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Educational Self-Efficacy of College
Women: Implications for Theory,
Research, and Practice
Andrea Dixon Rayle, Patricia Arredondo,
and Sharon E. Robinson Kurpius
This study examined the relationships among personal and family valuing of education, self-esteem, academic
stress, and educational self-efficacy for 530 female undergraduates. Personal and family valuing of education and
self-esteem were related to educational self-efficacy; academic stress was related to self-esteem and self-efficacy.
No differences existed between Euro-American women and women of color, and for both groups, personal valuing
of education, self-esteem, and academic stress predicted educational self-efficacy. Implications for research and
practice are introduced.
As early as the 19th century, federal laws in the United States
designated equal educational opportunity for both males
and females; however, women still perceived that a woman’s
place was in the home rather than in secondary schools,
colleges, or professions (Kite, 2001). By the mid-19th century, women’s academies began to provide women with secondary and college-level instruction. During the early 20th century,
the demand for teachers encouraged large numbers of women
to participate in higher education. The women’s rights movement gained power through the passage of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 and theTitle IX Education Amendments of 1972
(U.S. Department of Labor, n.d.), which prohibited gender discrimination in educational institutions receiving federal aid.
Indeed, data reported by the National Center for Education
Statistics (NCES, 2002) indicate that between 1969 and 1999,
the number of undergraduate women increased by 156%, from
2.9 million to 7.4 million, whereas the number of men increased only 37%, from 4.0 million to 5.5 million. According
to statistics on education (NCES, 2002), there are now more
women than men enrolled in institutions of higher education.
Despite women’s advances in higher education during
the past 30 years, women still face psychosocial disadvantages in educational pursuits when compared with men. For
instance, women report lower educational self-efficacy, that
is, the belief that one can successfully complete specific
educational tasks (Bandura, 1997); have lower self-esteem;
experience higher academic stress; and often perceive less
support for education. For women of color (who remain
underrepresented on campuses), these factors are barriers to
educational success (Gloria, 1997).
Researchers (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Gloria,
Robinson Kurpius, Hamilton, & Willson, 1999) have consistently shown that academic stress, self-esteem, and valuing of
and commitment to education are predictive of educational
self-efficacy, which in turn is a significant predictor of academic persistence decisions. Academic stress is most prevalent during the undergraduate years (Sher, Wood, & Gotham,
1996) when there is also the highest dropout rate (Daugherty
& Lane, 1999). A variety of stressors, such as homesickness
and financial concerns, have been linked to nonpersistence
(Kirton, 1999; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980). In addition,
gender gaps in academic stress repeatedly have been reported. In a study of students attending orientation and the
1st week of classes, women’s stress levels were significantly
higher than were men’s (Reisberg, 2000). Factors contributing to these women’s stress were time spent with student
activities, child and home care responsibilities, and volunteering. For racial/ethnic minority students, there may be
additional stressors of cultural incongruity (Gloria &
Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Gloria et al., 1999), or the experience of one’s personal culture not seemingly fitting with the
university environment culture. For women of color, dual
minority status further adds to levels of stress (Ancis &
Sanchez-Hucles, 2000).
Studying ethnic and racial minority undergraduates,
Gloria et al. (1999) reported that students’ self-beliefs (selfesteem and educational self-efficacy) were directly related
to academic stress and to persisting in school. Other researchers (Robinson Kurpius, Chee, Rayle, & Arredondo, 2003)
have also found that both self-esteem and educational self-
Andrea Dixon Rayle, Patricia Arredondo, and Sharon E. Robinson Kurpius, Division of Psychology in Education, Arizona
State University. This research was supported in part by grants from the National Association for College Admissions Counselors and from the Graduate College at Arizona State University. The authors would like to acknowledge Veronica Bordes,
Christine Chee, Tanisha Johnson, Anusorn Payakkakom, Jennifer Sand, and Zoila Tovar-Gamero for their assistance in data
gathering. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Andrea Dixon Rayle, Arizona State University,
Division of Psychology in Education, PO Box 870611, Tempe, AZ 85287-0611 (andrea.rayle@asu.edu).
© 2005 by the American Counseling Association. All rights reserved. pp. 361–366
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Rayle, Arredondo, & Robinson Kurpius
efficacy are positively related to persistence decisions, to
grades and occupational aspirations (Lent, Brown, & Gore,
1997), and to academic achievement and adjustment
(Boulter, 2002). In contrast, self-esteem and academic stress
have been found to be negatively related with each other
(Abouserie, 1994). Furthermore, Newby-Fraser and
Schlebusch (1997) reported that academic stress, as well as
self-esteem and educational self-efficacy, can be moderated
by social support from friends and family.
Social support can take various forms. For example, a frequently studied form is the perceived support of friends and
family, both of which have been consistently positively linked
to lower levels of academic stress and healthier self-beliefs (Gloria
& Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Gloria et al., 1999). For undergraduates, social support can also be experienced as support and encouragement from their family to continue their education. Indeed, undergraduates who perceived that their parents supported
their education and had high expectations were more likely to
persist in school (Walker & Satterwhite, 2002).
In his theoretical model predicting academic persistence, Tinto (1975) hypothesized that a student’s personal
commitment to gaining an education would positively
influence academic persistence. It is reasonable, therefore, to predict that this commitment (personal valuing of
education) would also be related to more positive selfbeliefs and to lower academic stress. Indeed, Gloria et al.
(1999) found that both family and personal valuing of education predicted educational self-efficacy, which predicted
academic persistence among Chicano/a undergraduates.
The current study examined the relationships among academic stress, valuing of education, self-esteem, and educational self-efficacy for first-semester, female undergraduates
and the interaction of race/ethnicity with these variables.
Although the literature has demonstrated a relationship among
academic stress, self-esteem, educational self-efficacy, and
valuing of education, no study was found that examined
each of these variables combined with first-semester female
undergraduates and the possible differences between women
of color and Euro-American women. The current study was
designed to fill this gap in the literature and examined four
research questions:
1. What demographic variables are related to educational self-efficacy of female undergraduates?
2. What are the relationships among personal valuing
of education, family valuing of education, selfesteem, academic stress, and educational self-efficacy
for female undergraduates?
3. Do personal valuing of education, family valuing of
education, self-esteem, and academic stress predict
educational self-efficacy of female undergraduates?
4. Do undergraduate women of color differ from undergraduate Euro-American women in their personal
valuing of education, family valuing of education,
362
self-esteem, academic stress, and educational selfefficacy?
Method
Participants
Conducted at a large, southwestern university, this study
was part of a comprehensive examination of psychosocial
factors related to academic persistence decisions of 876,
first-year college undergraduates, 549 (62.7%) of whom were
women. The women’s mean age was 18.27 years (SD = 1.56).
Self-reported race/ethnicity revealed that 377 (68.3%) were
Euro-American, 25 (4.6%) Asian American, 77 (14%) Latino,
7 (1.3%) international, 12 (2.2%) African American, 19
(3.5%) Native American, and 32 (5.8%) were biracial. The
majority of the women were from in state (n = 339, 61.7%),
and most were either living with family (n = 160, 29.1%) or
on campus (n = 329, 59.9%). Self-reported high school grade
point average (GPA) was 3.49 (SD = .39).
Procedure
Participants were recruited through more than 50 sections of
100-level classes and through ethnic and racial minority
student organizations. Students were told that participation
was voluntary, that participation was not related to their
class grade, and that their responses would be kept confidential. A lottery gift of $100, $50, or $25 was offered to
encourage participation. Approximately 90% of 1st-year
female undergraduates who were recruited chose to participate and completed the survey packet.
Instruments
In addition to the demographic variables, the five constructs examined were personal and family valuing of education, self-esteem, educational self-efficacy, and academic
stress. The six-item Personal Valuing of Education Scale
(Gloria, 1993) asked participants to rate on a 5-point scale
the extent to which they valued a college education; their
commitment to obtaining their degree; and whether the
degree is worth the time, money, and energy required to get
it. The five-item Family Valuing of Education Scale (Gloria,
1993) reflects students’ perceptions that their mother, father, and extended family encouraged/supported and valued a college education. Items for the Personal Valuing of
Education Scale and the Family Valuing of Education Scale
were rated from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). Responses
within each scale were summed and averaged. Higher scores
reflect greater perceived personal and family valuing of
education. For this study sample, the Cronbach alphas for
these two scales were .82 and .74, respectively.
Academic stress was measured by the College Stress Scale
(CSS; Schafer, 1992). This 29-item scale assessed perceived
college stress on a scale ranging from 1 (not at all stressful)
to 5 (highly stressful). Sample items include “Worrying about
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grades” and “Too little money.” Responses to the 29 items
were summed and then averaged. Higher overall scores reflect more perceived academic stress. For this study, the
Cronbach alpha was .87.
The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965)
consists of 10-items that evaluate individuals’ subjective
views of themselves. Items such as “On the whole, I am satisfied with myself ” are rated on a 4-point scale ranging from
1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). Total scores could
range from 10 (low self-esteem) to 40 (high self-esteem). The
Cronbach alpha with this study sample was .84.
Educational self-efficacy was assessed using the Educational Degree Behaviors Self-Efficacy Scale (Gloria et al.,
1999) and the social and course self-efficacy subscales of
the College Self-Efficacy Inventory (Solberg, O’Brien,
Villareal, Kenner, & Davis, 1993). The combined scales have
been used to assess the educational self-efficacy of racial/
ethnic minority undergraduates (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius,
2001). The 28-item scale assesses participants’ confidence in
their ability to successfully complete specific educational-related tasks, such as “research a term paper.” Students responded
to the statements using a 7-point Likert scale. Responses were
summed and then averaged to create educational self-efficacy
scores that could range from 1 (low educational self-efficacy)
to 7 (high educational self-efficacy). The Cronbach alpha for
this sample was .95.
Results
Prior to analyzing the research questions, the women in the
various racial/ethnic minority groups were compared on the
outcome constructs to determine whether they could accurately be collapsed into one group. First, because there were
so few international women (n = 7) and because they were
not Americans, they were deleted from the sample. When the
African American, Asian American, Native American, and
Latino women were compared on personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, academic stress, selfesteem, and educational self-efficacy, the Wilks’s lambda
was significant, F(20, 515) = 1.87, p = .012. Follow-up analyses of variance indicated that the multivariate differences
were primarily due to academic stress, F(4, 159) = 3.19, p =
.015, and to personal valuing of education, F(1, 149) = 3.23,
p = .014. The African American women were lower in personal valuing of education than all other groups and were
lower in academic stress than the Latino and biracial women.
Because there were only 12 African American women in the
sample and because they were different on two study constructs, they were deleted from the sample. The remaining
group of women were collapsed to form a women of color
group (n = 153, 28.5%).
To analyze the first research question, a series of Pearson
product–moment correlations were conducted. Educational
self-efficacy was correlated with mother’s education (r = .14,
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p = .001), father’s education (r = .18, p = .001), family yearly
income (r = .23, p = .001), and high school GPA (r = .15,
p = .001) but was not correlated with age of participant. When
women of color were compared with Euro-American women
on the demographic variables, multivariate differences were
found, Wilks’s lambda F(5, 429) = 15.02, p = .001. Although
these two groups of women did not differ in age or high school
GPA, they differed on socioeconomic variables: father’s education, F(1, 433) = 40.85, p = .001; mother’s education,
F(1, 433) = 27.19, p = .001; and yearly income, F(1, 433) =
53.34, p = .001. In each instance, the parents of women of
color had significantly lower levels of education and yearly
income than did the parents of Euro-American women.
The second research question was also analyzed through
a series of correlations using the entire sample of women. The
family-wise alpha was set at .05. Educational self-efficacy
was positively related to self-esteem (r = .39, p = .001), personal valuing of education (r = .36, p = .001), and family
valuing of education (r = .14, p = .001) and negatively related to academic stress (r = –.27, p = .001). Self-esteem was
positively related to personal valuing of education (r = .26,
p = .001) and negatively related to academic stress (r = –.35,
p = .001). Family and personal valuing of education were
positively related (r = .18, p = .001).
To address the third research question, the four predictor
variables were entered as a cluster to predict educational selfefficacy. These four accounted for 24.9% of the variance in
self-efficacy for all of the young women, F(4, 540) = 44.77, p =
.001. The beta weights were .269 for personal valuing of education (t = 6.88, p = .001), .265 for self-esteem (t = 6.46, p = .001),
and –.153 for academic stress (t = –3.84, p = .001). The beta
weight for family valuing of education (β = .047; p = .21) was
not significant. The more these young women valued a higher
education, the greater their self-esteem, the lower their academic stress, and the higher their educational self-efficacy. When
Euro-American women only were analyzed, the same pattern
emerged, and the four predictors accounted for 24.5% of the
variance in educational self-efficacy, F(4, 367) = 29.82, p =
.001. The beta weights were –.146 (t = –2.98, p = .003) for
academic stress, .217 (t = 4.51, p = .001) for personal valuing of
education, and .30 (t = 5.97, p = .001) for self-esteem. The beta
weight for family valuing of education was not significant.
When women of color were analyzed separately, personal valuing of education (β = .348, t = 4.53, p = .001), self-esteem (β =
.165, t = 2.07, p = .04), and academic stress (β = –.167, t =
–2.17, p = .03) were significant predictors and accounted for
23.4% of the variance, F(4, 147) = 11.22, p = .001. Family
valuing of education was not significant (β = .045, p = .54).
The fourth research question was analyzed with a multivariate analysis of variance. No differences were found between women of color and Euro-American women, Wilks’s
lambda F(5, 518) = 1.26, p = .28, on academic stress, educational self-efficacy, self-esteem, and personal and family
valuing of education.
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Rayle, Arredondo, & Robinson Kurpius
Discussion
Overall, these findings present an interesting pattern. Mothers’ education, fathers’ education, family income, and high
school GPAs were positively related to educational selfefficacy. These relationships are not surprising. Parents
often encourage their children to achieve more than they,
themselves, have achieved, and this encouragement may
foster self-confidence among their children. Also, students
who have done well in high school have already experienced success and, therefore, may have higher educational
self-efficacy. For example, college women with previous
experiences of academic success attributed their college
success to personal effort or a sense of internality (Kanoy,
Wester, & Latta, 1989), which closely resembles the construct self-efficacy.
Particularly noteworthy are the data for women of color.
Although these women reported less family income and lower
parental education than did Euro-American women, they
had enrolled in college, starting the process of earning a
college degree. When the women of color were compared
with the Euro-American women on academic stress, selfbeliefs, and valuing of education, no differences were
found. Furthermore, when academic stress, self-esteem, personal valuing of education, and family valuing of education
were used to predict educational self-efficacy, the patterns
for both Euro-American students and students who were
women of color were the same.
These findings suggest that educational self-efficacy,
personal valuing of education, family valuing of education,
academic stress, and self-esteem are important for college
women, in general, and do not necessarily interact with race/
ethnicity. Past research has suggested that for racial/ethnic
minority women, there are additional stressors due to their
dual minority status (Ancis & Sanchez-Hucles, 2000); however, in this study no differences were found between women
of color and Euro-American women. It may be that female
students in their first semester of college are more alike than
different in terms of their self-beliefs, personal valuing of
education, family valuing of education, and academic stress.
Differences as a function of race/ethnicity may not be experienced until later in their academic careers, after the initial
transition to college has been successfully made. It is also
likely that the decision to attend college, itself, is indicative
of greater personal valuing of education, family valuing of
education, self-esteem, and educational self-efficacy, regardless of race/ethnicity. It is also possible that the context of
the college experience in which all of the women found
themselves was a more powerful factor than race or ethnicity.
Perhaps stress that is related to dual minority status will
emerge and become influential later in the academic lives of
the women of color. It was not relevant for these first-semester women, however.
364
The relationships found among the study constructs parallel those reported in the literature (Gloria & Robinson
Kurpius, 2001; Gloria et al., 1999). As expected, the more
these women and their families valued education, the higher
their overall levels of self-esteem, the greater their levels of
self-efficacy, and the lower their levels of academic stress. In
addition, the higher their self-esteem, the more these women
personally valued an education and the less they experienced academic stress. This negative relationship between
self-esteem and academic stress reflects the results reported
by Abouserie (1994). Personal valuing of education and family valuing of education directly covaried. These findings
point to the importance of students’ beliefs, not only about
themselves and their ability but also about the importance
of education. When each of these beliefs is strong, the academic stressors were not perceived as that stressful.
Personal valuing of education, self-esteem, and academic
stress accounted for almost 25% of the variance in educational self-efficacy for these women. When Euro-American
women and women of color were analyzed separately, similar patterns emerged. Family valuing of education was not a
predictor for either group. Perhaps these young women have
started to individuate from their families (Erikson, 1963)
and are not necessarily relying on their parents’ support for
their self-confidence related to school tasks. Educational
self-efficacy may have become a personal endeavor. These
findings reinforce research that has shown that a personal
commitment to education and a more positive view of one’s
self are related to higher educational self-efficacy (Gloria et
al., 1999). As noted earlier, the more positive the women’s
attitudes, the lower their perceived academic stress, which
has been found to be prevalent in the 1st year of college
(Sher et al., 1996). These factors may combine to foster success at college and increase the probability of these young
women getting their degrees and decrease the potential of
their attrition rates, at least during their 1st year in college
(Daugherty & Lane, 1999).
The African American women reported a lower personal
valuing of education and perceived less academic stress.
Although the small sample size of 12 women precludes drawing inferences with any confidence, it is possible that these
women followed their family’s wishes and enrolled at this
university where African Americans are less than 5% of the
student population. If their college education is not considered highly important, then it makes sense that it will not be
perceived as particularly stressful. Despite the small sample
size, counselors on predominantly White college campuses
need to be sensitive to African American women and their
special concerns, which may be a barrier to educational
attainment. Future research needs to investigate the study variables for a representative sample of African American women.
Certain limitations of this study need to be noted. First,
there were relatively small sample sizes for the groups of
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racial/ethnic minority women, which prevented comparisons
among these groups. Second, only paper-and-pencil measures were used, and some of the internal consistencies were
not as strong as desired. Finally, this study was conducted at
only one large, public university in one region of the United
States, thus limiting generalizability.
Despite the limitations, this study makes a significant
contribution to the literature on the educational self-efficacy
of female undergraduates. The findings highlight the need to
study factors related to the educational self-efficacy of firstsemester women. By understanding factors related to selfefficacy, which has been consistently linked to persistence,
student affairs personnel, counselors in college counseling
centers, and academic counselors can provide interventions
that foster greater academic achievement among women.
The results also have implications for counseling practice and future research. The findings suggest that selfbeliefs are more influential in determining college women’s
levels of educational self-efficacy than is family valuing of
education and are also related to less academic stress. Working with a student’s self-beliefs, which may be an important
starting point in academic and personal counseling, is the
core to social learning theory (Bandura, 1997) and to skills
a counselor brings to a therapy session. In addition, it is
important for both high school and college counselors to
understand a student’s valuing of education as it relates to many
variables linked to academic success and self-efficacy. If high
school counselors can facilitate young women’s educational selfefficacy (through small precollege psychoeducational groups or
large-group classroom guidance lessons pertaining to planning for success in college), college counselors may meet
with 1st-year undergraduate women who integrate more
easily into their new academic environments. Counselors
also need to be sensitive to the specific needs of women of
color. Their underrepresentation on the college campus and
the possibility of being first-generation college students
may serve as barriers to academic success. Both high school
and college counselors should attempt to understand the
academic needs of women and to offer programming (prevention and support groups, intervention counseling) for
all young women.
Future research, both quantitative and qualitative, should
reexamine and extend the issues raised in this study. Although
educational self-efficacy has been linked to academic success,
stress, and self-beliefs among college students (Gloria et al.,
1999; Lent et al., 1997; Robinson Kurpius et al., 2003), continued research is needed to address potential racial/ethnic minority differences and the influence of other demographic and
psychosocial variables, in addition to those addressed in this
study. For instance, future research could more thoroughly identify African American women’s experiences as 1st-year college
undergraduates as well as those of other racial minority groups,
including biracial and multiracial individuals.
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