A new interpretation of Confucianism: The interpretation of Lunyu as a text of philosophical hermeneutics Author(s): Cunguang LIN and Mi Li Source: Frontiers of Philosophy in China, Vol. 2, No. 4 (October 2007), pp. 533-546 Published by: Brill Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27823313 Accessed: 11-11-2017 10:30 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Brill is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Frontiers of Philosophy in China This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Front. Philos. China 2007, 2(4): 533-546 DOI 10.1007/s 11466-007-0034-y RESEARCH ARTICLE LIN Cunguang A new Interpretation of Confucianism: The interpretation of Lunyu as a text of philosophical hermeneutics ? Higher Education Press and Springer-Verlag 2007 Abstract Communicating with Confucius based on our own hermeneutical context, and reading the Analects as a text of philosophical hermeneutics, it can be concluded that as an epochal thinker, the contribution of Confucius' thought is that it initiated a humanistic moral ideal with cultural upbringing as its core. Based on this consciousness of humanistic moral ideal, Confucius thought and dealt positively with the human existential plight and social political problems that he faced during his own time, and his thought is more creative than conservative. Keywords Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Lunyu, philosophical hermeneutics, interpretation &m*i tels, ig?mft?, mm Translated by Mi Li from Guanzi Xuekan w f'J (Guanzi Journal), 2006, (1 LIN Cunguang (Ej) School of Politics and Public Administration, China University of Politics a 100088, China E-mail: plis@163.com This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 534 LIN Cunguang 1 Introduction All previous Confucian scholars often followed a kind of deep reading when they read sishu wujing R-157iir. (Four Books and Five Classics). That is to say, they were fond of exploring the profound implication of the classical words given by the sages (the ways, methods and the righteous proverbs from short speeches given by the Ancient Saints and the Former Kings), a phenomenon known as "Confucian scholars explore the sage's intention when they read the scriptures." (Wang 1986, Chengcai ?S#). Confucian scholars specifically consider the Analects to be "the general record of the sage's words and deeds" (Ban 1962, Kuang Heng zhuan ill ft), and furthermore as a permanent great classic work. Beyond doubt, this is an idea based on the sanctified view of Confucius who, with the image of a prophet, gave advice generation after generation while descendants always searched for the ready-made answers from him and his works. The first thing we should do before we communicate with the ancients is to get rid of this deceitful ideological fantasy. In order to eradicate the bigotry of the fantasy mentioned above, it is necessary to adopt the reading model of Gadamer on the Analects. The author believes that if we want to communicate with Confucius as a concrete thinking man, rather than the mythical sage, and seek a syncretism of horizons, then philosophic hermeneutics provides us some meaningful tools for comprehending the Analects. The Analects is just a signifier language system if it is regarded merely as a text of philosophical hermeneutics. Nevertheless, Confucius as an actor who wanted to combine thoughts and existence together became a model who can reach the harmony between faith and the production process of a human being, his entire life should be regarded as a response to all the questions of the times, and should provide us with meaningful inspiration even today. However, communication with the ancient soul is doubtless a kind of exploration of thought. This exploration is not random, for the communication should be open. Moreover, it should be that kind of exploration which can lead us to the fixed subject (Gadamer 1988, p. 86). For the author, the communication does not mean the search for the only absolutely right way the ancients indicated for us. More important, it means the search for the positive and possible ways in which we can solve all the problems of our times in the world full of free thoughts and multi-values. Confucius encountered a secularized living condition in which faith in god was on the decline and sages could not be seen. Similarly, we also face quite the same living circumstance. Therefore, we can communicate with Confucius based on the fact that we all live in times in which the strength of god has already disappeared, while at the same time we have been abandoned by cultural heroes (Saint Kings). Since our problems are created by our own This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A new interpretation of Confucianism 535 behavior, there is no other way to solve them besides relying on everyone's individual efforts. 2 Hermeneutics' context The disintegration of the sacred tradition has led to the eclipse of the signification about existence and the production of anxiety about the crisis of cultural identity. It pushed the realistic world to a key moment of cultural transform, and at the same time, the collapse of the traditional semiotic world tempted people into nihilism. The feelings of inefficiency have also been born as the civilization of sciences and techniques has prevailed. This is the human being's survival perplexity that modern people face as being identified by the sensitive thinkers of the 20th century. We may have some latent sympathy for Confucius since he lived in a society enduring chaos and stress and facing the eclipse of the values that had sustained it. Whether to construct a new set of values or restore the old one, everyone facing this sort of epochal challenge must provide his own answer. This not only needs academic considerations but also relates with choices made in real life that cannot be evaded, so everyone must fulfill this responsibility in his own life in the process. In order to resolve these questions, Confucius held the viewpoint of individualistic humanistic idealism and traveled from one state to another full of the enthusiasm that comes with the sense of rescuing the world. However, he also had to suffer from the snubs from those who had powers and the jeers of others, and therefore ultimately faced spiritual self-exile. Confucius and his undertaking could be best described by the proverb "to keep trying although one knows that the task is in vain." We must take this seriously and think directly about the fact that Confucius was a mortal man. The goal of hermeneutics is to create a mindset as if we live in the same times as he did and therefore can regard him as a real concrete person. Therefore, if we try to reach the syncretism of the horizons through the philosophical hermeneutics of Confucius, we should not research what Confucius said as a sage or just make simple explanations to his well-known sayings. Instead, we must regard Confucius as a human being who lived in a concrete society with a political-historical-cultural relationship. That is to say, we must regard him as a thinker who lived among the crowd with the same feelings of hope and fear, and in the context of "communication" of the pre-Qin Dynasty. Only by this can we really make the words of the author of the Analects go back to his life (Gadamer 1988, p. 96), and try to understand the sayings we found related to our own questions (Jaspers 1995, p. 179). Undoubtedly, modern beliefs about the inherent meaning of traditional Confucianism and recent eager research on the creative formation of it, meaning This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 536 LIN Cimguang how to understand Confucius and the Confucianism accurately, is not only an academic business but also an internal challenge which is related directly to individual life circumstances that we have to face. This is the hermeneutical context where we can understand the Analects. 3 Tianming (mandate of Heaven) and the interposition of action Besides the deification of Confucius, he has also been respected and worshiped by Chinese as the Father of humanistic education. However, Confucius also sought to achieve the self-transcendence of life-values and the lofty feelings of a so-called realistic life even in mundanity. Confucius would insist upon proper pronunciation when reciting Shying i^?x. (the Book of Songs), Shangshu |p5?? (the Book of Documents) and in observing // (ritual propriety), but he evaded the subject of tiandao -JiM (the Dao of Heaven) and xingming ?-?h?j (nature and destiny). He specifically had nothing to say about miraculous happenings, the use of force, disorder, or the spirits. He held the question of theological belief in doubt. However, faced with tianming, Confucius often held a reverent feeling towards it. It is here that we can have insight on Confucius' worldview. In order to understand and grasp it clearly, it is necessary to briefly inspect and reconsider the God-theology of the pre-Qin Dynasties. As we know, Di # or God, a being who controlled the lives and the productive activity of the Shang Dynasty, was their supreme god. He bestowed them with the wind and rain, gave them luck and calamity to demonstrate his kindness and stateliness, but he seldom-inhibited people's moral behavior. Just as xibokanli, Shangshu fnj4$ ? H??J MM shows, when Zu Yi tried to dissuade King Zhou away from his life of dissolution, King Zhou Wang unscrupulously announced, "My fate is only decided by God." However, although people's belief in tian 3i (Heaven) during the Zhou Dynasty was received from the Shang Dynasty, they made some important modifications. Compared with Di. tian blessed the kind and punished the wicked, bestowed people with luck or calamity according to the view of righteousness which came from the logical apprehension of the Dao. Therefore, tianming gave only to the person who had de ?? (virtue). To Confucius, tian had lots of different meanings, so he hesitated to decide on a certain one. Sometimes tian referred to the natural sky, while sometimes to the spiritual principle of the world, which means tian seldom gave orders but had the ability to create the world. However, what is amazing is that the creation of tian does not have a pure moral meaning. The master said: A person who offends against tian has nowhere else to pray (Yang 1980, Book 3). This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A new interpretation of Confucianism 537 Tian has given life to and nourished excellence in me. Follow the proper way (Ibid., Book 7). If tian were going to destroy this legacy, we latecomers would not have had access to it. If tian is going to destroy this culture, what can the people of Kuang do to me (Ibid., Book 9). Who am I going to fool? Am I going to fool tian? (Ibid., Book 9). When Yan Hui died, the Master cried, 'Oh my! Tian is the ruin of me! Tian is the ruin of me!" (Ibid., Book 11). It is obvious that Confucius' tian hid deeply a profound contradiction: Tran cannot be deceived or slandered, however, the concern of tian to the significance of human being's survival included the moral meaning, but it lacked the inevitable relevance to human morality. Just as Youzuo, Xun Zi ??jT:? \^ records, Zi Lu asked, "You has heard that, 'Tian recompenses kindness with luck, punishes badness with calamity.' Nowadays you have accumulated enough benevolence and moral excellence, and have implemented them for a veiy long time. Why then do you still live in seclusion?" Confucius replied, "Whether you can meet a wise emperor depends on opportunity. The reason that the junzi S T (exemplary person) studies is not to achieve understanding, but rather to live the poverty-stricken life without sadness and still maintain toughness of will, and also for knowledge of the beginning and end of calamity and luck." Obviously, Zi Lu questioned tian's moral justness, but Confucius did not reply to it directly, as if he intended to avoid it and was unwilling to consider seriously whether the will of tian was morally just. Observing Confucius' words and activities, it was this question that puzzled him throughout. Moreover, it was this question which precisely structured the paradox of Confucius' survival during all his life, and the sacred sense of mission to save society with moral power came from the profound insight he had on the will and strength of the person and tianming. Otherwise, this insight would not enable him to get rid of the puzzle of "the Dao does not prevail" i?i^?f, nor to form a wish to save society with moral power. However, in this paradox Confucius dutifully chose a way to change the real world through the courage of survival and sedulous activities, and he kept trying even though he knew that it was in vain. Therefore, to Confucius tianming was a tensional constructive strength to form junzis moral character rather than a pure negative strength or a positive one. On the one hand, the master said, "Junzi hold three things in awe: the mandate of Heaven, persons in high station, and the words of the sages" (Ibid., Book 16). Obviously, to Confucius what the junzi should save in awe was the mandate of Heaven. Persons in high station and the words of the sages endowed together their moral with a kind of strong driving power. Simultaneously, they also make up the moral finitude of the self-realized person. On the other hand, the master also said, "Someone who does not understand the mandate of Heaven has no way This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 538 LEST Cunguang of becoming ajunzf (Ibid., Book 20). As the premise of becoming a junzi, the puipose of the saying "understanding the mandate of Heaven" is to awake a man to his inherent responsibilities as an actor in the present world. That is to say, activity which can be understood as the interposition of the world with morals is the doubtless order to life. Therefore, the master said, "I do not hold any ill will against tian nor blame other people. I study what is near at hand and aspire to what is lofty. It is only tian who appreciates me!" He also said, "If the Dao is going to prevail, it is destiny; ifit is going to be abandoned, it is destiny" (Ibid., Book 14). Although "the Dao does not prevail, that has been known already" (Ibid., Book 18), the thorough understanding of tian and ming did not lead to giving up salvation. On the contrary, it actually aroused Confucius' moral consciousness, "When junzi are troubled, they certainly turn to it, as they do when facing difficulties" (Ibid., Book 4). It can be said that Confucius confirmed his self-confidence of'"Tian has given life to and nourished de ? (virtue) in me" by his whole life-practice in persisting despite knowing that his work was in vain. This kind of self-confidence made it widely known that the highest life value lies in the existence of courage, disregarding gain and loss. Although Confucius did not really achieve his moral salvation ideal, as an agent who was sedulously involved in changing the world by his moral conduct, he has undoubtedly become an enigma in front of the common people, making them uneasy and unable to evade, and spurs men's souls to use moral strength when they make an individual resolution. In brief, tianming can make people despair and give up the will to act by himself, but can also arouse people's solemn zealousness to make great efforts in doing something which seems doomed to "hopelessness." Confucius' view7 of tianming belonged to the latter condition, and this made him attempt to establish a world which was controlled by the ethical "should do" while he worked in true-life and then discarded the traditional belief in god behind him. 4 Ethics of self-government Confucius laid aside the question of belief, and his view of tianming does not have a theological connotation. Therefore, he tried to construct a humanistic world and had to contend with people to introduce the humanistic education ideals of "being cordial, proper, deferential, frugal and unassuming" (Ibid., Bookl). In the humanistic world, humanity is an independent being existing for its own purposes instead of a creation of god. Man should become the real master of his own domain, and thus this has become the social ideal practiced by people worldwide to construct a truly humanistic world. It was Confucius who began to This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A new interpretation of Confucianism 539 put all man's hope on the virtues?individual self-government and self-discipline. He said, "How could ren \1 (benevolence) be at all remote? No sooner do I seek it than it has arrived" (Ibid., Book 7). "Becoming benevolent in one's conduct is self-originating, how could it originate with others?" (Ibid., Book 12). There is no doubt that the humanistic world is one in which life becomes conscious. In this world human beings are not tempted by the guidance or the inducement of any god's will, for man should save himself with his own power. This kind of consciousness derives from human beings' moral logos. Stimulated by the moral, humans should practice humanism consciously so as to become a real human being and to change the world into a fully humanized one through positive interaction among people. This is Confucius' humanistic ideal. Confucius seldom talked about xing 14 (nature), giving it only one sentence, that is, "Human beings are similar in nature, but vary greatly by experience" (Ibid., Book 17). It can be said that the proposition "human beings are similar in their xing" has shown that Confucius took a positive attitude towards human nature, and on the basis of this attitude Confucius expressly presented a theoretical hypothesis: human social life should advance towards the definite direction ("benevolence") which is the aim of human moral perfection, just as he said, "Through self-discipline and observing // ?L one becomes benevolent in one' conduct. If for the space of a day one were able to accomplish this, the whole empire would defer to this benevolence" (Ibid., Book 12). The significance of the phrase "vary greatly by experience" is that it shows the great variety of human life resulting from social circumstances. Confucius said, "In going astray, people fall into groups. In observing these divergences, the degree to which they are benevolent can be known" (Ibid., Book 4). Therefore, the formation of moral personality makes it necessary for people to communicate with the virtuous, and to visit sages and men of virtue when he is in other countries. For instance, when Zigong inquired about the ren, Confucius said, "Tradesmen wanting to be good at their trade must first sharpen their tools. While dwelling in this state, then, we should serve those ministers who are of the highest character, and befriend those shi ? (scholar-apprentices) who are most benevolent in their conduct" (Ibid., Book 15). Confucius despised both the life pursuit which people had when they pursued shamelessly private interests, high status and wealth. But he did not despise the value of life. On the contrary, he paid much attention to human blessings based on the exploration of mankind's inner spiritual pursuit of moral reasoning which hides in their inner world, trying to reconstruct the order of man's social life and achieve harmony. In fact, what Confucius adhered to is the anthropological idea: every individual faces only one fierce force of moral choice; the reality of humanity lies in relationships; human value is regarded as the moral character showing forth fully in various possible social-ethical political relationships. This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 540 LIN Cunguang Understood from Confucius' anthropological view mentioned above, "zheng" ? (administrative injunction) is necessary because it is in its core status transmitting and educating humanity, and plays an important role in constructing a positive relationship (the way of doing one's utmost (zhong j&) and putting oneself in the other place (shu ?S) among human beings. Nevertheless, individuals can only achieve self-fulfillment ideologically. That means self fulfillment (a human becoming "man") can only be the end of personal affairs, and the perfection of society lies in each individual's self-fulfillment by consciously practicing humaneness. Thus, the intercourse in social-ethical political relationships is limited, its principle is that "if they are unwilling then desist" (bukezezhi ^njpiij ih) (Ibid., Book 12). Here Confucius only hoped that the social authorities and political powers could be governed by self-fulfillment (this is where the significance of zhengming "to insure that names are used properly" lies), which is also his limitation. Just as the famous German philosopher Karl Jaspers commented: His (Confucius's) limitation is, faced with evil and failure, he can only mourn and bear rather than obtain any motivation from the distress. This limitation explains why he cannot achieve his ideal (Jaspers 1995, p. 179). Ultimately, in the humanistic world constructed by Confucius, a human being as an individual must be guided by self-perfection of morals and by realizing his wish of becoming a human. Whether he is a man standing in an important social position and having great powers or if he lives at the bottom of society and is humble, no one is an exception. The saying that only the benevolent person can really love or hate is not just a simple expression of human feelings of liking or disliking, because, for Confucius, the expression of love and hatred is based on the expectation of one's moral self-perfection and the reasonable requirement for the shaping of personality, which can be described as "benevolent persons establish others in seeking to establish themselves and promote others in seeking to get there themselves" (Yang 1980, Book 6). A true benevolent person must realize his own value in the process of "establishing others in seeking to establish themselves and promoting others in seeking to get there oneself" Therefore, self-fulfillment and supporting others are in harmony. Only through this can we really understand the meaning of Confucius' saying that "as for filial and fraternal responsibility, it is, I suspect, the root of benevolence" (Ibid., Book 1). Although filial obedience does not exclude a kind of special expression of private emotion, it has never been restricted to this expression. For Confucius, it is better to say that family ethics mainly refers to such a moral reasoning: perfect respect and deep concern for mutual moral personality among the family are the basis of family relationships. Family ethics can be the foundation of moral conditioning and good order for the whole society only if humans can expand their emotion and intellect to others and to the society. This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A new interpretation of Confucianism 5 Dialogue: Specification of moral practice The idea of self-fulfillment put forward by Confucius is not an idle saying; its essential character is the specification of ren. From this view, the whole life practice of Confucius did not fail completely; he acquired great success in private education, which depended on his taking the principle of ren and applying it to teaching. The Zhongyong Jif (the Doctrine of the Mean) records that Confucius said, "A junzi should improve his virtue and deepen his learning." Undoubtedly, to Confucius "to deepen his learning" had some practical meanings. It was indispensable for one's maturation, and Confucius, who thought himself a model studious man, was just a man who asked questions about everything. As everyone knows, the aim that Confucius ran his schools with was to cultivate the "person." It was not only intelligent and capable men that had the abilities to administer a country, but also the new ones who were self-led and could participate consciously in creating harmony. Confucius' educational theory was based upon the conception of the whole person, which means that when people got involved in every realm of social life as moral beings, the moral self of the individual or the self-fulfillment of "becoming a human" would have the main function of "comprisal," that is to say, the moral self contains various socio-political, ethical and cultural activities. Thus, the most essential character of Confucius' private education was that teaching and broad social activities were united. Teaching and learning were not isolated courses or phenomena with limited time. On the contrary, they were concerned with one's whole life, and were a kind of devotion with heart and soul that could not be separated from one's life experience, action and self-fulfillment in the concrete social history and political situation. Therefore, the strength of enlightenment in Confucius' personality had a decisive meaning in his teachings. From the dialogical form of the Analects we can see that deeply investigating the life problem was based upon life choices that people have to face and cannot flee from. The life problem can not be solved at once, nor can students be made to acquire identical ways of getting involved in the society even with an identical education. In the dialogues and communications between Confucius and his students, it is very important to speak face to face at random and individually when they confront the actual problems of social living. As known from the Analects, the students' questions were about Dao, ren, li, zhi ?n (knowledge), xiao # (filial piety), zheng, ganlu ^P?i (taking office), xuejia (to learn to farm), junzi, shi, chengi*en $LX (consummate persons), and so on. Confucius' answers often varied according to different students and different conditions, especially when he answered the question about ren. Most scholars affirm that the core of Confucius' idea lies in ren and // since Confucius emphasized them. However, this is just appearances. What penetrates the thoughts This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 541 542 LIM Cunguang of ren and // is the principle of specification. If we may understand Confucius "wuke wu b?ke S oJS^FpJ (I do not have presuppositions as to what may and may not be done)" (Yang 1980, Book 18), in the way, i.e. as Kant's saying that the reasonable practice of rules is irregular in the Critique of Pure Reason as cited by Gadamer (Gadamer 1988, p. 107), we can say that what has the crucial significance to Confucius' system is neither ren nor //, and it is the specification of abstract morals. He asks how individuals put abstract universal moral principles into practice in a particular context. That is to say, what morals present to individual lives is a dynamic particular process of generation and achievement. Confucius' strong and distinctive personality actually varied from person to person. He implemented this personality in his teaching by way of "yincai shijiao (teaching different students according to their different characters)." Thus, in his teachings, the appraisal of personality, the involvement of emotions and the difference among individuals were fully encouraged and realized, and it molded an intimate educational community. As Book 11 says, "Min Ziqian in attendance at the Master's side was straightforward yet respectful, Zilu was intent, and Ranyou and Zigong were congenial. The Master was pleased." What Confucius was pleased was that "le gejin qixing i^?r^K'ft" (to be glad because they can put their characters to good use). The pleased attitude of Confucius undoubtedly led to a hypothesis of education about the maturation of one's personality: the full development of a positive and constructive identity is the cornerstone on which people can approach the common human nature through the dialogical relationship of "dangren burang ?t^it (in striving to be benevolent in your conduct, do not yield ever to your teacher)." The master said, "Junzi seeks harmony not sameness" (Yang 1980, Book 13). The Master Zeng also said, "Junzi attracts friends through refinement, and thereby promotes ren" (Ibid., Book 12). Only when we have understood the untiring efforts of Confucius, with all his heart put in the process of specification of practical moral principle, can we realize that to the later generations, Confucius' real strength was in creating a sort of dynamic and lively spiritual atmosphere by common participation in community life with the goal of mutual growth. People must build a genuine dialogical relationship, and then the moral ideal which represents the right and good life-style can be achieved. This is the essential character of Confucius' practical philosophy (moral rationality). 6 To narrate and not to invent Confucius claimed himself to be "to narrate and not to invent, with confidence, I cherish the ancients" (Ibid., Book 7). The role of consciousness as a narrator of tradition indicates Confucius' incisive sense of responsibility for culture. This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A new interpretation of Confucianism Narration is a weighty enterprise which can resolve the living challenges people face. It has been said that "Tian is going to use your master as a wooden bell-clapper" (Ibid., Book 3), which means that Confucius was considered as a transitional cultural hero in his own time. Undoubtedly, Confucius was placed at the turning point of history, and this role of expectation became the imminent resource of "attributing the transformation of the reality to Confucius' intention" in posterity. Confucius himself once imputed a moral meaning into historical narration and tradition: "Chunqiu #$C (The Spring and Autumn Annals) has the following merits: deep and obvious, ambitious and implicit, circumbendibus and well composed, thoroughgoing and direct, punishing evil and advocating good" (Du 1988, Chenggong Shisinian ??+H^). Mencius also said, "Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals which made officials and subjects who wanted to rebel against the emperor afraid" (Yang 1960, Book 6). Obviously, the moral meaning contained in historical narration or tradition has a moralistic effect on "becoming a human" in the sense of "ensuring that names are used properly." On the basis of normative meaning and moralistic effect, Confucius paid special attention to the "modification" of"//" in tradition. The reason why Confucius had a profound respect for the // of the Zhou Dynasty is that he thought that through modification of the Xia and Shang Dynasties, it was more perfect and approached "wen ~SC (civilization)," meaning humanization. "The Zhou Dynasty looked back to the Xia and Shang Dynasties. Such a wealth of culture! I follow' the Zhou" said Confucius (Analects, Book 3). What is called "wen", as in the saying "wen through ritual and music" (Analects, Book 14), has a verbal meaning of "humanization" (becoming a socialized person). Li endowed people with a kind of order in life practice. Considering its social normative meaning, IVs ideal meaning is that it can afford a virtuous and correct life form for self-fulfillment and social life. However, problems cannot be solved by simple recovery (Gadamer 1988, p. 141), and Confucius is no exception. From his conception of modification, we know that he clearly revealed that tradition has a normative and educational significance to the realization of "humanization." Just as philosophical hermeneutics tells us: building a meaningful relationship with a tradition is not to say that traditional normative idea is undoubted or unable to change or beyond any criticism, on the contrary social life is composed of continuous processes of changing what we insisted to be right before (Ibid., p. 102). We can say "to narrate and not to invent" as well as sticking to rectifying // and actively joining in shaping social community's humanistic order and harmonious life form is just one of the core ideas of "the Dao of junzF advocated by Confucius. The medium significance of tradition is recognized through spiritual conversation with the ancients (so-called dreaming of Zhou Gong), and from the This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 543 544 LIN Cunguang perspective of self-fulfillment, it ought rather to be described as talking with the inner-self. Tradition is not the resource of the holy mandatory power; its medium significance is bound by people's conscious self-fulfillment. Therefore, when the culture transformed from god-centered to human-centered, Confucius took on the mission of rebuilding the social order by using tradition as the medium. It is this consciousness which changes Confucius from an advocator of old times to a great philosopher opening a new era, which is coincident with Jaspers' saying that reflecting on the past may change our views about the past, turning traditional thinking and custom into conscious principles will lead to the creation of a new philosophy accordant with the old culture (Jaspers 1995, p. 78). Confucius' reflection on and advocacy of tradition maintained and widened the succession and vitality of our tradition, and at the same time stimulated the zhanguo zhuzi rSfSiii (the hundred schools) to critique their own cultural tradition. Doubtless, as for the realization of the self-value of humanity, cultural tradition supplies us with a moral basis. Whether it is conscious advocacy or criticism and reflection, it is beneficial as long as it leads to enlightenment. Conversely, the simple affirmation or negation of a cultural tradition actually desecrates the tradition. To the persons who want to achieve self-fulfillment, tradition does not need to be an unusual or strange force, but making tradition dogmatic will certainly prevent personal potential and value from developing. 7 Conclusion We can assert that Confucius established a humanistic conceptual world led by the desire for self-fulfillment. This world is against another one dominated by ego-grounded interests. As Confucius said, "Jimzi understands yi X (what is appropriate), xiaoren <b? (petty persons) understands // M (personal advantages)" (Yang 1980, Book 4). Although Confucius had no clear conception of the unlimited evil as discussed by Gadamer (Gadamer 1988, p. 35), the distinction between junzi from xiaoren made by Confucius implies that licentious xiaoren md junzi in their eternal confrontation will perpetually delay an ideal society. However, from the perspective of philosophical hermeneutics the author believes that the humanistic ideal advocated by Confucius, which means that everyone should realize fully his own moral value, still has a revelatory meaning for modern individuals. Facing a world dissimilated by modem technological civilization, humanistic thinkers call for listening to the internal needs of humanity itself. The author believes that Confucius' humanistic moral ideal and its specification principle can still normalize our living practices. Only in the concrete context of conversation-practice can we feel our actual existence. In this limited sense, the author tries to comprehend the Analects as a book of This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A new interpretation of Confucianism 545 philosophical hermeneutics. This is the intent of writing this article, moreover, what the author is determined to refute is the kind of view of Confucianism which is based on incontinent hackneyed and stereotyped expressions and demagogic essentialism. This view believes that we can keep the rigid (unchangeable) so-called "cultural intrinsic character" merely by blindly respecting Confucius, blindly reading the classics, being superstitious to saints' doctrines and possessing it once for all. It is ridiculous and unrealistic to Confucius. What is more, it is really an act of desecration. I would rather believe what Jaspers said, "We must make self-decision and infer from it, otherwise, everything would exist in a misleading appearance" (Jaspers 1995, p. 184). Furthermore, in the author's opinion, and from the perspective of cultural construction, it is necessary to divide Confucianism clearly into two layers: one is the conservative Confucius conforming to tradition (the living form under the ritual tradition); and the other is the radical Confucius who tried to realize social revolution through rebuilding principles (the Dao of junzi) on the basis of renewing the knowledge of ren. These two Confucius not only had different profound and lasting influences on Chinese national history, but also will have great effects on modem culture. Why Confucius is Confucius lies in that he cultivated Chinese people's consciousness of cultural self-identification by systematically reflecting and consciously transmitting the history of our own culture. Besides, his practical wisdom, which focused on real life and ethical and political affairs, reveals the "practical reason" which is the original character of the Chinese traditional thought, and shows a humanistic idea that takes cultural cultivation as its core. On this consciousness of humanistic idea, Confucius thought and dealt positively with the strife and political problems he faced during that time from two aspects. Confronting the downfall of the emperor's authority, the rigidity and invalidation of the ritual and musical system, and the collapse and disorganization of the social order during the Zhou Dynasty, Confucius devoted himself to transmitting the cultural tradition and the ritual and musical system, expressing his conservative side. On the other hand, he tried hard to seek a project which could rebuild and construct the world order, he strived to make a second choice for the humanistic values and life ideals so that he could instill a new vitality in the social revolution, and then open a new kind of moral ideal and humanistic spirit rooted in the subject's self-perfection and ethical ideals, showing his progressive side. Only on the basis of this differentiation and interpretation can we actually reveal the meaning of the possible innovations of Confucianism in modern times. However, in no way does this differentiation mean that we can accept one and refuse the other. Because the key point is still that when facing problems in our own times, whether systemic or conceptual, whether we learn from Confucius' wisdom by narrowly and partially sticking to our so-called This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 546 LIN Cunguang "cultural selfhood" or by consciously constructing the future of our culture through multiplex conversation, we must make the decision on our own. References Ban Gu (1962). Hanshu ?'I^j (the Book of the Han Dynasty). Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju Cai Shen (1994). ShujingJizhuan MrMtt (Collected Annotations of the Book of Documents). Beijing: Zhongguo Shudian Du Yu (1988). Chunqiu Jingzhuan Jipe #Imitili? (Collected Annotations of Classics and Elucidations on The Spring and Autumn Annals). Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe Gadamer H G (1988). Reason in the Age of Science. Beijing: Guoji Wenhua Chuban gongsi Jaspers (1995). Socrates, Buddha, Confucius, Jesus. Hefei: Anhui Wenyi Chubanshe Wang Chong(1986). Limheng i??tj (On Balance). Shanghai: Shanghai Shudian Wang Xianqian (1988). Xunzi Jijie '%'-f%M (Collected Annotations of Xuzi). Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju Yang Bojun (1980). Lunyu Yizhu ifcigi??? (Translation and Commentaries of the Analects of Confucius). Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju Yang Bojun (1960). Mengzi Yizhu ^ ': (Translation and Commentaries of the Mencius). Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju Zhu Xi (1994). Shishu Jizhu F? :t$ft?: (Annotations of the Four Books). Beijing: Zhongguo Shudian This content downloaded from 180.247.133.247 on Sat, 11 Nov 2017 10:30:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms