Naga and Other Frontier Tribes of North-East India Author(s): Gertrude M. Godden Source: The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 26 (1897), pp. 161-201 Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2842302 . Accessed: 15/06/2014 06:36 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions G. M. GODDEN.-Ndgd and other Frontier Tribes,N.E. India. 161 view; probably from West Aiistralia. 6.-Woondc.-Front view, showing contusions from blows. 7.-Goolmarry.-Front 8.-Back view of Fig. 7. 9.-Large oval shield f om Central Queensland. Front view, painted, and with a central boss. Fig. 10.-Back view of Fig. 9. Fig. 11.-Smnall oval shield with pointed apices made of Banksia wood. Front view. Fig. 12.-Side view of Fig. 11, exhibiting the method of leaving the handle in relief. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. NkiGA and OTHER FRONTIER TRIBES By GERTRUDE [WITH M. of NORTH-EAST INDIA. GODDEN. PLATE VIII.] I. NXGA TRIBES. (i.) Introductory. (ii.) Social Structure. Kin G(routps. Village Government. Central Authority. Social cRules and Penalties. Marriage. Birth Customs. Dekha Chang or 2forang. Individual Property in Land and Inheritantce. Slavery. Oaths. Tattoo. (iii.) Religion. Chief Deity. Various Gods or Spirits. Iztercoutrsewith Gods and Spirits. Sacrifice. Ceremonial Seclusion and Taboo. Disease. Omerns. Festivals. Funeral Rites. After-world Beliefs. (i.) Introduetory. THE wild hill tracts which till recent years formed the NorthEastern frontier of the Indian Empire are still to some extent an almost unknown land. A dividing barrier between the plains of Assam on the one hand, and of Upper Burma on the other, these Naiga Hills were long known as the abode of fierce and ilntractable tribes, livina in a state of incessanlt intertribal warfare, anid asserting their presence on our border by savage VOL. XXVI. M This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Jour nal of the A4niGropological bnstitgte, F01. XXVI, Plate VIII. 1-3. 4. MAO NAGA MEN. NAGA WOMEN. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 162 G. M. GODDEN.-Ndgd atndother raids; but punitive expeditionis and official intercourse left us with a very incomplete knowledge of the people. Fearless with the courag,e of savage ignorance, they repeatedly resisted and killed officers engaged in frontier work, and entrenched in a remuotehill country they eluded detailed scientific observatioin. A furtler difficulty lay in the muLltiplicityof languages spoken among them. Later years have seen the Nadg tribes reduced to peace and order, but as far as I am aware no adequate record, either of the hostile tribes, ol of the more peacefiul members of the race, has as yet been attenmpted. The following pages therefcre make no claim to comnpleteness,but are rather nlotes of the people, chiefly gathered from some Governmyient records, and from a few scattered scientific papers. Before proceeding to deal in detail with Naga life we may briefly notice some past conditions of the tribes, their position in reaard to external irnfluences,their racial affinities, and their language. We find a record of the hostility of the tribes as far back as 1832, when English officers at the head of some niative levies fought their way througahthe Angaini and Kutclha NagAs. At this time and for many subsequent years the Nagas made themselves kiiown-to us as barbarous savacges; the savage virtues of blood-feud and relentless raiding, and savage ignorance of inany of the first principles of the higher civilisation were everywhere apparent. For the ten years following 1838, they raided our border, engaaed in nmutuialextermination, and defied our efforts to mainagethem, alike by official tours or punitive expeditions. For the lnext ten years the Government withdrew from all interferelnce with the tribes, but this experiment ended in raids which enforced definite actioni. A strong central station was established; conciliatory intercourse with the Nagais was enjoined; and our knowledge of the tribes was greatly extended. Further movements followed towards civilising the country, carriedlon with much tribal opposition, and at the cost of one of valuable life, that of Captain Butler, Deputy Comumlissioner the Hills; refereniceto Captain Butler's ethllological and other researches will be found in a previous volume of this Journal.' This was a tiine of vi(gorous exhibition of the Naga character; in the two years, from 1874 to 1876, the raids of one tribe alone, that of the Anigami Nagas, resuilted in the death of over 300 persoins. of control were now decided upon, and hapFurther nmeasuires pily for the tribes they fell at this critical period under the managenent of Mr. G. H. Damant, an officer silngularly qualified 1 R. W. Woodthorpe, "Journal Anthropological Institute," vol. xi, 1882, p. 57 seq; Col. Woodthorpe refers to a paper bv Captain Butler, on the " Anganii Nagas," published in the " Asiatic Society of Bengal," part I, 1875. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tri,besof North-East India. 163 to promote their eivilisation. Mr. Damant brought to his post not only administrative vigour, but also a scientific study of the people; and the success of his brief eighteen months of office may doubtless be attributed to this union of the temper of the studenit with the indefatigable energy of the active miagistrate. The task before hinm was to begin the welding of "a mass of disconnected and barbarous tribes into a, law-abiding eommuniity,"'Iand thouglhwe may iot concern ourselves here with his political sucess, his letters ancd reports show us something of Naaagsavagery as it existed twenty years ago. References to his anthropoloTgicaland philological work will be. found in the followino pages. Hie wrote that the people did not seem to have the slightest idea of the value of life, and after he had effected the difficuilttask of removing his headquarters to the advanced post of Kohima, he anticipated having to live in a stockade for two years, and found it hardly safe to go out without a guard. At the reductioni of a rebellious village, against which an expedition was necessary, the Nacgrcis caine round the camp in full war dress, challenging the party to come and fight thlem-l. Another village informiiedMr. Danant that they intended to sew up his mouth anid eves if he went there. Yet witlhin a few moniths of the advance to Kohima at least a temporary improvement was apparent, an improvement wisely received by Mr. Damant, with caution: " I fear," lhe wvrites, " the love of figThting,is too deeply implanted in a Na.gd'snatuire to be externminatedso quiickly."2 After twelve months of administration, considerable advances towards civilisation could be reported. In encdeavouringto uniderstand the Nauag tribes we may recall that Mr. Dainaut never doubted their capacity for ultimate peace and order. This lhope is coilstantly repeated by him, and Ilis AdminiistratiolnReport concludes by sketchingca future advance, " step by step until we have succeeded in eradicating the last vestiges of the muirder and bloodshed whichl now prevails among,all tlhesetribes."'3 The work whiclh Mr. Dmanalt foresaw so clearly, anid the success which he anticipated, were to be achieved by other hands. A few months after writing the above he was shot down at the elntrance of a villagre near Kohliia. In his untimely deatl the frontier tribes lost a wise anid skilful administrator, anid a scientific career full of promtiisewas cut slhort. The def'ence of Kohimia against an overwhelming force of Nagags followed. alnd the NdgaOwar of 1878-9, a war not concluded unlitil1880. 1 See the resolution by Sir Steuart Bayley on Mr. Damant's "Report of the Ad.ninistration of the Na,a Hills for the Year 1878-9." 2 " filicial Report." G. H. Damant. 1879. 3 "cAdministration Report of the Nag'a Hills." 1878-9. G. H. Damant. M2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 164 G. M. GODDEN.-Ndg4 and other From that date the tribes appear to have abanidoned the idea of expellingyEnlglish rule, and in 1892 it was possible to record the fulfilment of hopes expressed by Mr. l)amant twenty years earlier. Since the close of 1881, Mr. Aitcheson writes, "the history of the district shows the progyressiveestablishment of peace anidgood order, anidthe quiet submission of the Naaas to our rule."' We need not dwell further on the warlike qualities of the Naga' race; buit it should be noted that evein in the earlier years the tribes were not exclusively hostile. For nearly ten years, from 1876 to 1884, the Sibsagar Naga' tribes gave no direct trouble, trade largely developed, and missionary work appeared to have been efficacious. The Rengma Na'iagshave bad alnmost with the Governmient. uniformly peaceful dealingcrs This long political intercouirse with the tribes has been sipptlemenited to somle, extenlt by missionary labour. Thus in 1840 a miiissionarywas residing amiiongthe Sibsagar Nagas, and a successful mlission school existed, to which mnanyof the chiefs s lnttheir sons for inistruction. By 1878, the New Testameent hacl been tranislated inlto Manripi'li; anidin the late census report for 1891 we findlmenition of two Ngag' mission stations. Fturther opportunities of receiving external influence were afforde(dto tlhe Na4,s by their trading activitv. This activity broghbt them as far as Calcutta; anid many of the Souitlhernalnd Nortlher-n NTaigdstraded constantly w.ith the plains, and worked in the w-inter molnthsin tlhe tea gardelnsat the foot of the hills. The intercourse between the Naiga tribes bordering on Assanmand the Assamese lhasbeen conistant,anida certain amnountof Hilndu, Bu3ddlhist,alnd Mussulmanl influience may thuls have penetrated into the hiills. The Nagas have tlhus been lon(r exposed to foreign influence. They have been in contact with Christianity, Hinduism, and to some extelnt with Buddhliism; the more enterprising, of the. tribesmen have traded in Assam, and even in Bengal; and the border people have lhad the opportunity of passing oln into the interior the external influences around them. But although it is necessary to admit these facts, little seenmsto have resulted fromi them. The tribes exhlibit primitive beliefs, and live in communities regulated by primitive social rules, which have hitlherto provoked no commenit of foreion origin from their observers.2 How far indications occur of Hindu influence will be considered when we pass to tlhe natule of these beliefs, and to the struieture of the village groups wlicih hold them. C. Aitcheson, "Treaties, Engaaements, and Sanad<." 1892, i, p. 283. Po'sibly there may be an exception in three small tribes inhabiting the Manipur valley. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fr ontier Tribes of North-East India. 165 Classified by language, the Naga's are miiembersof that great race convenielntly called Tibeto Burman, which extends fromn the source of the Indus to Siam. Of the early movements of the Tibeto Burman anid Burmese races little appears to be known. Views recently put forward' assume a general movemelnt from CelntralAsia southwards towards the Bay of Bengal of the Mon and Karen races, the Burmese, and the Shans. The Naga's may perhaps be affiliated to the Northern hill tribes of Bulma, known as the Kakhyin; or to the tribes who inhabit the hills to the wvestof Burma known to tlle Burmese under the namle of Khyin or wild man, and tlheir neiglhbours,the Kukis.2 The identity of the Naad and neighbouring Kuki tribes is an open question, though we nmaynote that Mr. Damant foulnd" as a rule, a marked distinction in dress and manners between the Kuki and Naga, even in cases wlhere their dialects closely resemble each other"; he adds "there is only one tribe witl which I am acquainted, the Cheroo, dwellers in the hills of MaanipAir, which in any way unite the charactelistic features of 3 the two . . No final classifieation of the languages spoken by the hill tribes of the North-Eastern frontier has yet been attempted. Mr. Darnant wrote a careful account4 of many of the tribes andl toingues of this frontier, includingo,those of the Nagas and Kukis, but of some of the tribes little or nothilng was then known, and his work claiined only to be provisional; and the recent AssamnCensus report, while admitting a great advancee in our knowledge of the local Tibeto-Burman languaaes, observes that the affinities and differences between themiihave hiithertobeen scarcely touched. The wonderful imiultiplicity of their languages is a salielt characteristic of the Naga race. Mr. Davis, Deputy Cominiissioner of the District, writes, "all the tribes in this district speak languages which are at the presenit day . . so different that a member of one tribe speakinig his own 1 " Report on the Census of India." 1891. J. Baines, p. 127 sqq. Ibid., p. 129. 3 G. H. Damant, " Journal Royal Asiatic Society," n.s., vol. xii, p. 228. Mr. Baines (" Indian Census, 1891, Report," p. 150) speals of the Mikirs a;s included in the Naga group, but this classification is not given as final by Mr'. Gait in the " Assam Report," 1891. Passages in Mr. Baines' Rep)ort (pp. 1"9 and 150) on the relation of the Nad2 to the Kakhbin people appear to contradict each other. It may be noticed that Mr. Dainai t states in a paper in the ' Calcutta Review," 1875, that, "The Nagas are the oldest settlers, if not the aborigines, of North Cachar; we find that every other tribe lhas traditiens of having lived in some other country." 4 " Notes on the Locality and Population of the Tribes dwelling between th.e Pehamapl)utnnard Ningthi Rivers." G. H. Daniant. " Journial of the Royd Asiatic SoCiety," a.s., I o1. xii, P- 2298seq. 2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 166 G. M. GODDFN.-NYdgd and other language is quite unintelligible to a memiiberof the next tribe."' We find the same conditions described by Mr. Damant in the provisional paper already referred to. He placed the number of iimutuallyuiintelligible Naga lanauages as niot less and probably miorethan thirty. "In some instances," he adds, " perhaps a few may be reduced to the rank of dialects, but in the majority This ."2 of cases they are essentially distinct languag,es lilnguistic variation he found at its height amoongthe Easterni Nagas. Amongst these, lhe wrote, "the greatest confusion exists; there is such a multiplicity of hibes, each speaking a different dialect, and they are so small in numbers, sometimes consistina of only olnevillage, that withouit visiting each village personally, it is almost imiipossibleto define the limits of each tribe with anv approach to accuracy, or even to say precisely lhow many tribes there are." The source of this immnense number of dialects he found in the isolation of communities, in constant warfare: " Every tribe, almost every village, is at war with its neighbour, and ino Nadgaof these parts dare leave the territory of his tribe without the probability, that hiis life will be the penalty, . . ." In a further descriptioniof these Eastern Nagas he speaks of the manly different tribes " all, or nearly all, speaking languages unintelligible the one to the other. Within twenty miles of country five or six ditTerent dialects are often to be found."2 It is noticeable that in several eases dissimilarity of language and dialect was not found to involve equal d'ssimilaritv in custorns and manners. Thus the Mao, Alaram, and Kiyangkhang Naga, though very similar in dress anid customs, spoke dialects which differed considerably; the Lhota language differed very materially from that of its neighbours, but in dress and customs they resembled each other closely; the Aligami did not differ materially from other memnbersof the Nagat faimiilyin manners anid customs, but the lingauisticdivergence was so great " that it is doubtful," Mr. Damant wrote, " whether they should niot be classed as a distinct famnilyof themselves."3 Mr. Davis, the officer in charge of the Hill tracts, has reduee(d the languiage of the main Na'a tribes oni the western slope of the Indo-Burmaniwatershed to more or less gramiimaticalform. He was said, in 1891, to be the best authority on the subject.4 We may refer to his section on the NadgAlanguages in the " Assam Census Report, 1891," p. 163 seq. We have as yet no knowledge of the number of Naga tribes whlich exist in the border hills. Mr. Damiant gave a provisional " AssamnCenqus Report," 1891, p. 163. G. H. Damant, "Journal Royal Asiatic Society," n.s., vol. xii, r. 228 .seq. 3 Ibid. 4 ' General Report Census, India, 1891." J. A. Baines. I 2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes of Yorth-East Indic. 167 enumeration of eighteen tribes. In the latest authority, the " Assam Census Report for 1891," nine tribes are given, viz.: the Angaimi,Ao, Kabui, Kacha, Kezhama, Lhota, Naked, Rengma, and Sema. Other tribes are niamed by earlier writers. but amongst all the various accounts of the hill people, extending over a period of nearly fifty years, nonieoffers a satisfactory tribal record. Rather thani attemipt out of this confusioni of many writers and imperfect knowledge, any individual treatnmentof the Na,ga tribes, the present sketch will airr at presenting as fully as possible the customs, beliefs, and usages of the Naga' race, care being taken to preserve all well established tribal refereinces. The onily tribe which will be described separately is that of the Anganmi,of which a fairly full record is available. NOTR.-The divisions of the Naga, named Miyangkhang and Maram, by Mr. Damant, have been used as synonymous with the Meeyaingkbang, Murram, and Muram of Dr. Brown anidMajor McCulloch; and the Mao of the former for the Mow of the latter. Also the Maring of Mr. Damant has been taken as equivalent to the Murriiig of Dr. Brown. References given to Brown and MeCulloch mnusttherefore be read in the light of tthisnomenclature. References to these two writers refer to the "Accounit of the Valley of Munnipore and of the Hill Tribes," by Major McCulloch arndthe "Statistical Account of the Native State of Manip?iranidHill Territory uiider its Rule," by Dr. Brown. SOCIALSTRUCTURE. Xin-groups.-The unit of society in a large tribe of the Naga race,' has beeni described as not the village but the khel, in otlher words society was fouinded on thle tie of kinship rather than of commionfealty, or coinmon land. Men felt thenselves bound to obey the laws of the kin groups; no man might marry within his own k/hel; curious funeral rites were performed over the dead by members of some other khel; and Ahels, living side by side in the same village, would stand so far apart in hostile feelinog that ino effort would be miade by one to check the miassacre,within the village walls, of another. We have unifortunately very scanlty evidence as to the structure of the other Naoa tribes. The two tribes of the Aos, the Chunali anid Mongsen, are divided into exoganious sub-divisions, the names of all or some of which vary from village to village. Although nio member of any of these subdivisions might marry withiin his group, any Mongsen could marry any Chungli. AInapparent survTivalof annual tribal marriage was recently observed among this tribe in a yearly festival at whclih the youth of one khel performed a mimic capture of the girls of another khel.2 I The Aingaai. 2 See infra, p .176. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 168 G. M. GODDEN.-Ndgd amdother The SeniA NMa3as are divided into mainyexogamous sub-divisions, within which no marriage can take place. One or perhaps two other tribes are noticed as observing strict rules against the rmarriageof the same family.' In the absence of information all that can be asserted is a strong probability that the social structure of all the Nadgatribes was not more advanceed than that of the poverful Angaiini; that the tie of kinship anid not the tie of land prevailed; and that thus the villages were nmerelyconvenielnt building places for clans to gather in, and not anly organic part of the social structure. At the present dav clhildrenbelong to the A. C. R., 1891, p. 239. father's khel in all Nadga tribes of the Nad,gaHills District. Village Government.-The governmnentof a village community such as this would naturally tend to be democratic; each independent khel would demand a voice in anly common action; and the system of blood-fend and head huniting would check the growth of any one clan into a position of supremiie power. We find accordingly that the village group is described as a democratic comnmunity,each imianis said to be as good as his neighbour, and the headmen possess little authority. Hereditary Chiefs.-In older accounts tlhe presence is repeatedly noticed of hereditary chiefs who possessed a miierelynomuinal power. In one tribe each village communilty had one or generally two such chiefs, and the eldest son took over the digniity during his father's life-time, should the latter be very infirin; the practical affairs of the tribe were settled by a council of (Luhupas) aged chiefs and warriors.2 Another tribe possessed a McCulloch, hereditary village clhief who had nio great influence, F. 67. but received a leg of everiy anial killed for a feast, with the first of the wine ; and the assistance of the village in. htis cultivation, if he asked it, on one day in the season; another accoulnt of possibly the same tribe describes Br own, p. 39. two hereditary village chiefs, the AXhulbu,the head, aud the Khluldkpa,the iinferior. The Khulblt by virtue of his office received the heads otf all the ganmekilled, and the first brew of liquor made by each fanmilyill the village communify. The KA-huldkpareceived inferior preseu-ts,and they were both elititled to seats of honour at feasts auid other village meetiugs.Y Assam Census Report, 1891, p. 247. I Among the Lhotas "marriage within the circle or (sic) a mali's blood relations is not permitted." " Assam Census Report, 1891," p. 248. 2 Angami. See infra. 3 See McCullocll, p. 66, for a different account of officers of the Tangkool tribe, viz., the " Koollakpa " and the "Xoolpoo." This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tqibesof North-East Ijidia. 169 The villages of another tribe are said to have each a chief who is chief in nothing but name. The chiefs of the Maram tribe seeni to have been regarded in the light of those semni-divine kings of whose onerous life Mr. Frazer gives full evidence.' The Marams were described in 11872as having two chiefs, the great and the little chief. Neither had any fixed revenue, but the village would build the house of the great chief, and(gave him the hind leg of all game caught. "Formerly, no one was allowed to plant his rice until the great chief Brown, itid. allowed it, or had finished his planting. This mark of superiority is not at present allowed by the lesser ehief, who plants without reference to his superior." There were many prohibitions in regard to the food, aniimal and vegetable, which the chief should eat, and the Marams said the chief's post must be an uncornfortable onie, on accounit of these restrictions. Other primitive kings endured burdens similar to these of the Maram chief, as we may see in the accounlt given by Diodorus Siculns of those kings of Egypt to whoin onily two kinds of flesh and a limited quantity of wine were (Miyarngkhang) Brown, p. 32. (Marams) Brown, p. 32. permitted.2 Aniiong the more Eastern NAgias,the chiefs' houses were much larger than those of the comlmnion people, accordilg to a well constructed Dalton; that of oine chief was Dalton, " Ethnology building of 2(50 to 300 feet in length, and occupied of Bengal," "the centre and highest position in the village as p. 39. the manor house." Dalton addlsthat the great chiefs had "chairs or rather stools of state on which they and their sons sit; the rulei's stool being"the hilhest, that of the heir apparent a step lower and the otlher members of the family lower still." CaptainiBrodie in 1841 found a (Chanigneye)chief to whom all the Ndgdasbetweeni the Deko and Jeypore looked as their head, " that is they pay tribute called chace consisting of some grain cloth &c., but beyond his own Dwar [viz., pass] I do not find that he has any real power or influence."3 Two otlher instances of a chlieftaincy exertinlg limnited powers miiay be quoted from a Report of 1854. Capt. Holroy(d gives a cuiriously comiplex description of Nciga governnment:-Each clani is ruled by its council, and no imlpoltant measure concerning the welfare of the clan [is] unidertaken without the I J. G. Frazer, " Golden Bough," i, chap. ii. 2 J. G0.Frazer, "Golden Bough," quoting Diodorus Siculus, "Bibl. Hist." i, 70. "'"India Office Records." MS. Report of Capt. Brodie, Sept. 15, 1841. ? 10. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 170 G. A. GODDEN.-Nagd,and other conseiit of the elders. The president is called Khoubao, and the deputies Suiidekee and Khonsaie; all constulMills, Report on the tations are held in the Morung or hall of justice, Province of and no operation undertaken, till it has beenicarried Assam, 1854, by the votes of the council. The title, and position M, p. cxiii. of Khoubao is hereditary, the eldest son invariably succeeding to the authority. Tlhe Khoubao receives all emlbassiesreplyinig thereto on his own aut;hority or after constultation with liS council, and in fact may be looked upon as the mouth-piece of the people. Still the power of the chief is paramount in all matters of life and death and the punishment of offences committed by aniy of his clan.' The other case of a limited chiefship menitioned by Capt. Holroyd is that of a " Chaniguoe" chief who aspired to a general control over all the tribes between what he spells as the " Boree iDehing" and " Dekhioo" rivers; but it did not appear that the offerings mnadebv tlhe other chic's were considered as a mark of subjection, but simply a customiithat had prevailed fronmthe fact of the other chiefs all being descended in some way or other from the Changauoefamily. (Tliis looks like a later report of the Changney cliiefship menitioned by Brodie in 1841.) Here the position of the chief was apparently based simply on priority of kindred. Leaving these older records we find one tiibe recently described as distinlguished from otlher tribes of the Naga Hills district by the possessioni of hereditary village (Sema's.) chiefs. "These clhiefs."Mr. Davis writes in 1891, "have many privileges, i.e., their subjects cut their jhgas and cultivate them for them for nothing; they get a portion of A. C. R., every animal killed in the chase, and generally are 1891, p. 246. in a position far superior to that of an ordinary Ndga headman. These chiefs invariably have three or four wives, and usuially large families. It is the custom for the sons as they grow up to start new villages on their own account." A nmarkeddifference bas been asserted to exist between the social systemil of certain Westerni and Eastern 1 Capt. IHolroyd. Mills' Report, Appendix M, p. exiii. This accoiunt is confirmed in a paper by Mr. S. E. Peal, written thirty years later, describing a visit to the Naga Hills. " A Sowdongrand a Huiidekai both of whom I knew well, were here waiting for our arrival. A 'Sowdong' is a sort of travelling deputy to the Rajah (by 'RAjah' Mr. Peal seems to mean the chief of the tribe); and a ' Hundekai' is a resideentdeputy, and is of a higlher grade. The highest next to the Raijaband his family is a 'Khu'nsai,' and there is one to eaclhvillage." When Mr. Peal's party were passing on to see the village of Longhiong, the Khunsai of that place, who had met thenmoni the road, gave theimihis formal permission to proceed, " this we had omitted to wait for, but it seenis to be considered by them neeessarv." S. E. Peal, "Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal," vol. xli, p. .1. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes of North-East India. 171 Nagas,I powerful chiefs being ascribed to the latter, whereas in the former district the chief's authority would be almost nil. Captain Butler, Deputy Coimmissiolnerof the NagA Hills, did not attach weight to this difference. In a paper of 18'73, he says, "1I am myself, however, rather sceptical on this point, and aiyi inclined to believe that the Naigadnowhere really accepts a chief in our seniseof the term." He proceeds to describe as clhiefs miiengiven poNer by popularity, " leaders of public opilnionl," nominally the heads of clans. "The Governmenitof every Nagdi tribe with whom I have had intercourse is a purely deniocratieal one, anidwhenever anythiing of public importance has to be undertakeln,all the Chiefs (both old aind y oung) ineet tog,ether in solemn conclave, . . . as to aniy one single Chief exercisiig absolute control over his people, the thing is the Lulhupas, accordiig to Dr. ulnheard Ofh"2 Ainoig Brown, each village fornmeda republic of its ownl, Brown, p. 39. alnd there were nio principal chiefs. Oii the other haiid hie describes the Mao tribe, witlh its twelve villages, as uniderone clhief; frolmieach lhouisethe chief received G. H. one basket of rice. Mr. Ia)amantspeaks of a tribe, Daiiiant., " Jour. R. to the north-east of Mailipu'r, wlho inhabited ten As. Soc.," villages all under one chief. I1.s.,Vol. xii. That lnominal hereditary village chiefs existed witlhin the Naga' village inclosure is evident; but of the nature of their office we are left much in the dark. Surer grounid is reached wheni we tujrnto the functiolns of the elected rulers. Elected Julers.-Tbe elected heads of the Naa's are called by Sir James Johnstone Puemahs; he says that they Jolinstone, " My Experi- often remain in ofMcefor years and are greatly reences in specte(, thloughiliable at anly tilmieto be displacecl; Manipur," "they are in theory onilyprim-tus inter pares." Four p, 28. Mackenzie, or five middle-aged men wlhohad earned a repuitation p. 401. as warriors auidecl to some extent one of the eastern claiis. The olnly constituted authoritv founidby Stewart amonig the Nagas of North Kacliar was that of the council of elders Aitcheson, Brodie, quoted by Butler, Sir A. Mackenzie, " Nortli-Ea-t Frontier of Bengal," p. 86;. Dalton, 1872, pp. 39 and 42, speaks of the Nagas east, of the Doyang river as " divided into great clans under hereditary clhiefs who appear to exereise great influence over their peoplo." He infers f orn St3wart that west of tlle D)oyang no ehiefs are acknowledged. The passage in Daltoni on p. 39, as to diverging polity, religion, ainidcustoms reqaires a miiapin the author's spelling to be intelligible. A passage in Mr. Aitcheson's " Treaties" is somewhat at variance with the account of the Sem's in the " Assam Census 1891, and onmitsto notice the Angami nominal but hereditary chiefs. He says: "Unlike the Angadmis,Semhs, anid Lhot as, wvho are intensely democratic in their social eco0nomy,many of the eastern Nflgd a'ppar to acknowledge the aiithority of Raijas alid minior chiefs among themselves." Aitelcson. 1892. Vol. i, p. 2tO. X Butler, quoted by Mackenzie, p. 86. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 172 G. M. GODDEN.-Nd6g and other who settled petty disputes and property disacrreements,anid the moderate authority of a "Gaon Butra"' or village Stewart, " Asiatic spokesman, some elder appointed, not always for life, Society of a reputation for superior wisdom or by the through Bengal," 1855, xxiv, influence of wealth; but as he overlooked the existp. 609. ence of the nominal Angadmichiefs his observation may have been at fault elsewhere. In the Rengma tribe a village counicil of elders settled all trivial offences, imposing fines on the culprits. Among the Angaimis the vilMills, p. cxxix. lage councillors settled matters of war and revenge, and admiiinisteredfines for petty crimne. The stateinent by Capt. Holroyd that the Khooubaoor president of a clan council hel(d office by hereditary right is noteworthy. The democratic niatureof the Nagag society is emphasised in the latest accounLtwe have. Mr. Davis, in the Census R]epprt for 1891, says of the Ao tribe, " each village amongst the Aos is a small republic, and each mian is as good as his neighbour, indeed, it would be hard to find anywhere else more A. C. R., 1891, p. 243. thoroughly democratic comtmrunities. Headmen (tcitdr) do exist, b;ut their authority is very small." The only Naga tribe in which lie finds headmen with any real power is that of the Sema, whose prominienithereditary villag,e chiefs lhave already been noticedl. On the whole it may be concluded that the Naiadgovernmiient consists in the decisions of a council of chosen members of a village, wlho confer on matters of public importaince,alndwho admninister puniishment for crine; and in the persons of hereditary chiefs who exercise some rights and show some signs of primitive royalty, but who take little active part in the political anld social administration. It inay be conijectured that in former days the chliefs reiglned suprenle over each khel, by primitive right divine, and as descenidants of the ancestors whose niamethe khels bear, and that as the klhels gathered into village enclosures the civil power of the chiefs declined before the practical needs of selecting, the fittest advisers for the cormmunity; and that out of this decline one or two of the iiore potent survived with partial power. But till we have mnoredetails, especially as to the iinter-khel rules of precedence and as to the genealogies of the nominal clhiefs, this must be merely surmise. Central Authority.-No record is forthcoming of any general authority, whether of an individual chief or of a leading village, among the Naga tribes. The Report of 1854 describes the Ndgadsfroin the Northern Kachar to the extreme eastern point of Assam as having no comnmonbond of union; "each villag(e I For GAon biuta, rcad bArha an old man. (Eindi.) This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fr ontier Tribes of North-EcastIndia. 173 hlas a democratical government of its own, ancl each would reign distinct over its own bill and adjacent culturable lainds, but that alliances have been forced upon them by the power and conquest of larger villages or been sought for to protect the wealkervillages against the stronger. The onfederation (sic) thus formed are however sm.lld, and are generally connected with some Dowar or passage through the hills to Assam or Ava, the mo-nopoly of the trade by which they endeavour to secure for themselves." Social Rules and Penalties.-The social rules and penalties by which individual life in a Naiga village is regulated include, prohibitions to marry within a man's owIn khel; amiong the eastern tribes, accordinloto Dalton, a prohibitioin to marry until a inan had won the right to have his face elaborately tattooed, a right not granted till he had taken a huiian scalp or skull, or shared in somie expedition in which scalps or skulls were taken; a strilngent obligation to perform the duties of blood feud, a murderer being liable to -punishmentat the hands of the (Angami and sulrvivilng relatives many years after tlje deed; a Luhupas.) punishment of death to the mianfor infriingement of the marriage law; and fines for theft (for which offeilce in one tribe death might be inflicted if the thief were (Luhupas.) " caiwyhtred-handed "), and for petty offences. The m-leansfor the prevention of crime within the Naga' comlmunities in the case of the Angadinitribe, and doubtless in others also, fall into two divisions, those offeuices liable to imimediatepunishmnentby the hand of the aggrieved persons; anid those adjudged by a counieil of elders. Murder comes witlhin the first category; "the relations of the Mills, p. cxlii. murdered person instantly, if possible, spear the murderer without reference to the council of elders." In case of infrinaement of the marriage law the injured husband speared the offender " on tlle first opportunity," it may be inferred without reference to any council. Thefts and other petty offences on the other hand were disposed of by the elders, who imposed a fine anid restoration of the property or its equivalent. Unfortunately this distinction of offences liable to individual justice, and those dealt with by the council, is only mentioned in one Report; more knowledge on this poirnt is much to be desired. The penalty for infringement of the marriage law was death among the Mao, Maram, Brown. and Luhupal tribes; among the latter the woman I The fullest account we have of the Luli ups Naga takes the Luhupas to be but a branclh of the "Tonkhul" tribe. rTld,i accoiiuit uas written in 1873, and giving the preference to Mr. Damatnt's later classification, all descriptions of Tonkbuls and Tangkools will be inserted here as applying to the Lullupa tribe; This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 174 G. M. GODDEi\.-Nag4 and other was never taken back by the iiijured huLsbandc.Na'aa'pullishments for theft included death, beating, and fines; on the other hand in two tribes it was of ordinary occurrence Mao and and lnot colisidered disgraceful. Lieut. Stewart in Marani. his account of the Nfg'Asof North Kachar finds the Brown. chief social restraint inl the system of blood feud, a system which seems to have penetrated the whole social structure. His account may be somewlhat exaggerated, and may fail to take into considerationi the oblig,ationlsof savage religion, but it is of valiie as showingr the impression made on ani observer by the Nagaa communities fifty years ago; and also for showing how thoroughly these communities were actuated by the sense of kinship. After speaking of the Naga inteinsefeeling for revenge, a revenge carried to extreme lengths for even triflino offences, he says, "This feeling is Stowart, p. 609. niot confined to individuals, buit taken up between commrutnities,an-d often by parties in one and the same comininity. Is there a quarrel between two Naaas of differenit villages, the dispute inevitably cauLsesbloodshed, and a feud is established between the villag,es of the two disputants, which nothing will assuage, and whliclh,in time as advantage offers, will find issue in some dreadful mYassacre. The NMoras are exceedingly treaclherous in ennmity,and brook no inisult. Ani insult given, it is a point of honotur to have blood-and blood shed by one party ealls for a like streamnon the part of the otber. When any differenice occurs between two nmen of the same villagTe,whliilh is rarely the case, each individual has hiisparty wlho cling to him and take up his quiarrel, not by any means froml a sense of justice, but from relationshipand a civil war enisues . . ." The result of this system Stewart found to be a reluctance to enter into quarrels which entailed conisequencesso disastrous, and hence a society " living irn general peace and honesty." He compares the action of the law of revenige as an efficient deterrent among, the clans of the Scotch Highlands somile150 years before the date of writing. The restraiilt of life governed by inexorable blood feuds these North Kachar Nagas by a quaint was miitig,atedanmongO custom. At stated times, oniee or twice a year, the wlhole village adjourned to some conveniient place, and a general mele'e took place, everyone fighting for his own band. No weapons were used, buit severe bruises and scratches resulted, yet these if further knowledge shows that the Tonkhu]s of Dr. Brown and the Tangkools of Major McCulloch are not synonymous with the Tangkhol sihbclivisionof the Lubupas of Mr. Damant, the error may perhaps be pardoned iin view of tribal perplexities recorded in apparently phonetic spelling. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fiontier Tribes of North-East India. 175 never gave ground for a quarrel, " whereas at other times the lifting of a hand would lead to a blood feud." This excellent system afforded vent for private grudg,es. Acfariage.-If the Naig rules providing for individual punishments were stringent, the rules that regyulate a tribesman's marriage are no less distinct. The elaborate and lengthy forms observed by the Angami at the present day will be found fully described in the account of that tribe; a central feature is the repeated eating together of bride and bridegroom,doubtless the confirmino act of union between themii. Amoilg tlle, Luhupas if the omens (taken by holding up a fowl and observing how it crossed its legs) were favourable, Brown, p. 40. parents or friends proceeded to arrange the prelirninaries. On the miarriage day two dogs, two dao6s,and liquor were presented by the parents of the bridegroom to those of the bride; and the bride's father then killed a pig which was eaten in the house of the bridegroom'sparents. After marriage the bridegroom lived for a few days in the house of the bride's parents, after which he was conveyed to his own house, and another feast of dogs anid fowls ended the proceedings. A bride-price was given for the wife. The Ltuhtupaswere said to be conspicuous for the amount of free wili exercised (presumnablv by tlhe younc couple) in their marriage arrangcrements. The Nata marriages of Northern Kachar incluided a Stewart, p. 614. present to the family of the bride, and a :feastto tlhe whole village; the village in returni built a house for the newly married couple. In the Renrnmatribe the consent of the girl was obtained as well as that of her parerlts, she having a right to Mills, P. cxxviii. refuse; the bridegroom according to his mneansgave fowls, dogs, and spirits to the parents of the girl selected; on the day of his marriage he gave a grand feast to the whole village, they' in return being obliged to present the pair with a new house in the village. Dalton describes the more Eastern Dalton, Nigas as muarrying comiparatively late in life, a p. 41. necessary coinsequenceof the tattoo condition already noticed; there was also a bride-price2 which often involved the youth in servitude, at the end of which he was provided for and set up by his father-in-law. A cuirious marriage omen occurs in the modern practice of the Mongsen branch of the Ao tribe. If a man's proposals have been favourably received, after thirty days the engaged couple go on a trading expedition Stewart, p. 610. I The wording of the Report is vague, but presumably it is the village and not the parents who supply the house. 2 The recent "Assam Census Report" mentions that a wifeA. C. R., 1891, pp. 247, 248. price is paid among the Lhota and Semi Naigais. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 176 G. M. GODDFN...-NtgL and other- for twenty days; if a fair profit be m-adethe omen is good andl the marriage arrancements are proceeded with, but if the results are unfavourable the match is at once broken off. About three months later. as soon as the house is ready for her reception, the girl is escorted to her husband's house by all her relations and friends. " A feast is given on that day, both at her house and at the house of her husband's people." For the first six nights after a womnangoes to her husband's house, six men anid six womnensleep in the houise with the newly married couple, the men, including the bridegroom,sleepinigtogether, the womiensleeping with the bride. It is of these Aos that we have a very recent account of what appears to be a survival of primitive marriace usage. Mr. Davis, Deputy Comnmissionerof the Naga Hills district, from whose report the following description is quoted, was not aware of the existence of similar customnsamong any other tribe in that district. The customs take place at the second of the three cllief festivals of the year, a festival held in August before the commencement of the harvest, and they fall into two parts. "The first of these," Mr. Davis says, " is the custoin during the three days the festival lasts of having ' tugs-of-war' between the A. C. R., 1891, p. 244. young men and unniarried girls of each khel. The ropes used are thick jungle creepers of great lengyth. The object of the girls is to pull the rope right outside the boundaries of the khel. This they are seldoin allowed to do, the youcng men generally pouncing down on the rope and dragging it back before it has been taken clean out of their ground. After dark the ropes are dropped, and the second portion of the tamas7habegins. The girls form into circles, holding hands, each khel on its own ground. They then begin a monotonous chant, at the same time circling slowly round and round. This dancing and singing go on for lhours,its monotony being only interrupted by what may be called raids by the young muenfrom a different khel. These come round with lighted torches, and having picked out the girls they consider most pleasing, proceed to carry them off by force. Such seizures, however, lead to nothing worse than drinking, the girls so carried off being obliged by custom to stand the young men free drinks." Widows.-Widows are allowed to marry avain in the Lhota and Ao tribes. In the latter if they marry before a A. C. R., 1891, p. 245 year has elapsed a fine is imlposed; the ruile with 8eq. regard to widowers is the same. Sema widows are widows allowed to remnarry. The Report of 1854 says that NMiga' lived in houses of their own, built for themaby the Mills, p. cxxxii. villagers. A. 0. R.) Report, 1891, p. 245. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 177 Frontier Tribes of North-East cindiac. Diirorce.-Divorce seems to liave been resorted to more or less frequelitly by the N.agittribes; among the Angainii the compeiisation to lhusband or wife varies with the cauise of A. C. R., 1891, p. 239. divorce, aindan old report of this tribe states that in. some cases a divorced woman mnightlive in a house, Mills, by herself and marry again. Amonlg the Aos a p. cxliv. woman who has been divorced for infidelity imaynot A. C. R., re-marry without paying a considerable fine to lher 1891, p. 245. forimer husband. With the Luhupas divorce was Brown, allowed, "but seldomiiresortecl to on account of its p. 40. great expenses." Tlle presenlt Lhota usage is of less A. C. R., ilnterest as the tribe seems to be placing itselC under 1891, p. 248. English adminiistration; marriages are described as made early alnclas almost eintirely matters of arrangenment,andl divorce cases are said to be very commoln in consequence; ntumerous cases for the recovery of inarriage expenses fronm ruuaway or divorced wives are brought before the divisional officer at Woklia. Amono the Seilias, women who leave tbeh&r husbanidsmerely because they do inot like them have A. C. R., 1891, p. 247. to repay their marriage price. Sliould they marry acrain without doing so a claim would lie againist their new lhusbands. A curious result of Naga' divorce is given by Johnstone, Sir James Johnstone: " Divorce canl be easilyr p. 33. obtained when there is an equal division of goods. Often a younngman takes advantage of tihis, and miiarriesa richl old widow, and soon divorces lier, receivingylialf her property, when he is in a position to nmarrya nice younn girl." Polygamy and Polyandry.-NNa'a usaae as regards polygamy BroA n, seems to have varied. It was occasionally practised p. 43. among the Luhupa Ndgads,and in rare instances Dalton. many wvives were kept. Under the heading o[ p. 41. " The Nagas of Upper Assam," Dalton wrote, " The A. C. R., Nagas confine themselves to one wife." At the 1891, pp. 239, 243 seq. present day the Aos anid,Angamis do not practise polygamy; the Lhotas permit it, but it is only in use amonog the rich; the Seinas allow it, btut do lnot as a rule practise it except in the case of headmen. The Na.;, triibes furnish some evidenlce on the relation of the espective numbers of meni anld woinen to polyandry. In discussing this sublject Mr. Gait, in the recent Assam Census Report, says, " until very recenitly female infanlticide w,ias practised amolngst several of the Ndagatribes, and there was in consequlencea great deficiellcy of wolmiell,but polyandry niev-er resulted fromiit."' Gait: "Assam Census Report, 1891," p. 120. VOL. XXVI. N This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions G. M. GODI)EN.--LV4gdand othur} 178 Child marriaqe.-The proportioll of child miarriage is exceedl-- ingly low amon)g the Ao and Angdinaitribes; the A. C. R., Luhupas and Nadagsof North Kachar were described 1891. Brown aind as not permitting marriage tunderage, and the latter Stewart. not till the couple were able to set up house on their A. C. R., ownl account; the Lhota girls are gen.erally married 1891, p. 248. wlhen thirteein or fourteen -yearsold. Among the hill tribes of the Naig,aHill district it is state(1 that iinmorality befbre marriage is usually within the k-hyel, that is betweeni persons wlho could not marry in 1891, p. 250. any case; the morality of- the tribes in this respect is iiot described as high. Infriingem-ient of the marriage law was Brown, pp. said to be ralre amiiongthe Luhupas and amloIng' the 40 and 35. (Manipuri) Angami women. Robinson speaks of the Naigaisas havilng onily one wife, " to vhom they are stronglv attached and of whose chastity they appear very jealous. The wormienl. . . are said to be distinguislhedfor the correctlnessof their behaviour.'' The position of the wife amiiongthe more Eastern Naga's was good, according to Thilton; she had to work hard, but was otherwise well treate(d and shared with her husband in atl festivities anidsocial amusei-ments. Birth customs.-We have not much record of birth customs. Secluisionof the mtiotheris noticed amnongthe Anaamlitribes, alnd Brown, pp. with the Luihupas a customli of placin,g rice in the -34anid39. moutil of the liewly borii child recalls a Kuki usage. With the Luhupas oni the birth of a clhild, whetlberboy or (irl, fowls were sacrificed and the womenionly of the village treatedl to liquor. The child immediately after birth lhad Brown, pp. 39-40. chewed rice placed in its moutlh, ail(l was iimiersed in almost boilina water, a treatmienit" supposed to render the fromi -hlild hardy, and prevenit it in after-life from sufferingC, pains about the back and loilns." T'hiemiother wvaswrapped in hot, water blankets till failntness enisued; this was rEpeated two or tlhreetinmes,and ointhe I3hirdday the wom-an was allowed to go about as tusual. With the Luhupas, the ea.r-borin-(of childreni was often done collectively, on account of the (,reat expense in Brown, p. 40. feastinlg involved thea-in. If twilis were bornlthe Naiais lheldit advisable to dlestroybotlh " Assam Ad. infants, according to ani official report of 1878-9. Report," Ailmo the NdT,i cases tiied in the S;ibsaC,trdistrict 1878-9. that year. " Th-eoinlycase of initerest,as exliibiting( A. C. R., 1 Robinson's ' Assam,' p. 389. 1Mr.Peal inidicates morality, ad modestv as attributes of tlle "Naigainis," i.e., pl esumably \a'sa women. Peall, "Jour. Asiatic Soc. Beilgal," vol. xfi, p. 19). This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier 1'Thibes of North-East India. 179 the tenacious persistence of savage custoins, was that of a Natga' of the Youingia tribe named Na4gpha,who was tried for exposinig anid abandoniing his infant children. This inan had lived for twelve years in the plains. He had been conifinedin the Sibsaigar Jail aS a political offen(ler, and after his release hald settled down in tlhe district, working at Jorhat as a sweeper, and had woman. His wife having given birth to twins, married a NaMcgi the parelntspromiptly threw away the newly-born inifants in the jung,le, according to the usual practice of the NMgus,amongi whom it is considered most unlucky to have two at a birth the father was much surprised at his conduct being, considered in any way reprehensible."' This incident, aiid the custom reported to be practised by the Nagas, is analogous to a Kafir custoUl of killing one of twinls, donieaiong, the Kafirs in order to preserve the life of the parents, especially of the father; tlhe Kafir belief being that the injuriotus influence supposed to be exerted by twilns, both of whom are allowed to live, may affect the father or miother,and if tle iinfluence does niot kill either of the parents, the twins will hi' each othlerby inducing mutual disease.2 Village young wten's hall and guard house.-Before leaving the Namga social customs one prominent feature of their village society nmustbe noticed. This is the dekigachang,an inistitutioni in sonle respects similar to the bachelors'hall of the Mlelanesialns, which again is compared with the bazlai, and otlher puiblic halls, of the Malay Archipelago. This buildinig,also called a Jiforang, was used for the double purpose of a sleeping place for the ,young mlen,amidas a guard or watch house for the village.3 The customii of the young meni sleeping together is onie that is constalitly nioticed in accounts of the Nac,ia tribes, and a like customl prevailed in some, if niot in all cases for the G. H. girls. Mr. Dainant, in a paper oii North Kdcbar, I)amant, " Calcutta says of the Naiaa's, "only very youil( cl)ildren live Review," vol. enitirely witl their pareents"; the young lunmarried lxi, r. 93. boys anid girls of the Lubihua Naiias were descuil'e as sleeping iii separate hotuses apart; amiiongthe SeminN;igMms at the presenit day, bachelors usually sleep together Brown, iii separate h1ou1sesbuLtthese are liSketh, on(linary p. 39. A. C. R., villagoelhouses,aind are only use(l by the youg' mnen 1891, p. 247. at ni0ht, and the unmiaariiedgoirls sleeq, together bythrees and(lft-irs in the froint compartment of cert'ain lhonises. \Il. Daniant in the paper inienitioeLedabove, says : " the wvolmen I As' Aqsain Administration * Rteport,"1878-9.. 1I B., p. 11. Bishop Calflaway, " Journal of the Anthropological Society," July, 1S6(0, p. cxxxvnt. 3A-ccordinft to Steriart dekhab = voulng imen (p. 613). This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 180 G. M. GODDEN.-N4qdg and other G0.H. have also a house of their own called the dekhi Damant, chan-g, wvherethe unlmarried girls are supposed to " Calbutta live"; in an official report of a tour in the North vol. Review," lIi; and Kacliar Hills in 1875, he notes of a large Nag " Report, &c.,villae, in the hills, " I saw a Dekhi chanig here for' on Tour in the first time. All the unimiarriedgirls sleep there North Cachlar," at nig,ht; but it is deserted in the day. It is inot 1875-6. nuch different from any ordilnaryhouse." The youno men's hall is variously described and narmied. Anl article in the " Journal of the Indiani Archipelago," 1848, says that amongothe Na'gis the "bachelors' hall of the Dayak village is found under the nanmeof Mooring. In this all the boys of the age of nline or ten years upwards reside apart."' In a, " are described as larrgebuildings report of 1854, the " morungDs generally situated at the principal entiainces, and varyMills) p. cxiii. ing in number accordingyto the size of the villahe; "they are in fact the main gruard-house,and here all the young(r unmarried miien sleep; in front of the morung is a raisedI platform as a look-out, commandingtani extensive view of all approaches, where a Naga' is always kept on dtity as a seltry; in each Morungi;, is a large scooped out tree wvitha longitudinal openingt,at the top, extenldint nearly from end to enid and about three ilnches wide, this is used for sounding the alarm aind collecting the warriors together, or on other grand occasions, it is struck with a woodelIn mallet." . . . "In the Moruing.; are kept tlhe skulls carried off in battle., these are suspended by a string along the wall in one or more rows over each other. Tinone of the Morulngsof the Cbanguzevillage, C(aptain Brodie counted one hiuindredand thirty skulls, . . . besides these there was a large basket full of brokeni pieces of Akulls."2 Captain Holroyd, from wh-iosememorandum the above is q4ioted, speaks later of the iMorung,as the "hall of justice, " in which- thie colnsultations of the clan council (already described) are held. Thirty years ago, the loractnq, or bachelors' lhouise,of aln See A. C. R., Ao village was described by Colonel Woodtliorpe, 1891, p. 242. in his " Report of the Survey Operations in the Nai',.i Hills for 1874-5," as a large building, dividecl inlto two parts by a low division ; one lialf, the young, miieni'ssleeping place, vas floored and contailned a lhearth, tlim other lalf was -unfloored. The principal uprihlits were carved with largGe figures of m-len,elephants. tigers, lizards, &c., rouglhlypainitecl witlh black, whvite, anid reddish brown. ArrangcedrotulCl tlle walls were skulls of miielnalnd animilals, andctskilfuil imiitationis of the formner capable of passima at a little distalnce for I"Journal of thle Indinn Archipe'ago, 1848." 2 Mills' "Report," Cxiii; the punctuation IT, p) 234. is left as in tlhe original. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Trdbbesof NorthB-EastIndia. 181 weal skulls. " Tlhe ridge of the morang projects a few feet in front, and is orniamenitedwith small straw figures of men and tufts of straw ." Near the ZIorang would be an open :hed in whiclh stood the big drum, formed of a lhollowed trunk, and elaborately carved, generally to represent a buffailo's head, painted in front ("after the manlner of a figutre-head of a ship "), and furnished with a straight tail at the other end. The drum rested on logs, anld was soulnded by the fall of a heavy piece of woo(dand by beating with clubs.' The moraqtns of aiiotber tribe, tlle " Naked " Naga, A.-C.R., 1891, p. 216. lhave beelnrecently described as situated close to the village gate, alnd conisist of a cenitral hal], and back and front verancdahs. In the large front verandall are collected all the trophies of war and the clhase, " from a man's skull down to a moiikey's." Along both sides of the central lhallare the sleeping berths of the YOUngYmen; the centre space, flooredwitlh muassive planks, is left open and used by the braves for their dances. From these accounts we see that tlle :Na'a lor9angwas used tas a sleeping place for the young mleni, as a relic house for the collection of skuills takeii in battle and of animal skulls takeln in the chase, as a dancing-place for the " braves," as a council hall in which the clan council met for consultation, and as a guard-house. Speakina of the Mao and Mluramntribes, Dr. Brown says, -" the youing men inever sleep at home, but at their clubs, where they keep their arms always in a state of readiness." Tllis club aspect of the institution is well sh1own in Mr. Damant's account of it as existing aiilogl the Ndgds of North Kaiclhiar. At each -end of the G. IT. villaye,2 generally on the higlhest point of land, Damant, 4"Calcutta stood a dekkiachang, aind if the village was lar,e Review," there was occasionally a third in the miiddle; the vol. hxi. building was a kind of guard-lhouise,where all3 the young mene of the place kept watchI at night, anid spent the greater palt of the day. It was built like the other houses, bulta good deal lai crerand hiaher; in fronitwere raised seats where the ,greaterpart of the villagfe assemlbledin the cveiiing anld drauln rice-beer,while the young meni practisedt runninig(and jumping and putting the stolne, of wlich they were very fonid. Inside it was fitted up witlh belnches in two sqtaares,alnd in the miiiddle of eaclh a fire was constantly burning. Weaponis were rangred B3rown, P. 31. I R. W. Woodthorpe, Survey Report, Naga Hills, 1874-5, quoted in A. C. R., 189)1,p. 2412. 2 'lTlerecent " Assam Census Report, 1891," says of thle Lhota Naags, "1the Morangs or bache],rs' houses are conspicuous at each end of the village." 3 " All " is doubtless an error for the night guard set from amiongthe youno men of the village. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 182 G. M. GODDEN.-Ndgdand other round the walls, and fastened to the rafters were iinnumerable skulls of buffaloes, metnas, and wild boars which had been killed in the chase or sacrificed; from the rafters hung a basket full of drinking cups and ladles. In the back-grounld there were generally a few pigs, alnd two old womeni perpet,ually grinding rice flour for the mnanufacture of beer. The deklia chang was al,so used as a guest houise for friendly strangers. In this paper, perhaps referring onily to Nortlh Kachar, Mr. Darnant speaks of the dekha chang as the great institution of a Na'ga'village. Among tlle Alngami the custom for the young men to sleep in a house or houses apart was continued for one year after marriage; and among the Marams, according to Dr. Browln, " the married lmlen even Brown, p. 31. sleei) at the resorts of the bachelors, a custom resuilting from their sense of insecurity from attack." With the Aos at the present day the custom se.ems to be becoming obsolete; sleeping hoiuses are provided for A. C. R., 1891, p. 243. bachelors, but are seldom used except by small boys. Unmnarriedgirls sleep by twos and threes in hoouses otherwise empty, or else tenanted by one old womal. The analogy between the -Dekha Chang, or Ioforang,of the Nagas and the men's hall of the Melanesians is too close to be overlooked, aind in view of the significance of all evidenice concerning the corporate life of early commuinities a description of the latter is here quoted. I am aware of no recorded instance of the women's house, other than these Naga examples. "In all the Melanesian groups it is the rule that Codrington, there is in every village a building of public character " Melanesians, where the men eat and spend their time, the youinb p. 102. men sleep, strangers are entertained; where as in the Solomoln Islands the canoes are kept; where images are seen, and from which women are generally excluded,. and all these no doubt correspond to the balai and other public halls of the Malay Archipelago."' Individual Property in Land and Inheqitance.-Individual property in land is recogyised among the Angdictniof the Nag-ci Hills district, and a nmarriedwomian is allowed the Infrca s.V. AngLrmis. possession of property in lanid in her own right; the Sonls receive their slhare of the father's landed property at marriage; Llrunmarried soins receive equal shares after tlle among father's death.2 A very different system was obser-vJed the Luhupas. Oni the eldest son of a family marrying, the parents were " obliged to leave their house with the remailnder 1 Codrington, " Melanesians," p. 1102. A. C. R., 1891, pp. 240 and 250. The Report does riot make it quite clear whether the equialshares refer to landed or othelrprmperty. 2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier nribes of North-East I,idia. 183 of their family, the son who had married taking, twothirds of the parents' property, not only of the houLselhold, but of his father's fields, &c." Occasionally the parenitswere recalled and allowed to remiiainfor somnetiimie, but evenitually they had to leave anidthe property was clainmed and divided as above stated. When the parents were well off they provided a house beforehand. The same process mighit be iepeated again anld again as the sonis married, but according to usual custom the parents might returni to the house of the eldest son, after several repetitiolns. MeCiilloch says of the " Tangkool " that, " on the MeC(ulloch, pp. 66 & 68. marriage of his son, the father becomes a person of secondary imiiportancein the house, and is obliged to remove to the front part of it." Of the Luhupas he says the parents and family had to move from their house on the marriage of both the eldest and second sons. The following note given by Mr. Davis, in the A. C. R., 1891, p. 250. recent Assa In Census Report, concerning the presenit state of property in lalnd in the NadgaHills district, deserves quotation in full: " Private rights of property in land are the rule amongst all the tribes in this district, except the Kukis, Mikirs, and p)laills Relngma's,i.e., the migratory tribes. That private rights of property in land are niot recognised amongst these tribes is due to the fact that they are in no way pressed for land, the villages being smnalland uncut jungles extensive. When,, however, we come to tribes like the Alngamis, Lhota's, and Aos, who live in perman-ent and large villages, and amongst whoiimland is none too plenitifuil,we find that the rights of individuals to property in lalnd are well known andl well recognised, and the rules as to inherit-anceand partitioln of such property settled by strict customary law. A-nmongstthe Anoadmis land, specially permanent terraced cultivation, is freely sold and bought, there being no more difficulty in selling a terraced field than in selling a pig or a cow. Amongst the otlher tribes the custom of letting out land is largely nRs. 3 to Rs. 5 for a field (jhum) practised, a relnt varying from large enough for the support of a lhouselholdbeing the asual aiyount charrgedfor the use of lanid for two years."' 13rown (Luhupas), p. 40. G. IT. extraordinary village rule is nmentioned by NOTE.-An Damant. Mr. Damanit, in speaking of the NAgAs of the Northerni " Calcuttta Kachar Hills: "Each village has its own boundaries, and Review," they exact rent from any other Nagas who may veniture to vol. lxi; and joonm[jhfim] within their lilmits, though they do not interfere Report on or Cacharies." In a Report of 1876, with Kookies tour in Nortb on a tour in [Kukis] the North Kachar Hills, Mr. Damant says Kachar Hills, that among the N6gas each village onily jhfims within its own 1876, ? 7. limits. I "As am Census Report, 1891," p. 250. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 184 G. M. GODDEN.-NdYd acndother Slavery.-We have but little information as to the existence of slavery among the Nagas. Among the Aos it is said to A. C. R., have been universal. Slaves were not infrequently 1891, p. 244. paid by one village to anotlher to make up a quarrel, fand as a kind of compensation for heads taken by them. "Slaves paid in this way were invariably slaughtered by the village wvhichreceived them, as an offering to the spirits of the milenoni their side who lbadbee,n killed." Female slaves were iiot allowed to marry or lhave children, and are not tattooed. Slavery was unknowni amiong one or more tribes according to ]3rown, pp. Dr. Brown. He describes the Luhllupasas violentlyv 30 and 42. opposed to it.. An instance of their hatred of the practice is given in the action of a father wlho being unable to release his children who Lad been captured in resistaniceto the State of Mlanipurand sold as slaves, camiiedown the hills, slew them both, and carried away their heads. Oatths.-The value of a Naga' oath is variously estimated. The oath of the Sema'sof the present day is said to A. C. R., 1891. p. 247. be untrustworthy; this tribe are also accused of having had a disregard for the law of hos'pitality amiounting to the killing of a well received guest, when off his guard, without compunctioni. On the other hand Mr. Dainant, G. Hf. Dan ant, while on tour in 187?5-6, was much struck with the 1875-6. extreme respect shown for an oath by some North IKachar Naga's; the people of a certain village declining to accept an offer made by another village of nmeetingtheir demands in full, on condition of the claim being made on oath, by reason of inability to state quite exactly the amount of damage done.' alttoo.-The use of tattoo among the Nagas is another of the many poilnts on wvhich we have just enough informnationto make us wish for miiore. An incident mentioned by Mr. Peal, writing in 1872, indicates that the tattoo was a means by which neighbouring tribes, separated by the diversity of languages which obtained among them, recognised one another: " Wheni once with a number of Balnparas[Nagas] on the road, a large party of Nagas passed, and as neither party spoke, I asked who they were. I was pointed out their hill, anid on asking why they did not speak, they said they would not understand one another. This I thought a good opportunity to try them, and told them to call them in Naga and asl who they were. On being called to, they all turined round, and stopped, but said nothing; I then made them call again; but to no purpose, the other party sinmplyjabbered together in twos and threes, aldi on calling them a third time as to where they were goina, tlley l G. H. Damnant," Official Diary of Toutrin North Kachar Hills," 1875-b'. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tiibes of North-East India. 185 shouted out a lot of N"igciwlhich my fellows could lnot nmake out. Both parties passed on, unable to exchange a word, though living within a few miles of each other. A few words did pass, but they were Assainese. I asked how they knew the men, and they said 'by their alk,'or tattoo marks."'' The old records of 1842-4 say that most of the tribes in that north-eastern part Mackenzie, of the Naiga country lying between the Bori Dihung p. 86. and Dikliu rivers had their faces tattooed with distinctive marks. Among the Aos of the present day the men are not tattooed. The wornen are tattooed on face. neck. breasts, arms, and legs. The tattoo on the face is slight and confined to four vertical lines on the chin; these are the same for both the Chungli and Mongsen sub-divisions of the Aos.2 The other tattoo marks are different for either sub-division, the difference in pattern on the arms and calves of the leg being very noticeable. Besides the use of tattoo as a mark of a man's tribe, it was, a.s we have seen, the sign of a successful head-taking which permitted a man to rnarry. Mr.. Damant says of G. H. Damant, the mnoreEastern Naga's that "most of the tribes Jour. R. Asiatic Soc., tattoo; the tattoo, ' ck,'as it is called, not being giveln Vol. xii, n.s. except to men who have killed an enemy." Referring to Naigai Hills usage Mr. Peal speaks of social position as dependinigon tattooing, the tattoo being onilywon by bringing in the head of an enemy; the man who brought in a head was no longer called a booyor a woman, and could assist in Peal, Jour. councils; it was said that he seldom went out again on Asiati(, Soc., a raid. " The head he brings, is handed to the Rajah, Bengal, vol. who confers the ' ak,' or right of decoration by tattoo, xli, p. 20. at which there is great feasting." All those who got heads WOlI the aik on the face; those who got halnds and feet had marks accordingly, for the former on the armis, for the latter on the legs. Mr. Peal adds that no two tribes liad marks alike, and somlleeven did not tattoo the face. Tattoo thlus seems to have been the sig,nof full membership in the tribe; not till a man had shown his efficiency as a fighter ight he wear the tribal badge or take the positioni of a married manl. A. C. R., 1891, p. 243. S. E. Peal, " Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal," xli, p. 28. Although the tattoo is partially alike it may be noticed that the dialects of the Chunigli and Mongsen are so dissimilar as to be practically differenltlanguages. A. C. R., 1891, p. 241. I 2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions l186 G. M. GOI)DEN. l\ATdg4( andclother RELIGION. Sonie clear forms of primitive ritual aind belief emiiergefrom the meagre accouLntswhich are at present our only record of the religion of the Naicra' race. i'lhat record is inicomplete at every tuLrn;only one observer gives a named list of gods; yvearlyfestivals are passed by with a hasty word; anidscarcely ani attempt has been miiadeto arrive at the convictions which underlie the active ritual of a people whose lives are conditioned by their supposed relations with spiritual forces. Chief Deity.-There is little evidence as to whether the Nagas do or do not believe in any supreme deity. A belief in a supreme creator called Terhopf(' or Kepenopf6 is ascribed, in the late Assam (Census Report, to the A. C. R.) 1891, p. 241. Angahni of the presen)t day, and twelnty years ago a partial if not general Angcmlnlbelief in a supremnebenevolent deity, who dwelt onatie highest hills, was recorded. Amiiong) this tribe Sir Janies olohnstonefound a " vague Sir J. inidefinite belief" in a beneficent supreme being, in Jolnstone, p. 32. comiimonwitlh most of the bill tribes witlh which lhe Brown, w-as acquainted. The Luhupas, according to Dr. p. 41. Brown, believed "il one supreme deity, who is of a benevolent disposition, aindwlhoinhabits space." Robinson says of the Naigas, " They seem to have a perception that there miiust be sonie universal Cauiseto whomiall things are indebted for their being. They appear also to acknowledge a Divinie Power to be the Maker of the world, alnd the Disposer of all events: Hinm they delloiniilate the Great Spirit. Their-ideas of him, lhowever, are faint and confused; alnd of his attributes, they are entirely ignor,ant."1 On the other handI Stewart found nonie aimong,the various deities acknowledged by the North Kachar Stewart, p. 611. IN ga's to whom creation was ascril)ed, " the universe being pre-existent to their gods, and reimiaiining ninaccountedfor." Furtlher infornmationiwould probably slhow belief in a distant first cause, remote from the affairs of living men.2 VaqriousGods or Spirits.-No uncertaiinty hanigs over the Naig,,i beliefs in the power of the uinseen a(encies who cause sickness, and give prosperity, to -whose favouir riches are due, NNhosedwelling is in the unlCUtjungle, or rocks, or water, before whose presence oIn a day of sacrifice all evil spirits must be 1 Robinson, Assani, p. 396. ;' Mr. W. Crooke considers that there may possibly be Vaishnava influence in anv belief in a single suprem-nedeity among any of these Maga or Kuki tribes. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes of North-East India. 187 (Iriven froimthe village, and who are challenged for the death of a tribesman with curses aindwar cries. Many gods or spirits, eaclh with power to give Mills, 1854, P. cxlii. prosperity and suiecess, or to iniflict sickness and calamity, dwelt in the Angaamibfills; to these the people sacrificed cows, inithun (wild cow), dogs, cocks, anidliquor. The Nagas of North Kachar were characterised by Mr. Damaint as a very religious people, doing nlothing of imporG. H. Damant, tance without sacrificiniga fowl or pig, or offerinlgup " Calcutta some eggs or beer. We are indebted to Lieutenalnt Review," Stewart for a niamedlist of the gods of this district. vol. lxi. "The first personiin their mythology is ' Semeo,' the Stewart, P. 611. god of riches, to whom all those who seek wealtlh make sacrifices." He was supposed to inflict suddeni reverses of fortune alnd sicklness on those who havingo,wealtlh did not sacrifice to hin; large aninals were reserved for him. "Kuchimpai" was the god of the liarvest, as well as olne possessing general influence over humani affairs; to hiim sacrifices were made of goats, fowls and eggs, and prayers were offered for the prosperity of the crop. Amolngthe m-lalignantdeities " Pupiaba" had the first place ; to his displeasure all the misfortunes that may fall on men were ascribed; offerillns of dogs and pigs were made to appease his wrath; in appearance he was supposed to be fierce and ungainly, with one eye in the midst of his forehead. Rupi6ba had anlassistant in a fierce blind god named " Kangniba"; he was worshipped at cross roads where passers-by piled up his propitiatory offeriings,generallyconsisting of a few comlmonleaves. Stewart says this is because he cannot distinguislh the value of his offerings; "wbhenifowls are sacrificed to this god, a very small fowl indeed is selected, anidplaced in a large basket at the appropriate place. The blind god feeling the size of the basket, takes it for granted that the contents are commensurately bulky, aniddeals his favours accordingly !)" Brown, The Luhupas believed in a deity of evil dispositioni p. 41. who resided betweeniheaven and earth, and in wlhose hands was the power of death. Of the Rengmas, the old Report of 1854 tells us, " Like other hill tribes, they acknowledge the Mills, power of a plurality of gods, and sacrifices of cows, p. cxxviii. pigs and fowls are oflered on all occasions." The Aos of the present day are described as having an A. C. R., intense belief in the powers of certain spirits,' whiclh 1891, p. 244. reside usually in rocks, pools of water, and streamls. " Two of the most well knowii stones in which reside Deos are I Characterised in the Census Report as " evil"; in what sense is not stated. In connection with primitive ethics it may be interesting to note that in several languages of this frontier (Manipuri, Kachari, Ao Nag'a, Lhota Naga, This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 188 G. M. GQDDEN.-Nay4 cradother the Lungpalung, close to Lungpa villaae, and the Changehanglungr,between the villages of Dibua and Woromong. Sacrifices are regularly offered to these stolnes b_ythe villages niearthem." The Angaimi have been recently described as ITnfra, s.v., Angrnmi. believing in " evil " spirits (see note 1 p. 187) residing in rocks, trees, and pools of water. Sanctity of Forests and Trees.-The salnctity attached to forests appears in the, solemn rites enacted by the Naiga'sof North Kachar, before burnin2 the newly felled wood. The "Genna " mentioniedin the followina description is a A. C. R.) 1891, p. 249. ritual cutstom, still common to Naigra and Kuki tribes, of placing a rigorous taboo on villages, clans (kheis), or individuals. " Before burninc newly felled patches Stewart, p. 612. of juulc for cultivation, it is the invariable custom to establish a Geinna. On this occasion, all the fires in the villag,e are extinguislhed, and a cow or buffalo being slain, they roast it with fire freshly kilndled by mneansof rubbirngtogether two dry pieces of wood, make sacrifice and eat, after wlhich they proceed in procession with torches lit from the -fresh fire to ignite the felled jungle." 1 Localised forest-dwellinag deities were recognised by the Nigas of this -district. "Certain parts of the G-.IT. Damant, forest," Mr. Daniant wrote, " are supposed to be the " Calc.itta abode of deities, and no traveller passes without Review," plucking a branch off the nearest tree and putting Vol. lxi. it on a large hleap of former offerings, which is surG. If. rounded by a number of egg-shells stuck on sticks, Danant, and bones of animals that have been sacrificed." Nadgdt Jour. B. was niotonly a thingcof the forest. Every Asiatic Soc., tree wN-orslhip vol. xii. n.8. village of thbewar-like Lhota tribe was described ill 1879 as conitaining a sacred tree to which the skulls Peal, Jouir. of victims were nailed. In describinig a visit to a Asiatic Soc. village of the easternl Naads, Mr. Peal says that the Benigal, fruit of village 'jack' trees wvassaid to be " religyiously Vol. xli. p. 13. respected." The jtiiacle .eemnsto have been regarded by the Angraini as a ancd Tamlu), the word for bad is merely the word for good used with the negative particle; i.e., not good = bad. Thus in Ao, ta-chung = good, and ta ma c/ung = bad (ta adjectival prefix, nti = not) ; and in Lhota, sf/ho= good, and 'mmho= bad ('n c not). The Ang'amiand Sema Nag'ashave separate words for "bad," but the word for good with the negative particle is as frequently used to express bad as the special words. See "Assam Census Report, 1891," p. 167. 1 Stewaxt, 612. See Dalton, "Ethnology of Bengal," p. 43. On p. 40, D.alton, speaking of the destruction of forests by the more eastemn Ngg says: "They appear to hiave no superstitious dread of the sylvan deities like the Abors to restrain them." This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier TFribes of North-East India. 189 dwelling place of the spirits which caused severe sickness, and also sudden deaths of animals. In sickness, offering was made of part of a fowl in the road, at evening, but if the sickness was severe, the fowl was taken into the jungle and left alive " as an offering to the living spirit" ; to olle spirit, the Mills, P. cxliii. offering would be killed and left in the jungyle. In case of sudden death of cows, or pigs, an invocation was addressed to the spirit " at the spot on which the cow was killed,"' in which it was reminided " this is not your residence, your abode is in the woods."2 Intercoursewith Gods and Spirits.-Only the most iniadequate evidence is available as to the relation's between the Nadogsand their gods and spirits. Intercourse, we gather, is carried on by means of sacrifice and onmens,and doubtless by invocation, as in the case of the wood spirit nmentionedabove. S fcrftJce.-Naag sacrifice is of that primiiitiveorder in whicli the rite is an act of uniting the worshipped and the worshippers by means of the great primitive bond of eating together; a fact of the utmost significance in appreciatingcthe religious position of these tribes. Spealkingof tribal beliefs, Mr. Gait says, summing up the main features " common to almost all the tribes" of the Assam frontier, "on all necessary occasions goats, fowls, and other animals are offered to the gods"; to these the blood and entrails belona, the flesh beini,gdivided amiongstthe sacrificer and his friends, aid thnepresiding "soothsayer" usually A. C. R., 1891, p. 1.3. gettinjg the chief share. This general statenment is corroborated by Stewart, whio says, writing:,forty years ago of the North Kaeliar Nga's, that to the gods little inore than the entrails and offal were apportioned, the remainder of Stewart, p. 612. the sacrifice being coiisumed by the petitioners. It is unnecessary to quote examples of the worlcl-wide rite of offering the blood, the velhicle of life to the primitive mind, to the god, while the material flesh is eaten by the worshippers. sacrifice, in which the god and his worshippers The comnmelnsal meet together in the partaking of a common offering, suggests a certain niearnessof the supernlaturalpresence, and the samieidea seenmscarried out in the curious village ritual of a " day of sacrifice " described by Mr. Dainant. InI an official diary of a tour in the North Kachar Hills, in 1875, he writes, " I was in a measure obliged to halt to-day, as the Nagas were holding a Kanang, or Ganang-i.e., a day of sacrifice,-and refused to go to Mljudnii, my next stagye, anid to h-ave compelled them wouild probably lhavecreated a disturbance. They said last niightthat the village 1 In the Report the reference may be to dcath by a tiger. 2 See infra, s.v. Angaimis. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 190 G(.M. GODDENT.-XAty andi other would be closed against everyone, including myself. I objected to this, and told them I should insist on goingainto the village whenever I pleased, though I would prevent any of my people ,oing while the worship was going on. After some demur they agreed to this. This miiorniing their " Hojai," as they G. H. call of the ponjee with the priest, caine to the gate Damant, Diary "Tour two other iiien, one leading a dog and the other in N. Kaelar scatteringograins of rice, the Hojai calling in a loud 'fills," 1875. voice, to all evil spirits to leave the place; the dog was brought out alnd sacrificed by beating it to death with clubs, and then taken away to be eaten. On these occasions they neither leave the village themselves, nor suffer anyone to enter it, and they will do no work." On passing another place which was holding a Kanang, Mr. Daniant found a lbid. fence built across the entrance to the village. Ueremnonial seclusionand taboo.-Tliis brings us to the custom of Genna, or the ceremlonial closing of a village or house, which seems to be enforced on occasions of special manifestation of supernatural power, or of intercourse between the gods and their worshippers. Tlhus a Gennia will be enforced during a village festival; during an unusual occurrence, such as an earthquake, or eclipse, or the btrnring of a village withini A. a. R., 1891, p. 249. sight of the village oni that account ceremonially closed;' according to Stewart, " Genna" was observed after corisultatioll of omnens to discover the deity to be Stewart, 1,. 612. worshipped in anyr special case,-" the villae,a is strictly closed for two days, the inhabitants abstaining from all labor, anid neither aoing out themselves nor permitting anyone to ernterduring that period," a prohibition doubtless intended to prevent the possible returni of the evil spirits so carefully expelled by the priest whom iMr. Damalntsaw at work; and " Genina" was iinvariablyestablished as we have seen Stewart. at the makiiingof new-fire by the village, accomnpanied by a coinmensal village sacrifice, before the burning of the newly fulled jungle. "During gennas affecting whole villages or khels no work is done. The people A. C. R., 1391, p 249 remain in their villages; outsiders are, by strict custom, not allowed into tlle villages, or, if allowed in, cannot be enitertained. Nothinig is allowed to be taken out of the village or brouglt ilnto it during the continluanceof a genna." M Damnant,in his official diary or' his " Tour in the North Kachar Hills," 3fr. 1875, writes. " Weiit oni to Nenglo . . . The N \gas did not give me a dance as usual, because a tiger lhadkille(d a rIietna and a kanauigwas beingfheld : it appears to mean a day devoted to poojahl-at any rate, they will do no work except what is absolutely niecessary,and will not stir out of the village if they can help it." This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions -FrontierTr-ibesof North-East Indic. 191 The custom affects niot only villages, or khels, but also sinogle lhouseholds. A household Genna occurs at the birth of a cllild, or if any domestic ainimal, such as a cow or do,(, brin!s forth youngy. "On such occasions nio outsider is allowed Al. C. R., 1891, p. 249. inlto the house, and food aind drink can be given to ino one, even the most intimate frienid." The Deputy Coimmllissionier of the Naiag'Hills, Mr. Davis, was himself refused a driink at a house because the house dog hadlhad puppies. MIr. Davis attributes two meanings to thle word: (i) it may mean practically a village holiday (as in the early reports, which (lescribe the )eople as refusing to work duringrthe "Taboo" period); (ii) Genna means anything forbiddeni. The old accouniitsof funeral rites evidently refer to a deatlh e,enna,when it is stated that, after the death of a mani of any standiing,inone of the inhabitants of a village quitted Alills, P. cxliii. it for three days; anid that for three or four days after a death tlie relatives do not leave the villaoe, neither dto other villaoers resort to tlhe village ini whiclh a deatlh lhas Oii the whole the "Jour. nd. occurred during that period. Arch." vol. ii, Naiadand Kuk-i Genna appears to be mtuclhthe salme p. 34, 1894. as primitive religious taboo.' The distinction between A. C. R., gennas affecting whole villages, khels onily, or sin(gle 1 391, p. 249. households, is iioteworthly. A curious custom which now prevails amongrthe Llota an(d Ao Natga'sseems to indicate a belief that any place or persons, .1g,ainst whom supernatural displeasure hais been mianifested, are dangerous or "taboo"; the spiritual infection extendino even to the clothes of the household. Mr. Davis writes, "Should anv member of a houselhold be killed by a tiger, by drowning, by falling from a tree, or by being crushed by a falling tree, the surviving members of the houisehold abandon the lhouse,which is wrecked, alnd the wlhole of tlleir property, downi to the very clothes tlley are wearirng, and leave tlle village naked, being supplied outside the village with just enough clothlinig to cover their niakedness by solme old man amllong.sttheir relations. Thlenceforthifor a maonth they are condemiined to wander in thle. jungle. At the At.C. R., d1)id. expiration of this period, the wrath of the deitybeiin, supposed to be appeased, they are allowed to returni to the village. Neitlher they nor aniyone else can touch againi ally of the abandoned property, nor can a fresh house be 1 what looks like a food taboo among tle N-ads rule. "Milk, or any of its products, is tvoided equially by all the tribes: milk seemiis to be considered uricleaii eind unfi(it for food. This prejudice does not extend to the sucklimg of chllddenl, who are not removed fromn the breaset inuuually eai ly." Brown (p. 19) mentions cild utbAer Iiill riewn withiin Manipur This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 192 G. Ml.GODDEN.-N1dAanid other built on the site of the old one that has beeni abandoned. The custom is, I believe, still carried out with the greatest strictness." We seem to nave here the same order of thought which enforces a ritual seclusion during times of sacrifice, or of unusual occurrences in a village, or in the presence of birth or dleath. Disease.--The confusion of primitive thought between abstract and concrete, between spiritual agrencies and material substance, is well shown in the Naigi attitude towards disease. How tanoible a thing to them the power of sickness is, we see in an incident noted by a former Political Officer of the Nahga Hills. At the Government station of Samaguting a Kuki was attacked by smallpox, anld kept by his friends in the scouts lines. The destruction of the lines was necessary, and the Ad. Report, Naga's learnitof the case.. " The two old Chiefs paid hurried visits to announce that they were all oft, Niga' iills, leavinig their property to our care, and onily asking0 1876-7,p.11. for a bottle of ruin to be taken as niedicine if they aot ill in the jungle. Attempts to reason with thenii were not the slightest use, ancl away they all wenit. The disease was treated as a personal enieiny, and the village abandoned as would have been dconebefore the coming, of ani iinvader too powerful to resist. The mzenwere all fully armed, the women and children were surrounded, and then all started fair at best pace; they kept away a month, and then returned with the samiieprecautions as when leaving, approaclhingvery cautiously with shields well to the front, and peeping round every corner before a further advance, unitil gradually the whole village was occupied. Wlhen they fairly satisfied themnselves that no one but the Kookie had beeii ill, they were rather ashamed of running away; but it was not until some time after when they saw himii going about, very little the worse in appearance, that the idea that lhe had been burnt alive was abandoned. Before, nothing would per-suade them that this lhad nlot been done, it being looked upon as merely a wise precautioilary nmeasurefor which we deserved credit."'' A belief in a disease-giving spirit which can be guarded acgainst by shields alnd arms, is in perfect consonaince witlh the Naigai funeral rite of a war challenoe to the power which B}rown, p. 32. hias treacherously slain the dead main. Sacrifices or A. C. R.) offerings are recorded to deities or spirits in case of 1831, 7p1. 25S. sickness; one imention is imadeof feastiing,the poor of 1 "Re or'- of Nagga'Hills Administration," 1876-7, by the Political OfTlcei (P. T. Carnacg.),p. 11. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes of North-East India. A. C. R., 1891, p. 244. 193 the villages'; among the Aos pigs and fowls are sacrificed in large numbers in order to appease the particular spirit to whose malign influence the sickness is supposed to be due, the offerings being consumed by the friends of the giver of the sacrifice. The Angami made Iifra, s.v. Inai'mis. offering of part of a fowl to the disease-causing spirit in the evening, a seemingly chthonic act; parts of the fowl were given to some other family, and the remainder was eateln by relatives of the sick mian. seeni to have played an imnportantpart in Oieens.-Omens the initercoursebetween gods and mien. In North Kachar they were supposed, according to Stewart, to indicate the particular deity that was to be worshipped in order to attain a Stewart, p. 612. desired end, or to avert evil. That being ascertained a strict Genna would be imposed on the village for two days. Of the Angami it is said that all businiess or undertakings of importance were decided by consnilting omens; the I.nfra, s.v. Anganmis. omen might be taken by a prescribed method, or iiiglht conisistin the commonianimal omen of an " unlucky beast" appearinig in the path. The followilng method of divination noticed by Mr. Carnegy among the eastern (Sibsagar) Nagas, was employed before going out on a head-hunlting expedition; if the omnenwas bad the party would not start. "The mode which they have showin me was a very simple one. The leader of the intended war party simply cuts two thin chips of wood about the size of the thumb-nail, and holding thenmlightly together between his finger and thumb lets them fall on the ground from the height of 18 inches or so ; if the chips fall Mackenzie, and lie close together on the ground, the omen is "sN.-E. Frontier of favourable and the party start. If the chips fall far Bengal," apart, then they put off the expedition to ailother p. 403. day. I believe they have other mnodesof divinationi whiclh thev would not show as they were evidently averse to talking on the subject, alnd very reluctantly explained their chip' system."2 This reluctance to explain the forrn of divination coincides with Stewart's statement that omens were employed with express religious intention, a statement very significant for the origin of practices common alike to the primitive savage anidthe European peasant. Festivals.-There is at present the scantiest evidence concerning the festivals of the Naga ritual year. The great Angami tribe celebrate two chief villagefestivals, the Sekrengi held shortly before the new year's work in the fields is begun, and the Terhengt I Brown, p. 32; ? village, as it stands in McCulloch from which Brown takes the above (McCulloch, p. 70). 2 P. T. Carnegy, Officia]paper quoted by Sir A. Mackenzie, Appendix 0, p. 403. VOL. XXVI. 0 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 194 G. M. GODIEN.-N gc and othcr or Harvest Home. At the Seircngyidogs (a favourite Naiadfood) are killed and eaten in large niuinbers. At the flerhenqiugreat feasts are given by wealthy Naga's. The Angaamialso Infra, s.v. Ainganmis. have many minor festivals during the year, the chief of these being that lield just before the paddy harvest begins. Amonig the Aos, three chief yearly festivals are enumerated, two of which occur in August, before the commelncement of the hiarvest, and one at the close of the harvest; the A. C. R., 1891, p. 244. mithdan (presumably mithun, viz., wild cow), slaini for these festivals were killed by hacking with daos (Nagzi hatcllet-swords), the animnalfinally dying froin loss of blood. At the secolnd Ao festival in August, which lasts three days, the apparent survival of tribal marriage, already noticed, is enacted. Amiiong the Lhota " the chief festivals, A. C R., 1891, p. 248. as amon,gstthe other tribes, are those after harvest; of the new year's cultivation." and before the conmmenlcemneint Amoni the Sema of the present day, the principal villa-e festivals are those that occur after the conclusion of A. C. R, 1891, p. 247. the rice harvest, and before the comnmlencemn:ent of the niew cultivationl. Men who wish to obtain fane by feasting their fellow villagers, usually do so at the harvest home festival (as among;,the Angami). We have no details as to the rites perforined at these festivals.' With the Luhupas one mnonthis miiarkedby a ritual of the dead. Olice every year in December each village Brown, p. 42. held a solemn festival in honour of those of their iumber who had died during the preceding year. The village priests conducted the ceremonies, which culminated on a night -Nhen the moon was young. On this occasion, it was said, the spirits of the dead appeared at a distance fromnthe village, ill the faint moonlight, wending their way slowly over the hills, and driving before them the victims slain. or the cattle stoleni 4luring,their lives; the procession disappeared over the distanit hills, amidst the wailings of the villagers.2 Funeral rites.-The Na'gaafuneral rites are in full harmony with the fierce and warlike nature of these tribes. To the Naga, the obligations of blood feud extended, beyond the slayinlg of visible enemies, to defiance of the unseen power :-" Tlhan thou Spirit who destroyest our frienidsin our own presence we have io greater enemy . . . Whither hast thou fled ?" A 1 Dr. Brown, p. 31, says that the Mao and Maram tribes had two festivals in the year, "like the two principal ones" of the Kabuis; as he does not specify the two Kabui festivals which have pre-eminence in his account of that tribe, we are not much enlightened. 2 Dr. Brown adds, "Unless the village priests are well fed, it is said this appearance will not take place." He says that this is the-only stated time for holding a festival, among the Luhlupas. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes of North1-EastIndia. 195 funeral witnessed solle sixty years ago shows the elaborate nature of this challenge, although elidlng in the sign of Hindu influence, the cremation of the dead. The writer, a Baptist Missionary, says, "This day was the completion of the sixtll month after the death of a wife of one of the chiefs. Thleir custom is to allow the corpse to remain six months in the house; at the expiration of which time the ceremonies I hlave this day witnessed must be performiied." fn the morning buffaloes, hogs, and fowls were killed. About noon Naga's in war equipument,and fancifully dressed, arrived fromn neiahbo-uring villages. They mnarchedto the hotuse where the body lay. and began to sinlg and dance, siniging in the Abor tongue. Branson's interpreter told him all their songs were borrowed from the Abors, with whom they hold daily intercourse. The substance of the song was as follows: "What divinity has taken away our friend? Who are you ? Where do you live ? In heaven, or on the earth, or under the earth ? Who are you? Show yourself. If we lhad knowni of your coming we wotuld have speared you." This was first pronounceed by the chorister. The whole company tlhen aniswered it by exclaiiming " yes," at the same time waving tlleir hugoeglittering spears towards heaven in defiance of the evil spirit who was supposed to have occasioned thle death. The chorister continues: "We would have cut you in pieces and eateni yotur flesh." " Yes," responded the warriors, brandishing their daos.1 5 If you had apprised us of your cominig and asked our permision we would have reverenced you; but you have secretly taken one of us and now we will curse youi." Yes," responidecl the warriors. The above was the substance of what tlley sang, though varied and repeated niany times. The noise of miusic and dancing was continlued nearly all night. During the greater part of the following day the same ceremonies were repeated. At the setting of the suni a large company of young womnen canie round the corpse alnd completely covered it with leaves and flowers, after which it was carrie(l to a small hill near by amidbutirntamid the festivities of the people.2 The following account puLblislhedteln years later adds sonic1 further details, and a few heightened touches to the vigour of the challenige. The nionthly partaking by the dead miianot' food at the hanids of the living is a striking example of priiiii1 In the accouLntdaws, obviously the same weapoln as dao. Robinson, "Assam," 1841, p. 397, quotinig an account by tbe Rev. M. Branison,published in a Baptist Missionary magazinieof 1839. Dalton, p. 40, citing Robinson rather conftusedly, refers this account to some one of tlis eastern border villages. 2 o 2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 196 G. M. GODDEN.-Nqgd,anbdother tive coimmensal ritual; the seclusioni observed imnunediately after death already referred to, and the strong taboo protecting the bier are also noteworthy. For three or four days after a death the relatives did not leave the village, neither did other villagers resort to the village where a death had occurred dnring that period. When a man died after a long illness a platform was raised within his house, on which the body was placed folded in clotlhes. By night and day the body was watched with great care, and wheni decolmposition begani qualtities of spirits were thrown over it; and whatever the deceased was in the habit of eating and drinkilngin his lifetime (such as rice, vegetables, anid spirit) was placed once a molnth oln the ground before it.' The virtues of the dead werefrequently rehearsed; and the heirs and relatives miiadelamentation for many molnths after the death. At the expiratioln of the period of mournilnga great feast of liquor, rice, and buffaloes and cows' flesh was prepared, and aniimmense nuumberof arnmed Naga in war dress assembled to partake of it. They commenced the festival by repeating the name of the deceased, singing nmalnykinds of songs, dancing, and cursing the deity or spirit who had slaini their comirade. " If to-day we could see you, we woiild with these swords and spears kill you. Yes, we would eat your flesh! yes, we would drink your blood! yes, we would burn your bones in the fire! you have slainiour relatives. Where have you fled to? why did you kill our frienid? show yourself lnow, alnd we shall see what your strength is. Come quickly,-to-day, alndwe shall see you with our eyes, and with our swords cut you in pieces, and eat you raw. Let us see how sharp youLrsword is, and with it we will kill you. Look at ourspears, see how sharp they are: with thiem we will spear you. Whither now art thou fled ? than thou, spirit, who destroyest ouir friends in our preselnce, we have no greater enemy. Where are yoU now ?-whither hast thou fled? "2 With these anid simi-ilar speeches and songs they clashed their weapons, and danicedanid eat alnd drank throulghout the night. The niext day tlhe body wvasfolded up in a cloth, alndplaced on a lnew platform four or five feet high; ttnd all the weapons of tlhe dead, his rice dish, anid bamilboofor water, everythinig used by him in hiis lifetime, was ar anged rouuid the bier, which was held sacred; no onie (lared to touch a silngyletlhing tlhus consecrated. After this Dr. E. B. T.ylor, quotinig this account, says: " Na'ig tribes of Assam celebrated their funeral feasts month by miionth,laying food and drilik on the g,raves of the departed." (" Primitive Culture," vol. ii, p. 32.) I canniot find any mtientioniof this practice on the graves, the above ulsage is befoce the final futieral rites. 2 The oiiginal is quoted verbatim. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes o0 North-East India. 197 ceremony was concluded the people dispersed.' In a somewhat similar accoulnt of Angaimi rites, the men in their Infra, s.v. Angami,s. war dress strike the earth with their weapons; perhaps indicating the under-world nature of the death spirit. The union of the living and the dead in a common feast seemlis emphasised by the followiing Luhupa usage, since the sinigle portion placed benaeaththe dead does not look like any comimiittalof cattle as wealth in the after-world:-on the death of a Luhupa it was once the customiito make human Brown, p. 41. sacrifices; this was not permitted later, under Manipur rule, and instead cattle were sacrificed before the corpse could be buried. The cattle sacrificed were eateln, witlh the exception of one leg, which was buried under the head of the deceased. From the details of a miiodernAnga,mi funeral, which will be fouiud in a later chapter, it would seeni that various forrmisof eating together colnstitute the chief acts of the lolg ceremonial. On the first day after death a A. C. R., 1891, distribution of meat is made aimrongthe relations and p. 240-1. frieinds of the deceased. The next day, after the burial, friends and relations, alndone malnof another khel, go to the house of the dead, and eat parts of the meat which had beeln reserved on the previous day, aindeach nmelamber of the deceased's khel, in perfect silence, throws a piece of liver out of the house to a distanice of some eight paces, these pieces of liver haviing been cooked by members of another khel who are present. On the niext day, the second that is after the burial, sevelnteeni portions of cooked rice are tied up in leaves, and these are buried outside the house on the fourth day. Oni the fifth day tlle platter and cup of the deceased are hung up in the house, till thirty days have expired, when they are giveln to a friend of their former owner. About the fortieth day the deceased's family sacrificed a cock, of which the flesh is eaten equally by all. The funeral ceremonies are theni complete.2 Ample provision was made by the Nagas for the iieeds of their dead. A portion of the fun-eral feast was placed in the grave, as we have seein,by the Luhupas; they also buried spears and daos with the body- The North Kachar I " Journal of the Indian Archipelago," vol. ii, 1848, p. 234. In a short paper on "The North Kachar Hills," Mr. Damant speaks as though a funeral sacrifice was made to the dead, but I am aware of no other G. H. Damant, explicit mention of such a custom :-" Occasionally a stake may " Calcutta be seen fixed in the street in front of a house, from which hangs Review," the skull of a freshly killed metna or buffalo; this is a sign that Vol. lxi. a death has taken place, and the beast has been sacrificed. To a Tery rich man three or four buffaloes will be sacrificed, to a very poor man only a pig, while in all cases as many of the nleighbours as possible are feasted." Dalton, p. 40, mentions the large number of animals killed at the funeral of a person of consideration. 2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions G. Ml.GODDEN.-.ATd,d anid other 198 Nagas liked, if they could, to get an Angadriidao to be buried with thiem, alnd Mr. Damiiant saw several kept for this purpose in different houses; doubtless a weapon belonging to this powerful warrior tribe was held to be peculiarly efficacious in the conflicts salt and a large of the after-world. These Naga's also buLriedsupply of provisions with the dead;' the warrior's spear and dao were buried with him; and to them the custom is Stewart, attributed of placing in the grave aniy article to p. G61. which the dead were speciially attached. We have seen in (anearly account that everytliing used by the dead man in hiis lifetime was left upon the bier. Angainmiusage placed on a wvoman'sgr/ave her clothes, ornamiientsand necklaces, weaving sh-uttle anid spinninig stick for cotton, cotton Infra, s.v. Angamis. thread, dhani,grain, anidpestle and nmortarfor clearinUg rice. A curious customiiacconmpaniedthe deatlh of a Luhupa which in formi is simnilarto the HlAdu rite of striking the head to allow the spirit to escape. "On the death of a ,rown, p. 41. warrior, his nearest miialerelation takes a spear and Wounds the corpse by a blow witlh it on the head, so that on his arrival in the next world he may be knowni and received with distinctions." The custom of strewing flowers over the dead and upon thle arave strikes a note strangely at varialnce with savage rites which seem so consonant with tlhe wild nature of these tribes. On the death of an aged Khonbao (presumably some holder of office), an elephant and three hundred buffaloes and pigs were killed, and a great feast took place. " The usual custom of reviling the deity while singing, anid dancing was kept up with uncommon fervour." The heads of the slaughtered animals " Jour. Ind. were suspended roulnd the platformiiwithin a large Arch.," ii, enclosure; and the body was strewn over with an p. 230. abulndant supply of all kinds of forest flowers. The wild funeral rites witnessed by Mr. Branson, which were celebrated for the wife of a chief, concluded, as we have seen, by the approach, at sunset, of a large company of youngIwomen who completely covered the body with leaves and flowers. The late Cenisus Report notes that flowers are very A. C. R.) 1891, p. 248. often put u-p over a Lhota's grave. Stewart, writilng of the North Kachar Nagas forty years ago, speaks of the affection shown in tendinig newly-made graves; protecting fences were at first invariablv raised, and flowers were often scattered. }. ]E. Damant, Report, &c. on Tour in N. Kachar Hills, 1875. 1 G. H. Damant., OfflicialDiarv of Tour in North Kachar Hills, 1875. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes of ANorth-East India. 199 Great valiety seems to have obtained as to the manner of disposing of the body. Interment, tree burial, exposure, and (doubtless Hindu) crematioln are all recorded. The more eastern Naga's nearly all exposed their dead upon G. H. Damant, bamboo platforms, leaving the body to decay; the Jour. R. Asiatic Soc., skull was preserved in the bone house to be found Vol. xii, n.s. in nearly every village. Dalton describes a custom of placing the bones of the dead in miniature houses Dalton, p. 40. in the shade of groves carefuLllyplanted at the approaches to the village; the bodies were first placed in wooden coffins, like boats, and exposed suspended to trees outside the village till completely dessicated, after which the obsequies took place.' The customiof the Aos of the present day is to leave the body on a platform in the cemetery witlhout the village gate. The body, placed in a coffin, is smllokedfor a period extendimyg from ten days to two monlths; then the coffin, over A. C. R.) 1891, p. 245. vhich is laid olne of the dead inan's cloths, is taken out and placed oln a bamboo platformiiin the village cemetery. " On the maclan., along with the coffin, are hung a m-an's eating-plate and drinking cup, wllile in f'ront in a row are arranged the heads he has taken anid close to these his shield anidspear are placed." If the body is not snioked, it is placed in the cenmeteryas soon after death as possible. The cemeteries inivariably occupy one side of the main road leading to the village gate. The Ao coffinl is a structure of bamboo alnd thatch, shaped somewhat like a house. The "nlaked Naatis" also do not bury the dead, but with them tree burial is in use. After being smoked for ten or twenty days the body is put in a wooden coffin, A. C. R., 1891, p. 246. aandplaced in the fork of a bi! tree just outside the village gate. In the case of men of distinction, after the, smoking process, the head is removed and placed in an earthen pot; this pot is tlhen neatly thatched over with tokd,pat, and deposited at the foot of the tree in which the coffin containing the body is placed. Passing to the burial customs, the Nagas of North Kachar were described as burying their dead at the very doors of their G. H. houses, in a coffin miiadeof a hollow tree trunk; a Damant, large stolne was rolled over the top of the grave, and ' Calcutta most, if not all, of the village streets were fuLllof Review," vol. lxi; and these unhewn tombstones. Mr. Damant describes Stewart. some of the stones erecteedto the dead which strewed he village road, as exactly resernbling an ancient British cromlech 1 Dalton, p. 40, speaks of the bones being preserved in these little houses, or buried. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 200 G. M. GODDEN.-Nd(gt and other on a small scale; they were supported by three or four smaller stones placed as uprights. " The Nagas," he adds, " calculate the greatness of their ancestors by the size of their tomnbstones. OnieNaga in showing his grandfather's grave was most proud to tell that it cost more to bring it to its place than any other tombstone in the village."' The descendants of those to whom the stones are erected sit there in the evenitig, and drink their rice-beer. According to Stewart there was no selnse Stewart, p. 615. of taboo over even a newly-made grave, the survivors delighting to sit oni the stones covering the bodies of their friends. The Semas of the present day bury the .. C.R., 1891, p. 247. dead, as a rule, just outside the dead nman'shouse; over the grave are put up his spear, and shield, and the skulls of any cows that may have been killed for the funeral feast. Children dying witllin ten days of birth are buried inside the house. Women dying in child-birth are. buried without any ceremony being observed. The Luhupa dead were buried in deep graves; all who died of disease were buried inside the villaae precincts, but Brown, p. 41. those who died in battle, or by wild animals, were b-uriedin one place out of the village. The report of 1854 says of the Rengmas, that they "inter their dead and place the deceased's spear in the grave, and his shield, a few Mills, p. cxxix. sticks with some eggs and grain on the grave, and the funeral ceremonies conclude with lamentations and feastinlg." The Lhotas of the present day bury the dead within a A. 0. R., pace or two of the front door of the house; after the 1891, p. 248. burial a fire is often kept burning for several days over a man's grave; the skulls of cattle killed for the funeral feast are put, up over it. According to an early account of Naga funeral ceremonies, Qiildden death was held to bte uinfortunate: if illntle ended fatally after one or two months, the tine was still too short to be " 1l1icky,"and the body was instantly removed to a platform four or five feet high in the junigles where it was left to decay. After-world beliefs.-Of Naga beliefs concerning the afterworld little is known.2 Inferences may be drawn from some of the funeral rites, such as the dead man's need of salt, provisions, and efficient arms, and the monthly food put for him during the long interval before the last funeral rites. The more eastern Nagas are described as believing Dalton, p. 41. in a future state in which the present existence is " Jour. Ind. Arch.," ii, 1848, p. 234. G. H. Damant, " Cacutta Review," vol. lxi. Robinson, " Assam," asserts tbat the NMggshave some faint notions of the iminortality of the soul, but gives no proofs. ' 2 This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frontier Tribes of North-East Itdia. 201 continued. The Luhupa idea of a future state was, that after death they went to the west, where there was Brown, p. 41. another world; in this future state they lived and died, the men six times and the women five. After this they were turned into clouds, remaining in that condition. The people killed by a Luhupa became his slaves in the next world.' The nature of the life they lead in a future state they could lnot explain. It is this tribe who, as we have seen, hold that on one night in the year the dead may be seen passing over the distant hills, driving before them slain men and stoleni cattle. To the south-west from the whole of the Sema country parallel and horizontal lines are very plainly to be seen, marking the stratification of the rocks in the east side of the Wokha hill. These rock lines are called Kitila, or dead man's road, and are said to be the path leading to the village of the dead. Where this village is no inail can say, but that it A. C. R., 1891, p. 247. exists all believe. NOTE.-It may be nioted that the late Sir J. Joblnstonefound no signs of any prevalent snake worship among the NMg6s or Manipuri. He says, under heading of the Ang6mi Nagas, " Naga is a niamegiven by the inhabitants, of the plains, and in the Assamese 1an-auazemeans 'naked.' As some of the Naga tribes are seen habitually in that state, Sir J. John- the namnewas arbitrarily applied to them all. It is the stone, " My greatest mistake to connect them with the snake worshippers, Experiences " Nag Bungsees " of India. Neither Nagas or Manipuris, or in Manipur,' any tribes on the easterin frontier, are addicted to this wor33. p. ship, or have any traditions connectedwith it, and any snake, cobra (Nag) or otherwise, woul(d receive small mercy at their hands. The slightest personal acquaintance with the Assamese and their language, would have- dispelled this myth for ever." In a letter received shortly before his death, he wrote to me " It may ilnterest you to hear that I totally disbelieve in any trace of snake worship in Assam or Manipur except in possibte cases of its being recently imported-I never saw a McCulloch, trace of it." McCulloch, writing in 1859, gives two instances pp. 17 & 32. of a slnake god among the Manipuiri. I regret that two papers oni the Nag6 tribes read before the Institute, by Coloniel Woodthorpe in 1881, and published in the Journal of the Institute, 1882; and a paper published by Captaini Butler under the title of " Rough Notes on the Ang'ami Ndg6s," in the Jourlnal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1875, have come to my notice too late for the above pages to have the benefit of information containedl in t'hem. (To be continued.) Robinson says that on the death of a Naga warrior all the scalps taken by him during his lifetime were burnt witlh his remains. This would seem to refer to villages that had come under Hindu influence ; the intention may have been to let the dead man be accompanied by these other dead. This content downloaded from 188.72.126.182 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 06:36:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions