Neg-Apple Valley-Finals

Interpretation – the aff may not specify a democracy
“A” is an indefinite article that modifies “democracy” in the res- this means that you
have to prove the resolution true in a VACCUM, not in a particular instance
CCC (“Articles, Determiners, and Quantifiers”,, Capital Community College Foundation, a
nonprofit 501 c-3 organization that supports scholarships, faculty development, and curriculum innovation) LHSLA JC/SJ
The three articles — a, an, the — are a kind of adjective. The is called the definite article because it usually precedes a
specific or previously mentioned noun; a and an are called indefinite articles because they are used to refer to
something in a less specific manner (an unspecified count noun). These words are also listed among the noun markers
or determiners because they are almost invariably followed by a noun (or something else acting as a noun). caution CAUTION! Even
after you learn all the principles behind the use of these articles, you will find an abundance of situations where choosing the correct
article or choosing whether to use one or not will prove chancy. Icy highways are dangerous. The icy highways are dangerous. And
both are correct. The is used with specific nouns. The is required when the noun it refers to represents something that is one of a
kind: The moon circles the earth. The is required when the noun it refers to represents something in the abstract: The United States
has encouraged the use of the private automobile as opposed to the use of public transit. The is required when the noun it refers to
represents something named earlier in the text. (See below..) If you would like help with the distinction between count and noncount nouns, please refer to Count and Non-Count Nouns. We use a before singular count-nouns that begin with consonants (a cow,
a barn, a sheep); we use an before singular count-nouns that begin with vowels or vowel-like sounds (an apple, an urban blight, an
open door). Words that begin with an h sound often require an a (as in a horse, a history book, a hotel), but if an h-word begins with
an actual vowel sound, use an an (as in an hour, an honor). We would say a useful device and a union matter because the u of those
words actually sounds like yoo (as opposed, say, to the u of an ugly incident). The same is true of a European and a Euro (because of
that consonantal "Yoo" sound). We would say a once-in-a-lifetime experience or a one-time hero because the words once and one
begin with a w sound (as if they were spelled wuntz and won). Merriam-Webster's Dictionary says that we can use an before an hword that begins with an unstressed syllable. Thus, we might say an hisTORical moment, but we would say a HIStory book. Many
writers would call that an affectation and prefer that we say a historical, but apparently, this choice is a matter of personal taste. For
help on using articles with abbreviations and acronyms (a or an FBI agent?), see the section on Abbreviations. First and subsequent
reference: When we first refer to something in written text, we often use an indefinite article to modify it. A newspaper has an
obligation to seek out and tell the truth. In a subsequent reference to this newspaper, however, we will use the definite article:
There are situations, however, when the newspaper must determine whether the public's safety is jeopardized by knowing the
truth. Another example: "I'd like a glass of orange juice, please," John said. "I put the glass of juice on the counter already," Sheila
replied. Exception: When a modifier appears between the article and the noun, the subsequent article will continue to be indefinite:
"I'd like a big glass of orange juice, please," John said. "I put a big glass of juice on the counter already," Sheila replied. Generic
reference: We can refer
to something in a generic way by using any of the three articles. We can do the
same thing by omitting the article altogether.
A beagle makes a great hunting dog and family companion. An airedale
is sometimes a rather skittish animal. The golden retriever is a marvelous pet for children. Irish setters are not the highly intelligent
animals they used to be. The difference between the generic indefinite pronoun and the normal indefinite pronoun is that
the latter refers to any of that class ("I want to buy a beagle, and any old beagle will do.") whereas the former (see beagle sentence)
refers to all members of that class
Violation – they specify the Philippines
Limits: specifying a democracy offers huge explosion in the topic since they get
permutations of either 19 or 57 countries depending on their definition of democracy.
Limits explodes neg prep burden and draws unreciprocal lines of debate, where the aff
is always ahead.
Fairness is a voting issue.
Drop the debater.
a. T frames
b. Deterrence
c. Time skew
Competing interps.
No RVIs.
Outweighs 1AR theory.
Last, you can’t weigh the case:
A] If I win that you preclude me from substantive engagement with the 1AC, then you
will obviously win the case—means you can’t cross-apply case impacts or arguments
to the other page since we indict your ability to read them in the first place
B] args cant cause violence
Bangsamoro Bill passes now – Duterte signature is the last hurdle.
Elemia and Cepeda 7/24. Elemia, Camille. Cepeda, Mara. “Bicam Oks final Bangsamoro bill for
Duterte signature.” Rappler. July 24, 2018. TG
The final version, officially named the Bangsamoro Organic Law, seeks to abolish the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and replace it with the Bangsamoro
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, which would have greater fiscal autonomy, a
regional government, parliament, and justice system. The proposed region would be composed of the current
ARMM – Tawi-Tawi, Sulu, Basilan, Maguindanao, and Lanao del Sur – pending a regional plebiscite. The bill also seeks to include 6
municipalities of Lanao del Norte and 39 barangays of North Cotabato in the Bangsamoro, provided that the province and their
municipalities, respectively, vote for it. These areas previously voted to be included in the ARMM but failed when their mother units
voted otherwise. This was the most contentious provision in the bill, leading to an initial deadlock. The panel eventually sought the
advice of the President, who in the end sided with the House on the issue and not with the Bangsamoro Transition Commission
(BTC). The chartered cities of Cotabato and Isabela would also be included in the proposed region, subject to the approval of their
respective registered voters in the plebiscite. The bill also has an opt-in provision, allowing adjacent areas to join the Bangsamoro,
with a petition of at least 10% of their voters. 'Not perfect, but good start' Senate
Majority Leader Juan Miguel
Zubiri first moved to accept the Bangsamoro bill on the part of the senators. House Majority
Leader Rodolfo Fariñas followed soon after for the lower chamber. At 8:52 pm, both
legislators hit their gavels, signaling the bicam's acceptance of the measure.
Duterte won’t support solid public disclosure, particularly attacks on himself—he’ll
derail laws and punish Congress if he has to.
PDI 18 Philippine Daily Inquirer. “An FOI law – in Pasig” October 14, 2018. IB
That failed promise was then taken up by presidential candidate Rodrigo Roa Duterte. But
when he won, Mr. Duterte also began adjusting expectations on the bill’s passage, despite the
legislature being dominated by his allies, and in the end virtually threw in the towel.
Rather than force his congressional supermajority to work on the law that would lay down a
national policy of full public disclosure and transparency in public service to promote
accountability, Mr. Duterte simply decided to issue an executive order implementing FOI in the
executive branch.
Duterte puts up a fight – their ev.
Cañares 17, Michael Cañares (regional research manager at our Open Data Labs Jakarta.), 9-282017, "‘Open washing’: Flawed Freedom of Information in the Philippines," World Wide Web
For transparency advocates like myself, today is no reason to celebrate. It’s a reminder of how
far many countries have to go to fulfil the ‘right to know’ in a meaningful way. Though
President Duterte wanted to appease activists with the FOI EO, he is not serious about
implementing government transparency. And so, the hard fight for a real FOI law continues.
Duterte has gone hardline and derailed bills before – empirics are on our side.
Cepeda 18 Mara [Mara considers joining Rappler as her baptism of fire. She is currently covering
the Office of the Vice President and writes stories about the education and health sectors.
Previously, she covered the House of Representatives. During the 2016 elections, Mara trailed
the presidential bid of former vice president Jejomar Binay. Mara graduated cum laude from the
Ateneo de Manila University with a degree in Communication. She was the editor-in-chief of The
GUIDON, the university's official student publication] “Duterte didn't lobby enough, only 5 of 18
priority bills became laws” July 03, 2018. IB
MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) – Despite President Rodrigo Duterte enjoying overwhelming
support from the 17th Congress, only 5 of the 18 bills he prioritized in his first two State of the
Nation Addresses (SONAs) passed. The President signed into law the bills allowing internet
access in public spaces and extending the validity of passports and driver's licenses in August
2017. In December of the same year, Duterte approved the first tax reform package. It took
Duterte another 5 months to sign into law the Ease of Doing Business Act. This is not normal,
said former Ateneo School of Government dean Tony La Viña, especially for a President like
Duterte known for making hardline statements on issues he feels strongly about. It seems
that, unlike the anti-drug campaign or the more recent policy against loiterers, Duterte does
not exert the same amount of effort to lobby for or defend his supposed SONA-priority bills.
Save for a few bills, like the ones reimposing the death penalty or amending the Constitution
to pave the way for federalism, the President no longer reiterated his call for Congress to pass
most of the other measures after mentioning them in his first and second SONAs. "Precisely in
your SONA, you're supposed to tell Congress that this is your legislative agenda. You want this
done this year. But my sense from the two SONAs of President Duterte is he might've
mentioned those laws, but there was no passion to get this done," La Viña told Rappler. He
explained that this lack of lobbying on Duterte's part gave the Senate and the House of
Representatives more room to be "distracted" in pursuing other bills or conducting
congressional probes. "On the Congress' side, I think they have been distracted by the political
things that they do. The hearings, right? The hearings on the [Bureau of] Customs, the hearings
on [Senator Leila] de Lima, [ex-chief justice Maria Lourdes] Sereno's impeachment," said La Vina.
They just accumulated – both at the House of Representatives and the Senate, [they attended
to] their own concerns. These became their priority," he added.
Bill’s key to solve the Mindanao crisis.
Fonbuena 6/10 Fonbuena, Carmela. “Final version of BBL holds fate of Mindanao peace
process.” Rappler. June 10, 2018. TG
MANILA, Philippines – The fate of the Mindanao peace process hangs on the final version of
the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), which will be decided by a Congress bicameral conference
committee in July. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is seeking to restore provisions
deleted by lawmakers during the debates. Meanwhile, chief presidential peace adviser Jesus
Dureza is calling on everyone to "manage expectations." At a BBL forum held on Thursday, June
7, MILF vice-chairman Ghazali Jaafar was swinging from optimism to pessimism and back again.
"I'd like to declare here that change is coming to the Bangsamoro," Jaafar said in his opening
speech, promising "fiscal autonomy," "empowerment," and "economic development" under
the new region.
They continue:
The law that will create a new and more powerful Bangsamoro region to replace the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is a government commitment to the MILF
in a peace deal signed in 2014 – the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB). In
exchange for the new region, the MILF committed to decommission its troops and end the
decades-long armed struggle. The rebel group will instead create a political party and
participate in governing the new region. "If there is no BBL, there is no decommissioning [of
troops]," said MILF vice-chairman Ghazali Jaafar, who also serves as chairman of the
Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC) that prepared the original BBL draft.
That outweighs.
Lischin 9/18 Lischin, Luke. “The escalating violence of the New People’s Army in Mindanao.”
New Mandala. September 19, 2018. TG
Across all incidents the NPA was responsible for killing 168 soldiers, police officers, and
civilians, while wounding an additional 266. Casualties on the side of security forces peaked at
67 in July 2017, when a short series of ambushes in Bukidnon and Compostela Valley resulted in
relatively heavy losses for the AFP. By August 2017 through March 2018 casualties averaged 10
per month, and then increased to 16 casualties per month from April 2018 to July 2018,
showing a clear increase in the intensity as well as the frequency of NPA incidents.
They continue:
Of these provinces, Cotabato transformed from one of the least violent provinces in all of
Mindanao in 2016, to the most violent in 2017. Unlike NPA incidents in Compostela Valley,
Bukidnon, and Davao del Sur, the overwhelming majority of NPA violence in Cotabato
consisted of armed assaults against security forces where the NPA was on the offensive. In
Agusan del Norte security forces also experienced relatively high levels of NPA attacks,
especially in 2017, but these did not escalate as dramatically those in Cotabato. Beyond just
Cotabato and Agusan del Norte, the NPA overwhelmingly favoured security forces as their
target. Although the military often dismisses the NPA as bandits, 74% of all NPA incidents
engaged state security forces. Only 13% of NPA incidents targeted obvious commercial sites,
such as company vehicles, plantations, mines, and offices. Over 40% of incidents directed at
commercial targets occurred in the provinces of Bukidnon, Davao del Sur, and Agusan del Norte.
Lumads, politicians, regular civilians, and other miscellaneous targets were victimised in the
remaining 16% of incidents. Some of these incidents may have also entailed financial
motivations, but the abduction, injury, or murder of these persons were undoubtedly
politically motivated.
In the Republic of the Philippines, the public’s right to know ought to be valued above the right
to privacy of candidates for public office except for medical privacy, which ought not be
Duterte carved out a medical exemption – they say they plan closes it.
Mendez 18 Christina [author at philstar global] “Duterte creates FOI exception policy body” October 18, 2018. IB
MANILA, Philippines — President Duterte
has issued a memorandum order creating an inter-agency
freedom of information (FOI) exceptions policy committee about two years after he signed
Executive Order (EO) No. 2 mandating full public disclosure for government offices.
Memorandum Circular No. 49 was released by the Palace on Oct. 1 or after the public asked
about the President’s true state of health after he underwent medical procedures –
colonoscopy and endoscopy – in relation to his Barrett’s disease.
Signed by Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdea in behalf of the President, the memorandum is effective immediately.
It competes – consensus of lit.
ROBERT STREIFFER 06, ALAN P. RUBEL, and JULIE R. FAGAN (University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin, USA), “Medical
Privacy and the Public's Right to Vote: What Presidential Candidates Should Disclose,” Journal of Medicine and Philosophy, 31:4,
417-439, 23 Sep 2006.
Presidential candidates, like everyone else, have a right to medical privacy. For most people, this right to medical privacy altogether
precludes the public from viewing their medical records. However, in virtue of the very public role of the president, the idea that the
public may be kept in the dark about the health of presidential candidates is untenable. Our
purpose in this article is to
make it clear that candidates are morally required to waive their right to medical privacy
concerning a very specific set of medical conditions. Although others have asserted a moral
duty to disclose (See, e.g., Annas, 2000), the literature contains very little discussion of the
basis for that requirement. We argue that it is based on the same deep democratic principle
that supports the public’s right to vote, namely, that those who govern do so only with the
consent of the governed. Concerns about the medical privacy of candidates must be subordinated to that democratic
Privacy is key to healthy candidates.
Linda Girgis 16 [Dr. Linda Girgis MD, FAAFP, is a dedicated board-certified family physician in private practice in South River, New
Jersey and its surrounding communities. She is a clinical assistant professor at Rutgers Robert Wood Johnson Medical School as well
as a faculty member of CME courses at Harvard Medical School] “Breaching HIPAA: How Politics Breaches Its Own Laws.” October
17, 2016. IB
And we need this privacy. Patients
need to come tell their doctors many embarrassing details.
Imagine if they believed anyone could learn this information. Would someone concerned
about a s exually t ransmitted d isease feel free to tell their doctor everything without this
guarantee of privacy? No, they would not and this may put others at risk of contracting the
disease because the patient doesn’t want to see the doctor because they don’t want anyone
to know. The details we are seeing in the media about the health of both candidates is merely
speculation. There are doctors analyzing the media reports to try to diagnose the candidates. But, real doctors know
you cannot diagnose a patient through a journalist’s reports on a TV screen or a new story. Is
that really the standard you want to set? You want to fuel the fire by speculating on the
speculations> Do we want patients to think they are fair game for this speculation? No, this needs to stop. Patients need
to know they can trust their doctor with anything and give them the best medical information.
While the politicians fling the mud and the media builds mud houses, isn’t the US better than this? Are
we really saying that patients with certain diseases should not work certain jobs? Is that
message American people should be hearing? As for me, many of my patients taught me that people can achieve
amazing successes despite great suffering and adversity. Isn’t that the goal we should be striving for rather
than casting stones at someone’s infirmities?
1AR theory is skewed towards the aff— A] the 2NR must cover substance and overcover theory, since they get the collapse and persuasiveness advantage of a 3 minute
2AR B] their responses to my counter interp will be new, which means 1AR theory
necessitates intervention. Implications—
A] dropping the argument minimizes the chance the round is decided unfairly B] if intervention
will happen on theory debates, then judges should intervene in a way that decreases the asinine
nature of LD theory
Interpretation – “democracy” means full democracy
1 Norway, 2 Iceland, 3 Sweden, 4 New Zealand, 5 Denmark, 6 Ireland, 6 Canada, 8
Australia, 9 Finland, 9 Switzerland, 11 Netherlands, 12 Luxemburg, 13 Germany, 14 UK,
15 Austria, 16 Mauritius, 17 Malta, 18 Uruguay, 19 Spain
Salome Chelangat 18 “Countries Considered to Be Full Democracies” World Atlas. May 16,
According to a report conducted by the Economist Intelligent Unit, several nations are
considered to be “full democracies.” However, despite being treated as full democracies, they
are ranked by the level of democracy. There are nineteen such countries in the world. Among
these countries, Norway is considered as the most democratic nation in the world. The other
full democracies include Iceland, Canada, Australia, Sweden, and Denmark, among many others.
Violation: the Philippines is ranked in the 50s
1] Limits – anything besides full democracies explodes the topic to over 115 nations
meaning the aff can defend any country and subset of instances within the country i.e.
tax returns, campaign finance, health records, etc. as well as actors. Limits explodes
neg prep burden and draws unreciprocal lines of debate, where the aff is always
2] Topic lit - full democracies are most germane to the value question of the topic.
Salome Chelangat 18 “Countries Considered to Be Full Democracies” World Atlas. May 16,
Full democracy refers to the system whereby all the democratic principles are upheld. Nations
practicing a full democracy have political cultures such that freedom and civil liberties are
upheld. All of the arms of government such as the executive and judiciary are independent .
Other aspects such as the opposition and the media are respected since they ensure checks and
The United Nations security council should establish an independent investigatory
body tasked with creating accountability in the Philippines.
Solves the aff – their ev recut – we get agent CPs if their evidence advocates for them
because that solves good aff writing and good evidence choice – it’s the most
We read blue
Kine 2-8, Phelim Kine (deputy director in Human Rights Watch’s Asia Division. Kine worked as a
journalist for more than a decade in China, Indonesia, Cambodia, and Taiwan prior to joining
Human Rights Watch in April 2007. He has written extensively on human rights issues including
military impunity, transitional justice, corruption, child sex tourism, religious intolerance, and
illegal land confiscation. Kine’s opinion pieces on human rights challenges in Asia have appeared
in media including the New York Times, Asian Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, Forbes, The
Guardian,, Foreign Policy, and the Harvard International Review. Kine has spoken
publicly on Asia’s human rights challenges at venues ranging from the European Parliament and
the American Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong to the Council on Foreign Relations and a
hearing of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC). Kine is an adjunct
professor in the Roosevelt House Human Rights Program at Hunter College in New York City. ),
2-8-2018, "World Must Pressure Philippines on Drug War Accountability," Human Rights Watch,
The buzzwords “bloodless,” “transparent,” and “accountability” are being deployed by
Philippine National Police Director General Ronald dela Rosa and his colleagues in a bid to
rebrand President Rodrigo Duterte’s murderous “war on drugs” with a veneer of lawfulness. The
government officially relaunched “Oplan Tokhang” (Operation Knock-and-Plead), the flagship police operation of Duterte’s anti-drug campaign, on
January 29. Reliable non-governmental groups and the Catholic Bishops’ Conference estimate that the campaign has killed more than 12,000 people,
mostly urban slum dwellers, since June 2016. The relaunch lifts a suspension of police anti-drug operations that the government imposed in October
after mass protests in response to the alleged summary execution by police of 17-year-old Kian Loyd delos Santos. However, the police admitted last
week that despite that suspension, officers killed 46 suspected “drug personalities” between December 5 and February 1. Dela Rosa won’t dwell on the
“drug war” death toll. He prefers an upbeat narrative of vows that the police “aren’t hiding anything” and commitments to equip police with body
cameras and even to allow “human rights advocates” to accompany police on anti-drug operations. Philippines’ ‘War on Drugs’ Philippines’ ‘War on
Drugs’ Since taking office in June 2016, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has carried out a “war on drugs” resulting in the deaths of over 12,000
Filipinos. ESSENTIAL BACKGROUND He portrays a future anti-drug campaign spearheaded by police brandishing Bibles and rosaries rather than pistols
and assault weapons. That strain of magical thinking appears to be contagious. Last week, James Walsh, a US State Department official overseeing
American police on international narcotics and law enforcement, said the conduct of the Philippine National Police indicated that “we are seeing some
of our human-rights training working.” Walsh didn’t comment on the drug war’s steadily mounting death toll or its near-total absence of accountability.
Dela Rosa likewise won’t discuss accountability. Instead he makes vague promises that the anti-drug campaign’s “mistakes of the past will not be
repeated.” And he attributes any allegations of unlawful conduct by police personnel to a minority of “scalawags” in the ranks. That rhetoric is part of a
multi-pronged government disinformation effort of denial and distraction to deflect growing evidence that many of the killings have been extrajudicial
executions that dela Rosa, Duterte, and senior government officials have actively incited and instigated. It ignores damning evidence of police
involvement in extrajudicial killings linked to the “drug war” documented by Philippine journalists, foreign correspondents and international human
rights organizations over the past 18 months. The rare exception to the lack of accountability for “drug war” killings was the move by prosecutors on
January 30 to file murder charges against three police officers implicated in the death of delos Santos. The handful of previous prosecutions of police
personnel implicated in drug war killings have not resulted in convictions. Instead, the police and the Duterte government have in effect
institutionalized impunity for police involvement in summary killings. Dela Rosa has dismissed calls for independent investigation into police drug-war
killings as “legal harassment” and said that the demand “dampens the morale” of police officers. In August, Duterte vowed to pardon and promote any
police personnel implicated in unlawful killings. The efforts of Duterte administration and police officials to whitewash their culpability underscore the
need for a United Nations-led investigation. The government has also hobbled public pressure to provide accountability for the killings by subjecting
critics of the government’s “drug war” narrative to withering harassment, intimidation or worse. Targets have included the official Commission on
Human Rights, United Nations officials, and Senator Leila de Lima. On February 24, 2017, after a relentless government campaign against her, police
arrested de Lima on politically motivated charges – she has remained in detention ever since. Last month, the government ratcheted up its attack on
domestic media outlets that have exposed police involvement in “drug war” abuses by threatening to shut down the media platform by
as the Philippine Daily
Inquirer, both known for their in-depth investigative reporting. The efforts of Duterte
administration and Philippine National Police officials to whitewash their culpability in
thousands of “drug war” deaths underscore the need for a United Nations-led investigation into those killings. Last year the
revoking its operating license. Duterte and his supporters have also targeted the news channel ABS-CBN as well
government ignored two joint statements by UN member states led by Iceland that urged Manila to “take all necessary measures to bring these killings
to an end” and to “cooperate with the international community to pursue appropriate investigations into these incidents.”
It’s critical for
the UN Human Rights Council to adopt a resolution creating an investigatory
body to undertake steps toward accountability that the Duterte government
refuses to make .
War on drugs
Post plan, Duterte creates a committee to put holes in it.
Placido 18 Dharel. “Duterte creates FOI exceptions policy committee” October 17, 2018. IB
MANILA - President
Rodrigo Duterte has ordered the creation of a committee that will review the
inventory of exceptions to the Freedom of Information (FOI) executive order in the executive
branch issued more than 2 years ago.
Duterte, in his Memorandum Circular No. 49, tasks the policy committee to periodically
update the list of FOI exceptions “to properly reflect any change in existing laws and
Representatives from the Department of Justice and Office of the Solicitor General are designated as chairpersons of the interagency committee.
The committee’s members are representatives from the Presidential Communications Operations Office, Office of the Government
Corporate Counsel, and the National Privacy Commission.
Duterte popularity up --- drug war is why.
Caldwell 18 Christopher [Christopher Caldwell is a national correspondent at The Weekly Standard. He is the author of
Reflections on the Revolution In Europe: Immigration, Islam and the West (Doubleday, 2009)] “The deadly police tactics, insulting
oratory, anti-Americanism, and overwhelming popularity of Philippines president Rodrigo Duterte” May 22, 2018. IB
From outside the Philippines, there is an obvious question: If
you think government leaders are corrupt, why
not just arrest them and bring them to trial? Inside the Philippines, the question answers
itself: Because government leaders are corrupt. They cannot be trusted to clean their own
stables. Duterte can. The six-million vote plurality that Duterte won in an insurgent campaign
against the country’s political establishment mobilized what political scientist Aries Arugay
calls a “cross-class coalition of conservative Filipinos, overseas labor migrants, the educated
middle class, the urban poor, and informal workers.” Since his May 2016 election, the
president’s approval rating has never been far from 80 percent, and his drug war is an
important element of his popularity. According to a detailed poll carried out last year by
Manila-based Social Weather Stations, voters approved of the drug war 77-14.
Investment up.
Desiderio 18 Louella. “Investment pledges rise 19% in 9 months” October 19, 2018. IB
MANILA, Philippines — Project approvals
by the Board of Investments (BOI) rose 19 percent in the
nine months to September this year mainly due to big-ticket ventures in the power and
manufacturing sectors, the country’s top trade official said.
Speaking at the European Union - Philippines Business Summit yesterday, Trade
Secretary and BOI chairman Ramon
Lopez said investments registered with the agency reached P454.8 billion as of end-September
from P381.2 billion in the same period last year.
“We saw good performance as of September, 19 percent growth mainly [due to] power, energy and manufacturing,” he said.
Investments for power projects grew 49 percent to reach P168 billion as of end-September
from the previous year’s P112.8 billion.
Driving the increase in the power sector was Pulangi Hydro Power Corp.’s 250-megawatt hydroelectric power plant in Bukidnon with
an investment of P38 billion.
Investments registered for manufacturing projects surged 184 percent to P104 billion in the nine-month period from P36.5 billion a
year ago.
The Philippine economy is strong and set to grow
Arab News 10/4 Arab News. “Philippine economy to remain strong amid global uncertainty,
inflation — World Bank.” October 4, 2018. TG
DUBAI: The Philippine economy will remain strong despite rising global uncertainty and
inflationary pressures, the World Bank said in its the Philippines Economic Update released on
“The Philippine economy is poised to remain strong and is projected to grow at 6.5 percent in
2018, 6.7 percent in 2019, and 6.6 percent in 2020,” the multilateral lending agency noted,
despite a slowdown during the first half because of weaker electronics exports and lower farm
output due to unfavorable weather conditions.
Rising government expenditure for infrastructure should provide the momentum for the
Philippine economy to speed up in the second half of 2018 and in early 2019, while private
consumption growth, which accounts for about two-thirds of total economic growth will
remains strong despite an increase in consumer prices, it added.
“Private consumption is projected to remain strong, supported by a steady labor market,
continuous inflow of remittances, and inflation easing,” Rong Qian, World Bank senior
economist, said.
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