Educational Self-Efficacy of College Women: Implications for Theory, Research, and Practice Andrea Dixon Rayle, Patricia Arredondo, and Sharon E. Robinson Kurpius This study examined the relationships among personal and family valuing of education, self-esteem, academic stress, and educational self-efficacy for 530 female undergraduates. Personal and family valuing of education and self-esteem were related to educational self-efficacy; academic stress was related to self-esteem and self-efficacy. No differences existed between Euro-American women and women of color, and for both groups, personal valuing of education, self-esteem, and academic stress predicted educational self-efficacy. Implications for research and practice are introduced. As early as the 19th century, federal laws in the United States designated equal educational opportunity for both males and females; however, women still perceived that a woman’s place was in the home rather than in secondary schools, colleges, or professions (Kite, 2001). By the mid-19th century, women’s academies began to provide women with secondary and college-level instruction. During the early 20th century, the demand for teachers encouraged large numbers of women to participate in higher education. The women’s rights movement gained power through the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and theTitle IX Education Amendments of 1972 (U.S. Department of Labor, n.d.), which prohibited gender discrimination in educational institutions receiving federal aid. Indeed, data reported by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2002) indicate that between 1969 and 1999, the number of undergraduate women increased by 156%, from 2.9 million to 7.4 million, whereas the number of men increased only 37%, from 4.0 million to 5.5 million. According to statistics on education (NCES, 2002), there are now more women than men enrolled in institutions of higher education. Despite women’s advances in higher education during the past 30 years, women still face psychosocial disadvantages in educational pursuits when compared with men. For instance, women report lower educational self-efficacy, that is, the belief that one can successfully complete specific educational tasks (Bandura, 1997); have lower self-esteem; experience higher academic stress; and often perceive less support for education. For women of color (who remain underrepresented on campuses), these factors are barriers to educational success (Gloria, 1997). Researchers (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Gloria, Robinson Kurpius, Hamilton, & Willson, 1999) have consistently shown that academic stress, self-esteem, and valuing of and commitment to education are predictive of educational self-efficacy, which in turn is a significant predictor of academic persistence decisions. Academic stress is most prevalent during the undergraduate years (Sher, Wood, & Gotham, 1996) when there is also the highest dropout rate (Daugherty & Lane, 1999). A variety of stressors, such as homesickness and financial concerns, have been linked to nonpersistence (Kirton, 1999; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980). In addition, gender gaps in academic stress repeatedly have been reported. In a study of students attending orientation and the 1st week of classes, women’s stress levels were significantly higher than were men’s (Reisberg, 2000). Factors contributing to these women’s stress were time spent with student activities, child and home care responsibilities, and volunteering. For racial/ethnic minority students, there may be additional stressors of cultural incongruity (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Gloria et al., 1999), or the experience of one’s personal culture not seemingly fitting with the university environment culture. For women of color, dual minority status further adds to levels of stress (Ancis & Sanchez-Hucles, 2000). Studying ethnic and racial minority undergraduates, Gloria et al. (1999) reported that students’ self-beliefs (selfesteem and educational self-efficacy) were directly related to academic stress and to persisting in school. Other researchers (Robinson Kurpius, Chee, Rayle, & Arredondo, 2003) have also found that both self-esteem and educational self- Andrea Dixon Rayle, Patricia Arredondo, and Sharon E. Robinson Kurpius, Division of Psychology in Education, Arizona State University. This research was supported in part by grants from the National Association for College Admissions Counselors and from the Graduate College at Arizona State University. The authors would like to acknowledge Veronica Bordes, Christine Chee, Tanisha Johnson, Anusorn Payakkakom, Jennifer Sand, and Zoila Tovar-Gamero for their assistance in data gathering. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Andrea Dixon Rayle, Arizona State University, Division of Psychology in Education, PO Box 870611, Tempe, AZ 85287-0611 (andrea.rayle@asu.edu). © 2005 by the American Counseling Association. All rights reserved. pp. 361–366 Journal of Counseling & Development ■ Summer 2005 ■ Volume 83 361 Rayle, Arredondo, & Robinson Kurpius efficacy are positively related to persistence decisions, to grades and occupational aspirations (Lent, Brown, & Gore, 1997), and to academic achievement and adjustment (Boulter, 2002). In contrast, self-esteem and academic stress have been found to be negatively related with each other (Abouserie, 1994). Furthermore, Newby-Fraser and Schlebusch (1997) reported that academic stress, as well as self-esteem and educational self-efficacy, can be moderated by social support from friends and family. Social support can take various forms. For example, a frequently studied form is the perceived support of friends and family, both of which have been consistently positively linked to lower levels of academic stress and healthier self-beliefs (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Gloria et al., 1999). For undergraduates, social support can also be experienced as support and encouragement from their family to continue their education. Indeed, undergraduates who perceived that their parents supported their education and had high expectations were more likely to persist in school (Walker & Satterwhite, 2002). In his theoretical model predicting academic persistence, Tinto (1975) hypothesized that a student’s personal commitment to gaining an education would positively influence academic persistence. It is reasonable, therefore, to predict that this commitment (personal valuing of education) would also be related to more positive selfbeliefs and to lower academic stress. Indeed, Gloria et al. (1999) found that both family and personal valuing of education predicted educational self-efficacy, which predicted academic persistence among Chicano/a undergraduates. The current study examined the relationships among academic stress, valuing of education, self-esteem, and educational self-efficacy for first-semester, female undergraduates and the interaction of race/ethnicity with these variables. Although the literature has demonstrated a relationship among academic stress, self-esteem, educational self-efficacy, and valuing of education, no study was found that examined each of these variables combined with first-semester female undergraduates and the possible differences between women of color and Euro-American women. The current study was designed to fill this gap in the literature and examined four research questions: 1. What demographic variables are related to educational self-efficacy of female undergraduates? 2. What are the relationships among personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, selfesteem, academic stress, and educational self-efficacy for female undergraduates? 3. Do personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, self-esteem, and academic stress predict educational self-efficacy of female undergraduates? 4. Do undergraduate women of color differ from undergraduate Euro-American women in their personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, 362 self-esteem, academic stress, and educational selfefficacy? Method Participants Conducted at a large, southwestern university, this study was part of a comprehensive examination of psychosocial factors related to academic persistence decisions of 876, first-year college undergraduates, 549 (62.7%) of whom were women. The women’s mean age was 18.27 years (SD = 1.56). Self-reported race/ethnicity revealed that 377 (68.3%) were Euro-American, 25 (4.6%) Asian American, 77 (14%) Latino, 7 (1.3%) international, 12 (2.2%) African American, 19 (3.5%) Native American, and 32 (5.8%) were biracial. The majority of the women were from in state (n = 339, 61.7%), and most were either living with family (n = 160, 29.1%) or on campus (n = 329, 59.9%). Self-reported high school grade point average (GPA) was 3.49 (SD = .39). Procedure Participants were recruited through more than 50 sections of 100-level classes and through ethnic and racial minority student organizations. Students were told that participation was voluntary, that participation was not related to their class grade, and that their responses would be kept confidential. A lottery gift of $100, $50, or $25 was offered to encourage participation. Approximately 90% of 1st-year female undergraduates who were recruited chose to participate and completed the survey packet. Instruments In addition to the demographic variables, the five constructs examined were personal and family valuing of education, self-esteem, educational self-efficacy, and academic stress. The six-item Personal Valuing of Education Scale (Gloria, 1993) asked participants to rate on a 5-point scale the extent to which they valued a college education; their commitment to obtaining their degree; and whether the degree is worth the time, money, and energy required to get it. The five-item Family Valuing of Education Scale (Gloria, 1993) reflects students’ perceptions that their mother, father, and extended family encouraged/supported and valued a college education. Items for the Personal Valuing of Education Scale and the Family Valuing of Education Scale were rated from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). Responses within each scale were summed and averaged. Higher scores reflect greater perceived personal and family valuing of education. For this study sample, the Cronbach alphas for these two scales were .82 and .74, respectively. Academic stress was measured by the College Stress Scale (CSS; Schafer, 1992). This 29-item scale assessed perceived college stress on a scale ranging from 1 (not at all stressful) to 5 (highly stressful). Sample items include “Worrying about Journal of Counseling & Development ■ Summer 2005 ■ Volume 83 Educational Self-Efficacy of College Women grades” and “Too little money.” Responses to the 29 items were summed and then averaged. Higher overall scores reflect more perceived academic stress. For this study, the Cronbach alpha was .87. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965) consists of 10-items that evaluate individuals’ subjective views of themselves. Items such as “On the whole, I am satisfied with myself ” are rated on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). Total scores could range from 10 (low self-esteem) to 40 (high self-esteem). The Cronbach alpha with this study sample was .84. Educational self-efficacy was assessed using the Educational Degree Behaviors Self-Efficacy Scale (Gloria et al., 1999) and the social and course self-efficacy subscales of the College Self-Efficacy Inventory (Solberg, O’Brien, Villareal, Kenner, & Davis, 1993). The combined scales have been used to assess the educational self-efficacy of racial/ ethnic minority undergraduates (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001). The 28-item scale assesses participants’ confidence in their ability to successfully complete specific educational-related tasks, such as “research a term paper.” Students responded to the statements using a 7-point Likert scale. Responses were summed and then averaged to create educational self-efficacy scores that could range from 1 (low educational self-efficacy) to 7 (high educational self-efficacy). The Cronbach alpha for this sample was .95. Results Prior to analyzing the research questions, the women in the various racial/ethnic minority groups were compared on the outcome constructs to determine whether they could accurately be collapsed into one group. First, because there were so few international women (n = 7) and because they were not Americans, they were deleted from the sample. When the African American, Asian American, Native American, and Latino women were compared on personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, academic stress, selfesteem, and educational self-efficacy, the Wilks’s lambda was significant, F(20, 515) = 1.87, p = .012. Follow-up analyses of variance indicated that the multivariate differences were primarily due to academic stress, F(4, 159) = 3.19, p = .015, and to personal valuing of education, F(1, 149) = 3.23, p = .014. The African American women were lower in personal valuing of education than all other groups and were lower in academic stress than the Latino and biracial women. Because there were only 12 African American women in the sample and because they were different on two study constructs, they were deleted from the sample. The remaining group of women were collapsed to form a women of color group (n = 153, 28.5%). To analyze the first research question, a series of Pearson product–moment correlations were conducted. Educational self-efficacy was correlated with mother’s education (r = .14, Journal of Counseling & Development ■ Summer 2005 ■ p = .001), father’s education (r = .18, p = .001), family yearly income (r = .23, p = .001), and high school GPA (r = .15, p = .001) but was not correlated with age of participant. When women of color were compared with Euro-American women on the demographic variables, multivariate differences were found, Wilks’s lambda F(5, 429) = 15.02, p = .001. Although these two groups of women did not differ in age or high school GPA, they differed on socioeconomic variables: father’s education, F(1, 433) = 40.85, p = .001; mother’s education, F(1, 433) = 27.19, p = .001; and yearly income, F(1, 433) = 53.34, p = .001. In each instance, the parents of women of color had significantly lower levels of education and yearly income than did the parents of Euro-American women. The second research question was also analyzed through a series of correlations using the entire sample of women. The family-wise alpha was set at .05. Educational self-efficacy was positively related to self-esteem (r = .39, p = .001), personal valuing of education (r = .36, p = .001), and family valuing of education (r = .14, p = .001) and negatively related to academic stress (r = –.27, p = .001). Self-esteem was positively related to personal valuing of education (r = .26, p = .001) and negatively related to academic stress (r = –.35, p = .001). Family and personal valuing of education were positively related (r = .18, p = .001). To address the third research question, the four predictor variables were entered as a cluster to predict educational selfefficacy. These four accounted for 24.9% of the variance in self-efficacy for all of the young women, F(4, 540) = 44.77, p = .001. The beta weights were .269 for personal valuing of education (t = 6.88, p = .001), .265 for self-esteem (t = 6.46, p = .001), and –.153 for academic stress (t = –3.84, p = .001). The beta weight for family valuing of education (β = .047; p = .21) was not significant. The more these young women valued a higher education, the greater their self-esteem, the lower their academic stress, and the higher their educational self-efficacy. When Euro-American women only were analyzed, the same pattern emerged, and the four predictors accounted for 24.5% of the variance in educational self-efficacy, F(4, 367) = 29.82, p = .001. The beta weights were –.146 (t = –2.98, p = .003) for academic stress, .217 (t = 4.51, p = .001) for personal valuing of education, and .30 (t = 5.97, p = .001) for self-esteem. The beta weight for family valuing of education was not significant. When women of color were analyzed separately, personal valuing of education (β = .348, t = 4.53, p = .001), self-esteem (β = .165, t = 2.07, p = .04), and academic stress (β = –.167, t = –2.17, p = .03) were significant predictors and accounted for 23.4% of the variance, F(4, 147) = 11.22, p = .001. Family valuing of education was not significant (β = .045, p = .54). The fourth research question was analyzed with a multivariate analysis of variance. No differences were found between women of color and Euro-American women, Wilks’s lambda F(5, 518) = 1.26, p = .28, on academic stress, educational self-efficacy, self-esteem, and personal and family valuing of education. Volume 83 363 Rayle, Arredondo, & Robinson Kurpius Discussion Overall, these findings present an interesting pattern. Mothers’ education, fathers’ education, family income, and high school GPAs were positively related to educational selfefficacy. These relationships are not surprising. Parents often encourage their children to achieve more than they, themselves, have achieved, and this encouragement may foster self-confidence among their children. Also, students who have done well in high school have already experienced success and, therefore, may have higher educational self-efficacy. For example, college women with previous experiences of academic success attributed their college success to personal effort or a sense of internality (Kanoy, Wester, & Latta, 1989), which closely resembles the construct self-efficacy. Particularly noteworthy are the data for women of color. Although these women reported less family income and lower parental education than did Euro-American women, they had enrolled in college, starting the process of earning a college degree. When the women of color were compared with the Euro-American women on academic stress, selfbeliefs, and valuing of education, no differences were found. Furthermore, when academic stress, self-esteem, personal valuing of education, and family valuing of education were used to predict educational self-efficacy, the patterns for both Euro-American students and students who were women of color were the same. These findings suggest that educational self-efficacy, personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, academic stress, and self-esteem are important for college women, in general, and do not necessarily interact with race/ ethnicity. Past research has suggested that for racial/ethnic minority women, there are additional stressors due to their dual minority status (Ancis & Sanchez-Hucles, 2000); however, in this study no differences were found between women of color and Euro-American women. It may be that female students in their first semester of college are more alike than different in terms of their self-beliefs, personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, and academic stress. Differences as a function of race/ethnicity may not be experienced until later in their academic careers, after the initial transition to college has been successfully made. It is also likely that the decision to attend college, itself, is indicative of greater personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, self-esteem, and educational self-efficacy, regardless of race/ethnicity. It is also possible that the context of the college experience in which all of the women found themselves was a more powerful factor than race or ethnicity. Perhaps stress that is related to dual minority status will emerge and become influential later in the academic lives of the women of color. It was not relevant for these first-semester women, however. 364 The relationships found among the study constructs parallel those reported in the literature (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Gloria et al., 1999). As expected, the more these women and their families valued education, the higher their overall levels of self-esteem, the greater their levels of self-efficacy, and the lower their levels of academic stress. In addition, the higher their self-esteem, the more these women personally valued an education and the less they experienced academic stress. This negative relationship between self-esteem and academic stress reflects the results reported by Abouserie (1994). Personal valuing of education and family valuing of education directly covaried. These findings point to the importance of students’ beliefs, not only about themselves and their ability but also about the importance of education. When each of these beliefs is strong, the academic stressors were not perceived as that stressful. Personal valuing of education, self-esteem, and academic stress accounted for almost 25% of the variance in educational self-efficacy for these women. When Euro-American women and women of color were analyzed separately, similar patterns emerged. Family valuing of education was not a predictor for either group. Perhaps these young women have started to individuate from their families (Erikson, 1963) and are not necessarily relying on their parents’ support for their self-confidence related to school tasks. Educational self-efficacy may have become a personal endeavor. These findings reinforce research that has shown that a personal commitment to education and a more positive view of one’s self are related to higher educational self-efficacy (Gloria et al., 1999). As noted earlier, the more positive the women’s attitudes, the lower their perceived academic stress, which has been found to be prevalent in the 1st year of college (Sher et al., 1996). These factors may combine to foster success at college and increase the probability of these young women getting their degrees and decrease the potential of their attrition rates, at least during their 1st year in college (Daugherty & Lane, 1999). The African American women reported a lower personal valuing of education and perceived less academic stress. Although the small sample size of 12 women precludes drawing inferences with any confidence, it is possible that these women followed their family’s wishes and enrolled at this university where African Americans are less than 5% of the student population. If their college education is not considered highly important, then it makes sense that it will not be perceived as particularly stressful. Despite the small sample size, counselors on predominantly White college campuses need to be sensitive to African American women and their special concerns, which may be a barrier to educational attainment. Future research needs to investigate the study variables for a representative sample of African American women. Certain limitations of this study need to be noted. First, there were relatively small sample sizes for the groups of Journal of Counseling & Development ■ Summer 2005 ■ Volume 83 Educational Self-Efficacy of College Women racial/ethnic minority women, which prevented comparisons among these groups. Second, only paper-and-pencil measures were used, and some of the internal consistencies were not as strong as desired. Finally, this study was conducted at only one large, public university in one region of the United States, thus limiting generalizability. Despite the limitations, this study makes a significant contribution to the literature on the educational self-efficacy of female undergraduates. The findings highlight the need to study factors related to the educational self-efficacy of firstsemester women. By understanding factors related to selfefficacy, which has been consistently linked to persistence, student affairs personnel, counselors in college counseling centers, and academic counselors can provide interventions that foster greater academic achievement among women. The results also have implications for counseling practice and future research. The findings suggest that selfbeliefs are more influential in determining college women’s levels of educational self-efficacy than is family valuing of education and are also related to less academic stress. Working with a student’s self-beliefs, which may be an important starting point in academic and personal counseling, is the core to social learning theory (Bandura, 1997) and to skills a counselor brings to a therapy session. In addition, it is important for both high school and college counselors to understand a student’s valuing of education as it relates to many variables linked to academic success and self-efficacy. If high school counselors can facilitate young women’s educational selfefficacy (through small precollege psychoeducational groups or large-group classroom guidance lessons pertaining to planning for success in college), college counselors may meet with 1st-year undergraduate women who integrate more easily into their new academic environments. Counselors also need to be sensitive to the specific needs of women of color. Their underrepresentation on the college campus and the possibility of being first-generation college students may serve as barriers to academic success. Both high school and college counselors should attempt to understand the academic needs of women and to offer programming (prevention and support groups, intervention counseling) for all young women. Future research, both quantitative and qualitative, should reexamine and extend the issues raised in this study. Although educational self-efficacy has been linked to academic success, stress, and self-beliefs among college students (Gloria et al., 1999; Lent et al., 1997; Robinson Kurpius et al., 2003), continued research is needed to address potential racial/ethnic minority differences and the influence of other demographic and psychosocial variables, in addition to those addressed in this study. 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