Kapur Surya Foundation East Asian IdentityAuthor(s): K SYAMALAMMA and P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY Source: World Affairs: The Journal of International Issues , Vol. 14, No. 4 (WINTER 2010 (OCT—DEC)), pp. 20-35 Published by: Kapur Surya Foundation Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/48504856 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Kapur Surya Foundation is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Affairs: The Journal of International Issues This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY EAST ASIAN IDENTITY Identity may be based on various factors like class or caste, language, state, religion, nation and even continent. In the process a person acquires multiple identities and depending on a particular situation, one of the identities may dominate. In the twenty-first century, identities may also be based on regions and regional organisations promote a pan-regional identity among their people. This article examines whether it is possible for a region like East Asia to form an identity and whether cultural identities take shape and develop because of regional organisations, since the success or failure of such endeavours influence the evolution of integration. Accordingly, natural geographical and cultural boundaries as well as “identity” in the East Asian context, as shaped by cultural, economic, historical, political, religious and security factors, are analysed. K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY I dentity may be formed among people based on social class, caste, language, state, religion and nation. In this process, a person acquires multiple identities and as such may be a Brahmin, Telugu, Andhra, Hindu and Indian simultaneously. Based on a particular situation, one of these identities may dominate. For example, when such a person settles in a Western country, the “Indian identity” normally predominates. Identity may also be based on continent—African, American, Asian or European. Canadians for instance, identify themselves as both Canadians and North Americans. In the twenty-first century, identities may also be formed based on regions—East European, North African or South Asian. These identities also have a civilisational, cultural and historical basis as indicated by the Chinese, Egyptian, Greek, Indus, Mesopotamian and Roman civilisations. In addition, regional organisations like the European Union (EU) promote a panregional identity among their people. 20 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY The question examined here is whether it is possible for a region—like East Asia (China, Japan, North and South Korea)—to form an identity and if cultural identities form and develop because of regional organisations like the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the EU or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). To this end it analyses natural geographical and cultural boundaries. For example, South Asia has a natural geographical boundary; in fact it is a single land mass. It also has a natural cultural boundary in the sense that most ancient East Asians (Chinese, Japanese civilisational traits have been inherited and Koreans) differ ethnically and are practised by a majority of the from Southeast Asians as do their people from dress and ornaments to languages and scripts. The food habits, languages, religions, et al. practice of religions are also The South Asian region formed a specific. Even in their art forms regional organisation—the South Asian East Asians have maintained a Association for Regional Cooperation, specific identity at least from the which contributes to “regional identity”. sixteenth century onwards. Similarly, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) may be cited as an example for the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, if an organisation has an artificial boundary, grouping or bonding, it is difficult for it to contribute to regional identity—APEC, BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China), NATO, etc are some examples. Therefore, natural geographical and cultural boundaries are fundamental to the identity of a regional organisation. This identity may be formed by academicians, diplomats, economists, planners, politicians or any group initiating a regional organisation. The more popular such an association becomes among the people, the more identity it forms. Although East Asia displays certain differences in language, its dress and ornaments, family systems and values, food habits, marriage systems and ceremonies, music and dance, race and ethnicity, religious beliefs, etc are similar and form a natural bond. East Asians (Chinese, Japanese and Koreans) differ ethnically from Southeast Asians as do their languages and scripts. The practice of religions such as Buddhism, Confucianism, Shinto, Taoism, Zen or Shamanism, which were absorbed into Korean Buddhism are also specific to East Asia and different from Southeast Asia. Even in their art forms—landscapes, porcelain art, portraits VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 21 K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY and pottery—East Asians have maintained a specific identity at least from the sixteenth century onwards. There is a general understanding among academicians, leaders and policymakers as to what constitutes East Asia as distinct from Southeast Asia. The brochure of the 2009 conference India and East Asia: Prospects of Cooperation and Problems of Integration organised by the Centre for Southeast Asian and Pacific Studies, Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh, India, defines East Asia as consisting of China, Japan, North Korea and South Korea. Indeed the vast majority of papers dealt with these countries. There seems however, to be some confusion, even among academicians, regarding the identity and membership of the East Asia Summit (EAS). Some scholars, especially historians clearly confine East Asia to the above mentioned four nations, while others include ASEAN, Australia and New Zealand while discussing the EAS. According to Mark Selden (“East Asian Regionalism and its Enemies in Three Epochs: Political Economy and Geopolitics, 16th to 21st Centuries”, Asia–Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, Vol 9-4-09, 25 February 2009, available at, http:// japanfocus.org), “World attention has focused on China’s rapid and sustained economic growth in the wake of earlier Contemporary East Asian surges by Japan and Korea. Yet development is best understood contemporary East Asian development not as a series of discrete national is best understood not as a series of phenomena but in terms of discrete national phenomena but in regional and global dynamics. terms of regional and global dynamics Thus to gauge the character and that include economic development but assess the prospects requires equally require attention to geopolitics assessment of the geopolitics and and cultural interchange. … (Thus) to political economy of the last four gauge the character and assess the decades in the region and prospects of East Asian regional development … requires assessment of globally. the geopolitics and political economy of the last four decades in the region and globally. … (Furthermore), the first summit of the three East Asian nations, held in Fukuoka, Japan on 13 December 2008 in an effort to frame a common policy in response to the world recession is illustrative 22 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY of the possibilities for East Asian regional responses to the contemporary financial and economic crisis”. Selden clearly defines the East Asian region as consisting of China, Japan and Korea and differentiates between East Asia, Southeast Asia, Asia– Pacific and the Pacific in his analysis. Selden further argues that “East Asia confronts multiple problems at a time when the meltdown of the world economy has discredited the core principles of neoliberal economics on which Washington banked its claims to world leadership over the preceding three decades. To be sure, the weaknesses of other emerging regional formations including ASEAN+3 and the Shanghai Group (China, Russia and four Central Asian states—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, with India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan as observers), are palpable. New regional bonds, moreover, will face more demanding tests as the world economy enters its most difficult period since the depression/World War of the 1930s–40s, a period in which Asia’s high-flying exportoriented economies too confront The genius of the Chinese mind economic and financial reverses after transformed the world-denying several decades of sustained expansion. message of Indian Buddhism The prospects for the Asia–Pacific surely into an essentially worldinclude a substantial American role in affirming doctrine. This Sinified both geopolitical and economic Buddhism that penetrated Korea perspective. Yet the ability of the US to and Japan engendered a very dominate the geopolitics and political distinctive form of secularity, economy of East Asia and the Pacific has blending in with with-worldly been fundamentally and perhaps attitudes and patterns of thought irrevocably weakened. It is too soon to already indigenous to the tell whether East Asian nations will cultures of Eastern Asia. devise regional solutions to deal effectively with the most serious economic recession of the post-war era whose consequences are already so clearly visible in the sharp downturn of exports and GDP (gross domestic product) in early 2009, still less whether the US, casting aside neoliberal premises in favour of a new Keynesian gospel, will succeed in overcoming the challenges of the recession” (ibid). VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 23 K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY Peter L Berger (“Secularity: West and East”, available at, http:// www2.kokugakuin.ac.jp) analyses East Asian identity based on common religions and cultures. According to him, “the question is not whether everything that happens in Eastern Asia can be explained in terms of East Asian culture. Rather, the question is, more moderately, to what extent cultural factors should be taken into account in the assessment of East Asian development. More narrowly here, it is to what extent a specifically East Asian secularity Between 1997 and 1998, there is such a factor. “What phenomena are was a wave of currency and relevant to an exploration of this financial crises and most problem? I will suggest six: the distinctive Southeast Asian countries religious pluralism of Eastern Asia; the pinned their hopes on Japan, distinctive character of East Asian which promised five billion Buddhism; the ‘naturalism’ (of) Shinto dollars as a new special loan and and Japanese religious consciousness in through ASEAN, swap general; the role of the Confucian ethic; arrangement repurchase facility the pragmatism of East Asia(n) folk of $500 million was given to the religion and finally, at least in some of the countries of the region, the role of ten members. Christianity. … Put simply it can be argued that it was the genius of the Chinese mind that transformed the worlddenying message of Indian Buddhism into an essentially world-affirming doctrine and that it did so by developing a number of themes already implicit in Indian Mahayana. It was, of course this Sinified Buddhism that penetrated Korea and Japan. East Asian Mahayana can then be seen as having engendered a very distinctive form of secularity, blending in with with-worldly attitudes and patterns of thought already indigenous to the cultures of Eastern Asia”. Jeffrey Robertson (“South Korea and the East Asia Summit: Collective Identity, Balance of Power or Domestic Politics?”, Defence and Trade Section, Foreign Affairs, 4 December 2006, available at, http://www.aph.gov.au) opines “it is tempting to argue that ethnic or cultural similarities explain the collective identity that has formed in East Asia. However, the states of Southeast Asia are just as different from South Korea in terms of ethnicity and culture as Australia, New Zealand and India”. It appears that ASEAN always aimed at maintaining its identity. For example, instead 24 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY of admitting the East Asian countries Japan, China and South Korea into its fold, it created the ASEAN+3. On the other hand however, in the formulation of the EAS, it did not design an EAS+ASEAN, suggesting that when it concerns East Asia per se, ASEAN would like to be involved in it; it is hesitant to leave East Asia or Northeast Asia alone. In most countries, in the curricula of history and geography, regions have natural boundaries like South Asia, Southeast Asia, East Asia, West Asia, etc and regional identities are based on them. However, ASEAN has created an identity for East Asia in the form of the EAS. Strictly speaking, Southeast Asia is not a part of East Asia. However, ASEAN simply expanded to include East Asia for its own interests—economical, political and even strategic. Many scholars, however, do not consider this aspect. Japanese Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto first mooted the idea of strengthening policy dialogues between the leaders of Japan and ASEAN countries in January 1997 and Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad on a visit to Japan in March 1997 suggested the idea of ASEAN+3 (China, Japan and South Korea). Between 1997 and 1998, there was a wave of currency and financial As a part of East Asian crises and most Southeast Asian cooperation, China, Japan and countries’ growth rates plummeted. South Korea agreed to hold ASEAN pinned its hopes on Japan, annual tripartite meetings, which promised 600 billion yen (five chaired in rotation, during the billion dollars) as a new special loan to ASEAN+3 summits. Although these countries and through ASEAN, the major thrust is in the swap arrangement repurchase facility of economic field, the ultimate aim $500 million was given to the ten is to achieve a framework of members. In addition, Japan concluded “Cooperation for Prosperity in bilateral arrangements with many Northeast Asia”. ASEAN countries as well as China for a total of $36.5 billion. In March 2002, the Bank of Japan and the People’s Bank of China made a swap arrangement for three billion dollars worth of yen, which was politically significant for the promotion of regional cooperation. In June 2002, China concluded a swap arrangement with South Korea for lending up to two VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 25 K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY billion dollars and the financial cooperation among the three countries—China, Japan and South Korea was strengthened (Masayuki Masuda, “Japan’s Leading Role in East Asian Regionalism: Toward Building an East Asian Community”, Chapter 2, East Asian Strategic Review, Tokyo: National Institute of Defence Studies, 2005, pp36–9). As part of East Asian cooperation, cooperation among China, Japan and South Korea has made headway. At the ASEAN+3 Summit 1999, leaders of these countries agreed to hold annual tripartite meetings, chaired in rotation, during the ASEAN+3 summits. At the second meeting in 2000, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi proposed a tripartite foreign The idea of the EAC, is ministers’ meeting to expand and deepen promoted by ASEAN mainly the process of consultation and because of the financial help it cooperation among the three nations. has received from China, Japan The leaders also agreed, in principle, to and South Korea since 1997, hold economic and finance ministers’ even though these three meetings. Although the major thrust of countries have a “Northeast or this tripartite cooperation is in the East Asian” identity as distinct economic field, the ultimate aim is to from a “Southeast Asian or achieve a framework of “Cooperation for Prosperity in Northeast Asia”. At the ASEAN identity”. tripartite meeting held at Bali in October 2003, the leaders issued a joint declaration on the Promotion of Tripartite Cooperation among the People’s Republic of China, Japan and the Republic of Korea, the first such declaration by these three countries (ibid, pp43–4). “While characterising the tripartite cooperation focused on economic cooperation as an essential part of East Asian cooperation, the declaration clearly states that the three countries will strengthen security dialogue and facilitate exchange and cooperation among their defence or military personnel” (ibid, p44). At a tripartite meeting prior to the Sixth ASEAN+3 Summit in 2002, Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji said that creating a free trade area covering China, Japan and South Korea was significant and proposed the creation of a Northeast Asian Free Trade Zone as a preliminary step towards an East Asian Free Trade Area (ibid, p42). 26 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY At the ASEAN+3 Ministerial Meeting in July 2004, Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing proposed to step up discussions about the future course of action with a view to strengthening East Asian cooperation, such as the formation of the East Asian Community (EAC); accelerating the integration of the economies of Northeast and Southeast Asian countries and holding an East Asian summit on comprehensive East Asian cooperation (ibid, p46). ASEAN countries, especially Singapore pleaded with Japan to fulfil a leadership role in building an EAC and actively engage The nature of regionalism with ASEAN countries not only in reinforces the role that politics economic but also in political and plays in the domestic scene. security fields. Association members also Regionalism is overwhelmingly appreciated China’s role in the an elitist phenomenon. It is formulation of the EAC (ibid, pp48– pursued doggedly by a small 50). According to Masayuki Masuda collection of academics, industry “factors holding the key to the creation leaders and government officials. of an EAC are the development of However, the wider population cooperation between Japan and is largely indifferent to the ASEAN, actions that will be taken by pursuit. major regional powers (Japan and China) and the relations between these two regional powers” (ibid, p50). The Chairman of South Korea’s Presidential Committee on Northeast Asian Cooperation Initiative, Moon Chungin, called on China, Japan and South Korea to conclude a Northeast Asian Free Trade Agreement (FTA) at an early date as a preliminary process to creating an East Asian FTA (ibid). The idea of the EAC, is promoted by ASEAN mainly because of the financial help it has received from China, Japan and South Korea since 1997, even though these three countries have a “Northeast or East Asian” identity as distinct from a “Southeast Asian or ASEAN identity”. Furthermore, during the 2009 North Korean nuclear test crisis, ASEAN’s response was minimal, showing that the association does not have an “identity” in East Asia when it comes to war and security. On 22 July 2009, the EAS Foreign Ministers Informal Consultations chaired by the Thai Foreign Minister issued a statement from Phuket, Thailand that “expressed their grave concern over the recent VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 27 K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY underground nuclear test and missile launches undertaken by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), which constituted a violation of the relevant UNSC (United Nations Security Council) resolutions. They urged the DPRK to fully comply with its obligations and the relevant UNSC resolutions. They expressed their full support for the early resumption of the Six-Party talks. They also emphasised the importance of addressing outstanding issues, including humanitarian concerns. The foreign ministers also reaffirmed their support for possible contribution of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), as the premier regional security forum that includes all participants of the Six-Party talks, towards an enduring peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula” (available at, http://www.mofa.go.jp). The statement does not speak of the East Asian Region, the EAS or China, Japan and South Korea in reference to the nuclear crisis. However, these three countries asserted their East Asian identity as far East Asian cooperation has lasted as the North Korean nuclear crisis was for several years and its identity concerned and no Southeast Asian is coming. There are common country is part of the Six-Party talks. values in the developing process ASEAN contributes to “regional among East Asian nations— security” only through ARF, as the comfort, consensus, consultation, premier regional security forum. The Forty-First ASEAN Ministerial cooperation and openness. Meeting-Post Ministerial Conference– Fifteenth ARF (17–24 July 2008, Shangri La, Singapore) website’s motto reads “One ASEAN at the Heart of Dynamic Asia” (available at, http://www.41amm.sg). This symbolises both the identity question almost of a possessive nature of ASEAN and the desire to lead Asia. A joint press statement of the EAS on 3 June 2009 from Bangkok, Thailand says, “In order to promote sub-regional development, they encouraged the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA), the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the ASEAN Secretariat to work together to prepare as soon as possible a coherent master plan, which would contribute to coordinating, expediting, upgrading and expanding sub-regional initiatives and promoting private sector participation. In addition, they called upon ERIA to provide policy 28 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY recommendations to stimulate economic growth in the region, deepen regional integration and strengthen partnership in East Asia. … They agreed that ASEANled consultations with other organisations and fora in Asia and the Asia–Pacific would contribute to safeguarding the region from future regional and global economic and financial crises” (available at, http://www.mofa.go.jp). These statements elucidate that ASEAN is well aware of the distinct identity of East Asia as well as its own Southeast Asian identity. It also has a clear understanding of and makes a distinction between Asia and the Asia–Pacific. “The nature of regionalism also reinforces the role that politics plays in the domestic scene. Regionalism is overwhelmingly an elitist phenomenon. It is pursued doggedly by a small collection of academics, industry leaders and government officials. However, the wider population is largely indifferent to the pursuit, except in the intermittent media frenzies that accompany major conferences. This allows regionalism to become an exploitable wedge issue in domestic politics. Firstly, An East Asia security community the extension of membership in East would serve as an effective way Asian regionalism has to date held for states in the region to negative connotations when covered in cooperatively address common the South Korean media. … Secondly, security threats such as terrorism many South Koreans simply believe and the proliferation of nuclear Australia is not an ‘East Asian’ country. weapons, leaving not only the This was cited as the primary reason by region but also the rest of the a majority of respondents as to why world more secure in the Australia should not be in an East Asian process. regional community. Commonly held perceptions of ‘East Asia’ in South Korea include only China, South Korea and Japan and occasionally also include the ASEAN states” (Robertson, ibid). The Japanese also have a public perception of an “East Asian identity”. According to a public opinion poll on foreign affairs conducted by Japan’s Cabinet Office in October 2004 for the period 1978–2004, the percentage of Japanese that felt an affinity towards China was between 80 and 38 and during 1980–94 was between 80 and 50 (Masuda, ibid, Figure 2.2, p53). VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 29 K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY Wu Jianmin, Vice President of the Committee for Foreign Affairs under the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference criticises the argument that there is no common identity for East Asia as in the case of the EU. According to him, East Asian cooperation has lasted for several years and its identity is coming. There are common values in the developing process among East Asian nations, which he summarises as the four Cs and one O— comfort, consensus, consultation, cooperation and openness. Others later suggested adding another C for closeness (People’s Daily, Overseas Edition, 15 November 2005, available at, http:// In an international survey in english.peopledaily.com.cn). Jianmin 2000 regarding identity in Japan further says that “Some scholars believe two-thirds of the population said that the integration of the East Asian they were Japanese by economy is only a process, so it is not nationality, only 26 per cent said necessary to talk about ‘identity’. Those they were Asian. Koreans on the who have such a viewpoint likely do not other hand had an overwhelming understand what identity is. The soresponse—88 per cent said they called identity is the common features were Korean as well as Asian. shared by the countries in this area and Although the Chinese are also the game rules that are gradually nationalistic by about 80 per formed in the process of building the cent, only 30 per cent said they East Asian Community. The rules are a collective presentation of regional were Asian. features. Comparing the East Asian games rules with that of other regions, there are similarities and differences. Does it not show that the East Asian identity is coming into being? If there are no such identity and games rules, it is inconceivable to build the community and to make achievements in the process of developing the East Asian economic integration” (ibid). Another scholar Hitoshi Tanaka (“East Asia Community Building: Toward an East Asia Security Forum”, East Asia Insights, Vol 2, No 2, April 2007) has similar opinions but in the context of East Asian security. “The obstacles to achieving a genuine community of states in a region as diverse as East Asia are considerable, both in number and degree. The community-building process is going to take 30 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY time. In light of this fact, it is clear that recognition of shared interests, rather than divisive issues, should be the point of focus for the foreseeable future. In addition to addressing the specific problem in question, such a process would strengthen regional identity and facilitate the creation of a more stable and secure environment for the region as a whole. The spread of a regional ‘East Asia’ identity could be a means for individuals to develop an identity beyond the nation-state and help absorb and dissipate destabilising nationalistic sentiment that the region has seen rise sharply in recent years. An East Asia security community would serve as an effective way for states in the region to cooperatively address common security threats such as terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear weapons, leaving not only the region but also the rest of the world more secure in the process”. Takashi Inoguchi (“Does Identity Matter in Facilitating or Hindering Regional Cooperation in East Asia?”, Paper presented at the Wilton Park Conference, Gotenba, Shizuoka, 28 September–1 October 2003 and Global Communications Platform, Japanese Institute of Global Communications, 27 October 2003, available at, http://www.glocom.org) supplemented economic cooperation and regional integration from the angle of economics with the angle of identity. By “identity”, he denotes something with which one’s heart is at ease and something for which one is ready to sacrifice. In determining one country’s foreign policy direction, identity often matters. According to him, books such as Samuel P Huntington’s Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity, (New York: Simon and Schuster 2004) and Henry R Nau’s At Home Abroad: Identity and Power in American Foreign Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002), clearly show that identity is a main focus in the global discussion on foreign policy direction. Inoguchi conducted an international survey in 2000 regarding the identity of nations and continents in nine Asian and European countries. Among East Asian nationals (Japanese, Korean and Chinese), in Japan two-thirds of the population said they were Japanese by nationality, while one-third did not care or had never thought about it. As far as the continental identity (Asian) was concerned only 26 per cent said they were Asian and the rest answered that they did not know. According to Inoguchi, “Clearly, the Japanese national identity is not overwhelmingly strong. Furthermore, the Japanese regional identity is weak at best” (ibid). Koreans on the other hand had an overwhelming response—88 per cent said they were Korean as VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 31 K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY well as Asian. They are clearly vehemently nationalistic and regionalistic at the same time. Although the Chinese are nationalistic by about 80 per cent, unlike the Koreans they are not Asianist as only 30 per cent said they were Asian. The survey clearly indicates that identity does play an important role in a regional organisation. However, had Inoguchi asked the people surveyed whether they identified themselves as East Asians, around 80 per cent would have replied in the affirmative. Significantly, while analysing East Asian economic cooperation and regional integration, Inoguchi takes into consideration only the Chinese, Japanese and Koreans when he states that trust among these three nations has been on a steady rise (ibid). Therefore, East Asia or Northeast Asia denotes only these three nations. Incidentally, the term “Northeast Asia” has been coined to distinguish the region from “Southeast Asia”. Pilwon Han, a Korean Professor of Architecture (“A New Tradition of East Asian Cities: The Dualistic Urban Structure”, Asian Tradition in Architecture, available at, http://ata.hannam.ac.kr) after studying Chinese, Japanese and Korean cities believes that the “unique socio-cultural characters” of East Asian cities can be understood by a critical review of their urbanism and architecture. According to him, “Given that the identities of the Today, people across East Asia East Asian cities are found in the urban are beginning to think of planes within the urban lines, we need themselves as members of a to look to the planes to critically regional community. The understand East Asian cities. The planes 1997—8 Asian financial crisis are mainly composed of urban houses catalysed nascent regionalism whose types contain the characteristics into faster integration and of the urban structure. The urban house development of an East Asian types in East Asia are common in that they have private individual courtyards: identity. anmadang in Korea, yuanzi in China and niwa in Japan. The urban house types represent the features of the cities in which they are found. Compare the typical urban house types siheyuan in Beijing, lilong House in Shanghai, hanok in Seoul and machiya in Tokyo and you can discover differences of the cities, not to mention those of the house types themselves. 32 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY Therefore, the urban house types are worth examining to clarify the individuality of any East Asian as well as the common identity of East Asian cities”. Interchanging the terms ASEAN and East Asia has created confusion among scholars. In using the term East Asia (because of the EAS), one often wonders whether it is the region East Asia (Northeast Asia) or the whole of Southeast Asia and East Asia that is being discussed. For instance, according to Joshua Kurlantzick (“Pax Asia–Pacifica: Asia’s Emerging Identity and Implications for US Policy”, available at, http://www.pacificcouncil.org) “today, in subtle ways people across East Asia are beginning to think of themselves as members of a regional In creating a common cultural community, as well as citizens of a identity, East Asia has not particular country. … More than any become as Sino-centric as it has other event, the 1997–8 Asian financial in building an economic identity. crisis catalysed nascent regionalism into In many respects, it is the other faster integration and development of Northeast Asian states that have an East Asian identity. … In creating a dominated cultural integration. common cultural identity, East Asia has not become as Sino-centric as it has in building an economic identity. In many respects, it is the other Northeast Asian states that have dominated cultural integration”. However, even though he specifically refers to East Asia as a region, he includes Southeast Asia as well in his analysis. This confusion arose as a result of the formation of the EAS, which is neither East Asian nor Southeast Asian as a regional organisation. This fact also explains its failure to help form an East Asian identity. Another scholar, Zeng Wang (“Idol Drama and Pan-East Asian Identity: A Comparative Study on Narrative Structures of Idol Dramas in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Mainland China”, Narrating the Nation Television Narratives and National Identities, available at, http://www.urv.cat) has analysed television dramas which for the last 15 years in China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan have crisscrossed borders and led to the formation of an “East Asian pop culture”. This culture has not only attracted media attention but also academic analyses, enabling a discursive construction of “pan-East Asian identity” as an object of study. After analysing 100 dramas from the four states Wang concludes that “a collective idea of ‘East Asian’ has emerged from narrations of these popular cultural products”. It is significant VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 33 K SYAMALAMMA AND P KRISHNA MOHAN REDDY that for analysing “East Asian” and “pan-East Asian identity” he has studied only East Asia or Northeast Asia and excluded Southeast Asia, indicating that, in a true sense, East Asia is a distinct entity both geographically and culturally, notwithstanding general “Asian culture” or “Asian values”, which are visible all over Asia, including South and West Asia. An American–Asian Blog discussion (“The Pan-Asian Identity”, Reappropriate, 27 June 2006, available at, http://www.reappropriate.com) on Pan-Asian identity in the US highlights how East Asians identify themselves as distinct from Southeast Asians. 1. Anonymous – 27 June 2006, 12:27 am “Pilipin@s are not and will never be ‘Asian’. … I see so much contempt from East Asians on how they see the ‘darker’ Asians and Pilipin@s to be inferior to them. I even see that elitism within activism and progressive movements within the APA (Asia–Pacific) construct. *sigh* And I feel that same degree of elitism when it comes to hapas never being ‘truly’ Asian–Pacific Islanders (APIA)”. 2. Jenn – 27 June 2006, 11:36 am “That’s really very sad, Anonymous. I personally don’t think Filipinos are ‘less Asian’ or ‘inferior’ to other APIAs … It sounds like you feel like the colourstruck issues of East Asian culture affects you here. Do you think it would be better to dismantle the pan-Asian identity? Or do you merely wish that those who are colour-struck would shut up and wise up? (Ditto with the hapa issue)”. 3. Gatamala – 27 June 2006, 3:13 pm “Wow Anon. I have a friend of a certain background that made that ‘Filipinos aren’t really Asian’ comment to me once. It should not have really impacted me other than mere curiosity, but I did feel a bit of offense. I suppose I sympathise because as an African–American, I am ‘mixed’ by nature (and not Black enough for some Africans). She also informed me that her mother looked down on SE Asians”. CONCLUSION J ust like the “ASEAN way”, East Asians also have their own “way” or “identity”. The ideas and plans like the “Cooperation for Prosperity in Northeast Asia”, 34 WORLD AFFAIRS WINTER 2 0 1 0 ( O C T- D E C ) V O L This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 14 NO 4 EAST ASIAN IDENTITY “East Asian Free Trade Area”, “Northeast Asian Cooperation Initiative,” “Northeast Asian FTA”, “Northeast Asian Free Trade Zone”, etc by the East Asian countries of China, Japan and South Korea clearly point to a specific East Asian identity and consciousness even while working alongside ASEAN countries. Thus, East Asia is a clearly defined region culturally, geographically and historically. Many traits from art to houses, languages, movies and scripts appear to be common and alike to East Asians and provide them with an “East Asian identity”. The people inhabiting East Asia are conscious of this identity. ASEAN-led regional organisations however, seem to be blurring East Asian identity, though not deliberately, by expanding into East Asia or blending East Asia into Southeast Asia. Acknowledgement: This article was presented at a conference on East Asia organised by the Centre for Southeast Asian and Pacific Studies, Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh, India. We thank Y Yagama Reddy, Director of the Centre, for his encouragement. VOL 14 NO 4 ( O C T- D E C ) W I N T E R 2010 WORLD AFFAIRS This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Thu, 02 Apr 2020 04:34:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 35