Revenue reforms of Alauddin Khalji
The Delhi Sultanate ruler Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316) implemented a series of major
fiscal, land and agrarian reforms in northern India. He re-designated large areas of land
as crown territory by confiscating private properties and by annulling land grants. He
imposed a 50% kharaj tax on the agricultural produce, and ordered his ministry to
collect the revenue directly from the peasants by eliminating the intermediary village
chiefs.
Market reforms of Alauddin Khalji
In the early 14th century, the Delhi Sultanate ruler Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316)
instituted price controls and related reforms in his empire. Alauddin's courtier Amir
Khusrau states that Alauddin's objective was the welfare of the general public.
However, Ziauddin Barani (c. 1357) states that the Sultan's objective was to subjugate
the Hindus and to maintain an unprecedentedly large army (the low prices would make
low salaries acceptable for the soldiers).
Alauddin fixed the prices for a wide range of goods, including grains, cloth, slaves and
animals. He banned hoarding and regrating, appointed supervisors and spies to ensure
compliance with the regulations, and severely punished the violators. The reforms were
implemented in the capital Delhi, and possibly, other areas of the Sultanate. They were
revoked shortly after Alauddin's death, by his son Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah.
Contents
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1Background
2Objective
3Establishment of markets
4Mandi (grain market)
4.1Price controls
4.2Appointment of market controller
4.3Government-run granaries
4.4Anti-hoarding measures
4.5Ban on regrating
4.6Ban on taking surplus grain home
4.7Daily reports
4.8Rationing during drought
5Sera-i Adl
5.1Establishment
5.2Price fixing
5.3Registration of merchants
5.4Prevention of regrating
5.5Permit for buying expensive fabrics
6Slave and animal market
6.1Price-fixing
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6.2Elimination of merchants
6.3Supervision of brokers
6.4Investigations
7General markets
8Extent of implementation
9Impact
10Revocation
11Notes
12References
12.1Bibliography
13External links
Background[edit]
The main source of information about Alauddin's reforms is Ziauddin Barani, a Delhi
Sultanate chronicler who wrote around half-a-century after Alauddin's death.[1] Barani
provides a numbered list of Alauddin's regulations, but his account does not contain the
verbatim text of the royal orders. Barani's has reproduced the regulations from his
memory, organizing them in a logical sequence.[2]
Barani's account, at least his narration of Alauddin's price control measures, is
corroborated by other writers who mention the reforms with lesser detail. [1] Alauddin's
courtier Amir Khusrau mentions the price control measures, attributing these to
Alauddin's desire for public welfare.[3] The 16th century chronicler Firishta also describes
the reforms, and besides Barani, his account seems to be based on Shaikh Ainuddin
Bijapuri's now-lost Mulhiqat-i Tabaqat-i Nasiri. While Bijapuri was not a contemporary of
Alauddin, he may have had access to other lost works that described these reforms. [4]
Objective[edit]
Alauddin's courtier Amir Khusrau, in his Khazainul Futuh (1311), states that Alauddin
reduced and fixed prices because of his "great regard for general prosperity and
abundance, and for the happiness and comfort of the select as well as
the commons."[3] A later anecdote also states that Alauddin implemented his price
control measures for the welfare of the citizens. This anecdote was mentioned by the
14th century writer Hamid Qalandar, and is originally said to have been narrated
by Malikut Tujjar ("Prince of Merchants") Qazi Hamiduddin to the Sufi saint Nasiruddin
Chiragh Dehlavi, during the early reign of Firuz Shah Tughlaq (r. 1351-1388).
Hamiduddin told Nasiruddin that he once entered Alauddin's chamber, and found him
engaged in deep thought. Alauddin told Hamiduddin that he wanted to do something for
the benefit of the common people, because the God had made him the leader of these
people. Alauddin stated that he considered giving away all his treasures and property,
but then realized that the benefits of such a distribution would not reach all the people.
He then got the idea of lowering and fixing the price of grains, which would
benefit all the people.[5]
Contrary to these accounts, Barani states that Alauddin (who was a Muslim) introduced
these reforms to be able to maintain an unprecedentedly large army, and to subjugate
his Hindu subjects.[1] According to Barani, the 1303 Mongol invasion of Delhi prompted
Alauddin to raise a large army to deal with the Mongol threat. However, such a large
army would be a drain on the state treasury, unless the soldiers' salaries could be
lowered substantially. Alauddin was the first Sultan of Delhi to pay all his soldiers in
cash.[6] He determined that the maximum salary he could pay to a well-equipped
cavalryman as 234 tankas,[a] with an additional 78 tankas for a cavalryman with two
horses.[7] It appears that the cavalryman was expected to maintain his own horse and
equipment from this salary.[6] An increase in this salary would exhaust the treasury in 5–
6 years. Alauddin's ministers told him that such low salaries would be acceptable to the
soldiers, if the prices of necessary commodities were reduced.[7] Alauddin then asked his
counsellors for ways to reduce the prices without resorting to tyranny, and on their
advice, decided to regulate the market prices.[8]
Barani also states that the Hindu traders indulged in profiteering, and Alauddin wanted
to punish the Hindus. However, much of Delhi's overland trade
with Western and Central Asia was controlled by Khorasani and Multani merchants,
many of whom were Muslims, and were impacted by Alauddin's reforms. Moreover, the
cheap prices resulting from Alauddin's price control measures benefited the general
public, which included the Hindus.[9]
Establishment of markets[edit]
Alauddin implemented price control measures by setting up following types of markets
in Delhi:[10]
1.
2.
3.
4.
Mandi, the central grain market, plus grocery shops in every neighbourhood
Sera-i Adl, the central market for manufactured commodities and imported goods
Markets for slaves and animals
General markets for other commodities
Mandi (grain market)[edit]
Price controls[edit]
Alauddin's administration fixed the price of grains in Delhi as follows:[11]
hideGrain
Price (in jitals[a]) per mann[b]
Wheat
7.5
Barley
4
Rice
5
hideGrain
Price (in jitals[a]) per mann[b]
Pulses and gram 5
Moth
3
The prices were lower in smaller towns.[13] The Delhi Sultanate chronicles do not
elaborate how these numbers were arrived at, but both Khusrau and Barani state that
the prices were not allowed to increase during Alauddin's lifetime, even when the rainfall
was scarce.[11]
Appointment of market controller[edit]
Alauddin appointed Malik Qabul Ulugh Khani as controller of the grain markets, and a
friend of Malik Qabul as an assistant controller. The Sultan granted Malik Qabul
extensive territories as iqta', and placed a large cavalry and infantry under his
charge.[14] Alauddin also appointed one of his own close associates as an intelligence
officer of the grain market.[2]
The controller strictly regulated the market prices, and informed Alauddin of any
violations. The government strictly punished the shopkeepers who tried to sell goods
above the regulated price, and those who tried to cheat by using false weights.[15] The
traders considered Alauddin's regulations as burdensome, and frequently violated them;
the drastic punishments led to further resentment among the traders.[16]
Government-run granaries[edit]
Alauddin's administration set up granaries, and stocked them with grain collected from
the peasants.[15] According to Barani, the government's share of the grain in the crown
territory (khalisa) in the Doab region was collected in kind, and taken to the governmentrun granaries in Delhi. In the Jhain region, half of the government's share was collected
in kind and taken to the Jhain town; when needed, the stores were transferred to the
government-run granaries in Delhi.[2] Firishta mentions that the government's share was
collected and stored in various towns, not just Delhi.[13]
The stores in the government-run granaries were released and sold at fixed price during
the times of scarcity.[15]
See also: Revenue reforms of Alauddin Khalji § Direct revenue collection
Anti-hoarding measures[edit]
Alauddin's administration mandated registration for the transporters who bought the
farming produce from the peasants and carried it to the towns.[15] The government
banned hoarding, and held the transporters, their agents and their families collectively
responsible for any violations.[15]
Alauddin placed the transporters under the controller of the grain market. His
administration arrested the former leaders of the transporters, and handed them over to
the controller, Malik Qabul. Alauddin asked Malik Qabul to keep them in chains until
they collectively agreed to abide by certain conditions imposed on them, and gave
sureties for each other. These conditions required the transporters to adhere to
Alauddin's regulations.[2] The transporters were also ordered to settle in the villages at
specific distances along the Yamuna River, so as to ensure rapid transport of grains to
Delhi.[17] They were required to bring their families, cattle and goods to their new
residences. A supervisor was appointed to oversee their operations. [2]
According to Barani, because of these changes, the transporters brought so much grain
to Delhi that no releases were required from the government-run granaries.[2]
Ban on regrating[edit]
Alauddin banned regrating, the practice of buying goods at a lower price and selling
them at a higher price. All the government officials in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab region
were required to guarantee that they would not permit any regrating in their area of
authority. If any regrating was discovered in a particular territory, the officials in-charge
were answerable to the throne. The regrated grain was confiscated by the government,
and the violator was severely punished.[2]
According to Barani, such regulations made it impossible for a merchant, a peasant, a
grocer or anyone else to sell even minute quantities of grains above the regulated
price.[2]
Ban on taking surplus grain home[edit]
Alauddin's administration allowed the cultivators to take limited quantity of grain from
fields to their homes for personal consumption.[13] Alauddin required his revenue officers
to sign written agreements promising that they would take severe measures to ensure
that the cultivators in the Doab region were unable to take the surplus grain to their
houses for regrating. This would force the cultivators to sell the grain to the transporters
at low prices.[18]
Barani states that the cultivators were also given the option of taking the surplus grain to
the market themselves, and selling it there for a profit, at the prices fixed by Alauddin.
Firishta clarifies that the cultivators could sell the grain at the markets in the nearest
town: they were not required to visit the central market in Delhi.[18]
Daily reports[edit]
Alauddin sought daily reports about the grain market from three independent sources:[19]
1. The market superintendent
2. The intelligence officers
3. The secret spies
The 16th century chronicler Firishta states that although Alauddin was illiterate at the
beginning of his reign, he gradually acquired the ability to read these reports, which
included hastily-scribbled notes written in Persian script.[18] Any variance in the reports
from the three sources resulted in punishment for the market superintendent. The
officials were aware that Alauddin received reports from three different sources, and
thus, found no opportunity to deviate from the market rules.[19]
Rationing during drought[edit]
Even during the times of scarce rainfall, there was no increase in the grain prices during
Alauddin's reign. When the rains failed, the grocers of every neighbourhood (mohalla) in
Delhi were given a daily allowance of grain from the central market. The allowance was
determined by the population of the neighbourhood. People were also allowed to
purchase ½ mann[b] of grain directly from the central market at one time. The allowance
was higher for the landless nobles and other distinguished men, and varied on the
number of their dependants.[18]
Alauddin ordered his officers to maintain law and order in market during times
of drought. If a stampede resulted in the death of a helpless citizen, the law required the
superintendent in-charge of the market to be punished.[18]
Sera-i Adl[edit]
The Sera-i Adl (literally "Place of Justice") was an exclusive market in Delhi
for manufactured and imported goods. The goods sold at Sera-i Adl included cloth,
sugar, herbs, dry fruits, butter (including ghee) and lamp-oil.[20]
Establishment[edit]
Alauddin established the Sera-i Adl on an extensive piece of unused land near the
Green Palace (Koshak-i Sabz), on the inner side of the Badaun Gate. The market
remained open from morning to the afternoon prayer. The Sultan ordered every
specified commodity to be sold only at the Sera-i Adl at the prices fixed by his
administration. Any violation of this regulation resulted in confiscation of the commodity,
and punishment to the seller.[20]
Price fixing[edit]
Alauddin's administration fixed the prices of the various commodities sold at Sera-i
Adl.[21] Although the control over prices of such goods was not vital for the state,
Alauddin probably wanted to keep the nobles happy, or he may have feared that high
prices of these goods may affect the prices of other goods.[6] Barani gives the prices for
some of these commodities as follows:[21]
hideCommodity
Price[a]
per
Silk - Khuzz-i Delhi
16 tankas
unspecified
Silk - Khuzz-i Konla
6 tankas
unspecified
hideCommodity
Price[a]
per
Silk - Mashru shiri (fine)
3 tankas
unspecified
Silk - Shirin (fine)
5 tankas
unspecified
Silk - Shirin (medium)
3 tankas
unspecified
Silk - Shirin (coarse)
2 tankas
unspecified
Silk - Salahati (coarse)
2 tankas
unspecified
Cotton - Burd (fine) with red lining 6 jitals (seemingly a copyist's mistake) unspecified
Cotton - Burd (coarse)
36 jitals
unspecified
Cotton - Astar-i Nagauri (red)
24 jitals
unspecified
Cotton - Astar (coarse)
12 jitals
unspecified
Cotton - Chadar
10 jitals
unspecified
Fine-woven cotton cloth
1 tanka
20 yards
Coarse-woven cotton cloth
1 tanka
40 yards
Crystallized sugar (misri)
2.5 jitals
1 sir
Coarse sugar
1.5 jitals
1 sir
hideCommodity
Price[a]
per
Brown sugar
1 jital
3 sirs
Ghee
1 jital
1.5 sir
Sesame oil
1 jital
3 sirs
Barani does not provide prices of all the commodities, but states that they can be
estimated from the above list. Firishta adds that 5 sirs of salt could be purchased for
1 jital.[22]
Registration of merchants[edit]
Alauddin ordered all the merchants of his empire (not just Delhi), both Hindu and
Muslim, to be registered with the Ministry of Commerce. Their businesses were
regulated. The merchants of Delhi were required to sign a written agreement promising
to bring the imported commodities to Sera-i Adl, and to sell them at the officially fixed
rates. Barani states that these merchants brought such large quantities of goods
to Sera-i Adl that the goods accumulated in Delhi and remained unsold.[22]
Prevention of regrating[edit]
After Alauddin fixed the prices of cloth, several merchants would purchase costly cloth
at Sera-i Adl in Delhi and sell it outside Delhi a higher rate.[22] To avoid such regrating,
Alauddin appointed the rich Multani merchants as officers of Sera-i Adl, and asked them
to sell their goods directly to the public, in such a way that these goods did not fall into
the hands of the other merchants.[22] The Multani merchant-officers were given 2
million tankas from the treasury, possibly as a subsidy,[22] or as an advance.[6]
Permit for buying expensive fabrics[edit]
Alauddin ordered that certain expensive fabrics, which were deemed unnecessary for
the general public, could be bought only with a permit. These permits had to be issued
personally by specific state-appointed officers (Parwana Ra'is). The officers issued
permits to amirs, maliks, and other important persons in accordance with their incomes.
This ensured that people could not buy such fabrics at a cheap price in Delhi and sell it
elsewhere at a higher price.[23]
Slave and animal market[edit]
Price-fixing[edit]
Alauddin also fixed the prices for slaves and animals. Barani gives the following prices
for slaves:[24]
Slave prices hide
Type of slave
Price[a]
Female slave for domestic work 5-12 tankas
Female slave for Concubinage
20-40 tankas
Handsome, young male slave
20-30 tankas
Slave experienced in work
10-15 tankas
Inexperienced young slave
7-8 tankas
Barani states that very few slaves were sold for 100-200 tankas: if an expensive slave,
whose normal price would be 1,000-2,000 after Alauddin's death, appeared in the
market, nobody would buy it because of the fear of Alauddin's spies. [24]
The supply of horses in Delhi had improved as a result of Alauddin's conquest of
Gujarat, which was an important hub for the Indian Ocean trade. However, only
Alauddin's government was allowed to buy good quality horses, which were important
for raising and maintaining an efficient army.[6] Alauddin's administration fixed the prices
for horses as follows, after consulting experienced brokers:[23]
Horse prices hide
Type of horse
Price[a]
Grade I
100-120 tankas
Grade II
80-90 tankas
Grade III
60-70 tankas
Horse prices hide
Type of horse
Price[a]
Small Indian pony (tattoo, not suitable for the cavalry) 10-25 tankas
Barani gives the following prices for animals:[24]
Prices for other animals hide
Animal
Best-quality beast of burden
Price[a]
4-5 tankas
Male cattle for breeding purposes 3 tankas
Cows for meat
1.5-2 tankas
Cows for milk
3-4 tankas
Buffalo for meat
5-6 tankas
Buffalo for milk
10-12 tankas
Fat goat or sheep
10-12 jitals
Barani states that the best-quality beasts of burden, which cost 4 tankas (maximum
5 tankas) during Alauddin's reign, cost 30-40 tankas a few decades after his death.[24]
Elimination of merchants[edit]
During Alauddin's reign, any man who wanted to join the cavalry had to appear for a
review with a horse and equipment. The state would reimburse the cost of the horse, if
the candidate passed the review and joined the army, and if his horse died or became
useless during the service. However, the candidate was expected to pay for his horse
before the review. Taking advantage of this situation, several wealthy people entered
into the business of purchasing and rearing horses, and colluded with the brokers to
raise prices.[23]
As part of his market reforms, Alauddin ordered these horse merchants to be arrested
and imprisoned in remote forts. Capitalist investors were banned from participating in
the horse trade.[4] Alauddin also eliminated the merchants from the markets for other
animals and slaves.[23]
Barani does not mention who sold slaves and animals after the merchants were
arrested. The later writer Firishta clarifies that Alauddin imprisoned the merchants only
temporarily: After the prices had stabilized, they were allowed to buy and sell horses on
the condition that they would not violate Alauddin's price-fixing regulations.[4]
Supervision of brokers[edit]
Alauddin's administration closely supervised the brokers participating in the slave and
animal markets.[23] The brokers were responsible for grading the goods and estimating
their prices.[4] Before Alauddin's reforms, the leading brokers would help the wealthy
merchants raise the prices, and took commissions from both the merchants and the
buyers.[23] As part of his market reforms, Alauddin ordered the brokers to be screened
carefully to prevent any price rises. The erring brokers were imprisoned with the
merchants in remote forts.[4]
Investigations[edit]
As the horses were required for Alauddin's army, he gave special attention to horse
trade. He ordered the leading horse brokers and their horses to be brought before him
for a detailed investigation every forty days or two months. Barani states that the
brokers were treated so harshly that they wanted to die. Alauddin also
appointed spies to the slave and animal markets, and thoroughly analyzed their
reports.[4]
General markets[edit]
According to Barani, Alauddin's Ministry of Commerce (diwan-i riyasat) dictated the
prices of all the goods sold in the general markets spread across Delhi. These prices
were determined by Alauddin and his staff according to the production cost of the
goods.[24] Barani mentions that Alauddin's price control measures were directed at all
kinds of goods, "from caps to socks; from combs to needles; from vegetables, soups,
sweetmeats to chapatis."[25]
Alauddin selected Yaqub Nazir as his Minister of Commerce, and also appointed him as
the censor, and the superintendent of weights and measures. Barani describes Yaqub
Nazir as an honest but "rude and cruel" man. The Minister appointed a superintendent
for every market to ensure that the shopkeepers adhered to the price list sanctioned by
Alauddin's administration. The superintendents were also responsible for maintaining
proper prices for the commodities that could not be included in the official price list. [26]
Yaqub Nazir regularly checked the prices in the general markets, and meted out
humiliating punishments to the erring shopkeepers. These punishments scared the
shopkeepers into reducing their prices. However, the shopkeepers used other methods
to make illegal profits, including use of false weights, sale of low-quality commodities,
and lying to young and ignorant customers. To address this problem, Alauddin started
sending child employees of the royal pigeon-house to make test purchases, which
would be reviewed by Yaqub Nazir. Barani states that if a shopkeeper did not give full
weight to the child customer, the Minister would carve out double the due weight of flesh
from the shopkeeper's body. Such severe punishments finally ensured adherence to
Alauddin's price-fixing regulations in the general markets.[26]
Extent of implementation[edit]
Barani states that Alauddin's market reforms (such as price control) were implemented
in the city of Delhi, the capital of the empire. He states that the regulations implemented
in Delhi tended to be followed in other towns, but does not explicitly state if this was the
case with Alauddin's reforms.[9] The later writer Firishta suggests that the price control
regulations were implemented in the territories other than Delhi as well.[27]
Impact[edit]
Alauddin's reforms allowed him to raise a powerful army, which decisively defeated the
Mongols.[25]
Alauddin's courtier Amir Khusrau greatly praises his reforms, portraying them as public
welfare measures.[28] He states that the low fixed prices of grains and supply from the
royal granaries benefited the public during the times of scarce rainfall. [3] According to an
anecdote mentioned by the 14th century writer Hamid Qalandar, even after the Sultan's
death, people respected Alauddin for reducing and fixing the price of grains: they made
pilgrimages to his tomb to have their prayers fulfilled.[28]
The cheap prices enabled the general public to indulge in frequent enterainment
activities. Hamid Qalandar, who wrote during the early reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq (r.
1351-1388), quotes Nasiruddin Chiragh Dehlavi as follows:[29]
In those days entertainments were common. During the days of the pilgrimages and on
the last Wednesday of the month of Safar it was difficult to find (sitting) accommodation
in the public enclosures, in the public gardens or by the side of the tanks. There was
music and dancing on every side. These feasts would cost a tanka or more.[29]
According to Nasiruddin, even beggars could afford cotton-stuffed garments during
Alauddin's reign. In fact, an officer called Kafur Muhrdar would distribute such garments
among the poor.[29]
According to historian Banarsi Prasad Saksena, the contemporary Muslims had limited
participation in the business because of Islamic restrictions (see riba). Alauddin's
reforms must have caused "discomforts" to the two leading Hindu mercantile
communities: the Nayakas (who traded grains) and the Multanis (who traded cloth).
Saksena believes that these discomforts were compensated by guaranteed profits
resulting from Alauddin's price fixing.[12]
Revocation[edit]
Alauddin's market reforms ended a few months after his death, when they were revoked
by his son Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah. This led to an increase in prices, and
consequently, wages. Mubarak Shah also released a large number of prisoners that
Alauddin's administration had arrested for various reasons.[30]
Notes
nspiracies and rebellions by Hindu chiefs in rural areas during his early reign. Besides
ensuring sufficient revenues for the royal treasury, the objective of these reforms was to
subjugate the powerful chiefs and nobles who could challenge Alauddin's authority.
According to chronicler Ziauddin Barani, he also asked his advisers for reforms to
subjugate the Hindus whose wealth was a "source of rebellion and disaffection" like the
nobility.
Most of Alauddin's reforms were revoked by his son Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah shortly
after his death, but a few of them served as a basis for the agrarian reforms introduced
by rulers of India in the 16th century.[1]
Contents
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1Background
2Objective
3The reforms
3.1Confiscation of private lands
3.2Direct revenue collection
3.350% tax proportional to land area
3.4Other taxes
4Implementation
4.1Staff
5Revocation and legacy
6References
6.1Bibliography
7External links
Background[edit]
Alauddin Khalji was the first ruler of the Delhi Sultanate to undertake large-scale fiscal
and revenue reforms. His predecessors had largely relied on the pre-existing
administrative set-up.[2] Ziauddin Barani, who wrote around half-a-century after
Alauddin's death, is the main source of information for Alauddin's reforms. [3]
The countryside was largely under the domain of traditional Hindu authorities
(khods, muqudaams, choudharies) who controlled the agricultural production. They
served as the middlemen through whom the rural population was controlled. Alauddin
saw them as rebellious and an impediment of smooth functioning of the government. [4]
The land-holders exacted as much tax as possible from the peasants and gave only due
share to the state. The surplus revenue made them rich and overbearing. The
domineering behaviour of the Hindu chiefs always desiring for independence was also
mentioned by Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji.[5]
Barani mentions Alauddin's complaint against these Hindu middlemen in detail
(translated by Dietmar Rothermund and Hermann Kulke):[4]
I have discovered that the khuts and mukkadims [local tax collectors and village
headmen] ride upon fine horses, wear fine clothes, shoot withride upon fine horses,
wear fine clothes, shoot with Persian bows, make war upon each other, and go out for
hunting; but of the kharaj [land revenue], jizya [poll tax], kari [house tax] and chari
[pasture tax] they do not pay one jital. They levy separately the khut’s [landowner’s]
share from the villages, give parties and drink wine, and many of them pay no revenue
at all, either upon demand or without demand. Neither do they show any respect for my
officers. This has excited my anger, and I have said to myself: 'Thou hast an ambition to
conquer other lands, but thou hast hundreds of leagues of country under thy rule where
proper obedience is not paid to thy authority. How then wilt thou make other lands
submissive?'
— Barani[6]
Objective[edit]
After facing multiple rebellions by his nephews and officers in 1301, Alauddin
implemented four measures to prevent rebellions.[7] He aimed at preventing rebellions by
weakening the nobility.[8] He also viewed the haughtiness as well as direct and indirect
resistance of the traditional Hindu village heads, who controlled the countryside and
agricultural production, as the main impediment in his rule.[9]
He sought to reduce the power of his Hindu population and according to Barani, he
asked "the wise men to supply some rules and regulations for grinding down the
Hindus, and for depriving them of that wealth and property which fosters disaffection
and rebellion."[10]
According to Barani, after his initial measures against the nobles, Alauddin asked his
advisors for suggestions on how to subjugate the Hindus, whose wealth — like that of
the nobles — could potentially lead to disloyalty and rebellions. His advisers suggested
taking away revenue assignments from the landlords, one law for revenue from both
landlords and tenants as well as ending collection charges so "the revenue due from the
strong might not fall upon the weak".[11][7]
Historian K. S. Lal says that the statement of Barani that Alauddin undertook a series of
measures to "crush the Hindus" was a sentiment of an orthodox historian rather than a
fact of the matter. He says that though Barani lends a communal colour to Jalaluddin's
complaint against their behaviour, it was clear that the Hindu middle-class was well-off
and not inclined to servility.[5] Historian Banarsi Prasad Saksena believes that Barani
used the word "Hindu" to refer to the upper-class Hindu chiefs: he did not include the
Hindu peasants under this term.[12] Historian Satish Chandra believes that Alauddin's
measures were taken against the "privileged sections in the countryside" in general.[1]
The reforms[edit]
Confiscation of private lands[edit]
The Delhi Sultanate included the territory governed directly by the emperor's
government, as well as the territories governed by his vassals. The crown territory
governed by the emperor was called khalisa, and its revenues went directly to the royal
treasury. The vassals (called rais, ranas and rawats) had the freedom to determine the
tax rate for their subjects. Many of them were expected to maintain their own armies,
and provide military support to the crown when required.[13]
The Sultans of Delhi also made several land grants and assigned territories to their
nobles as iqta's. The iqta' holders had the right to collect taxes in their territories: the
money would be used to raise a local army that would support the Sultan when needed,
and a part of money would be remitted to the Sultan.[14]
As part of his land reforms, Alauddin brought a large tract of fertile land under the crown
territory, by eliminating iqta's, grants and vassals in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab region
extending from Meerut to Kara.[14] After assassinating his predecessor Jalaluddin in
1296, he had made a large number of land grants to gain support of the nobles.
However, after consolidating the power, in 1297, he deposed a large number of nobles
who had earlier served Jalaluddin.[15] He confiscated their property, and resumed their
iqta's into the crown territory.[16]
Sometime later, probably after Haji Maula's rebellion in 1301, Alauddin decided to
confiscate more private wealth as part of his measures to weaken those capable of
organizing a rebellion. He confiscated a large number of lands that had earlier been
held as private property (milk), and re-designated them as part of the crown territory. He
also annulled several land grants, including those awarded to religious or charitable
organizations (waqf) and those exempt from service obligations (inam).[17][16]
Direct revenue collection[edit]
Before Alauddin's reforms, the Delhi Sultanate did not collect the land revenues directly
from the peasants. The peasants surrendered the land revenues to intermediary chiefs,
known as khuts, muqaddams, and chaudharis, who represented villages or groups of
villages.[18] These chiefs surrendered a fixed part of the revenue to the Sultanate's
Ministry of Revenue, irrespective of how much revenue they extracted from the
peasants.[8] Apparently, the Sultanate's government did not have adequate staff in the
rural areas, and as long as the intermediary chiefs paid their pre-determined share of
revenue, the government did not bother about how they treated the peasants. [12]
Alauddin noticed that the intermediary chiefs fought against each other, flaunted their
lavish lifestyle, and some of them did not remit revenues to the crown. He sought advice
from Qazi Mughisuddin of Bayana on how to suppress these chiefs. [12] Subsequently, his
administration decided to collect the revenues directly from the cultivators. All
cultivators, from the village chiefs to the peasants, had to remit half of their revenues to
the crown. The village chiefs lost all their privileges.[19]
Alauddin's government accepted the revenue in both cash and kind. In the fertile
regions near Delhi, the government preferred taking revenue in kind: the grain collected
as a result was taken to the state granaries. The peasants were not allowed to take the
surplus grain to their homes, and were compelled to sell it in the market or to the
transporters at a low price.[20][21]
See also: Market reforms of Alauddin Khalji § Ban on taking grain home
50% tax proportional to land area[edit]
Before Alauddin's reforms, the land revenue for each territory represented by an
intermediary was fixed irrespective of the cultivation area in that territory. The fixed
amount was probably based on tradition.[18] Alauddin's administration changed this
convention, and determined the revenue amount based on the area under cultivation
and the produce per biswa.[18] This practice of determining the revenue amount based on
the land area was known to the Hindu kings, and was followed in southern India during
Alauddin's time. However, it seems to have fallen into disuse in northern India, and
Alauddin was the first Muslim emperor of India to implement it.[22]
The amount demanded by the Hindu rulers ranged from one-sixth to one-third of the
agricultural produce, depending on the situation of the kingdom. The Muslim Sultans of
Delhi who preceded Alauddin do not seem to have demanded more than one-third of
the produce in tax either.[22] However, Alauddin imposed a 50% kharaj (Islamic tax on
agricultural land) in a substantial part of northern India. The cultivators were required to
pay half of the agricultural produce as tax: this was the maximum amount allowed by
the Hanafi school of Islam, which was dominant in Delhi at that time.[3]
Alauddin's administration forced the village chiefs to pay same taxes as the others, and
banned them from imposing illegal taxes on the peasants.[23] The demand for tax
proportional to land area meant that the rich and powerful villages with more land had to
pay more taxes.[23] By suppressing the village chiefs, Alauddin projected himself as the
protector of the weaker section of the rural society.[24]
According to Barani, the 50% land tax greatly reduced the wealth of the Hindus who
dominated the agriculture.[22] To prevent any rebellions, the imperial administration
deprived the village chiefs of their wealth, horses and arms. Barani states that "it was
impossible for the Hindu to raise his head": The fear of Alauddin made these chiefs so
obedient, that a single foot soldier from the revenue office would "tie the necks" of
twenty village chiefs together, and "kick and thrash them for the realization of the
tribute".[25] According to Barani, the financial condition of these Hindu village chiefs
became so bad that their wives had to work for wages in houses of
Muslims.[26] Historian Kishori Saran Lal believes that while the Hindus suffered most from
these reforms (as they dominated the agriculture), the others - including noblemen,
traders, and cultivators - were also negatively impacted.[27]
Other taxes[edit]
Apart from the kharaj, Alauddin's government levied a tax on residences (called ghari)
and a tax on grazing (called chara'i). Unlike kharaj, these taxes were not sanctioned by
the Islamic law.[28] For the farmers with milk animals, Alauddin's administration fixed and
assigned the pastures.[29]
In addition, Alauddin's government imposed the jizya tax on its non-Muslim
subjects.[30] Women and children, as well as those with mental disorders and intellectual
disability, were exempt from jizya.[31] The Muslims were obligated to
contribute zakat instead.[32]
Alauddin demanded four-fifth share of the spoils of war from his soldiers, instead of the
traditional one-fifth share (khums).[32]
Implementation[edit]
Alauddin's revenue reforms were not implemented throughout his empire. These
reforms were limited to certain crown-governed territories, which included parts of the
Indo-Gangetic plains from Punjab to Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Malwa.[29] By the
time of Alauddin's ascension, the imperial rule in the central region of the Sultanate (the
upper Ganges valley and the eastern Rajasthan) had been consolidated, which allowed
Alauddin to take up the reforms in these areas.[33]
The responsibility for implementing these reforms was given to a minister with the
title naib wazir. Two different recensions of Barani's Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi name the
minister differently as Malik Yaklakhi and Sharaf al-Din Qa'ini.[28] The minister
implemented the new laws uniformly across several crown-governed territories. These
territories included Delhi; present-day Uttar Pradesh (including Rohilkhand and
the Ganges-Yamuna Doab, but excluding Awadh and Bihar); the Punjab
region (except Multan); parts of present-day Rajasthan; and Malwa.[34] For the first time
in India, the crown established a direct relationship with the cultivators on such a large
scale.[29]
Staff[edit]
A large number of officials were recruited for implementing the new laws: tribute
demanders, revenue collectors, government agents, accountants, auditors, clerks, and
office managers. The employees were expected to know Persian (the official court
language) as well as the local language, which suggests that the staff must have
included Hindus.[29]
Initially, there was widespread corruption among the revenue employees, who
misappropriated the state funds and extorted money from the taxpayers. To address
this problem, Alauddin created a new department called Divan-i-Mustakhraj, which was
responsible for investigating and realizing the arrears from the revenue collectors.
Alauddin increased the salaries of the revenue employees, and instituted punishments
for the erring employees. However, these measures did not reduce the corruption to
satisfactory levels. Therefore, he resorted to more severe punishments for the corrupt
revenue staff.[35]
The revenue ministry regularly checked the registers of the village accountants, and
strictly punished the corrupt officials.[24] By Alauddin's own estimates, 10,000 corrupt
revenue officials were punished in Delhi alone.[36] Barani mentions that it was impossible
for the revenue officials to take bribes from Hindus and Muslims, or to obtain money
dishonestly in any other way.[24] According to him, death was considered preferable to
being a revenue official, and people would not marry their daughters to a revenue
clerk.[36] This seems to be an obvious exaggeration: the government service continued
be considered prestigious during Alauddin's reign, and the government officials were
sought after as marriage partners.[1]
Revocation and legacy[edit]
Some of Alauddin's land reforms were continued by his successors, and were a basis of
the agrarian reforms introduced by the later rulers such as Sher Shah Suri and Akbar.[1]
Other regulations of Alauddin were revoked by his son Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah a few
months after his death. Mubarak Shah reinstated the lands incorporated by Alauddin
into the crown territory to their private owners. He also released a large number of
prisoners that Alauddin's administration had arrested for various reasons, including
corruption.[37]
Alauddin's practice of appropriating four-fifths of the spoils of war from the soldiers
continued until the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq, who switched back to the traditional
demand of one-fifth share (khums).[32]
1. Centralized administration:
Ala-ud-Din attempted to translate his theory of Kingship that the king
was the representative of God on earth and that he was there to rule,
through the administrative practices.
His word was law. He was an absolute despot. He possessed unlimited
powers. He was the head i.e. Commander in Chief of the army, head of
the executive, head of the judiciary and the sole authority in enforcing
religious matters.
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All powers of affairs of the state were centralized in him. He used to
say, “I do not know whether this is lawful or unlawful, Whatever I
think to be for the good of the state or suitable for the emergency that I
decree.” In the words of Ashraf, “the Sultan of Delhi was in theory an
unlimited despot, bound by no law, subject to no material check and
guided by no will except his own.” The prevailing circumstances
needed such a strong monarch to run the affairs of the state effectively
and without any kind of interferenc.
2. Administration free from the influence of the ulemas:
In the words of Dr. Ishwari Parsad, “Ala-ud-Din was opposed to the
interference of the Ulemas in matters of state and in this respect he
departed from the tradition of the previous Sultans of Delhi. The law
was to depend upon the will of the monarch and had nothing to do
with the law of the Prophet. This was the guiding maxim of the new
monarch.” Dr. R.P. Tripathi has observed, “Kingship could exist
without any special religious support and that the outlook of a King
was very different from that of the clergy. This was the greatest
contribution of Ala-ud-Din.”
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3. Role of Ministers:
The Sultan appointed trusted ministers to assist him in the running of
administration. Their advice was in no way binding on the Sultan.
There were 10 ministers to assist him. Next to Sultan was the ‘Wazir’,
who was both a civil and military officer. Among the ministers,
mention may be made of the ‘Amir-Kohi’ incharge of agriculture and
‘Shahana-i-Mandi’ and ‘Dewan-i-Riyat-looking after markets.
4. Provincial administration:
The entire country was divided into 11 provinces. Each province was
under a governor who enjoyed his position at the pleasure of the
Sultan.
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5. Judicial administration:
According to Prof. K.S. Lai, the Sultan was as relentless and
unflinching in administering justice as Balban. The Sultan was the
fountain of justice. He was the final court of appeal. Next to him was
‘Qazi-ul-Qazat or Lord Chief justice. Then were other junior judicial
officers. The punishments inflicted upon the accused persons were
very severe. Mutilation of limbs and torture were very common.
6. Efficient system of espionage:
The system of espionage organised by Ala-ud-Din was very systematic
and effective. According to Zia-ud-Din Barani, “No one could stir
without his (Ala-ud-Din’s) knowledge and whatever happened in the
houses of the Maliks and Amirs, officers and great men was
communicated to the Sultan. Day and night did they tremble in their
own houses an account of the activity of the patrol. Nor did they do
anything nor utter a single word which would subject them to reproof
or punishment.”
A similar account of the espionage is given by Moreland, “He (Ala-udDin) organised so effective a system of espionage that no body dared
to whisper a seditious word. The jovial atmosphere of the capital
turned into suspicious gloom but conspiracy for the time being was at
its end.”
7. Administrative measures to check the power of the nobles,
and their tendency to revolt:
After having wide-range consultations, Ala-ud-Din came to
the conclusion that following were the causes of revolts:
(i) Inefficiency of the spy system resulting in the ignorance of the
Sultan regarding the state of affairs in the country.
(ii) Existence of huge wealth with the nobles resulting in leisure time
leading to conspiracies.
(iii) Drinking parties among nobles bringing them close to each other
and encouraging them to conspire.
(iv) Social intercourse and inter-marriages among the families of
nobles making them a compact body dangerous to the state and also
forming antagonistic groups among themselves, leading to rivalry.
For exercising control over the activities of the nobles, the
king took the following measures:
(1) Organisation of an efficient spy system.
(2) Confiscation of jagirs given to nobles, on one pretext or the other.
(3) Prohibition of the sale and use of wine and other intoxicating
drugs.
(4) Restrictions on social gatherings and inter-marriages among the
nobles.
8. Administrative measures for the market control:
9. Organisation of the postal system:
Ala-ud-Din established a proper postal system for establishing a
regular contact with various parts of the empire. In his book “Medieval
Routes in India,” Dr. H.C. Varma writes that Sultan Ala-ud-Din posted
several horsemen and clerks in the news posts. From the accounts of
Ibn Batutah and Barani, it appears that postal system was in good
condition during Ala-ud-Din’s reign.