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Why Women Engage in Anal Intercourse: Results from a Qualitative Study
Article in Archives of Sexual Behavior · November 2014
DOI: 10.1007/s10508-014-0367-2 · Source: PubMed
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Grace L Reynolds
Dennis G Fisher
California State University, Long Beach
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Bridget Rogala
California State University, Long Beach
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ArticleTitle
Why Women Engage in Anal Intercourse: Results from a Qualitative Study
Article Sub-Title
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Springer Science+Business Media New York
(This will be the copyright line in the final PDF)
Journal Name
Archives of Sexual Behavior
Corresponding Author
Family Name
Reynolds
Particle
Given Name
Grace L.
Suffix
Author
Division
Center for Behavioral Research and Services
Organization
California State University
Address
1090 Atlantic Ave., Long Beach, CA, 90813, USA
Email
Grace.Reynolds@csulb.edu
Family Name
Fisher
Particle
Given Name
Dennis G.
Suffix
Division
Center for Behavioral Research and Services
Organization
California State University
Address
1090 Atlantic Ave., Long Beach, CA, 90813, USA
Email
Author
Family Name
Rogala
Particle
Given Name
Bridget
Suffix
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Organization
Substance Abuse Foundation Inc. of Long Beach
Address
Long Beach, CA, USA
Email
Schedule
Abstract
Received
30 August 2012
Revised
13 March 2014
Accepted
24 March 2014
This study used qualitative methods to assess why women engage in heterosexual anal (receptive) intercourse
(AI) with a male partner. Four focus groups which comprised women from diverse ethnicities were conducted.
All groups were digitally recorded for transcription; transcripts were analyzed using the methods of grounded
theory to determine themes. Women’s reasons for engaging in anal intercourse with a male partner can be
described in broad categories including that the women wanted to have anal intercourse, either because of
their own desire, to please a male partner, or they were responding to a quid pro quo situation. The riskiness
of AI was assessed within relationship contexts. Past experience with AI including emotional and physical
reactions was identified. Among the negative physical experiences of AI were pain and disliking the sensation,
and uncomfortable side effects, such as bleeding of the rectum. Negative emotional experiences of AI included
feelings of shame, disgust, and being offended by something her male partner did, such as spitting on his
penis for lubrication. Positive physical experiences included liking the sensation. Many of the women also
endorsed positive emotional experiences of AI, including that it was more intimate than vaginal sex, and that
it was something they reserved only for special partners. The majority of AI episodes were unplanned and
not discussed prior to initiation. Pain during AI was mitigated by the use of lubricants or illicit drugs. Even
those women who found pleasure in AI expressed a preference for vaginal intercourse.
Keywords (separated by '-')
Footnote Information
Heterosexual anal intercourse - Anal sex - Women - Qualitative methods
Arch Sex Behav
DOI 10.1007/s10508-014-0367-2
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Why Women Engage in Anal Intercourse: Results from a Qualitative
Study
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Grace L. Reynolds • Dennis G. Fisher
Bridget Rogala
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Received: 30 August 2012 / Revised: 13 March 2014 / Accepted: 24 March 2014
The Author(s) 2014. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com
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Keywords Heterosexual anal intercourse Anal sex Women Qualitative methods
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Introduction
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ORIGINAL PAPER
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Abstract This study used qualitative methods to assess why
women engage in heterosexual anal (receptive) intercourse (AI)
with a male partner. Four focus groups which comprised women
from diverse ethnicities were conducted. All groups were digitally recorded for transcription; transcripts were analyzed using
the methods of grounded theory to determine themes. Women’s
reasons for engaging in anal intercourse with a male partner can
be described in broad categories including that the women
wanted to have anal intercourse, either because of their own
desire, to please a male partner, or they were responding to a
quid pro quo situation. The riskiness of AI was assessed
within relationship contexts. Past experience with AI including emotional and physical reactions was identified. Among the
negative physical experiences of AI were pain and disliking the
sensation, and uncomfortable side effects, such as bleeding of
the rectum. Negative emotional experiences of AI included feelings of shame, disgust, and being offended by something her
male partner did, such as spitting on his penis for lubrication.
Positive physical experiences included liking the sensation.
Many of the women also endorsed positive emotional experiences of AI, including that it was more intimate than vaginal
sex, and that it was something they reserved only for special partners. The majority of AI episodes were unplanned and not discussed priorto initiation. Pain during AI was mitigated by the use
of lubricants or illicit drugs. Even those women who found
pleasure in AI expressed a preference for vaginal intercourse.
A1
A2
A3
A4
G. L. Reynolds (&) D. G. Fisher
Center for Behavioral Research and Services, California State
University, 1090 Atlantic Ave., Long Beach, CA 90813, USA
e-mail: Grace.Reynolds@csulb.edu
A5
A6
B. Rogala
Substance Abuse Foundation Inc. of Long Beach, Long Beach, CA,
USA
Recent interest in heterosexual anal intercourse has been generated from several research perspectives. In the United States,
general population surveys have suggested that the prevalence
of anal intercourse among heterosexuals has increased over time
(Leichliter, 2009). It is not possible to know from these surveys
whether the prevalence of anal intercourse is actually increasing,
or as some would suggest that the sexual repertoire of Americans
has expanded to include anal intercourse, along with oral and
vaginal sex (Leichliter, 2009; McBride & Fortenberry, 2010).
There may now be less stigma attached to anal intercourse, and
respondents to these general population surveys may be more
comfortable admitting to the behavior (Mosher, Chandra &
Jones, 2005). Currently in the United States, there are no states
that have laws criminalizing anal intercourse (Kelvin, Smith,
Mantell, & Stein, 2009). The increase in the reporting of anal
intercourse among heterosexuals has implications for public
health efforts to educate individuals about the risks of sexually
transmitted infections, including those that may be transmitted
through anal contact (Fleming & Wasserheit, 1999; Gorbach
et al., 2009; Gross et al., 2000; Halperin, 1999; Javanbakht et al.,
2010; Tian et al., 2008).
Interest in anal intercourse has also come from research in
human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) transmission. Several
studies have quantified the increased risk of heterosexual transmission from one act of anal intercourse as compared to one act
of vaginal intercourse (Boily et al., 2009; Leynaert, Downs, de
Vincenzi, 1998; Powers, Poole, Pettifor, & Cohen, 2008). The
increased risk of HIV transmission through anal intercourse has
been well documented in studies of homosexual and bisexual
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men; however, there has only recently been interest in documenting comparable risks among heterosexual samples. The
studies that have used heterosexual samples have generally
focused on parts of the world, such as South Africa, that have not
only high rates of anal intercourse among heterosexuals, but also
highHIV prevalence in thegeneral population and high numbers
of concurrent partners among heterosexuals (Kalichman et al.,
2011; Thomas, 2009). Partner concurrency and the higher
transmissibility of HIV through anal intercourse also make studying heterosexual anal intercourse compelling in the United
States where the prevalence of HIV is high mainly in ethnic
minority samples, such as African American and Latina women
who have sex with men (McLellan-Lemal et al., 2012; Neblett &
Davey-Rothwell, 2011; Reynolds, Fisher, & Napper, 2010).
According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, 2013), 86 % of HIV cases in women are attributabletoheterosexual contact: 65 % ofHIV infections in African
American women and 17 % of HIV infections in Latina women
are attributable to heterosexual contact. Research with women
who have male partners recently released from jail or prison has
also yielded high rates of anal intercourse (Bland et al., 2012;
Swartzendruber, Brown, Sales, Murray, & DiClemente, 2011).
Harawa and Adimora (2008) link high incarceration rates
among both men and women in the African American community with HIV through a number of mechanisms, including
the role incarceration which plays in reducing the number of
male sexual partners available to African American women.
There is also research literature on heterosexual anal intercourse among drug-using subsamples, which has found a relationship between anal intercourse and both injection and noninjection drug use (Bogart et al., 2005a; Lorvick, Martinez, Gee,
& Kral, 2006; Powis, Griffiths, Gossup, & Strang, 1995; Risser,
Padget, Wolverton, & Risser, 2009; Strang, Powis, Griffiths, &
Gossup, 1994; Zule, Costenbader, Meyer, & Wechsberg, 2007),
as well as use of prescription drugs and PD5 inhibitors such as
Viagra (Fisher et al., 2006). Mackesy-Amiti et al. (2010) found
that among drug-using women, anal sex was more likely to occur
during transactional sex (sex for drugs or money) and was not
associated with emotional closeness.
While this growing body of literature suggests that anal
intercourse among heterosexual women may be more prevalent
than previously assumed (particularly among drug-abusing
samples of women), there is currently very little information
about why these women are engaging in anal intercourse. While
some have suggested that images of sexual behavior found in
popular media may influence both men and women’s sexual
behavior (Peterson & Hyde, 2010), the extent to which media
images play a role in women’s decisions to engage in anal
intercourse (or men’s requests for anal intercourse) is unclear.
Similarly, while others have suggested that women’s decisions
to engage in anal intercourse may be nested within complex
gender relationships that privilege male pleasure and female
subjugation (Hekma, 2008; Peterson & Hyde, 2010), the extent
to which women reference traditional gender roles (e.g., men are
interested in sex as conquests, while women are passive recipients of male advances) and sexual scripts (e.g., shared conventions about gender roles during sexual activity) when deciding to
engage in anal intercourse remains unclear (Dworkin, Beckford,
& Ehrhardt, 2007; Simon & Gagnon, 1986).
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Theoretical Framework
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Social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986) may help explain
women’s decisions to have anal intercourse. Bandura stated that
human behavior is learned from watching and interacting with
other human beings. Women may learn about anal intercourse
through male sex partners, and then they may suggest anal intercourse with new sex partners for a variety of reasons, including a
desireto beresponsive tohis desiresor because she has learned to
like anal intercourse from the experience with a previous sex
partner.
Gender stereotypes provide behavioral norms for a variety of
social settings; in sexual situations, men and women may be
compelled to follow behavioral expectations (Deaux & Lewis,
1984; Sanchez, Crocker, & Boike, 2005). Research has demonstrated that individuals may rely on these behavioral norms
and gender stereotypes when engaging in sex with a new partner
(Littleton & Axsom, 2003). Through these traditional gender
roles and sexual scripts (e.g., gender and role conventions),
women have been taught to prioritize their partners’ needs above
their own, and this may be a strong motivator for women engaging in anal intercourse when the male partner desires it.
Gender and power theory, which focuses on the sexual
division of labor, sexual division of power, and social norms
associated with relationships between men and women, may
also inform our understanding of heterosexual anal intercourse
(Connell, 1987). Wingood and DiClemente (2000) extended
Connell’s theory into public health to include behavioral and
biological risk factors as explanations for women’s increased
risk for HIV. Their model includes alcohol and drug use and
high-risk steady partners who have been linked to anal intercourse. DePadilla et al. (2011) validated Wingood and DiClemente’s model with empirical data demonstrating the relationship between theoretical constructs of gender and power and
condom use. Pulerwitz et al. (2002) found that the construct of
sexual relationship power accounted for variation in the use of
condoms for vaginal sex among Latina women, with greater
perceived relationship power being associated with more condom use; their findings on the importance of relationship power
were replicated in a study of anal intercourse in minority female
adolescents, where greater relationship power was associated
with the ability to refuse anal intercourse with a male partner
(Roye, Tolman, & Snowden, 2013).
The current study sought to examine why heterosexual
women engage in anal intercourse. Due to the limited nature of
previous research on this topic, we opted for a more exploratory
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approach aimed at uncovering the broad range of reasons that
women had for engaging in anal intercourse. Anal intercourse in
this study refers to the penetration of a woman’s anus by her
partner’s penis, and not the more general category of sexual
behaviors, anal sex, which can include anal-oral contact and
digital penetration. To enhance the relevance of this work for
both the mental health and public health sectors, we also sought
to examine women’s perception of risk related to anal intercourse and women’s emotional and physical experiences during
the encounter itself.
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Method
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Focus group methods were selected to uncover the wide range of
reasons that drug-abusing women may have for engaging in
heterosexual anal intercourse. Focus groups are particularly well
suited for uncovering a full range of opinions, experiences, or
concerns about a topic (Kruger, 1994). Given the limited nature
of information on this topic, we thought that the types of generative discussions that take place during focus groups would
yield the widest range of experiences, opinions, and insight into
women’s reasons for and experiences of engaging in anal
intercourse. Focus groups were also preferred by the participating outpatient drug treatment program because participants
were familiar with group activities and settings.
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Participants
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A total of 32 women participated in four separate focus groups
about heterosexual women’s experiences with anal intercourse.
All participants were recruited through an outpatient drug treatment program and a community-based HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STI) testing program; the testing program was
located at the Center for Behavioral Research and Services
(CBRS), an organized research center of the California State
University, Long Beach (CSULB). Women were invited to
participate in the focus groups if they were at least 18 years of age
and acknowledged having had anal intercourse with a man
during a previous interview at CBRS and had past experience of
illicit drug use. The majority had participated in some form of
outpatient drug treatment, but some of the women had never
received formal treatment for their drug use. All of the women
answered‘‘Yes’’to the question‘‘Have you ever in your life had
receptive anal sex (your partner’s penis in your butt/anus)’’
during the initial screening procedures, but only 73 % reported
having receptive penile-anal intercourse on the brief questionnaire administered immediately prior to the focus groups. Further questioning revealed that all of the participants had had anal
intercourse, but some did not count it as such if the man did not
ejaculate or if the woman insisted he withdraw because of pain.
The resulting sample consisted of 32 women from diverse
ethnic backgrounds: 31 % were White, 41 % were Black/African
American, and 28 % were Latino. The average age of the participants was 37 years (SD = 11.02, range 24–56), and 6 % of the
women were currently married.
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Procedure
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Women who met the screening criteria described above were
invited to participate through a verbal invitation, a flyer, and/or a
letter, and were offered $50 cash as an incentive. Each focus
group was scheduled on a different day and time to maximize
participation, but all focus groups were conducted at both the
community-based drug treatment and the HIV/STI testing
center from which the women had been recruited. Following the
recommendations of Kruger (1994), each focus group consisted
of 7–10 participants, and all focus groups were conducted by the
first author who has experience with group facilitation and has
worked extensively with the population served at both the drug
treatment center and CBRS. The focus groups were constituted
so that all the women in each group were of the same ethnicity;
group 1 was African American, group 2 was Latina, and group 3
was White, but group 4 was mixed with approximately equal
proportions of African American and White women.
Upon arrival at the focus group location, participants were
first informed about the nature of the study and all associated
risks and benefits. Informed consent was a two-stage process:
women consented first to participate in the focus group and
signed an informed consent form approved by the CSULB
Institutional Review Board. The second stage consent process
required the women to give separate consent to have the focus
group digitally recorded for later transcription and coding. Only
women who were willing to consent at both stages, that is, to
participate in the focus group and to allow the group to be
recorded, participated in the final focus groups. None of the
women refused to be audio taped.
Women then answered a brief demographic questionnaire
that elicited information on their age, self-reported ethnicity, and
the number of biological children, whether they had had oral,
vaginal, and anal intercourse at any point in their lifetime, and
whether their last sexual encounter was with a man or a woman.
The demographic questionnaire was followed by a description
of focus group procedures and ground rules. Following the
recommendations of Kruger (1994), the focus group protocol
consisted of five generally worded questions about heterosexual
anal intercourse with male partners, how often it had occurred in
their lifetime, the frequency of anal intercourse with their current
or most recent sexual partner, the context in which the anal
intercourse event took place (type of partner, such as new,
casual, and regular), the role of alcohol and illicit substances in
facilitating the anal intercourse, and other relevant characteristics of the male partners (known to be bisexual, previous incarceration history) and any other information the women were
willing to provide concerning the anal intercourse event itself
(e.g., lubricants or enemas used, location such as a motel).
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Participants were allowed to respond spontaneously to each
question and were not required to seek permission to speak or
speak in a designated order. Although each participant was not
required to answer each question, the facilitator did encourage
participation from all women and made efforts to elicit diverging
perspectives.
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Data Analysis
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The audio files produced by the recording equipment in MP3
format weretranscribed verbatim and imported into Dedoose, an
on-line qualitative analysis program that facilitates coding,
sorting, and displaying mixed method data. Specific analysis
procedures followed many of the recommendations of Grounded Theory (Glaser, 1998; Miles & Huberman, 1995) and
unfolded in several phases. In the first phase, the second author
read over the transcripts and noted key ideas in the margins (a
step known as marginal coding) (Miles & Huberman, 1995). In
the second phase, a constant comparison method was used to
group and organize the marginal codes conceptually. This
inductive process resulted in a hierarchically organized codebook containing codes and subcodes that emerged from the data
itself. In the third phase, Dedoose was used to mark excerpts
from the transcripts. Excerpts were identified both conceptually
(based on the beginning and ending of a distinct idea) and contextually (including all necessary information for accurate
interpretation). The codebook was then uploaded to Dedoose
and used to assign applicable codes to the excerpts. Dedoose was
used to assess inter-rater reliability utilizing a random selection
of one-third of the excerpts created by the second author. In most
cases, disagreements involved omissions. This occurred when
one person applied a code that was overlooked by the other
person. When these omissions were counted as disagreements,
the kappa coefficient was .79. When these omissions were left
out of the calculations, kappa increased to .93, indicating that
there were few outright disagreements in coding. All omissions
and discrepancies were then discussed by the coders, and a
consensus approach was used to assign final codes. Each of these
codes and sample quotes are described in detail below.
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Results
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Women’s Reasons for Engaging in Anal Intercourse
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Results from the current study suggest that heterosexual, drugusing women engage in anal intercourse with male partners for a
variety of different reasons. As can be seen in Fig. 1, there were
six main reasons that women choseto engagein anal intercourse:
they were high and under the influence at the time; because of
their own desire; to please a sexual partner; they wanted to avoid
vaginal sex (having menstrual period); quid pro quo exchange
situations; and situations where they did not explicitly consent,
either because they did not know they had a right to refuse or
because they were coerced/attacked.
The most frequently reported reason women offered for
engaging in anal intercourse was because they were high (20/32;
62.5 % of participants).
Every time I have had anal sex it was because I was either
extremely drunk or extremely loaded; every time I have had anal
sex I was on drugs. (African American, Group 1)
In some of these cases, the women described being more
interested in anal intercourse when they were high, suggesting
that substance use increased their own sexual desire:
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When we do drugs, most drugs we take, we know there’s
going to be sex involved… It’s going to be like whether it’s
right away (claps hands together), or, like, you know, the
minute you do it (claps hands together) –BAM!–your
clothes are already off or in the process of getting off. We
know what’s coming. Or you made the trip and you go into
a motel and you bring all your stuff and you get high and
then you are going to have sex. Hours of sex. Hours, hours,
hours, yeah. (White, Group 3)
Well most everyone that I know where I came from,
homeless, which was under the freeway…everyone is
kinky down there, you know. They swear they’re not
doing her, her, her, or him, but really she’s doing her and
he’s doing him and then it goes back to her type of stuff.
Let’s just say the walls are down and nothing is limited…whatever goes, goes. (African American, Group 1)
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In other cases, the women described drugs as making them do
somethingtheywouldnot ordinarilydo,suggestingthattheywere
only willing to engage in anal intercourse when they were high
enough to overcome their inhibitions and personal boundaries:
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Cocaine makes us do what we would usually not do.
Because on the very first date I ever turned, I made $1,700
on Sunset. And this experience I’m talking about, I got
paid $75. So, you know, when you start using drugs and
shit, it makes you do shit… you have certain boundaries
and morals set and it makes you go beneath that. (Latina,
Group 2)
Let me tell you, crack will make some people do anything…sell your baby, sell you. Anything! No, crack will
make you do anything. (African American, Group 1)
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The primary goal of the current study was to uncover a wide
range of reasons as to why heterosexual, drug-abusing women
engage in anal intercourse. Secondary goals included gaining a
deeper understanding of the context of the anal intercourse,
women’s perceptions of risk related to anal intercourse,
women’s emotional and physical experiences during anal
intercourse, and the role of substance abuse in all aspects of the
anal intercourse encounter. Results related to each of these
research questions are described in more detail below.
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To please her
partner
Women’s own
desire for anal sex
Quid pro quo
Money or drugs
exchanged for anal
sex
Fig. 1 Women’s motivations for having anal intercourse with male partners (N = 32)
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Still others explained that having anal intercourse without
using substances would be too painful so they are only willing to
have anal intercourse when they are high:
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It was the drugs that was the main thing that made me.
Because if I wasn’t on drugs, there would be no way in the
world first of all I would let a man touch me. You know
what I’m saying? If I wasn’t on drugs, you sure nuff not
going up my ass. You know what I’m saying? You’re
gonna have to break me off right–right, and I gotta be real
sprung. You know what I’m saying? (African American,
Group 1)
I’m not even sober when I fuck around like that…It was
totally not even like worth it when I was drunk. So when I
was drunk if I couldn’t take it, I sure the hell can’t take it
when I’m sober. (White, Group 3)
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Seventeen women (17/32; 53 %) described situations where
they did not want the anal intercourse to occur but did not feel she
had the right to say no. Thus, while the woman may have granted
permission implicitly by not refusing outright, anal intercourse
was not something she decided to do in any conscious way.
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That’s how low I felt in myself, that it was ok. It got to be
where he started doing this on a regular basis. I didn’t feel
like I was worth nothing that I allowed him to do it. And I
guess because I did not speak up for myself, he really
started taking advantage of me. He started doing it to me in
my booty–painfully! (African American, Group 1)
You know, it’s something that I do unconsciously. I suffer
from depression and certain stuff like that. So a lot of
things that I do probably don’t make sense to a lot of
people. (White, Group 4)
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Fifteen of the participants (15/32; 49 % of participants)
described situations where the women engaged in anal intercourse because they desired it. In some of these cases, women
Under the influence
of drugs or alcohol
No Consent
Coercion
Did not know she
could refuse
simply described engaging in anal intercourse because they
personally enjoy it:
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402
I do it for enjoyment. (White, Group 4)
I wanted it. I wanted to give it a try. It was done to express
our love for one another and I wanted to like do more. I
wanted it. I wanted us both to try it. I wanted to do anything
I can. I wanted the ultimate workout and he gave it to me.
(African American, Group 1)
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In other cases, women described only enjoying anal intercourse in specific circumstances such as with people they know
and trust very well:
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The few times I do it with anybody it has to be with
someone I really want to because there are certain things I
don’t want to do with certain people. So it’s like a private
thing for myself. (Latina, Group 2)
When you’re feeling close to that person…when you are
with them longer and know them better…when you are
feeling comfortable with them…It is the height of intimacy. Vaginal is just like ok…I think anal is like when
you’ve done everything and you finally are…you know
the person well. (African American, Group 1)
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Others described only having anal intercourse in certain
positions or when certain conditions were met:
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I won’t have [anal] sex with a man unless I can kick their
ass…if I’m gonna give up mine, you’re gonna give up
yours. (African American, Group 1)
It has been my choice, you know…like, this is what I want,
you know? I only like it in one certain position, so when it
does happen, I am in control of how we do it because it is
my body, you know? (Latina, Group 2)
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Another reason for engaging in anal intercourse occurred in
exchange situations (12/32; 37.5 % of participants). For example,
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Desire to avoid
vaginal sex (on
period, discharge)
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Why Women Have
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with Men
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some of the women agreed to have anal intercourse in exchange
for money:
occurred without the woman’s explicit consent. In some of these
cases, the man simply initiated anal intercourse:
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I tried it a couple of times, but I got paid a very large
amount of money. I mean, it had to be about…I got paid
about $5,000 the first time I had anal sex. (African
American, Group 1)
I met a trucker like that by Skid Row…We were in the
back of his cab in his truck and we were getting high and he
gave me $200. I was like, oooh, I done come up tonight,
you know what I’m saying? I was one of those low-budget
hoes, you know, $30 or $40. But for $200, I thought I hit
the lotto, right? (African American, Group 1)
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Others agreed to have anal intercourse in exchange for drugs:
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I was so cracked out in the game that I knew I was going to
get a hit when he got through. That’s sad, you know what
I’m saying? But that’s how my down was. I knew it wasn’t
gonna take too long because my booty tight. It ain’t gonna
take long. You know what I’m saying? It hurt! It hurt! It
hurt! But all I am thinking about is the hit, the hit, and it
ain’t gonna take long. I am going to get a big hit when I get
through. And, you know, that’s my experience with anal
sex. (African American, Group 1)
I was at that stage in my life where I didn’t care about
nothing. And I met this guy. He was a smoker/drug dealer–
that’s a smoker that always keeps drugs to sell. And he and
I, you know, we lived in this shack, it wasn’t a real house, it
didn’t have no electricity, but it was clean and everything.
And I became his woman because he had the dope.
(African American, Group 1)
You ever had the kind that while you were having sex it
slipped out…and instead of going boom back in the
coochie, they go straight for the ass, knowing that ain’t the
coochie? No, no, my coochie way up here! My shit way up
here! [Do you think he was deliberately trying to deceive
you or was he just confused and in the moment?] He was
confused my ass! All the lights were on! Nigga, you see
this! I got a hairy coochie! Ain’t no hair around my asshole. He wanted some ass! Yeah, they know what they’re
doing. They’re trying to see what you’re gonna say.
(African American, Group 1)
We were doing regular sex and then he ask me for my
booty. I know he has been to prison, he just got out of
prison, and I’m like, nah, don’t do that. And he said, well,
let me give you a massage. And I was like, yeah, I got sore
legs. Go ahead and give me a massage. He put lotion on my
legs and massaged them on up and up my thighs. And he
got to the booty and massaged it. Then the next thing you
know–BAM!–therehe go!Hewent on and hit it.Iwas like,
no, don’t do that. Then he was real smooth with it. I said,
oh, this motherfucker has experience with this thing.
(African American, Group 1)
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In other cases, the encounter was a violent attack:
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Another reason that our sample of drug-abusing, heterosexual women offered forengaging in anal intercourse was to please
a male partner (9/32; 28 % of participants). In some of these
cases, the women agreed to have anal intercourse because the
man directly asked (or begged) them to:
No condoms! No lubrication! I am surprised I don’t have
AIDS today. You know what I’m saying? He wouldn’t put
on no condom. He would flip me and put me in a choke
hold, I could hardly breathe, you know? (African American, Group 1)
The very first two times I ever had sex I was raped and I
was sodomized. (White, Group 3)
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It’s always, it’s always ‘baby if you love me, oh baby, let
me just have that ass, come on please? (African American,
Group 1)
It was me and my husband. He asked, he was curious. We
thought about it and then we went on ahead and did it.
(African American, Group 4)
Although the majority of participants said that they did not
engage in anal intercourse as a form of birth control, three participants (3/32; 9 %) said that they had engaged in anal intercourse in order to avoid vaginal sex when they were on their
period:
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I have had anal sex because I was on my period…I just put
a tampon in and then yeah. (Latina, Group 2)
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In other cases, the women themselves offered to have anal
intercourse in an attempt to please their partner:
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Women’s Perception of Risk
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LikeItried it just topleasemy dude. Itriedit,but Ijust can’t
deal with it. (White, Group 3)
I want to be the type of woman who does satisfy my man in
any way…whatever desires he has. (Latina, Group 2)
The current study also sought to understand women’s perception
of risk related to anal intercourse. Results uncovered a variety of
factors that were related to women’s perceptions of anal intercourse as risky or not risky (see Fig. 2). Seventeen of the women
(17/32; 53 % of participants) described anal intercourse as risky.
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Seven out of the total sample of 32 women (7/32; 22 % of
participants) described situations where the anal intercourse
From a medical standpoint, I think anal sex is very dangerous because once the tissue breaks, it goes straight to
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Risky
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the bloodstream. Also, if you have prolonged anal sex, it
ruptures the sphincter, so you’ll be wearing a diaper the
rest of your life. (African American, Group 1)
It is risky and I think it is because they be so excited that
you have to slow them down…you have to slow them
down and let them know, hey, you know, this is a little bit
different. It is risky. It is very risky. (African American,
Group 4)
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Women described two main factors that contributed to their
perception of risk: lack of protection (e.g., condoms) and partner’s sexual history. Five of the women (5/32; 16 % of participants) focused on the lack of protection that resulted from not
using a condom, using a poor substitute for a condom or using the
wrong type of lubricant that could damage the condom:
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People sometimes use condoms, but if you use the wrong
lotion or lube…you’re gonna break it. (Latina, Group 2)
That’s another thing with using the Saran Wrap or a plastic
bag or whatever. It’s like that shit is not gonna protect you
like a condom…the thing I’m trying to say is if you are
using the wrong contraceptive, that shit is gonna go
through that. You feel me? Because it is not proper. That’s
not the proper way to perform. (White, Group 3)
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Five women (5/32; 15 % of participants) focused on the
man’s past sexual history as an indicator of risk, particularly
when the man had been to prison or was known to have had sex
with other men:
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The last one that I was with that I found out had been
messing around with other men… I thank God that I never
caught anything from him. Cause I was at the most risk of
catching HIV ever most in my life with him. (Latina,
Group 2)
I know from my personal experience, um, the last person
that I waswith, um, well, I had anal sex with him. And Ihad
like lots of sex with him. But it was all under the influence.
And, um, I’ve heard since then that hedlx is, um, bisexual.
So I had an HIV test when I came back here, and, um, was
kind of worried about it. But I’m ok. But, um, I put myself
at risk with him, cause, uh, I found out that he has had like
Lack of barrier
protection; misuse
of protection
Trust partner
Long-term
committment
multiple partners of both sexes. (African American,
Group 1)
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569
Six of the women (6/32; 19 % of participants) described an
absence of concern about risks associated with anal intercourse,
at least at the time the women were engaging in the act and
described three main factors that contributed to a lack of concern
about risk: being on drugs, trusting their partner, and being in the
heat of the moment. Five of the women (5/32; 15.6 % participants) described their substance use as interfering with their
concerns about risk or willing to engage in safe sex practices.
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I didn’t think twice about not using protection. When I’m
using and slamming dope, I don’t care, you know?(White,
Group 3)
In my sick head, in my sick addiction, I’m like, oh, fuck it,
it is what it is. That’s how I take things, especially with
HIV, my brother has it. I take it, like, if I get it, I get it. I’ve
injected needles with other people…I’ve done so much
shit that like, it’s like a cold to me now. If I get that cold, I
get it, and I suffer the consequences. (African American,
Group 1)
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Four of the women (4/32; 12.5 % of participants) described
feeling less at risk because they trusted their partners:
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My first time was with my boyfriend who turned out to be
my husband. We were dating and my first time was with
him. At the time, I didn’t think it was risky. I trusted him.
(African American, Group 1)
Like, he is my kid’s dad….It’s just that that was the only
man I knew I could come and have sex with instead of
going to be a ho-bag at the time. But I mean, I kept on going
back to him, running back to him, running back to him.
And then, finally, when I realized he had a boyfriend and
everybody was telling me the truth, and then he told me, I
was like, dude, why didn’t you tell me? You know, like the
times we’ve had sex, I’m transferring, getting AIDS. You
could have made me aware. (African American, Group 1)
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Two of the participants (2/32; 6 % of participants) described
how the heat of the moment can interfere with the perception of
risk.
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Male partners’
sexual history
Not Risky
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Fig. 2 Women’s perceptions of
HIV risk associated with anal
intercourse (N = 32)
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Women’s Physical and Emotional Experiences During Anal
Intercourse
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The current study also sought to understand women’s physical
and emotional experiences during and immediately after anal
intercourse. Analysis of women’s descriptions uncovered a
variety of contexts that were related to women’s enjoyment or
discomfort when engaging in anal intercourse (see Fig. 3). Ten
of the women (10/32; 31 % of participants) described anal
intercourse as enjoyable.
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Personally, I like it; I wanted the ultimate workout and he
gave it to me; I do like to have my salad tossed. (African
American, Group 1)
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Yet, when asked whether they preferred anal intercourse or
vaginal intercourse, nearly every woman in the focus groups
unanimously expressed a preference for vaginal sex.
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Regular! Regular! Regular! We are regulars in here!
(Latina, Group 2)
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This suggests that most of the women in these focus groups
found vaginal intercourse to be more enjoyable than anal
intercourse. Nine of the excerpts (9/32; 28 % of participants)
specifically discussed the role that substance use played in their
experience of pleasure.
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Iknow that anal sex is,uh, Idon’t know, forme, it was likeI
loved it when I was high. (White, Group 3)
Catch me on my come down. On my come down, it was
like, I don’t know what it is, I love sex when I’m coming
down. When I’m coming down, fuck. I love to fuck on my
come down. That is like the best sex ever. I don’t know
what it is about it…It’s like you’re half asleep, half awake,
like, it’s the best. (Latina, Group 2)
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It was also clear that specific contexts or circumstances were
typically required in order for the women to enjoy the experience. For example, seven of the women (7/32; 22 % of participants) emphasized the importance of male experience with the
use of lubricants for a woman’s enjoyment:
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I’m going to put it like this: Hold up, hold up. If you are
with a guy who knows what he is doing, it won’t hurt that
bad if he takes his time and stuff…it’s really not that bad if
the person knows what he is doing. If he is taking his time
and stuff and lubricating, then it’s all right. (African
American, Group 1)
I mean, to me it was pleasurable. But, like I said, we used a
condom and a lubricant. And we took our time, you know?
It wasn’t no rush, you know? (African American, Group 4)
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Seven of the women (7/32; 22 % of participants) also
emphasized the importance of being stimulated in the correct
way, or staying relaxed that helped create a more pleasurable
experience.
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662
You have to totally, totally, totally relax. If you’re having
it, just remember to breathe; I never did have anal sex
without, without, like, toys, like clit stimulators or something like that, you know? African American, Group 1)
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In contrast to the women who found pleasure in anal intercourse, 15 of thewomen (15/32; 47 % ofparticipants) focused on
the emotional and physical discomfort associated with anal
intercourse (see Fig. 4). For many of these women, the experience was physically uncomfortable or downright painful:
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No, I don’t even like fingers, don’t even put your finger in
there. Party over. Don’t even put your tongue down
there…’’Baby, do you want your asshole eaten?’’ No.
(African American, Group 1)
I thought that at the time something tore, I don’t know.
Yeah, it was very painful. Like, for the first couple of times
I tried it, like it felt, seriously it felt like, this is what I
thought: I was like, ‘‘is my butthole turned inside out?’’
You know what I mean? It was like it just hurt. It was very,
very painful. (African American, Group 1)
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Other participants focused on the unwanted side effects.
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I hate anal sex, it is very painful. I don’t like the way I have
to use the restroom the next day. (African American,
Group 1)
My experience was like, as soon as this motherfucker got
done fucking me in the ass, I had to go to the toilet. Then,
when I took a shit, I wiped my shit and there was blood on
the fucking thing. So, yeah, that’s not a good thing to be
fucked in the ass. It’s really not. For real, for real, my
saying to this day is exit only. You know what I’m saying?
Like it’s made for shit to come out not to go in. (African
American, Group 1)
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Still others felt emotionally humiliated by the experience.
695
To me, I not only felt sore, but it was demoralizing. It
didn’t feel like a normal sexual activity. It felt like I did
something wrong. It felt wrong. (African American,
Group 1)
When it gets dry, they’ll just pull back out and then they
spit and they put it back in… the first time somebody did
that, I was like‘‘oh, my.’’It was disgusting to me. (White,
Group 3)
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Sometimes we don’t think about that when we are in the
mood and we are not paying attention to what we are
doing. (White, Group 4)
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Women’s Positive
Experiences with
Anal Sex
Positive Emotional
Experiences
No Side Effects
More Intimate than
Vaginal Sex
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Liked Sensation
Positive Physical
Experiences
Only for Special
Partner
Natural
Fig. 3 Women’s Positive physical and emotional experiences of anal intercourse (N = 32)
Women’s Negative
Experiences with
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Not Preferred
Disliked Sensation
Negative Physical
Negative Emotional
Experiences
Experiences
Unwelcome Side
Shame
Effects
Disgust
Offended
Fig. 4 Women’s negative physical and emotional experiences of anal intercourse (N = 32)
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While some of the women simply expressed discomfort or
distaste for anal intercourse, others described specific circumstances that contributed to their dislike of anal intercourse. For
example, five of the women (5/32; 15.6 % of participants)
described male partners who were so focused on their own
pleasure that they failed to consider the women’s experiences:
They don’t know what they are doing. They just want to do
it without…they push you all hard instead of going
soft…They are focused on themselves and what they want
and not, not realizing that it will hurt us more than them.
(African American, Group 4)
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The anal sex for me is like hard. Because the one time that I
did do it, I was drunk and it was fucking shoved in and it
hurt. And I was like, it was all bad. (Latina, Group 3)
Others described specific physical deterrents such as condoms, lack of lubrication, or the inability to relax that interfered
with women’s ability to experience pleasure:
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The current study sought to understand why heterosexual
women engage in anal intercourse, their perceptions of risks
associated with anal intercourse, and their physical and emotional reactions to anal intercourse. Results from a series of four
focus groups with women recruited from a community-based
HIV and STI testing program and an outpatient drug treatment
program suggested that women had a wide range of views on
anal intercourse with a man and motivations for having anal
intercourse. Among these motivations were (1) because they
were high; (2) the women’s own desire for anal intercourse; (3) a
desire to please their partner, (4) in quid pro quo (exchange)
situations; (5) because they wanted to avoid vaginal sex; (6) and
because they did not consent, either because they did not realize
they had to ability to refuse or because they were coerced.
That the majority of women reported that they had anal sex
because they were high is not surprising, given the sample of
women, which was recruited from a drug treatment and STI
testing facility. This current study also found a relationship
between anal intercourse, substance use, and sexual pleasure
among women.
Other reasons noted by the women were that they desired anal
intercourse; they wanted to please their partner; they wanted to
avoid vaginal sex; the situation was an exchange or quid pro quo
one; and situations where the woman did not specifically consent, either because of low self-esteem or coercion. Even in
consensual situations, we found that the majority of anal intercourse episodes reported on in this study were initiated by the
men, in some cases surprising the women, who either did not
expect anal intercourse during the specific encounter or had
never done it before. Several women said that the men wanted to
have anal intercourse with them in order to initiate them into
something they had never experienced before. In their review of
heterosexual anal sexuality and anal intercourse behaviors,
McBride and Fortenberry (2010) note that the role of the‘‘exotic’’in heterosexual anal sexual behaviors and ideas of‘‘gifting’’
that come from the virginity literature may play a role in anal
intercourse and related behaviors between men and women. In
our study, several women endorsed the idea that their male
partners wanted to facilitate an experience for the women that
they had never had before and that anal intercourse was one such
new, perhaps exotic experience. Alternatively, women in our
study also endorsed the belief that they would only have anal
intercourse with special male partners or on special occasions,
suggesting that anal intercourse may act as a ‘‘gift’’ from the
women to these special partners. The idea of anal sex being
reserved for special partners contradicts findings of MackesyAmiti et al. (2010) who found that relationship closeness was not
associated with anal intercourse in a sample of drug-using
women.
Our findings also suggest that a substantial minority of participants never actively consented to having anal intercourse
verbally and explicitly. Previous studies on consent for sexual
activity may provide some insight into this study’s findings. For
example, Hickman and Muehlenhard (1999) reported that most
consent for sexual activity was non-verbal and included behavior such as not avoiding the partner’s advances and not explicitly
saying ‘‘no.’’ Jozkowski’s (2013) work, which looked more
closely at gender differences in sexual consent, found that women
were more likely to consent verbally, and men were more likely to
consent nonverbally to sexual activity. The explicit use of verbal
consent on the part of women may reflect a traditional conceptualization of women as sexual gatekeepers and provides support
for the role of traditional sexual norms influencing heterosexual
anal intercourse behavior.
Work by Jozkowski and Peterson (2013) reported that a small
minority of college-aged men used deception for both vaginal
and anal intercourse. In that study, male college students may
have been trying to find a way around women’s likelihood of
refusal for sex by proceeding to engage in sexual activity. In
many ways, this is a ‘‘gray’’ area between overt sexual consent
and sexual coercion, and much of the current literature on sexual
assault has not addressed deceptive behaviors within sexual
encounters (Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013). Malamuth (1989)
noted that some men are willing to engage in aggressive, even
coercive sexual behavior, especially if they are unlikely to be
caught. The women may have been less likely to overtly refuse
the anal intercourse if she was under the influence of drugs.
While this was not the case for some of the women in our study
who were not shy about saying‘‘no’’when anal penetration was
painful, many of the women also simply acquiesced. Minieri
et al. (2014) noted that experience of intimate partner violence
among drug-using women can undermine relationship power.
Whatever the truth might be about the ‘‘surprise’’ element
involved in the anal intercourse events reported by this sample of
women, more study is needed to understand the context of
individual risk, consent, and refusal among minority women.
Harawa, Leng, Kim, and Cunningham (2011) reported that
more African Americans spend greater parts of their lives single
(not married or cohabitating) than do Whites or Latinos, and this
is especially true for women. Many social factors have reduced
the number of single African American men available to African
American women for sexual partnerships, including high rates
of incarceration, homicide, and racial disparities in mortality
from preventable and chronic health conditions (Adimora &
Schoenbach, 2002; Adimora, Schoenbach, & Floris-Moore,
2009; Harawa & Adimora, 2008). Previous research has found
that this lack of partners leads to African American women
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We started with the rubber, but it seemed like the rubber
was irritating me. Even with the lubricant, it was just too
much. It kind of traumatized me. (Latina, Group 2)
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engaging in and accepting condom-less sex, thus lending support for gender and power frameworks to inform our understanding of anal intercourse. Our results indicate that women
might consent to anal intercourse because of these same factors.
Bland et al. (2012) found that African American men who spent
longer than 90 days incarcerated were more likely to report
unprotected sex with a woman, including anal intercourse.
A secondary goal of this study was to examine women’s
perceptions of risk associated with anal intercourse. Results
suggested that asubstantial number of the women perceived anal
intercourse to be risky after the fact, but a variety of situational
factors deterred from their ability to view anal intercourse as
risky in the moment, including being in the heat of the moment,
trusting their partners, and substance use. Such findings are
consistent with previous research (Maynard, Carballo-Dieguez,
Ventuneac, Exner, & Mayer, 2009). Factors related to the perception of risk for anal intercourse included partners’ sexual
history and a lack of barrier protection during sex. Reynolds,
Latimore, and Fisher (2008) reported that sex while high and
HIV risk perception were positively associated with anal intercourse in women. Despite some well-publicized scientific
studies of the risks of HIV infection from heterosexual anal
intercourse, the women interviewed for this study were vague
about exactly how their male partners might be placing them at
risk. The women acknowledged that gay and bisexual men were
a source of HIV infection, and that men who had been to prison
and who might have had sex with another man were a source of
risk for women. The women did not mention the risks of HIV
infection from sex with an injection drug user, though many
acknowledged both injection and non-injection drug use by
male partners with whom they had had anal intercourse. The
women also did not make fine-grained distinctions concerning
the male partners’ role in anal intercourse that may have
occurred with men. The research literature makes clear distinctions between risks among men who have sex with men from
insertive anal intercourse compared to receptive anal intercourse, but the women did not.
Findings from the current study suggest that only a handful of
the participants actually enjoyed anal intercourse. Pain as an
insurmountable barrier to anal intercourse is consistent with the
study by Stulhofer and Adkukovic (2013). Even among the
participants who did seem to enjoy anal intercourse, most
expressed an explicit preference for vaginal intercourse over
anal intercourse and described several specific factors which
needed to be in place for them to enjoy the anal intercourse
experience. Women who enjoyed anal intercourse specified the
need for a partner who was experienced in the use of lubricants
and who used them to make anal intercourse more pleasurable
for the women. Conversely, women with male partners who
were more egocentric about their own needs, or lacking experience with lubricant use, or both, during the encounter almost
unanimously described the encounter as painful. These findings
are consistent with previous research on lubricant use and
women’s preferences during sexual activity (Jozkowski, Peterson, Sanders, Dennis, & Reece, 2014) as well as Stulhofer and
Ajdukovic’s study suggesting that partners must undergo a
learning process in order to make anal intercourse a routine part
of sexual relationships.
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Limitations
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The current study has limitations worth noting. First, as with
many qualitative approaches, the sample size was small. This,
and the fact that the majority of participants were ethnic minority
women recruited through community-based HIV testing and
outpatient drug treatment programs, limits the generalizability
of the findings. However, given the statistics on HIV incidence
and prevalenceinminoritywomen,the samplewasalsoastrength
of the study as these are the women who are most at risk for HIV
infection from unprotected heterosexual anal intercourse.
Focus groups are well suited to identifying the range and
limits of a specific experience. In the current study, we were able
to capture a wide range of reasons for engaging in anal intercourse, factors related to the perception of risk, and contexts
related to women’s enjoyment of anal intercourse. But it is
important to remember the limits of focus group data. While
focus groups are very good at uncovering the range of experience, they are not good at uncovering how common any one
experience might be. This is because not every person was asked
or required to answer every question. A participant’s silence
does not necessarily mean that they did not have the experience.
Participation was also limited to English-speaking women, and
participants were low-income women. Additionally, the women
were willing to discuss a stigmatized behavior in a focus group
setting. Therefore, this study does not necessarily represent the
views of women who may feel uncomfortable discussing anal
intercourse in a group setting.
There was also a methodological finding in this study concerning how questions about anal sex and anal intercourse are
phrased. A small number of women gave contradictory answers
to the screening questions concerning penile-anal penetration
and anal intercourse. This suggests that questions must be
carefully worded when studying this behavior.
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Conclusion
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This study provides insight for understanding how women
perceive receptive anal intercourse with male partners and why
they engage in anal intercourse. Future research should focus on
two of the findings from this study. First, how do women decide
who the ‘‘special’’ partners are with whom they will have anal
intercourse? This has implications for sexual health, and HIV
and STI prevention. The women mentioned trust and longerterm partnerships as being associated with less risky anal
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intercourse, but there were enough instances where rapport
established with a new or casual partner was enough for the
woman to designate a man as‘‘special.’’
Second, more work is needed on the gray area of consent or
lack thereof for novel or exotic sexual behaviors that are
unplanned and perhaps new experiences. What constitutes
consent for a new experience such as anal intercourse, the first
time it happens? Or when it is unplanned and not discussed prior
to engaging in sexual activity? Whether the most recent experience of anal intercourse is negative or positive may determine
whether the woman will engage in anal intercourse in the future,
but does not really answer the question as to whether she consented to it the first time. Not all of the anal intercourse episodes
reported by the women in this study occurred within the context
of sex trading or drug use, suggesting that a more nuanced
framework is necessary for understanding how women handle
men who may use deception in their sexual encounters or how
women handle the introduction of‘‘experimental’’or novel acts
into a sexual encounter. Given the potential health risks from
anal intercourse, further inquiry into this sexual behavior is
warranted.
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Acknowledgments Funding for this study was provided by the California
HIV/AIDS Research Program, University of California Office of the
President, Grant # ID10-CSULB-008.
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Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License which permits any use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and the source
are credited.
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