UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS
Senior High School
España, Manila, Philippines
STUDENT LEADERSHIP AND SOCIAL ADVOCACIES:
THE CASE OF A SECTARIAN UNIVERSITY
A secondary education research
submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements in
Investigations, Inquiries, and Immersion / Practical Research 3
CARBONILLA, Ruby Jane S.
CO, Angelo Rafael V.
CRUZ, Elizabeth Faye B.
CRUZ, Jameela Alyonna B.
ELIOT, Bianca Marie R.
LACAP, Alicia Rose D.
MARCELINO, Reginald R.
NOBLE, Katrina A.
REYES, John Vincent
ROSALES, Abbylyn Joy d.G.
TORRECAMPO, Gabriel P.
12HUMSS-16
Philippe Jose S. Hernandez, MEng
Research Adviser
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We, the researchers, would like to show our sincerest gratitude to our Research
Adviser and Practical Research 3 professor, Mr. Philippe Jose S. Hernandez, MEng, for
providing us with unconditional support and mentorship that aided in the success of our
research paper.
We are grateful for Mr. Robert Gonzales, M.A., Practical Research 3 SALT of
UST Senior High School, since he granted us the permission to conduct interviews with
student leaders around the university.
Our thanksgiving is also extended to our subjects from the University of Santo
Tomas who have given us their time and thoughts that served as the backbone of our
study. Despite their busy schedules, these student leaders made the effort to entertain us
wholeheartedly.
Through this paper, we also wish to express our thanks for our dearest parents
who showered us with spiritual motivation to work hard with our study. This endeavor
would not have been possible without their inspiring and comforting presence.
From the bottom of hearts, we acknowledge those who have pushed us to improve
our craft and stimulate our determination. All the knowledge and encouragement
obtained were helpful in conducting this study.
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CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY
This is to certify that this work, entitled “Student Leadership and Social Advocacies: The
Case of a Sectarian University”, is an original work of the following students:
1. Abbylyn Joy d.G. Rosales
2. Alicia Rose D. Lacap
3. Angelo Rafael V. Co
4. Bianca Marie R. Eliot
5. Elizabeth Faye B. Cruz
6. Gabriel P. Torrecampo
7. Jameela Alyonna B. Cruz
8. John Vincent Reyes
9. Katrina A. Noble
10. Reginald R. Marcelino
11. Ruby Jane S. Carbonilla
Furthermore, this certifies that authors of cited works have been recognized, and no act of
plagiarism was committed.
Abbylyn Joy d.G. Rosales
Alicia Rose D. Lacap
Angelo Rafael V. Co
Bianca Marie R. Eliot
Elizabeth Faye B. Cruz
Gabriel P. Torrecampo
Jameela Alyonna B. Cruz
John Vincent Reyes
Katrina A. Noble
Reginald R. Marcelino
Ruby Jane S. Carbonilla
Philippe Jose S. Hernandez
Research Adviser
iv
CERTIFICATE OF TURN-IT-IN SCORE
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -------------------------------------------------------------------------CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY --------------------------------------------------------------CERTIFICATE OF TURN-IT-IN SCORE ------------------------------------------------------TABLE OF CONTENTS ----------------------------------------------------------------------------LIST OF TABLES -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ABSTRACT ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Chapter 1
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INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background of the Study --------------------------------------------------1.2. Related Studies --------------------------------------------------------------1.3. Theoretical Framework ----------------------------------------------------1.4. Statement of the Problem --------------------------------------------------1.5. Scope and Limitations ------------------------------------------------------1.6. Significance of the Study ---------------------------------------------------
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METHOD
2.1. Design and Approach ------------------------------------------------------2.2. Instrumentation --------------------------------------------------------------2.3. Participants and Sampling -------------------------------------------------2.4. Ethical Considerations -----------------------------------------------------2.5. Procedure ----------------------------------------------------------------------2.6. Data Analysis ------------------------------------------------------------------
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
3.1. Demographic Profile --------------------------------------------------------3.2. Advocacies and their Origins ---------------------------------------------3.3. Ways of Expressing Advocacies -----------------------------------------3.4. Feelings toward Reception of Advocacies -----------------------------
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CONCLUSION
4.1. Conclusion --------------------------------------------------------------------4.2. Recommendations ------------------------------------------------------------
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REFERENCES ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------APPENDICES ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
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LIST OF TABLES
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Demographic Profile -----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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ABSTRACT
This study identified how student leaders of the University of Santo Tomas establish their
advocacies and uphold their principles. It determined how these students become open to
activist tendencies and demonstrate their social objectives in a sectarian institution.
Employing a qualitative study, the researchers used phenomenological approach in
gathering data from subjects who were determined through the snowball sampling
technique. Ten (10) student leaders enrolled for A.Y. 2017 – 2018 were interviewed
either personally or through online means. Using open coding and thematic analysis, the
researchers discovered that nine (9) student leaders derive their advocacies from the
amalgamation of self-realization, experiences, and external influences. Such finding
implies that Thomasian student leaders maximize their sources in creating advocacies
that sustain their identities. It was underscored that these students are asserters of youth
empowerment, issue awareness, and equality amidst diversity. When confronted with
oppositions, student leaders maintain an open-mind in dealing with varied convictions
about their beliefs.
Keywords: Advocacy, Student Leadership, Sectarian University
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CHAPTER 1: Introduction
1.1.Background of the Study
In its preeminent definition, social justice is a political and philosophical abstraction with
which concept holds that all people are to be treated and reserved with equal access to health,
security, justice, and opportunities (Investopedia, 2017). That, in the contemporary context, was
given more equation as social justice being meant for the distributive property that is to justice
itself (United Nations, 2006)—that which shall be effective and with inclusivity to the spectrum
of differences in races, beliefs, expositions, and etcetera, as both a goal and a process (Hackman,
2005).
According to United Nations (2006), the exercise of social justice as for its application
requires a geographical, socio-political, socio-cultural, and overall socio-behavioral framework
within which relations between groups and individuals can be assessed and characterized, for
reasons that what is just and what is unjust may clearly be defined.
Comparatively, as for the language of Ty (2011) in his study of social injustice and
human rights-based education, he expressed what relativity is existent between the concepts of
what is good and of what is just, as the former being on the personal standing and the latter being
on the social level.
Therefore, it could then be taken that for activism to be put into actualization – given that
such action is coined upon this principle of impartiality – a realization owed to reflection of
oneself is to be reinforced responsive of these variation on factors both from that of the internal
and external influence. It is then, that to understand the idea of activism as developed from and
anchored to this idea of self and society, it is moreover integral to explore what progress is
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attained throughout a given historical context as for the factors that affects the expansion of
activism, and generally, of social justice—in demonstration and manifestation.
The first attempt to student activism can be traced back in the 1964 as several
students of the University of California, Berkerley were urged to stand responsive of the
demanded rights to free speech and academic freedom, which was then charged-fueled as the
Anti-War Movement surfaced with Vietnam War intensifying. The students advanced for “the
Free Speech Movement” as due to the University’s attempt of preventing them from organizing
politically on campus premises, which then later lead to the uprising’s recognition as the first
campus mobilization phenomenon initiated primarily by struggle for civil rights – further
inspiring revolutionary efforts for student activism and involvement.
For the most part of the Philippine context of social protest, students were reserved
to be politically passive, as with the cultivated and prevalent political culture extremely aligned
and marked by conservatism—that of which are mostly by Filipino values as were practiced, and
educational system as promoted for the main purpose of harmony between citizenry and
government (Official Gazette, 2016). However, it was also in the 1960s when Filipino students
came to follow as with the changing political tides and shifting social mores. Eventually, a
resurgence of nationalism among college students were significantly demonstrated (Official
Gazette). Filipino student-activists organized to protests against the United States and an array of
issues concerned thereof—from US imperialism, as with Philippine troops being deployed for
the Vietnam War, to US military bases, as regurgitated by many areas in the Philippines. This
was despite of the Philippine’s declaration of independence from the U.S. as granted to the
Republic of the Philippines dated July 4, 1946. The said rallies were organized to demonstrate
assails to the then continued infringement of the Philippine sovereignty by the United States, as
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with the alleged subservience of the Philippine government authorities to the dictates of such
foreign power. Thus, the furtherance of youth involvement to socio-political engagement in the
Philippines.
With youth participation to compel empowered, and the radicals of activism
strengthened relatively, the Marcos administration would spectate a more dynamic philosophy to
activism (Official Gazette); there was another upsurge of student protests by the late sixties,
between 1969 and 1970. With his controversial and fraudulent campaign succeeded, Ferdinand
E. Marcos and his reelection over an unprecedented full second term as with being the president
of the Philippines was disdained by violent demonstrations – from students and a huge proponent
of the masses, alike – lingering for more or less than three months of outrageous discontent.
From January to March 1970, more violent protest rallies were mounted against the Marcos
administration transformed into a dictatorship. On the 26th of January, 1970, with the re-elected
president’s State of Nation Addressed on delivery, student organizations, as led by the National
Union of Students of the Philippines, trooped to Congress to reunite against his presidency. The
students were later then roughly treated by government authorities, forcing them as to be
oppressed of their democratic rights to free speech and assembly. The mob was broken up with
police batons, with students beaten with truncheons (Official Gazette). This was marked as the
official commencement of the First Quarter Storm (Agoncillo, 1990), of what would be one of
the events that led to the declaration of the renowned Martial Law era.
With these significant involvements of students to the processes of social mobilization,
one can therefore imply that the better part of social engagement is education – as both in its
campus embodiment and societal display.
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Similarly, as for social justice, education, and activism, and as for students’ critical
development to reflect, respond, and revolutionize, there is therefore an entailed role of social
justice (human rights-based) education to the curriculum. Social justice education encourages an
active role on education and supports both students and teachers in creating democratic,
empowering, and critical educational environments (Hackman, 2005).
According to Freire (2005), as for education to truly be efficient of its purpose, critical
teachers and students alike are ought to not merely be reciting pre-existing ideas, but are to be
engaged in knowledge production and social transformation most favorably. In his concepts of
dialogics and dialogue, Freire stated that the essence of education is to be sought within the
practice of freedom per se. Students are not to simply engage on discourse or group discussions
as for an attempt of gaining the knowledge of social reality, but are to be equipped with the
notion of “praxis” – wherein deeply evaluated is the importance of acting in order to critically
reflect to such reality, as to cater transformation and further reflections to action.
Valte (1989) states that “what promised to be a dynamic resurgence of the student Left
despite the authoritarian order proved to be a flash in the pan.” At the University of the
Philippines, for instance, the picture of politicized forces remains pathetic. Even the leading
anti-imperialist organizations have conceded that there is a decline in influence and support to
the progressive student organizations since the start of the 1980s.
A number of factors are principally responsible for this decline in the political awareness
and mobility of students. “The foremost is the increasing inability of the militant mass movement
to generate mass awareness, understanding, and participation in the many issues that student
confronts, raises, and even tackles” (Valte, 1989).
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Furthermore, as for education, for it to be an effective tool for student awakening to
social reality, and therefore to a necessary social engagement, education must first delve on the
context of “actually existing conditions in which the students are situated, about which they pose
critical questions in order to bring about social liberation” (Freire, 2005). Students are to be
taught, not for the motive of teaching alone, but to be taught as for the causal purpose of
inflicting an advocacy to political consciousness and social awareness; a call to action for critical
grasp on the concept of social justice.
As for Hackman (2005), the consistent problem however, is the question of how
progressive educators are to impose that effective style of teaching that is reliant on a clear social
justice perspective, that which is far from the seemingly vague notion of social justice education;
that which empowers, which motivates, which encourages, and challenges students to critically
examine and model social change. Contrary to what is currently practiced in classroom
environments such that of knowledge being entirely about information alone, and empty of
connections or relation to social struggles and endeavors (Hook, 1994). On the “banking”
concept in what respect education is being positioned as an instrument for oppression, education
becomes an act of depositing, in which the students are the depositories and the teacher is the
depositor (Freire, 2005) – wherein communication is limited to receiving, memorizing and
storing, and thus becomes the problem for liberalization.
Additionally, according to Ty (2011), “teaching and learning about human rights as a
specific component in the curriculum is necessary but not sufficient.” It is from this observation
that it is expressed that for human rights to be of meaning to the learners, and thus for it to be a
major proponent of how students become active participants to social engagement, “the ontology
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of delivering human rights-based education must be inductively grounded in historical and social
context rather than be based on deductive and abstract concepts.”
Although its influence declined in the 80s, activism among students is a social
phenomenon in the current times. This includes students’ capacity to invoke necessary social
justice manifestation, active social participation, and imperative demonstration for social change.
If then, with the sectarian premises of the University of Santo Tomas, as with the aspects that
contribute to the activist tendencies of a student, the proponents of this study instigated whether
Thomasian student leaders are able to impose changes, as with their coherent advocacies,
philosophical ideologies, or political standings.
1.2.Related Studies
1.2.1. Social Transformation
According to Abueva (2008), “social transformation requires internal change in our
leaders and citizens alike.” Once a leader imposes change, citizens are inclined to conform or
reject it. In democratic-republic countries such as the Philippines, people are active conveyers of
opinions. The system allows them to assert their stands in mediums they prefer, including
activism.
Activists include different individuals, each having unique opinions. They are moved by
factors that are either external or internal in nature. No matter how diverse their advocacies are,
activists aim to attain transformation in an already established system. Institutions governed by
the state are often the receivers of oppositions.
Social transformation relies on the harmony between people and the authorities. Since
most movements aspire for the common good, activists strive to make their lives convenient
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either for themselves or for the whole. Changes in education and government are the major
reforms often asserted by protesters.
1.2.2. Involvement of the Youth to Future Movements
The involvement of students and the rise of protests on college campuses have been
significant for better and larger movements. According to Asal, Testa, and Young (2017, 4-16),
most Occupy movements occur to college students with higher paid staffs and professors, more
schoolmates and higher tuition fees. Emergence of occupy movements vary on certain US
college and campuses on protests and future political related events while still having a nonviolent protest. Addressing complaints and fair law enforcement can make sure no violence shall
happen in such protests.
Being critical about the pressing issues we have that can help our intellect and provide
more meaningful conversations can make a university be a room of opportunities and potential.
Subject to constantly dealing with lowering for social benefits and a better quality of higher
education, Giroux (2017, 204-207) explains that young people are also concerned to give a new
glow of wisdom of finding solutions to the issues we have in our society, racism, liberties,
corruption and more.
Sacrificing their body, occupy protestors, mostly College students, experience police
brutality while exercising their freedom of speech. Police in riot gear harass students while
covering them with pepper spray or sudden flash of waters from fire trucks. This form of
violence of is a dangerous act to academic and civil rights to students. As Occupy protestors defy
courage to uphold their views, faculty, staffs and administrators should learn to defend their
students of their cost of liberty. They also become part of a social agenda that advocates public
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life in the current era. Their ignorance can be risked as the next punitive law can take them
without their knowledge.
It is necessary to educate College students and the youth to join together to make the
change for our society, unity and politics. The youth have become the class adequate of making
themselves a factor of advancement through movements (Giroux, 2017, 207-208). A more
determined enthusiastic energy of the youth involved in occupy movements, this idea was stated
by Bernardi (2016, 109) to help improve the efficiency of future occupy movements. They would
be aggressive and ambitious actors for the market and a strong proponent of anti-capitalism.
Ownership, not occupation, would be the key theme for the success of these protests.
1.2.3. Youth Struggles and Actions through Party-list Organizations
In consideration of youth participation and inclination in today's call of social
improvement, and the future of protest mainly in the Philippine context, there have been
numerous sets of congressional parties that stands firm at making the youth more socially
sympathetic and recognized, officially representing the minority's stand in the Philippine
Congress (i.e., in case of the Kabataan Partylist), or basically serving as training ground for all
the youth, preserving their major and historic role in activism and state emancipation, and, more
genuinely so, at breaking the stance of the youth to potentially be passive or apathetic in
achieving a transformative and revolutionary change demanded by and integral to the majority of
our country's citizens (Kabataan Partylist, 2017).
In an article obtained from their website, Kabataan Partylist representative Sarah Elago
implied the repression that influences the struggles of the youth's factor on social mobilization
processes, such that kind of oppressions forced by factors of radical authoritarian ideologies or
dictatorial powers, and the Partylist's call on them (the youths) to lead against such depressions
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she namely denounced as an object of fascism in our country, attacking youth and student leaders
at macro-level circumstances throughout our state, and micro-unit type institutions, as
universities and campus-wide organizations. Such issue stretches from the continuous killings of
youths under the current regimen's war on drugs and some minor accounts of state universities'
or of school administrators' intervention on finance management and on student council electoral
commissions.
Elago called on the negative part of today's democratic context, such as the rendering of
militarization elements on campuses, as intimidation and red-tagging, the latest being an instance
where a said Anakbayan member was harassed, and allegedly robbed by suspected military men,
condemning these as fascist attacks on socially-involved youth leaders, and noting that it is of
our sole duty as activist and socially-obliged citizens to go against and liberate from such tyrant
projected assaults.
The presence of these parties (i.e., Anakbayan, Kabataan Party-list group, CEGP,
YMCA, and etc.) that positively includes the young minds of our country, furnishing social
actions from indignant youth leaders and participants more accessible and provocative, is critical
at making it certain that these future leaders would pledge at being decisively active of their
democratic rights and interests, making a palpable product of social link to our hiatus.
1.2.4. Student Activism
Feuer (1969) calls student activism as “a combination of students inspired by aims which
they try to explicate in political ideology, and moved by an emotional rebellion in which there is
always present a disillusionment with and a rejection of the values of the older generation.”
Such movements occur from conditions where mass apathy has devolved the political initiative
to the intellectual elite. What stimulate students to participate in protests are their elucidations of
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a certain issue and their strong sense of hostility towards a decision that is not in line with their
beliefs. This implies that the psychological state of these student activists as part of the youth
interferes with their views, either personal or political. Mainly, their convictions are based
mostly on emotions instead of experiences that could have provided them foundations that boost
their credibility and dispositions as activists.
Student activism has a long and rich history in colleges and universities and will continue
to have a place in institutions of higher learning. The study on the learning outcomes from
College student activism reveals that activism is an active part of students' learning experiences
while in college. This study supports the notion that (a) learning outcomes are associated with
involvement in college student activism, (b) involvements do make a difference, (c) faculty and
peer relationships matter, (d) curricular and co-curricular experiences, and (d) gender and
ethnicity in activism is worth exploring
The examination of specific learning outcomes associated with activism provides student
affairs professionals and higher education research and policy-makers a better understanding of
what students gain from their activism. In addition, the results of this study contribute to the
body of knowledge on the role of college involvements in developing an action-oriented citizen.
(Rosas, 2010).
1.2.5. Factors of Student Activism according to Social Psychology
Besides organization, social location, and the calculation of costs and benefits by
movement actors, Gamson (1992) claims that there are other factors eliciting student activism.
These are collective identity, solidarity, and consciousness. Focusing on the demographic profile
of students divert researchers away from some of the most critical and difficult questions of the
study. According to Ferree and Miller (1985) cited in Gamson (1992), “Costs and benefits play a
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role in generating movement support, but the translation of objective social relationships into
subjectively experienced group interests is also critical in building movements, as in political
activity generally.” The said aspects will show how ideas have manifested themselves in social
movement writings, and the unresolved questions and major puzzles that need attention.
Participation in social movements frequently involves an enlargement of personal identity
for participants and offers fulfillment and realization of self” (Gamson, 1992).
Social
psychologists have always emphasized the centrality of social relationships and social location in
the development of personal identity. Participation in the civil rights movement, women’s
movement, and New Left, for example, was frequently a transformative experience, central to
the self-definition of many participants in their later lives. The creation of an ongoing collective
identity that maintains the loyalty and commitment of participants is a cultural achievement in its
own right, regardless of its contribution to the achievement of political and organizational goals.
There is both a social and a cultural level involved in loyalty and commitment to a social
movement. Solidarity processes focus on how people relate to social movement carriers – that
is, to the various collective actors who claim to represent the movement. These carriers need not
be formal organizations but can include entities as varied as advocacy network groups. Recent
social movement literature suggested that movement carriers have certain characteristics that
promote solidarity: one focusing on the use of preexisting social relationships, the other on
organizational forms that support and sustain the needs of participants and embody the
movement’s collective identity.
The cultural side of political consciousness is represented by traditions that focus on
ideology and discourse. Most of this work is crucial, emphasizing the shaping of political
consciousness as part of a process of class or elite domination. Any change in consciousness
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involves a rising symbolic struggle since every regime has some legitimating frame that provides
the citizenry with a reason to be quiescent – except in the pursuit of their civic duty. According
to Frieie (1970) cited in Gamson (1992), “it is a formidable task to cut the ‘umbilical cord of
magic and myth which binds the oppressed to the world of oppression”
1.2.6. Stimulating Consciousness among Students
Education is one of the fundamental means of acquiring knowledge. Lessons learned
from the classroom setting constitute a person’s schemata, an organizational or conceptual
pattern in the mind. According to Gamson (1992), “students of social movements assume an
active processor who is constructing meaning rather than a passive recipient.” Being immersed
in an interactive learning environment, student-activists are driven mostly by information and
facts that are often interpretative and polyvalent. This explains why students take different sides
when confronted with social issues.
“Consciousness concerns the mesh between cognition and culture – between individual
beliefs about the social world and cultural belief systems and ideologies” (Gamson, 1992). At
school, a student improves his cognition through courses designed to enrich his full
understanding of things. These courses correspond to different learning areas that demand
fundamental skills such as analytical thinking and objectivity. Although school subjects contain
usual concepts specific to its field, students are not restricted to derive their knowledge merely
from the academe.
Besides school-fed knowledge, schema is also sustained by a person’s experiences.
These personal occurrences contribute to the emotional and mental stability of an individual.
Coming across situations elicit consciousness among people. Experiences provide authentic
basis of a person’s set of convictions since these are derived only from reality. When a student
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goes through certain circumstances, he or she tends to question the lessons attained from school.
This shows how one’s cognition and culture fuse to construct the consciousness of the student.
Consciousness may also be aroused from other factors including family, social status, and
age. Serving as the basic unit of society, the family enables people to develop both their
intrapersonal and interpersonal skills. Social status functions as the measurement of one’s
confinement to experiences. In addition to that, age gives an overview of the person’s level of
maturity and awareness.
1.2.7. Education on Social Action and Reflection
The works of Paulo Freire carefully defines and implies the confinement of education on
processes relative to the development of critical awareness of an individual to its practical and
social reality through reflection and action in a term he enjoys as conscientization. Education
being the key-factor on undermining the weakness of the self-oppressed conditions of a society
and its people, and its role on the youth (applying to the relevance of the study) on providing an
internal and interrelated realization on the importance of being active and reflective (activism
and verbalism) problem-solvers.
On the words of Gerhardt on his study of Freirean education philosophy, he observed the
ideas of Freire as being a system centered on the student's environment that shall focus on
making the social setting a part of a student's learning phenomena, engaging them expectantly, to
pave for and study a certain societal goal, deepening their socio-political and cultural awareness
and magnifying the integrality of the youth on our country's developmental elements. This
approach is a useful tool for helping students and teachers to name and reflect on the societal and
systematic problems and their effect on their learning process to find solutions for these
problems (Embark, 2013) Freire calls on liberating the education system at allowing students and
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enhancing them to develop their personal ideas and abilities as active subjects in changing the
world (Embark, 2013). Action is fundamental in the processes of changing the reality and
acquiring the critical dependency on uncovering actual problems and needs (Freire, n.d.). It is
insufficient for people to come together in dialogue in order to gain knowledge of their social
reality. Freire indicated a praxis approach to education, of how they must act together upon their
environment, in the sense of such critically reflective action and reflection base on practice,
authentically committing faith in the people's ability to recreate a social world of a more just
society (Gerhardt, 1993).
Imposed at his works on the Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire, then further denounced
that the problem on the society's tendency to oppression is the self-oppression likelihood of the
oppressed themselves, tagging them as sub-oppressors. These instances derives the fact,
according to Freire, that the oppressed, at certain points on their existential experience, adopt an
attitude of adhesion, fearing freedom and desiring the role as oppressors themselves. This
phenomena supports the argue on the traditional educational system that solely depends, not on
nurturing the creativity of students but on the capacity of teachers and of the current societal
background present at-hand.
Issues and culture of power are enacted in classrooms (Delpit, 1988); the power of
professors over their students, the power of publishers over textbooks, the power of developers
on the curriculum followed, the power of state on compulsory schooling, and the presence of the
idea of normalcy on an individual's intelligence. Powers, not only are passed around to people by
people, it is practiced by people to people, and with the highly regarded role of education on a
student’s realization, not only of the power in itself, but also of the power practiced around its
socio-political and economic, the system of education on social activism and relativism is very
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crucial. Those with less power are often most aware of its existence, and those with more are
almost oblivious of it that there shall be a proper regulation as to balance such direly imposed
authority not on a single dictatorial circulation but on the masses (Delpit,1988).
These shall signify, with the crucial deliberation from the results of our findings, the
intensity of how our university's system of education provides students either with learning
capabilities to arouse involvement at socio-political context, or at best, contribute to our state's
needs for democratic leaders credibly equipped of strong educational foundations and
background, and the willingness to actively and mindfully participate for our nation's betterment.
1.2.8. Student Activists
The current generation produces various accounts centralizing on the frequent occurrence
of student activism. When observed, some of these are protests for a genuine cause while the
rest are made just for the sake of creating a huge mass of event. Students voice their opinions
either to advocate for the betterment of many or to consider themselves of intellectual
superiority. In both ways, student activism has always been a threat against the university
administrators and the government. As observed by the President’s Commission on Student
Unrest, “Student unrest was increasingly reinforced by a youthful “counterculture” that
expressed itself in the new kinds of art and music, in the use of drugs, and in unorthodox dress
and personal relations. Students were receptive to this culture’s accent to this culture’s accent on
authenticity and alienation. Many university communities began to attract nonstudents who also
participated in the new youth culture. These ‘street people’ in turn played a prominent part in
some student demonstrations, violence, riots, and complicated response to campus unrest.”
According to the perception of most individuals, activism is caused by a specific group of
people with coming from different personal backgrounds who share the same advocacy.
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Oftentimes, these people are labeled as perennial “trouble-makers.” To the government, activists
are perceived as “trolls” who are paid just to cause commotion and to divert the society’s
attention. As far as the problems are further scrutinized, most activists are majoring or are
students specializing in the social science and humanities. Nearly half the rank-and-file activist
in one survey were students from humanities that are either intellectually oriented or driven by
emotions. A study in California states that twice as many students with high grade-point
averages were highly libertarian compared to those with low grade-point averages.
While some books have not yet provided accurate mechanisms located within the
structure of educational institutions that stimulates activism among them, students have often
directed their aggression directly at school-related conditions: (a) Nature of classroom
instruction, (b) Lack of respect towards students; (c) Schools disregard serious societal ills; (d)
Lack of response to legitimate grievances; (e) Irrelevant curriculum; (f) Extent of administrative
and teacher control over student behavior; and (f) The division of status and privilege that
separates students and teachers/administrator.
1.2.9. Tendency of Student Activists to Gain Power
There are many factors that may affect the influence and impact of a social movement
initiated by activists. One of this is hegemony which is well known to be used by Gramsci.
Retrieved from McNally and Schwarzmantel’s (2009) book, Gramsci and Global Politics,
"Gramsci's notion of hegemony rests on the ability of a dominant class to form a consensual
relationship with subaltern classes through variety of social and cultural channels (Gramsci 1971:
55-60, 415-25)." This notion indicates that a group's power to make a change and move the mass
relies on their capability, which includes communication, strategy, the standpoint and ideology
of the activists that would coincide with the thoughts of the masses.
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Whereby a system of hierarchy is being established by the more dominant or superior
individual through his influence and interaction with the subaltern classes, there will always be a
dominant class on top if two clashing ideas are present inevitably, discrepancy will occur in
terms of agreement or interaction. Hence, this depicts that a person may gain power through his
social eminence. For student activists, a person may be more influential when they reach college
rather than being part of grade school. Let's take for example the protest of the grade school
students that went viral on Facebook and UP college rallies. It is evident that the act of the grade
school students was discriminated on social media identifying them as too young and with too
little knowledge. While UP college rallies, on the other hand, has ideology that may get or may
not be acknowledge by the nation but the difference is they were less identified to be incapable
of taking a stand and cause a revolution. As defined by Cox, retrieved from McNally and
Schwarzmantel (2009), "Hegemony is defined by how a state maintains its influence through
consent and how its character is determined by ideological and material conditions". This may
have affected the different reaction of the audience pertaining to the initiators of the protest.
1.2.10. Student Activists as Movers of Social Change
Activism among Filipino students is not merely limited to revolts against their
universities. Evidently occurring in public-funded universities, students feel entitled to apply
what they have learned from their political backgrounds in the real context by opposing or
conforming to different sides of issues that they consider as ethical or unequal. According to
Mooney, Schacht, and Knox (2007), “social change is a result of the struggle of power by
different groups.” Marx implied that “social change was a consequence of the struggle between
different economic classes as each strove for supremacy.” While students come from varying
socioeconomic statuses, their credibility is doubted when it comes to the authenticity of their
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intentions. Valte (1987) said that students are “a traditional elite group, petty bourgeois by
origin and outlook.”
Institutions tend to look down at student activists for their lack of
experience. For these establishments, activism must not depend on theoretical knowledge but
should also correspond to genuine and sincere intentions.
One of the main causes of social activism is because they saw something that is beyond
or unacceptable in their perspective that they want to bring about changes and influence other
people to join with them. They do not only instigate one change that they want to pursue but
they are able to support other movements as well and are able to change or move into one belief
to another or group to another. "Social movements can be viewed as collective enterprises
seeking to establish a new order of life. They have their own inception in a condition of unrest
and derive their motive power on one hand from dissatisfaction with the current form of life, and
on the other hand, from wishes and hope for a new system of living. The career of social
movement depicts the emergence of a new order of life." (Blumer, 1969 cited in Crossley, 2009)
Student activism is a miniscule version of social movements occurring in a societal
context. Mooney, Knox, and Schacht (2007) implied that “social movement is an organized
group of individuals with a common purpose to either promote or resist social change through
collective action.” It also pertains to the state in which social change is realized. The most
important prerequisite for becoming actively involved in improving levels of social well-being
may be genuine concern and deliberation to a “social cause.” In social media websites such as
Facebook and Twitter, there are virtual protests against certain sides of social issues. Some are
made out of their desire to be real catalysts of change. On the other hand, the rest are all
conjured for the sake of elevating themselves to their so-called “intellectual level of superiority.”
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Porta & Diani (2011) present globalization as a factor to the emerging state of activism.
Some nations such as the Philippines, have been presented globalization as a matter of
requirement and thus, the weight of the pressure that comes along with this has sparked social
movement above all else. Mostly in third world countries, the economic impact of globalization
has urged the people to move against the government and the changes it wants to impose on
them. Globalization has been around since the late 1400’s and even until today, it still threatens
the society like nothing else, hence, the need for a social movement.
1.2.11. International Accounts of Student Activism
Student activism, also known as “student protest” or “student revolt”, first occurred in
1964 at the University of California’s Berkley Campus. From this encounter, journalists, social
scientists, students, and politicians have been trying to explain the ominous sporadic outbreaks of
student activism within college campuses as well as high schools.
While there are fluctuations in the overall trends, a large number of universities were the
target of demonstrations in the USA during the past decade. During the short span of time
between 1965 and 1969: (a) Activism toward a larger student role in campus governance
increased substantially, (b) Civil rights activism among college students decline significantly,
while race related incidents on campus increased, (c) The number of colleges with student left
groups doubled.
Student activism has had a crucial impact in many countries in which student
demonstrations brought down governments to indicate the importance of student power. Among
these nations are Turkey, South Korea, South Vietnam, Ecuador, and Thailand. In Europe,
students were essential in the revolution of 1848 between Austria and Germany. The early
Russian Revolutionary movement of the 19th century is composed of intellectual university
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students as the French was attributed to many radical political movements. However, 1960s was
a turbulent decade which experienced an upsurge of student movements throughout the world
with hardly any country escaping the wrath of this generation. It is different to generalize
student protest activities at a global level on account of the diversity of the sources and causes of
student movements and their consequences and impact on societies. Numerous attempts are
made to discuss the various aspects of student politics under three broad groups of countries,
namely, the advanced capitalist countries, the socialist countries, and the third world (developing
countries).
1.2.12. Occupy-type Influences on the International Wave of Mobilization
Occupy Wall Street movement is the first worldwide postmodern uprising (Brucato,
2012), with protesters coming from different ideologies, analyses, passions and emphases
(Calhoun, 2013). On the study of Brucato, he identifies that, two months later apt to its initial
day of protest in September 2011, Zuccotti Park remaining occupied, the movement had inspired
over 2,000 other protest throughout the world, spreading to differing states and cities and
becoming a common ground to variety of subjective. Calhoun observed that this protest in New
York dramatically collected and connected people that includes (but does not limit to),
anarchists, conventional Left-wing political parties; some cooperatives of barter and alternative
currencies, students apropos to unemployment, employees derailed by the crisis, indignant
citizens angered by the government's and of the global market's entreating of austerity, and the
like.
However, to Calhoun (2013), to view this mobilization as purely American is downright
one-sided. He added that the mobilization’s roots, its tactics, and its ultimate significance were
all international as well as domestic in nature. Calhoun studied that initially, whilst the
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Europeans regarded the financial crisis of 2008 as an Anglo-American matter, Britain viewed
queues of the World Bank collapsing and the government efforts of managing hindered with
onslaughts of controversies. This brought-forth alarm.
With the crisis spreading to Greece, Spain, Portugal, and other parts of Eurozone, the
author illustrated the accounts of activism in each of these countries centered on the dimension
of the occupation of prominent public spaces. Calhoun then dignifies that, however little there
was a call to organize an immediate protest, this mobilization initially began in Europe.
Syntagma Square and Plaza del Sol quickly become globally familiar names linking the protest
in European cities to those in the Arabic premises, Cairo's Tahrir Square most famously. This
demand to participation spread globally, sparking protests as far afield as China, and mixing with
these European examples, influencing the beginning of OWS. It is with this, as accord to the
author, there was a world-wide wave of protest giving and adding weight and significance
relatively.
1.2.13. Occupy London
On October 15 of the same year as the OWS movement in New York, London, with the
slogan “Occupy Your Mind,” significantly adopted from the occupy protest; this and other cities
across the globe (Munich, Tokyo, Lancaster, San Juan, Stockholm, Seattle, etc.)
In the study of Dowling, et. al. (2012), Occupy London was part of the later international
wave of contention that in 2011 sprang up in countries at the diversity such that of Egypt, Spain,
Greece, and United States, inspired by this 'international of grievance' that might be represented
as a transitional reaction to the severe financial crisis that unfolded from the massive market
collapse of 2008 (Dowling, Feigenbaum, Pell & Stanley, 2012). That, at somewhat surprisingly,
as with the description of Calhoun (2013), not occasioned immediately by any major protest.
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At the study of Dowling (et al.), Occupy London, with a material practice, evident in the
call to “Occupy everywhere,” expresses, nonetheless, a political desire for openness,
accessibility, and extensive involvement. The format of the assembly (notably reflecting that of
the OWS) enacts two central allegiances: dialogue and engagement; wherein the principle is
fundamentally based on what they call as direct or "real" democracy—of participants attempting
for a ground of commonality, countering the alienation provided by divisions as experience
under capitalism.
To authors Sotirakopoulos & Routes (2014) subject to Porta & Mattoni (2014), Occupy
London, on contrasting stands and pulls, was a paradoxical protest. It was relatively small and
quite moderate in its scope and ambition and, after months of protest, it had clearly failed to live
up to the extravagant expectations it had excited. Yet, to the qualifications of Sotirakopoulos and
Routes (2014), Occupy London attracted an unusual level of media attention and captured the
imagination of legions of sympathizers. According to authors, the fact itself that protest made
such an impact and had such resonance with public opinion signals the importance of
understanding a phenomenon that has so far remained under-analyzed.
1.2.14. Occupy Central: The Umbrella Movement
On the claims of Graeber & Hui (2014), sometimes it seems, for these Occupy-type
mobilization, though declared to be dead on a place, would crop up somewhere else.
During the late September of 2014, main thoroughfares of Hong Kong have been
occupied by protesters in the demand of an inter alia—a genuine election of the Chief Executive
of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) in 2017 (Chan, 2014).
At the study of Chan (2014), he stated that since 2012, the focus of the community had
been largely magnified on the 2017 election of the CE. The author said that the cause of this is
23
the main issue on the nomination process, as what is under the Article 45 of their Basic Law
which states that the CE “shall be elected by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly
representative nomination committee in accordance with a democratic process.”
According to Chan, the campaign for democracy in Hong Kong has a long History,
tracing back to the abortive Political Reform that was undertaken at the watch of Governor Mark
Young at its colonial era in the 1950s. This push for democracy regained momentum in the early
1980s, and sparked into a full-fledged movement soon after the ratification of the Sino-British
Joint Declaration under which Hong Kong was to returned to China and would become a Special
Administrative Region (Chan, 2014) To this broad account, according to Chan, the political
spectrum now in Hong Kong can be divided into two spectrum of major camps: the proestablishment camp and the pan-democrats, highly dividing and polarizing the Hong Kong
community, where at one end, the conservatives wanted to retain the Election Committee from
the previous CE election cycle, and at the other, the spectrum of many people lacking confidence
with regards to the credibility in the Election Committee model.
With Kan's (2013) description of events, on-going debates had, indeed, confirmed the
wide gap between the electoral mechanisms (Beijing finds acceptable) and the full-fledged
universal suffrage demanded by the pro-democracy, wanting a model without unreasonable
restrictions to be in for 2017. This and the worry of having the conservatives take the upper-hand
for selecting CE nominees in the long run, led to Law Professor Benny Tai of the University of
Hong Kong to initiate a protest through a large-scale civil disobedience of what eventually came
to be the Occupy Movement (Chan, 2014).
On the article of Kan (2013), he gathered that Tai proposed rallying at least 10,000
citizens to participate in a non-violent sit-in to immobilize Central (the financial and commercial
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heart of Hong Kong) The idea of occupying central district has been planned and publicized well
since March of 2013 (Lee, 2014). The idea is to have participants blocking off entire sections of
roads in Central such that traffic will be paralyzed, disrupting the economic activities (Kan,
2013). The police, disgruntled by the increasing protesters, initially responded with tear gas, to
which the protesters defended themselves with umbrellas, hence giving the movement its popular
name. The occupation has lasted for more than a month since then, with no sign of resolution
(Chan, 2014).
Further, at the study of events retold by author Kan of the concerns raised by democrats,
are opinions on Occupy Central being not uniformly positive. While in to the excitation, others
have questioned its practicality and whether the campaign can truly be representative and
inclusive. Whether the Occupy movement itself would amend and negotiate with the government
with the question of government actually compromising.
Graeber & Yui defines this Umbrella movement as one of the longest-running
occupations, stretching from October 2011 to August of 2012. Though it never consisted of more
than a few dozen tents of people circling around a hundred or so people, Graeber & Yui sees it
that it significantly sets possibilities; a sense of new modes of organizing, of direct democratic
expression, that have greater long-term implications than anyone, including its participants,
expected.
1.2.15. Internet Activism
Activism has been executed through varying forms.
Among of these is the recent
evolution of revolts brought forth by the interference of improving technologies. Through the
information age, activism is now an accessible medium to resort to in times of complaints and
oppositions.
Sylvia Engdahl, the book editor of Internet Activism, explained that internet
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activism “has fundamentally changed the way that we raise awareness and rally people to a
cause.” An individual who has access to the internet can voice out his convictions at any time he
wants through any desired website. “Now anyone with access to the internet can participate in a
growing number of ways, regardless of age and skill level. With this increased accessibility,
campaigns of all kinds have seen significant increases in participation.” (Engdahl, 2013)
Enghdal adds that “as mobile technologies continue to advance, integrating Internet
applications into portable devices, e-activism can now be done on-the-go.” Many Filipino
activists create blogs from free platforms to spread awareness about their advocacies. While
blogs attract only certain groups of people, most student activists consider social media sites
such as Facebook and Twitter to encourage netizens to take part in the action and think the same
way as they do. With a fast-paced technology, one is able to take a photo of a particular subject
and post it on Facebook for the sake of proliferating consciousness among the society. More
often than not, student activists organize rallies by inviting fellow personalities from the
university through online posting of publication materials. Internet activism, in other words, is
the most accessible means of expressing opposition.
According to Weller, Bruns, Burgess & et al. (2014) on their book Twitter and Society,
“Alongside blogs and sites such as YouTube and Facebook, Twitter by now seems to have
established itself as an everyday part of the arsenal of political communication in many parts of
the world. Campaigners, lobbyists, companies, NGOs, as well as activists commonly use the
platform to spread their messages, or to connect with and receive feedback from potential voters
or clients. Within Political discourses, various political actors as well as individuals use twitter
to spread information on political events and to state their opinions.” This supports the idea that
social media is vital on spreading news to its audience targeting both the young generation and
26
adults as long as they use websites or social media sites. A convincing post can reach farther and
even go viral worldwide through the reactions of the viewers or users who would see the
publication. This is further explained by Johnson (2014), he posited that all the audience in
twenty-first century is part of the press and broadcast media involving other new forms such as
social media and the phenomenon of blog postings in influencing the public opinion. He further
expounded that in getting the attention of the mass, the social movement performance must be
dramatic. Researches have also acknowledged that social media and the attention brought by it
is important to the fulfillment of a successful movement. However, though the internet has
helped both activists and the audience on making a stand and having firm beliefs, Snow, Sarah &
Kriesu (2007) stated that in instances of political activism on the internet, which is also referred
to as "hactivism", has been used in a negative tactic such as strategy voting, hacking, defacing
web pages, email floods, inputting viruses and data theft.
A study on the effects of Social Media on Student Activist Groups proposed the
distinction between general perceptions of political efficacy and perceptions of social media
political efficacy. Results suggest this distinction makes sense as the conceptualization of
efficacy beliefs specific to the social media context had a stronger relationship with social media
activism than the global measure of political efficacy beliefs used in previous studies. Also, this
study examined successful enactive experiences as one of the sources of efficacy beliefs. Results
showed that this concept had a positive relationship with both efficacy concepts. (Velasquez and
LaRose, 2015)
Social Cognitive Theory suggests a possible process where individual participation is
influenced by how one uses social media politically through efficacy perceptions. Individuals
who feel have positive experiences in using social media for political reasons are those who also
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feel they can use social media successfully for activism. Those experiences may also feed
perceptions of internal political efficacy, which should also positively relate to other traditional
modes of participation.
1.2.16. Impact of Social Media
According to Gaby (2016, 413-415), Social media is a device of influence.
Demonstrations are followed by social media coverage and the more inclined to the social media
users to gain fame. It acts as a way to reach out their messages to the public, to groups and the
media does its function. To acquire attention, social movements undergo uncommon but efficient
actions. By doing this, they can also gain antagonistic recognitions. All the works done in the
social media will always be retained in the internet.
Hunter and Polk (2016, 447-450) studied that academics could promote a certain activism
in the online world by listing certain syllabi through the social media. Twitter has been a wellknown platform to discuss events in a classroom setting. But these kinds of discussion help us be
caught by emotions and feelings not facts and evidences. Historical background and intellect was
neglected.
Occupy movement emerged through the “digital age” and that Internet made a bond to
reenact certain traditions to make way for a leaderless protest to persist and grow but Swann,
Husted (2017, 195-200) described that social media sites like Facebook and Twitter can be
asserted as having the same qualities of advocating social movements democratically that lead to
Occupy Wall Street. "Architecture of participation," it can easily lead people to an event without
having a leader while still being able to participate.
In terms of communication exchange, participation and democracy, the connection
should be both offline in the camp itself and online on different social media platforms. This
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concept of prefiguration used to analyze how anarchist and activists should plan the goals and
steps their campaign would go through (Swann & Husted, 2017, 201).
There have been cases where radical movements can cause unfavorable consequences
through gaining social media attention that cannot be regulated by them. An example would be
the New Left wherein their presence would have led to negative judgment of their campaign and
was stopped by the social media users (Gitlin, 1980).
Occupy movement emerged through the “digital age” and that Internet made a bond to
reenact certain traditions to make way for a leaderless protest to persist and grow but Daubs,
Wimmer (2017, 5-7) studied that reducing the movement as an Internet related experience, the
idea of the activism, its historical significance, and its socioeconomic advancements when
created are all factors to the diminishing of its substance. Instead, they make similar prejudices
that both the movement and the socioeconomic issue development are associated to a simple
Internet activity that hinders the movement to develop (Daubs, Wimmer, 2017, 5-7).
1.2.17. History of Feminist Movement in the Philippines
The Philippines is rich in history of colonization and settlement. From Negritos to
Chinese to Indians to Americans and Japanese, the history of Filipino ethnicity is painted with
different colors all over the world. When Spain conquered the Philippines, European-style class
structure was introduced breaking the communal approach of land ownership.
According to Bahramitash (2005), "The gradual privatization of land created social
hierarchies and exacerbated gender inequalities." For the most part of this change in hierarchy,
women were greatly affected. The importance and status of women in society have declined.
The Filipino men have been above women or their in a household setting, depicting that during
this new era, it was a male-dominated hierarchical order. It was the same when Spanish
29
American ruled the country because of forced labor. Bahramitash (2005) explained, "However,
whereas in the American case it was men who was directly targeted, here the targeting was more
indirect, with women silently bearing the burden of the Filipino men's new responsibility."
When the Spanish rule came to an end, there have been massive decline in economy
considering that the Chinese and mestizo merchants started its commercial endeavors.
As
described by Bahramitash (2005), "As labour and other resources were increasingly diverted to
haciendas producing export crops such as sugar, rice production fell, the price of rice increased,
and the Chinese were able to sell imported rice at prices that were lower than local prices." The
decline in the production of rice and textile affected women since these are the areas they were
mainly involved.
"Historically, Filipino women were predominantly employed in two main areas; wet-rice
farming, which, in the Philippines as elsewhere, is labor-intensive (not to mention heavily
dependent on a female workforce); and traditional light crafts such as weaving, spinning and
dyeing cloth, pottery, food processing and oil extracting. However, their contribution to the
economy did not end here" (according to Bahramitash 2009 cited in Eviota 1992). During the
Spanish era as mentioned at the beginning, Bahramitash (2009) specified that the record
suggested as many as 4,000 women involved in weaving, and spinning cloth in the cities of
Bulacan and Manila only. In the Pre-colonial period, women were more empowered and are
experiencing much more freedom compared to other eras.
They are given the task of
Babaylanes, a leader of a ritual and aside from this they were also astronomers, diviners, healers
and interpreters of culture. But with that said, the dominant power remains in the hands of men.
Women were rarely or absolutely not given the task of a chief. During the decline of economy in
the Spanish period, a significant number of women migrated to to cities from rural towns. Once
30
they are there, they found jobs as domestic servants with other type of 'service', such as
prostitution that Manila became the brothel centre of Asia. They still worked under male
supervision and the government was consistently male. With the coming of Americans taking
over the Philippines, women were set to take opportunities to the previously male-dominated
export domain. They became prominent to harvesting of tobacco and cigar making. But this
opportunity lasted for a short period of time as the Great Depression surfaced.
Women were not just quiet during the course of this maltreatment or discrimination.
There has been direct female involvement in anti-colonial struggles. They were involved in
fighting the Spanish era. Bahramitash (2009) posited, "During the 1896-9 revolution, Filipino
women, like their sisters in Indonesia, both took a front-line position in the anti-colonial battle
and helped the resistance movement from the sidelines." Peasant women held the motherly role
during revolution; they bring food to soldiers and set up temporary hospitals for the wounded
ones during the revolt against Spanish and then the Americans. A notable political campaign
was made by women, their battle for enfranchisement won in 1937 (after three decades).
Middle-class women led the feminist movement. As explained further by Bahramitash (2009)
"Rural and urban poor women continued to campaign on issues like labor legislation,
unemployment, income disparity and poverty, often making radical political demands."
1.2.18. Student Leadership
Student leadership can be manifested in different forms by the student who holds his/her
power. Each student leader upholds different perception, advocacies and principles that guide
them towards their management on a certain group of people. By leading other students, they
expose themselves to learning and developing their skills. The relationship between leadership
and student learning was furthered discussed by Leithwood & Jantzi in their study. According to
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Leithwood & Jantzi (2005), their study demanded a robust conception of leadership on which to
base its measures of this construct. These practices contribute to school leader efficacy; school
leader efficacy, in turn, will influence school leader practices. Evidence from district, school and
non-education organizations points to three categories of successful leadership practices which
are broadly useful across many organizational contexts although exactly how they are enacted
will vary by context.
Students' perception towards good leadership affects their characteristic and potential as a
leader. At a young age, students aspire and view themselves to become someone who they
perceived to be a great leader. As explained by Zekan, Peronja & Russo (2010), the process of
being a leader is evolving through time while the concept of leadership is still identical even after
decades. It was also posited in the abstract that the founding question in the research was
whether "leaders are born" or "leaders are made".
1.2.19. Politics in School Culture
The political involvement of student in the campus engages the students to be more
progressive and rationally aggressive in terms of political stance, and the active participation of
the youth. School culture is a vehicle by which the perception of voting, opinion on political and
social issues, could be transformed from one of relative unimportance to being seen as an
integral part of a productive and socially conscious citizen (Glynn, 2009), as the relevance of
every social issue is being held, not just only as a construct, but also as an evident piece of what
is happening. Communication between influential people and students, on the other hand, has
been neglected due to the structure of the education of educational institutions. "Implementation
gaps may exist” whereby the policy and vision outlined by school administrators does not
necessarily correspond with the curriculum in practice (Lopes, 2009; Thorne, 2010). Engagement
32
will be sustained if young people are in an environment that structures values, perceptions,
opinions of students towards political issues, or community service (Pancer, 2007).
As a key concept to political behavior, political participation is often of interest to
researchers. Essentially, the purpose of a hierarchy (Rush, 1992), the need for a person to be
actively participating in the social politics in our times today is really a need for every human
being to be socially aware of their surroundings, and their maneuvering in each of its political
stance. Political participation is the involvement of an individual at various levels of political
activity in the political system, ranging from non-involvement, to the holding of political office
(Rush, 1992). The key determination of the masses' involvement in politics relies in various
political activity and the political state of the system today.
Fjerza, et al. (2014) studied the political participation of youth in Albania, by comparing
with the current structure of youth mobilization in America. The study revealed that, in the
context of the new political environment, utilizing technology and the social media to achieve
political objectives and awareness have significantly increased the youth political participation
(Fjerza, et. al, 2014). It really deems necessary for the student to have a different scope, and
increasing in youth activism that garners a lot of people into the mobilization cause for the
people that will soon be an act of resistance for them.
1.2.20. Perspectives on Student Political Activism
Student political activism is a multidimensional trend that possesses many variations with
respect to historical circumstances, level of sociopolitical development, political systems, and
educational schemes (Altbach, 1991). Altbatch implied that student movements are “never
powerful enough to overthrow a government” for its participants “depend on ideas and on the
perception of legitimacy they manage to create.”
According to Abineles (1985), “student
33
involvement in politics has been characterized by duality and vacillation: on the one hand,
supportive of social order, unconsciously through the instrumentalist view of education or
consciously through reformist pressure; on the other, repudiating both the educational and social
systems and seeking an alternative which negates the present Philippine history is replete with
instances of students articulating and advocating these various positions.” Either way, it is
implied that student activists are armored with what they have learned from the classroom setting
when they are confronted with controversies that affirm or reject their sides.
Academic institutions play a great role in honing the minds of their students through a
number of learning subject areas. Since they are still students, these activists rely on textbooks
and readings that are both deemed as secondary sources.
When observed, their upheld
advocacies are factual, scholarly-type, and theory-based. Such characteristics provoke students to
generate advocacies that are denotative as it is derived mostly from their personal interpretations.
Altbatch (1991) explained that “student movements may disrupt academic life or may bring the
wrath of political authorities on the campus.” Instead of focusing on the academe, most student
activists devote more time protesting along with their peers in the streets.
Student activism may be sporadic, ill organized, and sometimes frustrating for those in
authority who must deal with it. For Altbatch (1991), “student activists frequently ignore the
lessons and traditions of student movements and thus fail to achieve as much success as
possible.” Only a minimal group of individuals look at student activism from a comparative
perspective and thus fail to obtain as comprehensive an overview as possible. Despite these
flaws, Altbatch (1991) suggests that activism “is of major importance – not only for higher
education but, in many countries, for politics and society at large.”
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1.2.21. Asserting Social Advocacies in the Technology Age
In recent times, digital aided movements are associated with three common
characteristics that have helped define the development of student activism.
First, these
activities are leaderless and non-hierarchical (Grinberg, 2014; Schradie, 2014). These do not
mean that the movements are not structural. In fact, these kinds of movement are structural but
have numerous leaders. Participants have identified their own level of involvement which makes
it difficult to identify which people are at the top of the structure. Second, is the use of different
digital platforms to organize movements. They use digital platforms to disseminate information
in and out of the group of activists, forming groups with respective tasks such as logistics. In
terms of organizing,
online platforms makes it easy for people to share their ideologies and
discover those who are willing to join the cause. Facebook, Instagram, Twitter makes shareable
post about organized events, activities and information reach the public. Finally, these
movements use repetitive processes to achieve a shared language and develop goals. Through
social media platforms, people easily share their views, opinions and stand about an issue that
leads to an open debate online. These debates, small or large, build public input. As a result,
moves an issue from being a conception into a stronger and finalized state. It is a cycle which
involves presentation, critique, and refining, and allows wide scale participation among its
members. These processes help heed the call for action and arise protest. Through repetitive
processes, participants are empowered to help shape movements.
According to Levine and Cureton (1998), Generation X has been characterized by some
as “slackers,” the “me generation,” and the “lost generation.” This characterization may be due
to the fact that this generation grew up in a time where social, economic, demographic,
technological and global change is rampant. Generation X children were raised where change is
35
continuously happening, often negatively. They grew up in an environment that failed to give
them proper education, unjust government, poverty and other support systems. According to
Howe and Strauss (2000), “Kids came attached to new adjectives, like unwanted, at-risk,
throwaway, homeless, latchkey. Generation X parents are overshadowed by the idea that their
children are at their best when they grow when they rely on their own so they end up being tough
and self-reliant. Students generally possessed a pessimistic view of the nation’s increasing
troubles without apparent solutions in view (Levine & Cureton, 1998). According to Levine and
Cureton’s (1998) research, student protest prospered among the generation x. This is due to their
distrust in the government and other social institutions as a result, students chose to involve
themselves personally in their local community by conducting movements and protests. With
these actions, community service and different programs were established to help their
community and advocate volunteerism. Instead of using a traditional way of protesting,
generation x uses media for public exposure of their ideas.
1.2.22. Advocacies and Technological Literacy
The use of social media tool throughout the 21st Century socio-politics especially
particular in the Philippine context proved its weight when former President Joseph Estrada was
impeached of his position when thousands of Filipinos gathered to protest against his regime in
what was now historically known as EDSA II. This particular and massive instance of social
mobilization was made possible through passing down of text messages that call for such reform
of action. The EDSA II inspired a new medium of initiating social change with the contemporary
attempts to use technology—which supports the positive side of technological literacy. This was
preceded by other countries as Spain and Moldova.
36
In response however, this was significantly followed by other countries as in the case
Belarus, the Green Movement of Iran, and the Red Shirt uprising in Thailand, which killed
dozens of protesters, and in part, significantly proves how such utilization of technology exist in
manifestations that are not, and does not have the single preordained outcome expected of it
(Shirky, 2011).
Although not all of its adaptations are synonymously successful with the EDSA II, it still
proves the notion of how social networking through social media tools are crucial in social
movements, and therefore, in the expression of a nation's current state of freedom. Social media
have become a coordinating tool for most of the worlds political uprisings that authoritarian
governments and some democratic alike are trying to limit access of it, alarmed and threatened
by its capabilities (Shirky, 2011).
1.2.23. Utilization of Social Media for Social Mobilization
With the massive globalization at hand, and relatively, of the contemporary innovations
that are being put into our usual lives, as technological innovations and new socialization
platform, what was revealed as social mobilization is now taking its manifestations online. On
the event that was the Occupy Wall Street, although considered by Harvie (2017) as “itinerant
politics”, Twitter was utilized to condone the statement of the political slogan: #WeAreThe99%.
The Internet allows a revolutionary core to widely spread not just its ideological message but
also its training program and operational plan (Papic & Noonan, 2011).
In line with these, social media has also made it possible for protest adherents to be called
for assembly, as most social media devices can make it convenient to access communication and
necessary coordination. Social media represent an important tool for protest movements to
effectively mobilize their individual units and communicate their messages, making social media
37
an undeniably valuable intelligence-collection tool (Papic & Noona, 2011). And with
communication, and therefore, cooperation and unified embodiment at hand, activism is only
ever effective at aggrandizing the pressure that is being put on the state's own government
whenever emancipation of freedom is being felt by the population. The role of social media in
protests and revolutions has garnered considerable media attention with conventional claims
placing social networks to have regime changes easier to organize and execute (Papic & Noonan,
2011).
However, with its own drawbacks on operational security as cyber terrorism and trolling,
and being controlled for the purpose of the oppressor themselves, social media utilization can
only be good as a part of the main movement to revolution. Social media represents only one of
the many tools to be employed as protests would rarely be successful when relied on virtual
activism. Social media is part of the plan as strategized for a social mobilization to proceed, but
it can never be the sole strategy itself (Papic & Noonan, 2011).
1.2.24. Filipino Student Activism
Students from 1940 to early 1950s remained unperturbed by the developments in the
local and international arena. It was towards the end of the decade that student activism first
occurred in the Philippines. Filipino students protested against the continual interference of the
United States to the country even after it acquired independence on July 4, 1946. At the start of
the 1960s, students spearheaded rallies and protests, attacking the continuing violation of the
Philippine sovereignty by the United States and the compliance of Filipino government
authorities to the dictates of foreign power. Student protests intensified by the late sixties. From
January to March 1970, more violent protest demonstrations were plotted against Marcos’
regime (Agoncillo, 1990).
38
According to Phatharathananunth (2011), “civil society-based social movements have
been pointed to as important elements in the democratization process”. In the Philippine context,
accounts of social movements and opposition are founding elements to democracy. Towards of
the end of Marcos’ term, the Filipino people moved to oust the late president due to the grim
events that happened during the Martial Law. The very idea of the movement was not just to
overthrow Marcos, but more so to revive democracy at the very least. The people emerged
victorious and were successful in expelling Marcos from power and bringing things back in their
favor. With these historical events, it is affirmative that social movements, sparked by distress
and anguish, stimulate revolution and change.
Throughout the country, the University of the Philippines is the most prominent in
student activism. Students from the non-sectarian schools, including the Mapua Institute of
Technology, Far Eastern University and the Lyceum of the Philippines, and such sectarian
schools such as University of Santo Tomas, Ateneo de Manila University, De La Salle
University, and San Beda College joined the protest movements.
The said demonstration
stretched from Greater Manila to the Visayas and Mindanao (Damo-Santiago, 1972).
Student activists contributed in militant operations such as the Kabataang Makabayan
(Nationalist Youth) and the Movement for Democratic Philippines (MDP), among others. This
led students to hold high positions in student publications and student councils (Calderon, 1971).
There are factors that contributed to the occurrence of student protests in the Philippines.
According to Jimenez (2014), “the Filipino students were stimulated by the global phenomenon
of student activism and the black rebellion and the worker strike movement in the United States.”
Awareness of the events happening overseas were made known to students through technological
advances and broad circulations of the periodicals.
In the light of expanding knowledge,
39
students challenged the existing conditions (Isidro and Ramos, 1973; Corpuz, 1969; Sison, 1989;
Agoncillo, 1990).
Disappointed students were critical of school administrations and political leadership.
Jimenez states that on academic matters, “they censured the lack of academic freedom, the rising
cost of education, the inferior quality of school facilities and instruction, and unfair school rules
and regulation.” In regard to the national problems, the government was reproached for the
decline of peace and order, the rampant graft and corruption, and the feudal nature of society, to
name a few (Damo-Santiago, 1972; Lopez, 1969).
Most Philippine student movements lack international perspective or a concrete link and
identification with other anti-imperialist student movements abroad. According to Valte (1989),
“The anti-imperialist struggle is not merely a national struggle.
Precisely because of the
essentially global character of imperialism, the struggle to cripple it is likewise international.”
Student activism intends to reflect the dilemma of other student forces. Valte (1989)
indicated that “the principal problem afflicting any student organization today is the absence of
an intellectual presence, a very ironic situation given the academic milleu.” She added that “the
main perspective is in how to revive, sustain, and develop critical thinking among students.”
Training people along the line of becoming critical thinkers and experts of their field is not only
an ideological struggle but is also a perfection of one’s future profession. The society must
admit the fact that while students are important in the struggle, they are equally important in the
task of rebuilding our society as they join the ranks of professionals, academicians, and
technocrats.
“Though sectoral concerns remain to be the biggest stimulus for student involvement,
efforts must be exhausted in striking the balance between sectoral and national campaigns (Valte,
40
1987).” In this sense, the student movement must cease to be reactive and instead take upon
itself to create the issues. A student-teacher alliance would help make student activism a protest
for a definite cause that advocates for the betterment of their concerned subjects. Once Filipino
students begin to establish genuine intentions for the whole – without the notion that
participating in student revolts elevate intellectual superiority – student activism in the
Philippines could actually be the voice of the Filipino people against issues that surround them
within a society.
1.2.25. Filipino Student Activism in Public and Private Universities
According to Johnston (n.d) cited in Feldmann (2016), “Colleges have played a historical
role in forming the movements we witness today.
From student activism to protests and
movements, colleges have become a hotbed of activity for students and young people to voice
their opinions in the eye of expression and social interests.“ Campuses and universities help in
the discovery and development of the potential of students that will later on help them express
themselves. They build their identity with the things they fight for based on what they see
around them and will later on be an advocacy. Universities are also big enough to cater different
activities in and off campus that can help them to gather support from people they know and with
the same advocacy as them.
With regards to history, student activism is a usual phenomenon among universities.
Although apparent and usually occurring, activism differs in public and private universities as
there are corresponding differences between the two. State-funded universities shelter students
who are involved mostly in politics and declare themselves as leftists. On the other hand, private
university students play less of a political role, with only a small minority involved in politics.
This is because students who are funded by their families are obliged to make the most out of the
41
money they are paying to schools. State-funded schools are dependent on the government in
terms of budget. Whether they are pampered or ignored by the state, students from public
universities are exposed to a more political, social, and economical environment compared to
those coming from private universities.
Despite of the variations between the mentioned types of universities, both of these share
the same goal of imparting knowledge to their students. The lessons a student may derive from
his teachers could transcend into deeper cognitive interpretations of a particular subject.
However, education is not at all times a stimulator of righteousness among individuals.
According to Alexander and Potter (2005), “education is also dangerous for any established
order, because it can lead to new ideas, new ways of doing things or new confidence in people to
stand up for themselves and overthrow or transform the status quo.” While the freedom to
expound further on an issue is highly encouraged from students, professors must try to attend to
their ideas and address what confusions are lingering within them. It is recommended that
students should be equipped with unbiased and concrete claims before declaring opposition to an
established system.
Before involving themselves with external issues that revolve around politics and the
society, most student activists are student leaders from their respective universities. Paterno
states that “the university often serves as a training ground for leaders, not only in the political
sense, but also leaders in their respective fields of endeavor, in the economic community and
other social fields.” Such experience aids them to spearhead protests joined by a collective
group of people sharing the same advocacies. Through student leadership, an activist is able to
manifest confidence towards his or her beliefs. With experiences of governing a specific cluster
of individuals, student leaders are oriented of asserting decisions for the common good. This
42
indicates why these students incline to their sense of right and wrong. As Paterno said, “the
Filipino student is called upon to play a dual role, so to speak, while he concerns himself with the
pursuit of truth, the fostering of social responsibility equally occupies an important aspect of his
life.” More often than not, education encourages students to be socially and politically conscious
towards foreseen and unexpected circumstances.
1.2.26. Effectiveness of Student Activism to the Society
Militant student movements as an international phenomenon in the 1960s elicited
researchers to study its nature and answer the following questions. What is it that has made the
students act? What is it that gives revolutionary potentials to their actions?
In a given time, a number of Western writers have asserted that the students had become
the “surrogate proletarians” that would wage the socialist revolution in advanced countries. This
was because the workers in capitalist societies have lost their revolutionary aspirations, and
student activists have taken upon themselves the task of questioning the whole accepted
framework of advanced industrial society.
However, this conception of students as “surrogate proletarians” is still an assertion
subject to debate. According to T.B. Bottomore (1968), students cannot be the “inheritors” of
the revolutionary movement. Bottomore (1968) lists the following reasons: (a) Students are not
an oppressed and exploited group in society; (b) Students have no real-life experience of the
struggle, that is why alliances with other sectors cannot be fully successful; and (c) There is not
stable membership in the student movement, with student life being temporary.
1.2.27. Effectiveness of Student Activism to Universities
Recent accounts of student activism often featured the opposition of students to a
particular policy mandated by their universities. Because of their natural inclination to reject the
43
state of things, activism among students is perceived as an emotional tension stimulated by
feelings and interpretative assertions. Many studies have dealt with the causes of activism, with
the characteristics of students who become active, with the events which have taken place during
student rebellions, and with the results of unrest. Very few studies have attempted to determine
whether or not students play a role in the development of the study. In Sheppard (1989)’s
studies, evidence reveals that the correlation between student activism and change in the
university is a very direct one. His research confirms that throughout history, student activism
has been in large measure a reaction to circumstances in society.
Sheppard (1989) analyzed the detailed account of events at McGill University, proving
that there indeed is a relation between activism and change. During the sixties, a sudden
transformation of socio-economic conditions and organized educational reform were
revolutionizing Quebec society. Such a situation finds a response in students who are intelligent
and who are at an age when the urge towards self-expression makes them particularly responsive
to new ideas and change. While a variable force in the university at all times, students appear to
come to the force and provide the necessary energy to help the university adapt in times of major
social change. With fewer vested interests than other members in society and the university,
students have less to lose by challenging the status quo. This might be the same reason behind
the Filipino student-activist’s motivation to join protests.
Several reasons showed the impact of McGill students to their university. The fact that
their demands were based on legitimate social issues and concerns made it necessary for the
university to respond. The imperative to respond was particularly strong when the high moral
ground belonged to students, as it frequently did. Also, the student body’s claim that all was not
44
well in the university itself as the administrators and faculty of McGill increasingly agreed with
most demands asserted by the students.
Sheppard (1989) stated that “student activism affected the nature, degree, and pace of
change in the university.” The various changes which McGill students either provoked, or to
which they contributed, included a number of innovations in teaching, the modification of
academic procedures, curriculum revisions, and improved academic procedures.
Also, the
degree of change was extended as students forced the university to adopt reforms it was not then
interested in considering. According to Sheppard (1989), “activism in the quieter times prior to
1965 had resulted in student participation with faculty and administration on some ad hoc
committees.
As students became more active about a greater number of issues, the
administration did not first accept the students’ conviction that they had a contribution to make
in every aspect of university life. “Only strong agitation on the part of students led to their
membership with voting rights on all but a few Senate and faculty committees. This marked a
fundamental reform of the decision-making process in the University.
1.3.Theoretical Framework
In dissecting the formation of social advocacies among student leaders from the
University of Santo Tomas, this study employed Baxter Magolda’s Theory of Self-Authorship.
Magolda (2001) defined self-authorship as “the internal capacity to define one’s beliefs, identity,
and social relations.” It emphasizes the necessity of people to collect, interpret, analyze, and
reflect in creating perceptions and advocacies.
People are confronted with developmental tasks in their daily lives. These include
exploring values, making sense of information gained about the world, determining the path one
45
will take, and taking steps along that path (Magolda, 2001). Student leaders, in their case, open
themselves to change as they discover leadership strategies that would aid them in fulfilling their
duties. As they scout for new tactics of governance both from education and personal
experiences, learning is fostered. The knowledge garnered will be essential for student leaders in
developing advocacies that would strengthen their identities as officers of the student body.
While advocacies are developed, student leaders are faced with questions in line with
Magolda’s theory. They assess their extent of knowledge about their advocacy, expound on their
individuality, and act according to the platform established. Also, these students enter into four
phases as they construct their beliefs. Meeting expectations, seeking to become autonomous,
establishing advocacies, and accepting change are the stages underwent by student leaders
themselves.
According to Magolda (2001), self-authorship comprises of three key elements: “trusting
the internal voice, building an internal foundation, and securing internal commitments.” The
researchers determined how Thomasian student leaders are driven to advocate for certain causes
and how they manifest such advocacies with the aid of this theory.
1.4.Statement of the Problem
This study investigated how student leaders of University of Santo Tomas establish their
advocacies and manifest these beliefs. It intends to determine how these students become open to
activist tendencies and demonstrate their social objectives in a sectarian university. Despite of
being enrolled to an institution infused with religiousness and conservatism, Thomasian student
leaders are now beginning to become active participants in societal campaigns. By the end of the
study, the researchers provided answers to the following questions:
46
1. What are the student leaders’ advocacies and the inspirations behind these?
2. How do the students push to their advocacies?
3. How do students feel about peoples’ reactions to these advocacies?
1.5.Scope and Limitations
This study is limited only to the perceptions and beliefs of student leaders from the
University of Santo Tomas for A.Y. 2017 – 2018. The data analyzed were extracted from the
transcriptions of interviews conducted with student officers around the university. Leaders
interviewed were chosen regardless of their political affiliation and demographic profile.
Subjects were determined through the snowball sampling technique which decreases the
generality of the findings.
Since qualitative study was employed, the findings could be subject to other
interpretations. Open coding and thematic analysis were used in decoding the results. The
researchers analyzed the responses of subjects based on the reasons supporting each answer. The
findings are limited only to student leaders of the University of Santo Tomas and will not apply
to other academic institutions.
1.6.Significance of the Study
The research identified how student leaders from the University of Santo Tomas
formulate their set of social advocacies and demonstrate these platforms. Student leaders, student
body, educators, parents, civil society organizations, government, and researchers will benefit
from this study as explained in the succeeding paragraphs.
47
Student leaders. They serve as frontrunners of the student body. In this study, these
officers will learn their extent of vulnerability to both external and internal factors that help in
developing their advocacies. Moreover, they will be guided on how to manage their activist
tendencies as they convey their beliefs to authorities.
Student body. As they become more idealistic and opinionated, students are prone to
stand for what they deem as righteous in the society. This research will aid them to comprehend
what advocacies instituted by their leaders are good for the whole. Also, they will be guided on
how to develop their principles as individuals.
Parents. They influence their children’s beliefs in various issues. Through this study,
they will discover how their child hones convictions toward social issues and how such tendency
urges them to assert advocacies as student leaders in different manifestations.
Educators. Their profession enables them to affect a university’s stand on social issues
and instill awareness to students. This study will inform them how student leaders are driven by
cognitive and emotional factors that urge them to protest in favor or against a certain system.
Civil society organizations. Since they recruit students to share their advocacy, these
organizations can either distort or enhance one’s point of view on a social issue. This study will
inform them how such potential leads students, even those coming from a sectarian university, to
manifest advocacies.
Government. They constitute most institutions where student leaders of the University of
Santo Tomas demand attention from. This study will notify them how Thomasian student leaders
are capable of influencing their fellow youth in upholding certain advocacies that are either in
favor or against their programs, endeavors, and laws.
48
Researchers. They will gain knowledge on how student leaders from a sectarian
university, just like those studying in state-funded ones, are diverted to activism tendencies in an
era when protesting is accessible and convenient. They will be encouraged to assess whether
these student leaders are psychologically credible and fit to assert advocacies that are beyond
their reach.
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CHAPTER 2: Method
2.1. Design and Approach
A qualitative study was employed to determine how student leaders from the University
of Santo Tomas establish their advocacies and manifest these platforms. In order to gather
different perspectives from student leaders, the researchers used phenomenological approach in
conducting interviews with them.
2.2. Instrumentation
Interviews were utilized as the researchers’ method of eliciting data from subjects. Eight
main questions (see Appendix A) were asked to the student leaders concerned. Both online and
personal interviews were conducted depending on the convenience of interviewees. Interviews
administered via Facebook employed a structured form. On the other hand, personal interviews
were unstructured since the researchers modified and adjusted some questions to get essential
responses from subjects.
2.3. Participants and Sampling
The researchers interviewed ten (10) student leaders who were enrolled to the University
of Santo Tomas for A.Y. 2017 – 2018. The sample came from the student councils of different
colleges and officers of different organizations. The subjects were determined through the
snowball sampling technique.
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2.4. Ethical Considerations
The one-on-one interviews conducted with student leaders from the University of Santo
Tomas were done according to the ethics of qualitative study. Researchers prioritized the
convenience of their subjects in setting dates and venues of the interview. Both online and
personal interviews were administered. Online dialogues were steered through Facebook while
personal meetings were executed only within the university premises to ensure safety of both
researchers and student leaders.
Confidentiality of the subjects’ identities was also considered. Prior to the interview, the
researchers assured the subjects that their names will not be mentioned in any part of the study. It
was implied that their responses to the questions would be used only for research purposes and
not to be disclosed in any agenda other than the study itself.
Also, the questions raised to the student leaders were crafted by researchers while
considering the sensitivity of its context. No portion in the research questions aimed to discover
delicate issues pertaining to the subjects’ personal lives beyond their disposition as student
leaders.
In analyzing the responses of subjects in the conducted interviews, the researchers
ensured to incorporate objectivity and carefulness. Preferences of student political parties were
set aside by the interviewers as they questioned the subjects regarding their advocacy
manifestations as leaders of the student body.
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2.5. Procedure
After the validation of instrument, the researchers asked for consent in conducting
interviews with Thomasian student leaders from the school’s head for Inquiries, Investigation,
and Immersion course. Data gathering took place immediately upon the head’s permission.
Prior to administering interviews, the researchers explained the purpose of the study to
the subjects and made sure that each interviewee corresponds to their predefined criteria.
Personal interviews were executed within the university premises, while online questioning took
place on Facebook. When the interviews were done, the researchers transcribed the subjects’
responses and printed the transcriptions. Subsequently, each record was interpreted and analyzed.
2.6. Data Analysis
Qualitative coding and thematic analysis were utilized by researchers in scrutinizing the
data extracted from the interviews. Open coding was administered first before applying thematic
analysis to determine common denominators among student leaders in manifesting beliefs and
perceiving the progress of their advocacies.
Taking note of similar concepts evident in the interview transcriptions, the researchers
highlighted related keywords in different colors to portray its varying context. The phrases
colored were transferred to a brief outline, with concepts as the main headings and categories
being subheadings.
Afterwards, thematic analysis was done to identify analogous themes present among the
responses of student leaders. Common answers of subjects were analyzed as a whole, while
contrasting replies among students were evaluated individually based on the reasons supporting
each opinion.
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CHAPTER 3: Results and Discussion
3.1. Demographic Profile
The ages of student leaders interviewed range from 17 to 20 years old in which nine (9)
are males and one (1) is female. Most of these students came from the college department
wherein two (2) are from the Faculty of Arts and Letters, one (1) from the College of Fine Arts
and Design, one (1) from the Institute of Information and Computer Sciences, one (1) from the
College of Nursing, and one (1) from the College of Rehabilitation Sciences. Four (4) students,
on the other hand, are from Senior High School: two (2) from the Humanities and Social
Sciences strand, one (1) from the Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics strand,
and one (1) from the Health Allied strand. Moreover, five (5) research subjects are presidents of
their respective student councils and organizations. The researchers also studied two (2) vice
presidents, one (1) treasurer, and two (2) council committee chairs.
Table 1. Demographic Profile
Factor
Number of Participants
Age
17 years old
18 years old
19 years old
20 years old
1
3
4
2
Sex
Male
Female
Positions
President
Vice President
Treasurer
Committee Chair
Grade/Year Level
Grade 11
Grade 12
3rd year college
4th year college
9
1
5
2
1
2
1
3
1
5
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Program/department
Senior High School – Health Allied
Senior High School – Humanities and
Social Sciences
Senior
High
School
–
Science,
Technology,
Engineering,
and
Mathematics
Faculty of Arts and Letters
College of Fine Arts and Design
College of Nursing
College of Rehabilitation Sciences
Institute of Information and Computer
Sciences
1
2
1
2
1
1
1
1
3.2. Advocacies and their Origins
Most Thomasian student leaders contend the importance of youth empowerment among
their fellow students. According to Student Leader H, “Any student leader should advocate for
social consciousness and action, for we have that obligation as the youth to exercise our own
verity and passion.” This is supported by Student Leader G who mentioned, “My fellow students
should realize what they can do for others, too. Not empowering them as a student leader is a
selfish act.”
Other advocacies center on instilling awareness regarding mental health, AIDs, the
environment, and LGBT acceptance. These are derived mainly from their personal insights and
influences. Student C underscored that supporting the LGBTQ+ community gave him more
foundation to become who he is right now as a person. Moreover, Student D shared, “My
advocacy for health came from immersing myself in the health profession and knowing the
different adversities afflicting the society today in terms of health.”
Among the other platforms insisted by these student leaders are anti-stereotyping,
appreciation of all shades, and anti-bullying. These advocacies are possessed mainly by both art
and humanities students. According to Student Leader C, “I want to appreciate all the people
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around the globe – tall or small, thin, fat, all the flaws, we are all the same.” Most student leaders
are inspired by the goal of bringing impartiality to their schools, and they think that they are
capable of spearheading such action. As frontrunners of the student body, they prefer to look at
their fellow students as equal parts functioning altogether towards a common purpose.
Cooper (2008) stated in her study that “schools must encourage student leaders to discuss
cultural assumptions and biases implicitly embedded within societal institutions.” She also
implied that “student leadership must actively confront substantive issues arising from diversity
and difference in order to create a more equitable future for all citizens regardless of race,
ethnicity, culture, socio-economic status, ability, religion, gender or sexual orientation.” This is
realized by Thomasian student leaders who advocate for a wide range of social platforms
beneficial to the collective whole. Most of these students assert advocacies that aim to eradicate
biases and inequality among people.
The beliefs asserted by student leaders from the University of Santo Tomas are derived
from the fusion of self-realization and influence of external factors (e.g. people and education).
Most advocacies are centered on youth empowerment as these leaders aspire to imply student
responsibility, student nurturing, right of expression, and social consciousness. Some platforms,
on the other hand, focus mainly on raising awareness on mental health, AIDs, and environmental
issues.
Student Leader A shared that “being emotionally driven is a vital part of upholding an
advocacy.” She emphasized that a platform should be conveyed wholeheartedly for other people
to realize its essence. Conversely, Student Leader C pointed out that emotions are not the mere
sources that should fuel one’s reason for an advocacy. “We should not be driven by emotions
only. Rather, our platforms should be supported also by our experiences.”
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Almost all advocacies stated by the interviewees are sustained by their experiences as
individuals. As emphasized by Student Leader G, “Advocacy is not all about the influence you
get from other people. It is how you influence others on your own.” Platforms such as antibullying and LGBT acceptance may be originated from their personal struggles as students.
According to Student Leader B, “I encounter scenarios wherein I am being judged and don’t
know how to nurture myself and such.”
Half of the student leaders interviewed declared that their advocacies are products of selfrealization, education, and influence combined. This was best described by Student Leader B
who said, “The knowledge from the courses plants the concept, the emotions, compliments the
knowledge, but most of all, the experiences solidifies it which makes it a drive for me to be
determined to fight.” Likewise, Student Leader H also clarified this claim: “These are all
emotionally driven, guided and justified by my courses, and exemplified by my
experiences.”However, two (2) of these students are persistent expressers of their beliefs despite
of not acquainting themselves with the depths of their convictions. Findings show that Senior
High School student leaders are more emotionally driven compared to college students whose
advocacies are infused with a mixture of external factors.
In Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (2018), the concepts of verbalism and activism are
differentiated. Verbalism pertained to action for action’s sake, while activism referred to
sacrifice and deprivation of action. Freire stated that an effective dialogue is constituted by
reflection and action, which then are the critical components of effective social change initiation.
Dialogue is one’s engagement in attempt to cause a coveted societal state. Originally
conceptualized by Freire as “the encounter between men, mediated by the world, in order to
name the world,” dialogue can be referred to as the advocacy.
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Dialogue can be pronounced as a tool of social mobilization situated between one’s
reflection and action, with both working equally and none being widely dominant over the other.
If dialogue then is reflection alone portrayed with passivity and emptiness of action, verbalism
takes occurrence. Relatively, an action utilized for decrementing reflection leads to the abuse of
activism, yielding the insufficiency of an advocacy to cause transformation.
For an advocacy to be efficient in producing social justice, what is essential then is the
amalgamation of critical thinking skills to action and reflection. Such incorporation generates the
state of consciousness coined by Freire as the praxis, wherein the engagement – the abstract
conception of advocacies as for the actualization of it – are transformed, reflected, and put into
action, as that which shall be effective at addressing the dichotomy of the occurring social
reality.
Half of the interviewed student leaders admitted that they are still at the process of
developing and improving their advocacies. According to Student Leader F, “My advocacies
aren’t something that you can just equip yourself with for a short period of time.” These students
believe that their perceptions are joint outcomes of the learning and experiences they had
throughout the years. Although having the necessary knowledge to assert advocacies
wholeheartedly, they still do research to solidify their claims. This is what Student Leader B
implied in his statement, “I am still gaining more knowledge because I do not want to be
ignorant to the needs of the people.”
Contrastingly, there are Thomasian student leaders who are confident in conveying their
beliefs since they claim that they know their advocacies well enough. Student G shared, “I know
them heartily because I had partnerships with different organizations.” Those who have definite
knowledge about their advocacies are student leaders who have immersed themselves well in the
57
nature of their platforms. Findings present that a Thomasian student leader’s advocacy is born
out of righteous intentions when they have experienced situations in line with their convictions.
According to Magolda (2008), “Self-authorship is essential in order to engage in
transformational learning, which is in turn required to keep up with knowledge acquisition,
intercultural competence, social responsibility, and many other aspects of life.” In Pressler
(2013)’s study, it was discovered that the impact of leadership experience supported the
development of self-authorship. The process of understanding advocacies, with respect to
Magolda’s Theory of Self-Authorship, is a dynamic scheme taking place within its asserters.
Such system involves the roster of learning and experiences a student leader encounters
throughout the act of governance.
3.3. Ways of Expressing Advocacies
Based on the findings derived from interviews, Thomasian student leaders are vocal with
their advocacies and beliefs since they feel empowered to express themselves through their
positions. Student Leader H revealed that “being a student-leader means to voice out from all
sectors of society, so we should never limit ourselves, put boundaries or colors, and be selective
of our choices.” Studies have found that empowering students to enhance their sense of
leadership through social and news contexts would give them significant influence (Black, et al.,
2014). Similarly, Student Leader B shared: “we cannot silence ourselves and stay apathetic to the
present condition of our society.” Being aware of social happenings would mold student leaders
to be aware of their surroundings and justify their presumed actions.
However, both Student Leaders I and G stated the importance of assessing advocacies
before asserting it to the general public. This is supported by Student Leader G in his statement:
58
“As long as, I am in a right path and manner, I will do what I think is justifiable and better for the
community.” Opportunities are bounded by the instructional structures of the school’s system
that hinders student leaders to improve their decision-making skills in different situations that
should have helped the youth to know and improve their civic capabilities through practice
(Black, et al., 2014). Subsequently, only two (2) students implied their limits in vocalizing their
convictions in a sectarian university. Findings suggest that the more restricted an institution is,
the greater the craving of students to be heard despite the restraining system.
The main manifestations of Thomasian student leaders in upholding their advocacies are
conceptualizing related projects and joining organizations. It is through their positions that they
can author platforms that are in line with their social convictions and perspectives. According to
Student Leader A, the privilege of being in power corresponds to more productivity in executing
advocacies. Student Leader J, in his case, converted his project into an organization to encourage
more supporters and sponsors for his advocacy.
Also, social media serves as another medium in communicating beliefs. Through posting,
student leaders reach a wide scope of audience that can go beyond people whom they know
personally. Social media is also a platform for these students to inform the school of their latest
endeavors. Soft copies of posters for forums, projects, and platforms can be disseminated online
without settling for costly traditional printing processes.
Other than technology, student leaders express their support to an advocacy by showing
such through concrete actions. Student E implied that he joined both violent and silent protests to
assert his beliefs with the collective whole. Interestingly, Student I said, “I just let people see in
my actions that I am confident in my own skin and just lead them in a rightful way.”
59
According to Gismondi and Osteen (2017), movements speak the complexity of
competing desires. Exhibition of different beliefs are communicated through social media
platforms or established through organizations. Asserting advocacies in the digital age is a
dynamic process between advocates and the audience. For a student leader to convey advocacies
effectively, they should not settle with static actions that fail to captivate the attention of his or
her target audience.
3.4. Feelings toward Reception of Advocacies
Acceptance and respect are the most prominent feedbacks of Thomasian student leaders
towards those against their advocacies. These students focus on executing their platforms instead
of pleasing those who have criticisms about their perceptions. Student A shared that opposition is
part of being in politics. Findings show that these students have learned how to deal with
disapproval and how to manage such in front of many people.
Interestingly, two (2) student leaders claim that they have not yet experienced any
disparagement concerning their advocacies. Student J, whose platform revolves around United
Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals, explained: “Maybe because our advocacy is a timely
and relevant issue which is why a lot of people would like to join our cause instead of hating on
it.” Similarly, Student D feels the same towards his convictions. He shared, “I have not
experienced having objections against my advocacies so far, but proper discourse to fill in the
knowledge gaps and eradicate the ‘misbeliefs’ might be the key.”
Komives, et al (2005) discovered that as students become immersed in the field of
leadership, they hone beneficial skills such as time management, organization, public speaking,
listening to others, being open to diverse ideas, team building, motivating others, and delegating
60
tasks. It is also stated that “…benefits to personal development from leadership to university
students include deepening self-awareness, building self-confidence, establishing interpersonal
efficacy, applying new skills, and expanding motivations” (Komives et al, 2005). This is in line
with the study’s results stating that student leaders from the University of Santo Tomas are
receptive towards different stands, including those opposing their advocacies.
Majority of the student leaders professed that their advocacies are supported by the
university administration. This is in contrast with Mamashela’s study (2015) that highlighted the
authorities’ lack of action towards student advocacies since its proponents are deemed to lack
“overarching theoretical explanation.” Concerned students shared that their professors and
advisers, as one of their main influencers, empathize in the execution of their platforms.
According to Student Leader C, “Authorities are listening to our voices. I believe that. It’s just
that they need time and fund to support on what their constituents want.” This is backed up by
Student Leader F who said, “Although the process is very complex, the admin is very
understanding and accommodating with my advocacies.”
However, advocacies that center on serious issues like health and poverty are not
entertained well by the government. One of the basic assumptions is that poverty is not defined
as purely material, but rather as having symbolic aspects such as lack of voice, stigma, and
exclusion (Lister, 2004). Student Leader J, a founder of a non-profit organization, stated that the
government does not reciprocate his call for action, but he still believes that it would someday.
Correspondingly, Student Leader D, a health-advocate, shared that both the government and
university take minimal effort in improving medical sectors. Such manifestation is evident on the
institution’s health services and the like.
61
CHAPTER 4: Conclusion
4.1. Conclusion
Student leaders of the University of Santo Tomas have established their advocacies well
in the digital age. The principles upheld by these students distinguish their attributes and
schemes as heads of the student body. Governance among university students is best defined by
the platforms they employ in times of crisis management and decision-making. It is discovered
that these young leaders are asserters of youth empowerment, issue awareness, and equality
amidst diversity. These advocacies serve as reflections of their control as student politicians.
The beliefs formed by Thomasian student leaders originate from the amalgamation of
experiences, emotions, and external influences. This is supported by Magolda’s Theory of SelfAuthorship, a framework that states the constant process of individuals in formulating their
ethics. According to Magolda (2008), individuals are immersed in dynamic schemes that aid
them to establish ideals unique to their character. Education and environment are two exterior
aspects that contribute to the construction of advocacies. Moreover, emotions serve as vital
sources of most principles, while experiences solidify the claims behind each platform.
Although enrolled to a sectarian institution that is infused with conservatism, these
student officers are vocal with their advocacies through different manifestations. Having
positions in the student body allows them to influence others with their viewpoints and opinions.
Their posts in the council enable them to conceptualize related projects and encourage fellow
students to partake in the movement. Aside from their political affiliations, these leaders are
prone to join organizations that share their beliefs and participate in activities that promote their
principles.
62
When confronted with oppositions, Thomasian student leaders perceive refutations as the
inevitable part of engaging in student politics. These students are open to rejections and have
developed respect towards individuals who disagree with their views. Although contradiction is
evident in every advocacy, these heads are focused on executing their platforms instead of
pleasing those who have criticisms about their perceptions. Their experiences as student leaders
have aided them to cultivate an open-mind towards diversity. Beneficial skills such as time
management and team building are acquired from the field of leadership.
The advocacies of Thomasian student leaders are supported by the university
administration since most of its principles are in-line with the institution’s vision and objectives.
This is what encourages young politicians to insist their platforms through organization of
associated projects and services. However, these students assume that the government does not
consider their convictions. Thomasians believe that they have yet to prove themselves to the
country’s administration.
4.2. Recommendations
The University of Santo Tomas, in collaboration with the administration and its student
officers, should conceptualize programs that would bring out the leadership potential of the
student body. Leadership training sessions should not cater only to student heads but also to
those who are interested to partake in the field of governance. Instituting leadership-development
projects for all students would encourage the youth to formulate their set of societal advocacies
and aid them in becoming stimulators of constructive changes.
The researchers suggest that further studies should be made concerning how advocacies
of Thomasian student leaders are effective in achieving transformation for the society. It is also
63
recommended that future researches should determine how student leadership and activism are
related in spearheading changes to the concerned institution or sector.
64
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71
RUBY JANE S. CARBONILLA
09202833913
rjscarbonilla@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2016 – present
Junior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2012 – 2016
Elementary
Saint Frances of Assisi - Taguig
2009 – 2012
Upper Bicutan Elementary School
2006 – 2012
ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
Member
Disaster Risk Reduction Management
2015 - 2016
Group
Member
TLE Homemakers Club
2015 - 2016
Member
Arts Club
2015 - 2016
Asst. Treasurer
Arts Club
2014 – 2015
Member
Metrico Society
2014 – 2015
Member
Agham Society
2013 - 2014
Member
Rosarian Club
2013 - 2014
Asst. Treasurer
Grade 8 - Respect
2013 - 2014
Member
Crisis Management Group
2012 - 2013
Member
Metrico Society
2012 - 2013
Member
English Society
2011 - 2012
AWARDS AND RECOGNITIONS
st
Saint Francis of Assisi College-Taguig
Math Quiz Bee: 1 Place
2010 - 2011
72
1st Honor
Saint Francis of Assisi College-Taguig
2009 - 2010
1st Honor
Upper Bicutan Elementary School
2006 - 2007
SEMINARS ATTENDED
UST EHS Leadership Training Seminar
2012 – 2016
UST EHS Caridad Sevilla Memorial Lecture
2012 – 2016
UST EHS Career Orientation
2015
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Mr. Juland D. Salayo
09209238467
Mr. Andrew Lachica
09751328667
73
ANGELO RAFAEL V. CO
09565516681
cogeo66@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2016-present
Junior High School
Canossa School
2012-2016
Grade School
Canossa School
2007-2012
Kinder
Canossa School
2006-2007
ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
Staff
Student Council – Public
2016-2017
Relations Officer
President
Basketball Club
2014-2016
Vice President
Scouting Club
2012-2014
AWARDS AND RECOGNITIONS
Certificate and Medal;
Directress
2016
Confraternity of Christian
Doctrine
Gold Medal; Sing, Dance, and
Canossa School
2016
Canossa School
2016
Organizer
2016
Jam Competition
Gold Medal; Basketball
Varsity
Gold Medal; NCAA Thailand
74
Invitational
Silver Medal; Sing, Dance,
Canossa School
2014
Canossa School
2014
Gold Medal; Spelling Contest
Canossa School
2012
SEMINARS
Seminar on Health and Well-
University of Santo Tomas
2018
Life Hacks
University of Santo Tomas
2018
Confraternity of Christian
Canossa School
2015
Canossa School
2015
Canossa School
2012
and Jam Competition
Silver Medal; Speed and
Reading Comprehension
Contest
being
Doctrine
Right Career; Right Path
Seminar
Student Athlete Seminar
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Name: Mrs. Irma Pulgo
Religion Teacher (Junior High School)
Class Adviser (2015-2016)
Contact Number: 09081992341
Name: Mrs. Gloria Raquel
English Teacher (Junior High School)
75
Contact Number: 09565516681
Name: Mrs. Brenda Sampang
Filipino Teacher; Prefect of Discipline (Junior High School)
Contact Number: 09091919922
Name: Sr. Elsie Y. Asentista
School Directress ( Junior High School)
Contact Number: 09175668110
Name: Mrs. Brenda Padugar
School Principal (Junior High School)
Contact Number: 09551668111
76
ELIZABETH FAYE B. CRUZ
09195473098
fayecruuuz@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2016 - Present
Junior High School
Woodridge College
2012 - 2016
Elementary
Woodridge College
2006 - 2012
AWARDS AND RECOGNITION
3rd Honors 3rd Qtr
Woodridge College
2015-2016
3rd Honors 2nd Qtr
Woodridge College
2015-2016
3rd Honors 1st-4th Qtr
Woodridge College
2014-2015
Above Proficient in English Woodridge College
2014-2015
Achievement Test
Second Honors 3rd and 4th Woodridge College
2013-2014
Qtr
3rd Honors 2nd Qtr
Woodridge College
2013-2014
Battle of the Brains: Best in Woodridge College
2013-2014
English 1st Qtr
Battle of the Brains: Best in Woodridge College
2013-2014
English Champion
Proficient
in
English Woodridge College
2013-2014
Woodridge College
2012-2013
Achievement Test
3rd Honors 4th Qtr
77
3rd Honors 3rd Qtr
Woodridge College
2012-2013
3rd Honors 1st Qtr
Woodridge College
2012-2013
Battle of the Brains: Best in Woodridge College
2012-2013
English 1st Qtr
2nd Honors 4th Qtr
Woodridge College
2011-2012
3rd Honors 2nd Qtr
Woodridge College
2011-2012
3rd Honors 1st Qtr
Woodridge College
2011-2012
Battle of the Brains: Best in Woodridge College
2010-2011
English 2nd Qtr
3rd Honors 2nd Qtr
Woodridge College
2009-2010
SEMINARS AND TRAININGS ATTENDED
Paradigm Shift: Mental Health Caravan on Suicide Prevention
2018
Symposium on Media Literacy
2014
MTAP-DepEd-NCR Mathematics Training
2013
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Mr. Juland Salayo
09196183409
Ms. Veniece Bautista
09196183409
78
JAMEELA ALYONNA B. CRUZ
09392228901
jameelaalyonna.cruz.shs@ust.edu.ph
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High School
UST Senior High School
2016 – present
Junior High School
UST Junior High School
2012 – 2016
Primary Education
Saint Joseph School
2003 – 2012
ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
Senior Associate Editor
The Aquinian, UST JHS
2015 – 2016
News Writer Officer
Social Media Club, UST JHS
2015 – 2016
Junior Associate Editor
The Aquinian, UST JHS
2014 – 2015
Correspondent
The Aquinian, UST JHS
2013 – 2014
AWARDS AND RECOGNITIONS
Student Achiever
University of Santo Tomas
st
1
Place, Copyreading and
2016
Division Mini-Press Conference
2015
The Manila Times
2017 – present
Headline Writing
WORK EXPERIENCE
Student Correspondent
SEMINARS AND TRAINING ATTENDED
Hands On! A Stepping Stone
UST Junior High School
2016
for Digital Era
Regional Secondary Schools
Mandaluyong High School
2015
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Press Conference
2015 Mini-Press Conference
Lakan Dula High School
2015
Alohomora:
Innovated
UST Junior High School
2015
Metamorphosis: On-Campus
UST Junior High School
2015
Talang-Candaba, Pampanga
2015
Media Exposure 2012
The Manila Times, Manila
2012
Media Exposure 2012
GMA Network Center
2012
Campus Journalism
Leadership Training Seminar
Metamorphosis: Off-Campus
Leadership Training Seminar
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Juland D. Salayo, MEM/MATE
Professor
University of Santo Tomas
09778561483
Maria Theresa B. Andres
Professor
University of Santo Tomas
09172040589
Renato Rogelio C. Garcia
Professor
University of Santo Tomas
09175831022
80
BIANCA MARIE R. ELIOT
09356718385
biancaeliot08@yahoo.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High
University of Santo Tomas SHS
2016 - present
Junior High
University of Santo Tomas JHS
2012 – 2016
Elementary
Mater Carmeli School
2006 – 2012
AWARDS AND RECOGNITIONS
3rd Honorable Mention
Mater Carmeli School
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Mrs. Hanilet Banzuelo
Mathematics Teacher
University of Santo Tomas
09958537211
Mrs. Herminia Eliot
09264860024
2012
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ALICIA ROSE D. LACAP
Age: 18
Birthday: January 23, 2000
Religion: Roman Catholic
Address: #55B Kundiman cor. Anakbayan St.,
Barangay Paltok; Quezon City
Email: chiilacap@gmail.com
Mobile No.: +63 906 389 4316
Educational Attainment:
St. Louis College Valenzuela:
Pre-school:
Kinder - Grade 1
2004-2007
Infant Jesus Learning Academy
Elementary:
Grade 2 - Grade 6
2007-2012
University of Santo Tomas- Junior High School (UST-JHS)
Junior High School:
Grade 7 – Grade 10
2012-2016
University of Santo Tomas- Senior High School (UST-SHS)
Senior High School:
Grade 11- Present (HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES STRAND)
2016-Present
Organizational Involvement:
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Level Representative- UST Junior High School Glee Club (2013-2014)
Public Relations Officer- UST Junior High School Glee Club (2014-2015)
Public Relations Officer- UST Junior High School Glee Club (2015-2016)
Class Officer (Muse)- UST Junior High School (2015-2016)
Class Officer (Muse)- UST Junior High School (2014-2015)
Class Officer (Muse)- UST Junior High School (2013-2014)
Class Officer (Muse)- UST Junior High School (2012-2013)
Class Officer (President)- Infant Jesus Learning Academy (2009-2010)
Class Officer (President)- Infant Jesus Learning Academy (2008-2009)
Work Experience:
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Sales Agent - MGDL Enterprise (2016-Present)
Artist/ Talent – PPL Entertainment Inc. (2015-Present)
Awards & Recognitions:
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Contestant – GMA’s StarStruck (Season 6) Top 35 Finalist (2015-2016)
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UST Marketing Video 2015 Talent
Champion - Ms. Ideal Young Thomasian Personalities 2015 (2015-2016)
Ideal Young Thomasian Personalities 2015 Most Photogenic Award
Ideal Young Thomasian Personalities 2015 Best in Theme Wear
Member – PPL Annual Artist’s Shoot (2016)
Champion - USTJHS Intramurals 2016: Ms. Intramurals
Keynote Speaker – “How Well Do I Know Myself (A girl’s talk session)” Nasugbu,
Batangas, 2016
1st Runner Up - Annual Play 2016 (Actress)
1ST Runner Up - Sabayang Pagbigkas 2015 (Participant)
2nd Runner Up – Annual Spelling Bee 2010
1st Runner Up – History Quiz Bee 2009
1st Runner Up – Science Quiz Bee 2008
Competitions:

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Participant (Regional) “Voices in Harmony 2015: Finals Night”
Participant (Regional) “Voices in Harmony 2015: Elimination Round”
Participant (Regional) “Musikapella 2014: Finals Night 4 th Placer”
Participant (Regional) “Musikapella 2014: Elimination Round”
Participant (Regional) “Himig Manileño 2014: Finals Night”
Participant (Regional) “Voices in Harmony 2014: Finals Night”
Participant (Regional) “Voices in Harmony 2014: Elimination Round”
Participant (Regional) “Voices in Harmony 2012: Finals Night”
Participant (Regional) “Voices in Harmony 2012: Elimination Round”
Experiences:
2012-2016
University of Santo Tomas- Junior High School (UST-JHS):
Projects:

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Organizer - “Lights, Camera, Act – Song Booth” (2016)
Organizer - “Young Thomasian Idol 9 – Finals” (2016)
Organizer - “Young Thomasian Idol 9 – Vocal Workshops” (2016)
Organizer - “Young Thomasian Idol 9 – Semi Finals” (2016)
Organizer - “Caleruega Vocal Workshop” Caleruega Retreat House, Nasugbu,
Batangas (2016)
Performer – “Something Beautiful Began Here Concert” (2016)
Performer – “USTJHS Grand Alumni Homecoming 2016 mUST Be Love
Forevermore” (2016)
Contributor – “JHS Week” (2016)
Performer – “49th Page Annual National Convention: ASEAN Economic
Community Integration” (2016)
83
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Performer – “Pistang Tomas: A Community Trade Fair AMBAG ng Tomasino sa
taon ng mga Maralita” (2016)
Performer – “Family Day 2016” (2016)
Model – “Family Day 2016” (2016)
Performer – “Hallelujah Concert” Cultural Center of the Philippines (2015)
Performer – “Philippine Education Conference 2015” (2015)
Performer – “United Nations Week Opening/ Launching” (2015)
Performer – “Rector’s Report” (2015)
Performer – “World Teacher’s Day Program” (2015)
Contributor – “La Naval Mass” (2015)
Performer – “2015 National Teacher’s Month” (2015)
Performer – “Debateng Pilipino” (2015)
Organizer – “Young Thomasian Idol 9 – Eliminations” (2015)
Auxiliary - “World Teacher’s Day – Preparation” (2015)
Organizer – “Young Thomasian Idol 9 – Auditions” (2015)
Auxiliary Committee Member - “Caleruega Children’s Choir Community
Development Program” Caleruega Retreat House, Nasugbu, Batangas (2016)
Organizer - “Glee Club Auditions” (2015)
Organizer - “Glee Club Summer Workshop/Rehearsal” (2015)
Auxiliary – Flag Ceremony (Mondays/ Tuesdays 2014-2016)
Auxiliary – Flag Retreat (Fridays 2014-2016)
Auxiliary – “USTHS Commencement Ceremonies” (2015)
Participant - “Clean Up Drive: Kiskis-Linis” UST Vicinity (2015)
Participant - “Clean Up Drive: Kiskis-Linis” UST Vicinity (2013)
Participant – “Math Quadrivium” (2012)
Seminars, Workshops, Conferences, Camps, Training, ETC.:
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Participant – John Robert Powers Personal Development Training (2016)
Delegate – “Social Media Awareness” (2016)
Delegate – “Light Bulb On Seminar” (2015)
Delegate – “Community Service Awareness Week Seminar” (2015)
National Delegate – “Philippine Education Conference 2015 – Meeting”
(2015)
National Delegate - “Indigenous People Seminar: Stop Killing Lumads”
(2015)
Participant – “UST Singers: A Joyful Noise” (2015)
Delegate - “St. Dominic De Guzman: A Man of Prayers” (2015)
Participant – “Intensive Vocal Training” Ateneo De Manila (2013)
“Hands On! A Stepping Stone for the Digital Era” UST, Manila (2016)
“Jumpstart: The EdTech Digital Broadcasting Unit Summer Workshop” UST
Manila 2017
Delegate- Youth Initiative Summit UST, Manila (2018)
84
Character References
Mr. Juland Salayo
09751328667
Mr. Ryan Lansangan
09162861000
Ms. Maria Lulu Orlina
09955784784
Ms. Laydee Gasalao
09175167703
85
REGINALD R. MARCELINO
09151279300
regiemarcelino37@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2016 – present
Junior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2012 – 2016
Elementary
St. Mary’s College of Meycauayan
2006 – 2012
ORGANIZATIONAL AFFILIATIONS
Vice President
Student Catholic Action
2015-2016
Treasurer
Dialektikos
2015-2016
Public Relations Officer
Association of Student Affairs and
2015-2016
Competition
Treasurer
Student Catholic Action
2014-2015
Asst. Treasurer
Student Catholic Action
2013-2014
President
Little Marian Government
2011-2012
Organization
President
Little Marian Servers
2011-2012
Vice President
Little Marian Servers
2010-2011
AWARDS AND RECOGNITIONS
Benavides Service Awardee
Principal
2016
Best in Conduct
Principal
2015
7th Honorable Mention
Principal
2015
5th Honorable Mention
Principal
2013
86
Salutatorian
Principal
2012
Top 1
Principal
2011
Top 1
Principal
2010
SEMINARS AND TRAININGS ATTENDED
Dominican Network Summer San Jose, Bulacan
2016
Camp 2016
Hands On! A Stepping Stone
Benavides Auditorium
2016
Adonai 2015
Letran Laguna
2015
Off- Campus Leadership
Pampanga, Bulacan
2015
Xavier School, San Juan, Metro
2015
for the Digital Era
Training Seminar
IDeA Lite
Manila
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Mrs. Teresita Villena
09154563428
Mr. Ryan Lansangan
09174326534
Mr. Juland Salayo
09458328912
87
KATRINA A. NOBLE
09771313483
noblekatrina0301@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High
University of Santo Tomas SHS
2016 - present
Junior High
University of Santo Tomas JHS
2012 – 2016
Elementary
St. Michael Academy
2009 – 2012
Elementary
Froebel Academy
2007 – 2009
Elementary
Our Holy Lady Academy
2006 – 2007
ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
Member
Annyeong Tomasino Dance Troupe
2017-2018
President
USTJHS Drama Guild
2015-2016
Internal Vice President
USTJHS Drama Guild
2014-2015
Member
USTJHS Drama Guild
2012-2016
Class Vice President
St. Catherine
2014-2015
Class President
St. Barbara
2013-2014
Class President
St. Agnes
2012-2013
Member
Performing Arts Club
2011-2012
AWARDS AND RECOGNITIONS
Salutatorian
St. Michael Academy
2012
Champion in
2012
BULPRISA (Bulacan Private Schools
Masining na Pagkukuwento Association)
88
SEMINARS AND TRAININGS ATTENDED
Dionysia, Drama Guild 3
University of Santo Tomas
2017
day Workshop
All the World is My
University of Santo Tomas
2015
University of Santo Tomas
2015
University of Santo Tomas
2015
University of Santo Tomas
2014
Stage, Drama Guild 3 day
Workshop
Hands On!: A Stepping
Stone for the Digital Era
Metamorphosis; In
Campus Leadership
Training Seminar
Kaleidescope; In Campus
Leadership Training
Seminar
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Mrs. Hanilet Banzuelo
Mathematics Teacher
University of Santo Tomas
09958537211
89
JOHN VINCENT REYES
09179411939
jaunvinres@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2016 – present
Junior High School
General de Jesus College
2012 – 2016
Elementary
San Isidro Central School
2010 – 2012
Brilliant Montessori School
2008 – 2010
ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
Logistics personnel
UST-Sinagtala
2017-2018
Performer/member
UST-Tinig Tomasino
2016-2017
Vice President
GJC-Glee Club
2015-2016
Section editor/staff artist
GJC-The Plume
2013-2016
AWARDS AND RECOGNITION
Sabayang Pagbigkas – 1st runner up UP-SPECA
2017
Sabayang Pagbigkas – 1st runner up CMLI-Sigabo
2016
Sabayang Pagbigkas – Champion
APPSAM
2016
Speech Choir – 1st runner up
NEPRISSAA
2016
General de Jesus College
2015
(Division schools)
8th honors (9th grade)
Sabayang Pagbigkas – 1st runner up APPSAM
2015
Editorial Cartooning – 2nd place
DepEd-Nueva Ecija
2015
8th honors (8th grade)
General de Jesus College
2015
Sabayang Pagbigkas – Champion
NEPRISSAA
2014
(District schools)
90
(District schools)
Outstanding Student (6th grade)
San Isidro Central School
2012
2nd honors (4th grade)
Brilliant Montessori School
2010
SEMINARS ATTENDED
4TH APPSAM Leadership Assembly
2014
and Talent Fair
5th APPSAM Leadership Assembly
2015
and Talent Fair
HOLOS: Traversing the Diversions of
Health and Well-being
2018
91
ABBYLYN JOY D.G. ROSALES
+63 977 166 9906
avirxsales@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High School
University of Santo Tomas
2016 – present
Junior High School
Saint Joseph School
2012 – 2016
Elementary
Saint Joseph School
2006 – 2012
ORGANIZATIONAL AFFILIATIONS
Player (Libero)
Saint Joseph School Volleyball
2012 – 2016
Team (Women)
4th Year Representative
PRISM (Prime Investigators of
2015 – 2016
Science Marvels)
Member
PRISM (Prime Investigators of
2012 – 2016
Science Marvels)
Member
Landas
2012 – 2014
Member
Kalasag
2012 – 2013
AWARDS AND RECOGNITIONS
Leadership Award
Saint Joseph School
2016
WORK EXPERIENCE
Secretary/Assistant
2016
Rosales Uy & Bernabe Law Firm
92
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Atty. Aimee Rosales-Uy
09175112633
Mr. Reymar Cambe
09284752168
Mr. Arvin Sepcon
09098541751
Mr. Tyrone Jann Nepomuceno
09854512870
93
GABRIEL P TORRECAMPO
09753002693
Gabpt15@gmail.com
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Senior High
University of Santo Tomas
2016 - Present
Junior High
2012 - 2016
Elementary
University of Santo Tomas
Immaculate Conception Academy of
Manila
2006 - 2012
ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
President
USTSHSSC
2017 - 2018
President
USTSHSSC
2016 - 2017
President
USTEHSSC
2015 – 2016
Vice-President
USTEHSSC
2014 – 2015
Auditor
USTEHSSC
2013 – 2014
WORK EXPERIENCE
Youth Force PH
2017 - Present
AWARDS AND RECOGNITION
Asean Youth Impact Challenge
Best Paper
2018
Student Council Award
University of Santo Tomas
2017
UP SPECA
University of the Philippines
2016
3rd Honorable mention
University of Santo Tomas
2016
Leadership Awardee
University of Santo Tomas
2016
Champion Epic Cosplay
University of Santo Tomas
2015
Merit Card Awardee
University of Santo Tomas
2012-2016
94
SEMINARS AND TRAININGS ATTENDED
UST EHS Leadership Training Seminar
2012 - 2015
UST CSC LTS
2013-2015
YOUTH INITIATIVE SUMMIT
2013-2015
UST EHS Caridad Sevilla Memorial Lecture
2012 - 2015
UST EHS Career Orientation
2015
CHARACTER REFERENCES
Mr. Juland Salayo
09751328667
Mr. Ralph Jarino
09178286358