No.
1/2010) found at the site of Crkvine-Stublina, Serbia93. In order to determine the
relations of this assemblage with the rest of the site, the results were compared with
the signatures of ceramic materials from a selection of pits representing the lowermost horizon of the tell (= First Pit Horizon unit, FPH) and that of a previously evaluated, although possibly partially later units from the horizontal settlement (stratigraphical unit 932‒953)94. The preparation of the material and the method of evaluation was identical in all three cases to enable the possibly best comparability of the
results.
6.1. Selection and condition of source materials
In the case of “House 11”, all non-closed stratigraphical units related to the
feature (associated with the cleaning of the debris) were excluded from the analysis,
leaving the ceramic material from the clearing of the roof and wall debris and the
two joists (str. 922‒960, 965, 978‒1015), the cleaning of the floor (str. 1033‒1034)
and the infill of the trenches related to the building’s foundation (str. 1025, 1031).
The FPH unit, representing the preceding (and according to our current knowledge, first) activity horizon in the tell area consists of all closed features in direct
physical connection with “House 11”, including pits str. 1036, 1037, 1045, 1049,
1050, 1051, 1055 and 1057. In the case of this group the distribution of ceramic material is far from even: the majority of the sherds belong to str. 1050 (72,91%) and
1051 (9,75%). The other unit selected for comparison from the horizontal settlement
includes the ceramic material of a large pit complex (Features 932 and 953).
Due to multiple factors, some of which were impossible to completely eliminate, one must deal with certain limitations regarding the comparability of the three
units. These limitations will be pointed out individually at every relevant stage of the
evaluation process. An already mentioned issue is the possible temporal shift between
the features of the tell and of the horizontal settlement. From the statistical point of
93
Crnobrnja, 2012a.
From a chronological point of view the selected unit is one of the closests to “House 11”,
with a slight overlap between their probable lifespans. Currently the problem of temporal difference cannot be fully eliminated, as none of the excavated features of the horizontal settlement are dated from the exact time period of “House 11”.
94
72
view, another concern is represented by the different conditions of the source of information. In the case of the large horizontal settlement every undecorated wall fragment
was eliminated from the ceramic material by the time of analysis. On the other hand,
ceramic assemblages from the tell remained intact. To resolve this problem in the case
of the tell two sets of evaluations were carried out: one on the full material, and one
without the undecorated wall fragments to make the two sets directly comparable.
The third major concern is the marked difference in the quantities of the find material:
there are 3081 vessel fragments from “House 11” (only 1137 excluding undecorated
wall fragments), while only 1844 (804 vessels) from the unit representing the preceding horizon. The unit of the horizontal settlement yielded 3389 vessel fragments
not including undecorated wall fragments.
6.2. Evaluation of the ceramic material
6.2.1. Fragmentation. The material of both tell units was exceptionally fragmentary. The main fragmentation index95 for “House 11” is 1,1768, and even lower,
only 1,1002 in the case of the FPH unit. The indices rose after the elimination of
undecorated wall fragments: the values are 1,4002 for “House 11”, and 1,2219 for
the FPH unit. Under these conditions the main fragmentation index of the “regular”
waste from features 932‒953 on the horizontal settlement is 1,2148.
Main fragmenFeature
No. of fragments
No. of vessels
tation index
No. of all fragments
“House 11”
3081
2618
1,1768
FPH unit
1844
1676
1.1002
No. without undecorated wall fragments
“House 11”
1137
812
1.4002
FPH unit
804
658
1,2219
Features 932‒953
4117
3389
1.2148
The fragmentation profile of the three units registers very well: basically there are no
whole or less fragmentary vessels in neither of them. In this respect “House 11” seems
to be outstanding, as its ceramic material consists exclusively of very small proportions of vessels.
6.2.2. Typological identification and type distribution. Due to the fragmented
state of the ceramic material the identification of the vessel types was relatively less
successful compared to the unit of the horizontal settlement. The proportion of the at
least partially identified vessel types in the case of “House 11” is 13,59% (43,84
%)96, in the FPH unit 9,3% (36,2%), while at the 932-953 unit 47%.
95
A simple fragmentation index is calculated here as the quotient of the number of fragments
and the respective number of vessels.
96
Numbers in parentheses represent values calculated without undecorated side fragments.
These values may only be representative compared to the similar indices of the horizontal
settlement.
73
The basic type distribution in the case of “House 11” and the FPH unit
registers very well, while both differ significantly from the inventory of the
horizontal settlement’s unit (Fig. 10).
Fig. 10. Distribution of basic types in the materials of the three selected units.
Looking at the level of basic types the most significant differences are the
preference of bowls (~40%) and jars (~25%) over cups. The almost complete lack of
bins, lids and sieves may be due to the differences in absolute numbers97.
Fig. 11. Distribution of type groups in the materials of the three selected units.
A comparison between the inventories on the level of type groups (Fig. 11)
allows for the description of this dissimilarity more precisely. In contrast with the
abundance of the so-called vessels with shifting cross-section (C1 group) in the
horizontal settlement unit such forms rarely appear in the materials of the two tell
units, where the presence of the fine, closed cups (C2 group) is proportionally also
less pronounced. Smaller differences appear in the case of the jars (preference of the
low-shouldered F1 and F2 variant groups in the tell materials instead of the
97
Raczky et alii, in press, fig. 5.
74
amphora-like F3 group) and the bowls (marked preference of the biconical B4
variants instead of the conical B1 & B2 variant groups). The tell materials are also
characterized by the lack of the E1 and E2 vessel groups. It must be noted, that even
on this level the distribution of the two tell units registers very well98. To sum up the
results of the typological analysis it may also be concluded, that while the composition of the ceramic inventory of the analyzed units of both the horizontal settlement
and the tell shows proportional dissimilarity, the type variants of the two areas are
basically the same.
6.2.3. Patterns and styles. Due to the large number of relevant variables and
the highly fragmentary state of the ceramic material in all three units the evaluation
of the ceramic decoration was carried out on the basis of individual occurrences.
“House 11” provided altogether 494 examples, the FPH unit 147, while the 932‒953
feature complex 444 (which makes it well comparable with the house). These numbers
are already telling, as in the case of “House 11” the number is proportionate with a
vessel number (812) that is only about the fourth of that of the horizontal settlement’s unit (3389) for a similar value, suggesting that in the former case the proportion of vessels with painted or incised decoration is significantly higher (with a basic
index of 0,603 for “House 11” and 0,131 for the 932‒953 unit). The respective index
of the FPH unit (0,398) loosely correlates with that of “House 11”.
As is the case of the horizontal settlement, the most characteristic techniques
of decoration in the selected units of the tell are wide-band black painting, incised
decorations (sometimes with complementary red and/or white painting), and, to a
lesser extent, resin-coating and straw inlay patterns. Less frequent techniques include
red coating, thin line black pattern painting, a mix of incised patterns and black
painting, and the exceptionally rare red painting, white slip and black painting on
white slip (Fig. 17, 2). In addition to yielding examples of shards made using all these
techniques, “House 11” contained three (and the FPH unit six more) sherds from redand-yellow painted bowls of the Early Lengyel Culture (Fig. 16. 1‒2). As of today
such variability has not yet been detected in any processed feature of the settlement.
The distribution of decoration by technology (Fig. 12) shows slight differences between the three units, with an unusual abundance of resin-coating and straw
inlay decorations in “House 11”, and a marked preference for patterned black painting over any other technique in complex 932‒953 of the horizontal settlement.
A statistical comparison between the motif sets’ constitution could be carried
out only in the cases of the two main techniques (Fig. 13). The relatively high proportion of zigzag- and deltoid-based patterns in the material of the horizontal settlement is prominent both with incised and black painted decorations, while line-based,
meandric and step-based motifs seem to appear more frequently in the tell materials
(Fig. 19).
98
The evaluation was also carried out on the level of exact type variants, but due to the
relatively small number of cases and large sets of variables, its results cannot be regarded
conclusive.
75
To reveal possible connections between technique, pattern and vessel type
motifs were charted accordingly. Although (due to the highly fragmentary state of the
material from the tell) only a small proportion of the decorations could be linked with
vessel types or positions, even fragmentary results offer great addition to a detailed
characterization of ceramic styles at the Csőszhalom settlement.
Fig. 12. Distribution of decorational elements by technique in the
materials of the three selected units.
Fig. 13. Distribution of incised and black painted decorational elements
in the material of the three selected units.
In the case of the horizontal settlement the vast majority (93%) of black
painted, zigzag- and deltoid based patterns appear on bowls and pedestalled bowls
(including the individual pedestal fragments) and sometimes on the shoulders of jars.
In this case the decoration of the bowls’ body (but not the pedestals) and the jars are
often enriched by motifs of other groups of structures. In the case of “House 11” and
76
the FPH unit the same type groups are decorated, but black pattern painting also
appears on fine, small cups occasionally. The patterns include motifs of a line-, meandric or step-based structure much more frequently (Fig. 14. 1‒2), while the proportion
of pedestals is significantly lower (almost zero in the case of the FPH unit). Decoration on the shoulders and necks of jars seems to be more frequent in comparison with
the horizontal settlement’s material (Fig. 15). The set of motifs, especially in the case
of the First Pit Horizon, shows significantly greater variability including several unique varieties. In the tell materials the connection between pedestals and patterns
with zigzag- and deltoid-based motifs seems to be still valid, but of less importance.
Fig. 14. Polgár-Cssőszhalom, chart displaying the most frequent
pattern structures and their variations in the material under study.
While in complex 932‒953 of the horizontal settlement incised decorations
(exclusive of reed impression patterns) are limited to flowerpots, in the tell material
they appear on the necks and shoulders of small, biconical jugs as well. The majority
of the mostly meandric and step-based motifs have their analogies in the textile
decoration of the Tisza Culture (Fig. 17. 1‒3). In this respect there is no difference
between the variations of the technique (e.g. incision with complementary red and/or
white painting), except for the combination of incision and black painting, as a few
examples in this case display zigzag- or deltoid-based patterns which are usually
characteristic to black painted decoration (Fig. 14. 3).
77
Fig. 15. 1‒2: Black painted pottery (1: “House 11”, floor,
str. 1033; 2: Feature 237, First Pit Horizon); 3: Fragment
of an incised pedestal with black auxiliary painting
(“House 11”, rubble, str. 936).
Fig. 16. Polgár-Csőszhalom, Black painted pottery.
1: “House 11”, debris, str. 961;
2: Feature 237, First Pit Horizon.
78
Fig. 17. Polgár-Csőszhalom, 1‒2: Early Lengyel
type bowl fragments (Feature 237, First Pit Horizon;
3‒4: vessel fragments with incised decoration inspired
by the Samborzec ceramic style
(“House 11”, debris, str. 962, 969).
Fig. 18. Polgár-Csőszhalom, 1‒3: Vessel fragments with
decorations of the Tisza Culture; 4: Rare painted bowl
fragment with black painted patterns on a white slip coat; 5:
Resin coated cup with straw inlay patterns and auxiliary red
painting. (1‒4: “House 11”; 1: debris, str. 942; 2: floor level, str.
1033; 3: upper floor level, str. 996; 4: upper floor level, str. 993;
5: Feature 237, First Pit Horizon).
79
Fig. 19. Polgár-Csőszhalom, Foot fragments of solid, seated human figurines,
Feature 237, First Pit Horizon.
80
Resin-coated and straw inlay decorations were evaluated jointly, as this
technique is exceptionally sensitive for effects of taphonomical processes, thus the
examples of the two technological variations are mostly indistinguishable. Though
the majority of resin-coated fragments in the material from “House 11” cannot be
linked to vessel types, the distribution of size ranges complemented by data of
ceramic technology might offer some help. A large part (52%) of the sherds belong
to the first size category representing thin-walled, fine cups and vessels, the material
of which in most of the cases is untempered clay or that with moderate sand or sand
and fine grog temper (Fig. 17, 5). These technological perimeters loosely register
with some vessel types, including the C2 type groups (fine, curvy cups with low
baseline), a category into which all the identified examples fell, suggesting that in all
three units resin-coating is linked with fine cups in the first place. In the material
from “House 11” resin-coating also appears on vessels with shifting cross-section
(C1 group). Though not present in the selected unit, this combination appears regularly in the material of the horizontal settlement.
6.2.4. Non-vessel ceramic objects in the material of the selected features.
Neither “House 11” or the selected unit from the horizontal settlement
contained any mobile ceramic object other than those of vessels. The infill of str.
1050 (= Feature 237, the largest pit of the First Pit Horizon under the building)
contained the right feet fragments of three at least partly solid, medium-sized, seated
human figurines that must have belonged originally to three different statues or
anthropomorphic vessels (Fig. 19). The parallels of the type may be found in the
territory of the Tisza Culture99. Their fragmentation does not show any kind of
intentionality, neither was any trace of special arrangement recorded in relation to
their archaeological context, suggesting that they were probably simply interred
without much ado together with other elements of the find material (vessel
fragments, animal bones, stone tools etc.). The joint occurrence of the three
fragments and the selection of a single part of the statues (there were no attaching or
relatable parts in any cases) however can be hardly explained by chance. Similar
fragments are exceptionally rare in the horizontal settlement100.
6.2.5. Stylistic marker distribution. Beside the fragments of the probably
imported painted bowls of the Early Lengyel Culture (Fig. 16. 1‒2), several marks
related with distinct ceramic traditions appear as an integrated part of the ceramic
style of Polgár-Csőszhalom101. The heritage of the Tisza Culture is exhibited first by
the presence of textile decoration (the motif set of which is also partially integrated
99
Hansen, 2007, p. 191-195; Fig. 91-94, Taf. 233-235.
Raczky, 2002; Bailey, 2005, p. 80-81.
101
The presence of these vessels in the material however can also be a marker of integration
of customs or ideas, as the physical alteration of the equipment during the adaptation process
is not a necessity (Ackermann, 2012, p. 17-18). This type of integration was recorded in the
case of the funerary symbolism at the Tisza Culture settlement of Pusztataskony-Ledence 1
(Sebők, 2012, p. 114).
100
81
into that of the black painting), by a large part of the ceramic types including bowls,
jars, cups and flowerpots, and, not least importantly, by the presence of the three
figurine fragments in the infill of str. 1050. This tradition seems to be a defining
factor in the ceramic style of the tell assemblages, while its role in the horizontal
settlement is more passive. In the ceramic material of the settlement Samborzec traditions appear through arranged patterns of clustered reed impressions, bulging necks
and a few vessel types (E1‒E2 groups). The presence of this tradition in the tell materials, in contrast with the horizontal settlement unit, seems to be scarce, represented
only by a few unidentified sherds with reed impressions in both units, and two bulging
neck fragments in “House 11” (Fig. 16, 3‒4). The delineation of the Foieni group
enabled us to re-evaluate the cultural context of several markers which were previously interpreted as autochtonous innovations of the local style, including the vessels
with shifting cross-section (C1 type group) and two motif structures of the black
painting technique (“hairy” triangles and hanging triagle combinations; Fig. 14)102.
The distribution of these markers between the selected units of the tell and the horizontal settlement is somewhat uneven: while the painted elements appear only in tell
context, the occurrence of the C1 types there is occasional. In the horizontal settlement the situation is quite the reverse: while C1 is the defining type group amongst
cups, there are no painted decorations related with the Foieni traditions. As the two
marker groups clearly coexist, the difference may rather be explained by dissimilarity of functions (including spatial limitations) than by temporal difference.
6.3. Summary
The comparative analysis of the ceramic material from “House 11”, a selection of sealed features from the first activity horizon in the tell area, and a selection
of closed features containing regular waste from the horizontal settlement revealed
differences between the two main parts of the site. These differences may be described as variability in the ways the existing set of vessels was used rather than the
introduction of new elements into the ceramic inventory. The dissimilarities include
the appearance of a somewhat reduced vessel type set with diverse preferences and
relatively more fine and/or decorated vessels in the tell area, particular differences in
the set and variability of applied decorational elements, and different proportions of
emphasis regarding the presence of foreign ceramic traditions. In almost all cases the
signatures of the tell’s first activity horizon and “House 11” register exceptionally well.
An observation must be noted here regarding the ceramics from “House 11”.
Although the processed material was collected from amongst the debris of the building, only a small percentage, altogether 148 of the 3081 sherds (or 138 of the 2618
vessels, about 5,65%) showed any sign of secondary burning. The mapping of the scatter of the sherds with secondary burning revealed that almost all these fragments were
clustered in a small area at the southern side of the building’s less disturbed eastern part.
All results combined the conclusions may be summarized as follows:
1. The overwhelming majority (94,35%) of the ceramic material from “House
11” does not show any sign of secondary burning, and its statistical signature registers
102
Draşovean, 2004, p. 34; Idem, 2010, p. 270.
82
with that of the FPH unit (except for an even higher degree of fragmentation). This
suggests that the “unburnt” part of the ceramic material was introduced into the debris
of the building after it was burnt down, probably during a follow-up act of the ritual
process that included a rearrangement of the remains and its surroundings (either for
ritual and/or safety reasons), and disturbed the occupational surface and the infill of
the pits of the tell’s first activity horizon on the areas which were actually not
covered by having “House 11” built upon them. This observation also offers explanation to why a large part of the debris from “House 11” was found being to some
extent disturbed, and may also be accountable for the unexpected temporal difference between the two radiocarbon dates from the building.
2. At the time of being burnt down, “House 11” seems to have been almost
completely empty either of furniture or mobile elements of household equipment. It
may be suggested that these were cleared away intentionally as part of the preparation for destruction (provided they were ever present in the building). Therefore if
some of the ceramic material would have been introduced into the remains by intent
(of which no archaeological evidence exists), that would relate to the act of destruction rather than to the life and function of the building.
3. In conclusion, one must say that “House 11” is not in the position to offer
relevant information on the presumed synchretic aspect of the tell’s formation, i.e. the
amalgamation of diverse ceramic styles and the cognitive traditions behind them, as in
the building’s life the last action with archaeologically detectable traits has completely different functions and elements. But such information is embedded in the signature of the features of the First Pit Horizon (either jointly or without the “unburnt” part
of the ceramic material collected from “House 11”, originating most probably there).
4. Compared to the signature of the selected unit from the horizontal settlement, the signatures of the ceramic material from the two tell units show marked
differences. These may be described as the presence of a narrowed type spectrum
with more of the fine type variants (bowls, cups) and proportionally more decorated
examples. As for the painted and incised decoration, there is a slightly diverse and
somewhat larger set of decorational elements with more motifs of the geometricmeandric and “step” structures (in contrast with the zigzag- and deltoid-based homogenous patters characteristic to the painted ware in the material of the selected unit on
the horizontal settlement). There are several unparalelled ones among the recorded
variations, and the motifs sometimes appear in positions on the vessel surface which,
as a rule, are not occupied by such elements in the material of the horizontal settlement.
In terms of ceramic style, the marker distribution in the two tell material units varies
proportionally from that of the horizontal settlement’s unit. The main difference may
be described as a far more prominent presence of the elements related to the stylistic
traditions of the Tisza Culture with a parallel effacement of the Samborzec Culture
markers, and the appearance of decorational elements that may relate to the Foieni
ceramic tradition. This marker composition may indicate that at this settlement not
only the idea to create tells as landmarks or presence markers and/or external material
symbols originates from the cognitive matrix of the Tisza Culture. The same holds
true for the majority of the related concepts, customs and their relevant equipment.
83
7. Conclusions
1. In a physical sense, Feature 237 (str. 1050) may be considered the direct
precursor of “House 11”. It is rather likely that this pit was open shortly before the
building was erected, possibly within the framework of preparations for the construction. It may be hypothesised that it was filled in in order to give way to the building.
As a result, the loose fill within the pit sunk under the weight of the burnt rubble,
that is, pieces of wattle and daub were found embedded “in the top layer” of the pit.
The stylistic composition of ceramic assemblages in this pit and in the tell’s lowermost
horizon is different from that of mundane domestic deposits. This seems to be the
result of conscious selection. It may be seen as an indication that vessels and their
associated functions at the tell distinguished this enclosure from the horizontal settlement from the very beginning of human activity at the site. Elements of style in
the meantime are material expressions of the communities who used them. Their
functions as signals in this space may thus be considered ritual. With regard to
Feature 237 intentionality may also be presumed due to the sinking of the loose fill
and the presence of the foot fragments of three human figurines found within.
Unfortunately, at our current level of knowledge it is impossible to tell whether the
putative burial of these objects could be brought into association with the act of
construction itself. Should this have been the case, one could more easily speculate
about a foundation rite whose theoretical possibility cannot be ruled out. At this point
Feature 237 is yet to be evaluated separately as so far it was analysed together with
the other pits excavated underneath the house.
2. Archaeological data reveal that the dual segmentation of Polgár-Csőszhalom already may have taken place in the early phase of the Neolithic settlement.
Around 4825–4745 cal BC a special segment was created that was separated from
mundane life and possibly functioned as a distinguished locus. Spatial demarcation
was realized through the palisaded enclosure system as well as “House 10” which is
associated with this time as well. The same period is represented by several features
sunk into the ancient humus layer, among others Feature 237, found at the spot where
subsequently “House 11” was erected. Fine ceramics from this latter feature show a
stylistic composition radically different from the rest of the settlement. This phenomenon seems to bear a multitude of communal definitions that may also be recognized
in the entire external, horizontal settlement. It is the simultaneity and multi-layered
combinations of various communal formations that may be recognized in this patterning. It seems to have been equally relevant in residential communities and within
the different interpretational space of the palisaded enclosure103. The opinion put
forward here is supported by the results of Thomas Doppler and Renate Ebersbach.
They drafted a similarly colourful social background for the communities of Neolithic
pile-dwellings in Switzerland104. From a new perspective previously acquired ar-
103
104
Salisbury, 2012, p. 208, Fig. 3
Ebersbach, 2010, p. 202-204; Doppler, Ebersbach, 2011, p. 212.
84
chaeological data could be reintegrated into new, more dynamic models of nested
social network systems105.
3. The special nature of “House 11” and its marked difference from the characteristic houses of the external, horizontal settlement and even from any building
within the enclosure is shown by several features. These include its foundation ditch
structure, the large dimensions and two storeys. Moreover this house was intentionally burnt after it had been consciously emptied. Not even the choice of its location
could have been accidental in the centre of the enclosure where subsequently the
mound rose. Selecting this venue and building a two storey building on it must have
represented a new dimension in the already existing communal-ritual space. It opened
“existence in a new world” within the framework of a certain communal act. During
the 150 years that followed the burning of this building the surface was continuously
elevated at this spot. Ultimately the height of the mound was increased by some
100–150 cm. The central space, once marked by the two storey building remained a
special locus throughout the life of this “tell”. New buildings were raised and burnt
at the same place with special furnishing and/or artefactual assemblages. This seems to
suggest that erecting a building on the ancient soil level and its burning was organically related to the emergence of an architectural style that represented a higher
niveau. This meant forming and continuously increasing the corpus of the mound.
4. Burning houses is a noteworthy phenomenon in the life of the Csőszhalom “tell” as a means of high arousal performances, beginning with the time
period of “House 11”. A 150 years long lull in this activity occurs thereafter, before
two consecutive burnt horizons can be observed again, right before “life ceased” on
the mound. This seems to suggest that the events described here attained special significance. They mark certain “thresholds” in time indicating some sort of a “liminal”
time/space context. Associated ritual activity therefore may be seen as local rites of
passage106. The regularity by which houses were burnt in a consecutive manner at
Csőszhalom may also be observed at the Okolište tell in Bosnia107. This is indicative
of comparable lifeways of eco-social systems in Southeastern Europe during the 5th
millennium BC.
105
Watkins, 2013, p. 156.
van Gennep, 1960; Turner, 1969; Thomassen, 2009.
107
Hofmann, 2012, Fig. 8; Müller et alii, 2013, Abb. 37.
106
85
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