• Makasalanan 0 Kapus-Palad: A Phenomenological Study of Children in Conffict with the Law Rosalea Cornelia Araneta-de Leon Ateneo de Manila University Using a multiple case-multiplemeasuresapproach, this study focused on understanding the world of children in conflict with the law (CIL). Eight boys ages 14 to 17 were given the clinical assessment battery composed of an in-depth interview, projective techniques and adult behavioral observations. The experiences of the children in their outer world and inner world were sought. The results point towards a longing for a nurturing family. The association of bonding and attachment on conscience development was explored. Stages of conscience erosion were formulated indicating a need for early intervention to help the CIL. Strategies for intervention and suggestions for further research are discussed. Everyday we encounter different forms of crimes committed by minors. Movies, television and print news reports portray these incidents in great detail. For instance, Alviar (1995) wrote about a grandfather and two teenagers who raped and murdered a 10-yearold girl while under the influence of prohibited drugs. Un son (1995) further reported the alleged gang rape of a 13-year-old girl by 7 teenagers now charged with seven counts of rape in the local court. In recent years, there has been a significant increase in the number of crimes committed by juveniles and children. In 1986 to 1992, the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) reported 4,038 cases of various offenses committed by juveniles in Metro Manila alone. This figure does not even include unreported cases. Data, from the Philippine National Police (PNP) in 1994 revealed that these children are between 13 to 17 years of age who usually come from poor families who live in the slums. The types of crimes 92 . • . • • Philippine Journal ofPsychology Vol. 33 No. I (2000):92-110. • • ... • • • • • they commit include murder or homicide, illegal possession of firearms, drug-related offenses, trespassing and vagrancy. With juvenile delinquency being apparent in society, interest in this area of study is evident with the overwhelming amount of literature focusing on criminal behavior among children and adolescents. At present, there are several theories that offer different factors that may influence juvenile delinquency. These theories may be categorized into two main themes: nature theories and nurture theories. The Nature Theories. The nature theories rely mainly on biochemical and gender factors to explain juvenile delinquency. The biochemical perspective holds that there is something inside the physical or genetic make-up of the person that makes him engage in criminal acts. Siblings adopted into different homes showed similar conviction rates and these rates rise if the shared biological father has a criminal record. In terms of gender, more men or boys are among the criminals in jails or juvenile halls. Although there are also girls or women in the criminal world, statistical reports (e.g., Teh, 1996) show that it is still boys/men who dominate the field. The Nurture Theories. The following factors are included in the nurture theories ofjuvenile delinquency: (a) lack offormal education, (b) media, (c) drug abuse, (d) peers, (e) law enforcers, (f) family factors, (g) histories of abuse, and (h) lack of bonding or attachment. Lack offormal education. In a local study, Teh (1996) discovered that a typical Filipino delinquent is usually a male between 14 to 17 years of age who is out-of-school at the commission of the offense although he has achieved some level of elementary education but he is commonly-a repeater due to truancy. In terms of his family life, he usually comes from either a broken home or has one or both parents deceased. His parents, who usually achieved elementary education, are engaged in unskilled or semi-skilled labor. Finally, delinquents usually live in the slums with other poor families. This is consistent with the DSWD in 1995 where they found that of those confined in the Regional Rehabilitation Centers for the Youth (RRCY) in October 1991,72% received elementary education, 4% reached high school while 12% received no formal education at all. 93 • • Media. The American Psychological Association (1996) reports that an average American child has seen 8,000 televised murders and 100,000 other acts of TV violence before finishing elementary school. In the Philippines,TV shows are not much better. Imported Japanese cartoons with Tagalog dialogues often have violent themes. Carandang (personal communication, 1996) comments that the Filipino concept of "ganti" (i.e. revenge) IS often exploited to justify the amount of violence a film will have in order to rate well or sell or both. There is an alarming concern for television violence and the reason behind this is that most violence is learned (Bandura and Walter, 1963). Drug abuse. Johnson (1984) reports that an average heroin user commits 1,000 crimes per year. Furthermore, it was found that alcoholics who started drinking alcohol before their twenties are more likely to experience clinical depression, attempt suicide and spend time injail for crimes involving physical violence. Peers. Mckinney et. al. (1982) maintains that a child who comes from an unpleasant home situation may tum to peers who are involved in delinquency and develop such a lifestyle himself. Individuals learn maladaptive or illegal behavior by imitating the behavior of their peers. Law enforcers. Law enforcers in the Philippines are notorious for using torture on captured delinquents and youth offenders. Caparas (1995) cites several incidents of children's heads being wrapped in towels or plastic bags or being submerged in water supposedly to get confessions or to teach them a lesson. .It is not far-reaching to say that the circumstances children in conflict with. the law face actually fail to rehabilitate them but may even add to their deterioration as human beings. Family factors. Of the many social factors mentioned in connection with delinquency, none take center stage as much as family factors. The kind of family environment the child has is directly related to the presence or absence of delinquent behavior, even the way he/she responds to peer pressure. Mckinney et. al. (1982) list some reasons for delinquency. Some families derive vicarious satisfaction from seeing a family member "act out." Other members are used as scapegoats in an already disturbed family ~. • • • 94 • • system. These scapegoats are what family therapists call the identified patient or the IP. Histories ofabuse. Carandang (1994) has spoken quite strongly against using violent means as a way of instilling discipline on children and other members of the family. For the most part these ways just traumatize children instead of correcting the negative behaviors. However, with all the experts voicing their opinions against any form of battering, there are still parents who believe this is their only means of ensuring obedience. • "- • • . Lack of bonding or attachment. The "bonding theories" came into focus with the publication of the book High Risk: Children Without a Conscience by Magid and Mckelvey in 1987. This work documents the lives of children who committed heinous crimes such as murder without concern, guilt and are even "enjoying" the attention they got from their acts. It is a known fact that children have to experience emotional security at home in order to grow as confident, trusting, trustworthy individuals. This is primarily true of their relationship with their mothers. Bowlby (1949) expressed that there are psychopathic or "affectionless" women who cannot form close relationships with their children. Wilson (1964) relates other reasons such as emotional immaturity, preoccupation with personai emotional problems, and mental retardation which may inhibit parents from understanding the demands of their children. Bowlby (1944) compared a group of juvenile thieves with a control group of maladjusted children. He found that prolonged mother-child separation in the first five years bears an etiological relationship to certain forms of persistent stealing. Delinquency may also be traced to the lack of attachment a child feels. Fraiberg (1977) wrote that: "the distinguishing characteristic of the diseases of non-attachment is the incapacity of the person to form human bonds." Encounters with individuals who lack attachment allows one to perceive a feeling of intervening space, of remoteness and having no connection. Fraiberg claims many of these people are in mental hospitals but more are in prison. One warden says that a full 90% of the convicts under his care are psychopaths. The study was part of a larger research conducted by the Greenhills Creative Center Research Team for UNICEF (Carandang, 95 • • 1996). The aim of the larger research was to uncover the etiology of criminal behavior among children and adolescents. -Within that context, the goal of this study was to map and understand the inner world of the child and adolescent criminals. Basically, this study aims to describe the unique life circumstances, thought processes, feelings, emotions and perceptions of Children in Conflict with the Law (CIL); 7- Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework utilized for this study is Carandang's (1981) Rubies Cube Approach. This approach perceives the child in four dimensions including: (1) the child as a total person, (2) the developmental dimension, (3) the contextual dimension and (4) the phenomenological dimension. . The First Dimension: The Child as a Total Person. The "horizontal" dimensionviews the child from a total perspective, that is, as a personhaving physical, intellectual or cognitive, socioemotional, and moral or spiritual facets Of development. The Second Dimension: The Developmental Perspective. The "vertical" dimension understands where the child is at in terms of his developmental stage. It injects an element of hope because it helps map out strategies that can propel the child toward the next stage of growth. The Third Dimension: The Child in Context. This dimension view's the child within the context of the family, community and culture. The child's "context" in this study include important background information such as quality of family life, peers, street life, rehabilitation experiences, and will. The Fourth Dimension: The Phenomenological Dimension. The final dimension forms the underlying basic concept in the clinicalphenomenological approach. This dimension looks into the child's point of view and how he-sees his world. • f • • Method Research Design. This study uses the multiple-case study approach specifically using multiple cases and multiple methods in 96 • • gathering data. This design is the most appropriate given the study's goals. The nuances and intricacies of each child's unique experience are given importance as viewed from the context of his family, community and culture. The data were articulated from the viewpoint of the child. • Participants. The children were purposively selected by the Project Coordinator in conjunction with the cooperating agencies based on the following guidelines: (a) the child should be between 11 to 17 years of age and (b) the child should be able to understand interview questions and clearly articulate his responses. Eight boys between 11 to 17 years of age participated in the study. Boys instead of girls were chosen in order to remain true to the statistics that point towards a predominantly male population among juvenile delinquents. Instruments. Several instruments were utilized to gather data for this study. The clinical assessment battery used by Carandang et. al. (1993) and Nisperos (1994) were adapted for the study. • • The package included the in-depth clinical interview guide, projective assessment techniques designed to give a view of the child's inner world and measures of intellectual functioning to appraise the child's intellectual level. The in-depth clinical interview guide was a semi-structured interview designed to look into all the four dimensions of the child's world. These easy-to-answer questions helped to build rapport between child and interviewer. The projective assessment techniques, on the other hand, aimed to elicit information that ascertains the child's deeper or unconscious issues. The r e were two instruments that made up the projective test battery. Projective stories from selected cards of the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) and the Philippine Children Apperception Test (peAT) as well as a Sentence Completion Test (SCT) adapted and modified from completion tests such as Sack's and Forer's were utilized. For the intellectual test battery, a non-verbal intelligence battery was included to have a general view of the children's level of intellectual functioning. These included all the performance sub tests of the WISC-R (Weschler Intelligence Scale For Children-Revised) plus the arithmetic and digit span to measure their ability to compute and remember digits in the short term. The Bender-Gestalt Visual 97 • • Motor Test (BGVMT) was also included to measure possible brain injury. Other sources of information included: (a) the children's files which included their case records and reports of the social worker, and (b) behavioral checklists which elicited information about the child's observed behavior at the center. The first behavioral checklist was a modified version of the Vineland Social Maturity Scale translated to Filipino and converted into a checklist format. This was given to measure the child's social functioning and practical intelligence. The second behavioral checklist elicited background information regarding the child's behavioral functioning as perceived by the adult observers. Procedure. Interview schedules were made with the children and the agencies were informed about the interviews, the children to be interviewed and other requirements. The two behavioral checklists were sent ahead of time to give the staff time to confer amongst themselves as they completed the forms. The interviewers conducted one-on-one interviews with as much privacy as possible. A rapport building session was held on the first visit of the interviewers. The atmosphere of the session was casual and relaxed so that the children would be encouraged to talk about themselves and ask questions about the research. During the interview proper, the interviewer assured· the child of confidentiality. If at any point during the interview, the interviewer felt that there was a need for therapeutic interventions, he/she first tried to finish the battery of tests before giving the necessary intervention. The team was careful not to leave, any child without making sure that some form of closure occurred. When necessary, the researcher came back for another session with the child. Six therapists-researchers completed the in-depth interviews and assessment for this study. They were psychotherapists who extensively trained under a renowned clinical psychotherapist. Furthermore, they were experienced in interacting with, and doing therapy with troubled children. They were likewise adept in conducting clinical and psychological assessment and integrating test responses, behavioral observations and clinical judgment into comprehensive psychological reports. They were either holders of a Master's degree in psychology or were candidates for such a degree. • • • • 98 • • • Data analysis. A qualitative and clinical analysis was used to analyze the data. A case report was prepared for each participant which included the following three aspects: demographic data, the "outer world" data and the "inner world" data. Demographic data included the children's age, scholastic attainment and birth order. The children's family composition, significant life events, and experiences of being in conflict with the law were outlined in the "outer world" division of the analysis. The "inner world" aspect included the children's worldview, predominant feelings, selfconcept, perception of family and peers and morality. The themes that arose from the data were noted and their frequencies were tabulated. Themes may consist of emotions, feelings, situations and others that arose from the participant's responses and projectivedata, A summarized individual report highlighting the child's predominant cognitive, socio-emotional and moral-spiritual functioning was also prepared for the benefit of the centers. Results • • " Demographic profile of the GIL. The children's mean age was 15.5. They ranged from 14 years old to 17 years old. Of the eight children, three were first born, three were last born, one was an only child; and one was a middle child. As for their scholastic attainment, seven out of eight reached only the elementary level. One reached high school. Outer world: Family composition. Six of the CIL came from "broken homes" whose parents were either separated or remarried. One child considered his family as "broken" because his parents work abroad and only come home once a year. One child came from an intact family. Most of the children did not have any stepsiblings (6 out of 8). Only one child had an extended family member living with them (the aunt who is entrusted with their care). Three children were abandoned by their mothers; one child was abandoned by the father; and one child felt abandoned by both parents because he was left under the care of an aunt. Outer world: Family life. Five children experienced physical abuse, three from female relatives (mother, aunt) and two from their fathers. There were no violent deaths in the families of all the eight children. 99 • All their fathers also had jobs - mostly blue collar work such as: kalesa driver, construction worker, street sweeper, vendor, and jeep dispatcher:' • The mothers, on the other hand, worked as labandera (laundry woman), sold newspapers and worked overseas. Two were plain housewives. Outer world: History ofcaretakers: All the children were under the care of their biological parents until they left home, except for one who was under the care of his paternal aunt. Outer world: Running away. The mean age of the children when they left home was 11.~ years old. The ages ranged from as young as 6 years old to 15 years old: Most of the children left home because of an unhappy home life characterized by constant parental disagreements. Physical abuse is also one reason why theY'ffirraw·ay. • Almost all of them went directly to the streets from their houses. In the streets, they met other street children who rescued them and taught them how to survive. These friends or "barkada" almost always were the ones who taught them how to use drugs and get into a life of crime. Their criminal life eventually got them arrested and placed in reception centers like MYRC or MOLA VE. This is where they stay while they wait for the resolution of their cases. Outer world: Significant life events. Most of the children had similar life stories. They stayed with their parents until a major family change occurred such as the death of a parent and the remarriage of the surviving parent: Another reason why they left home was their inability to contend with disharmonious family life, specifically unstable parental relationship and overly strict relatives. Other reasons for leaving home inchided having done something "shameful" such as stealing from .an employer or getting caught in possession of drugs. Outer world: Street life and drugs. As mentioned earlier, the streets and their peers offer the children the haven they were seeking away from. their· disharmonious. families. However, it is also the streets that introduced them to a life of crime, violence and drugs. A life of crime was viewed as necessary if one is to live in the streets. After all, it is the stealing, snatching, and others that provide for food and drugs as well as their. social needs. . . • • 100 • • One factor which helps them survive in the streets is their "barkada" or peer group. These friends provide them with companionship, "alaga" or care, food and even the bail money when they are arrested. In simple terms, their barkada is their "family." The drugs and illegal substances, on the other hand, are first taken to give them courage or "lakas ng loob" to commit the crimes and forget their unhappy family life and present situation. However, after some time, they get addicted and the cycle of drugs and crime is established. • • • Solvent or rugby was usually the stepping stone substance, followed by marijuana or tsongke, cough syrup or Pedol, turok or injections, tablets like Pinoy Ekes (a pill) and shabu (methamphetamine). Shabu is probably at the end of the line because of its cost - as one child said "minsan lang kasi mahal yon e" (we only take it sometimes because it is expensive). Outer world: Working. The CIL included in this study were all working children. Their jobs included selling things, helping in a sari-sari store, driving small vehicles like tricycles or pedicabs, "pahinante ng truck," dishwasher, delivery boy, and wire fixers. Some children also listed "stealing" as one of their "jobs." Outer world: Significant persons. None of the children were able to identify any positive significant adult in their lives either at home or in the streets. Only one child was able to name significant adults who incidentally were members of the reception center's personnel. Instead, most of the children mentioned their peers as the most significant persons in their lives. Outer World: Experience of being in conflict with the law. Almost all the children (seven out of eight) were involved in some form of theft like stealing, snatching, hold-up, shoplifting, and akyat bahay/bakod (climbing houses/fences for the purpose of stealing). The only other case was multiple rape . Half of the children reasoned that they stole to have money to buy drugs or illegal substances and food. Two children claimed to be a part of a syndicate that forced children to steal to pay for their drugs. The syndicate also provided the children with food and 101 • • protection. However, this "protection" quickly turned to threats and beatings if the children did not carry out the wishes of the leader. Other reasons given for stealing included: (a) revenge against those who stole from them and those who doubted their honesty in doing an honest trade, (b) to provide for their family, (c) because of "tampo sa magulang" (i.e. felt badly towards the parents), and (d) to get money to medicate oneself. Other crimes they were involved in but were not apprehended for include stabbing for revenge and "trobol" or gang wars that involved throwing pillboxes at the enemy and at times, murder. Outer world: Experience ofpolice brutality. The Cll, all recall being beaten or tortured by the police. The torture may take the form ofa simple "bugbog" (hit) to "tadyak sa tagiliran" (kicked on the sides), "ginawang ashtray yung mukha" (face was turned into an ashtray), "tinubig" (water poured into the nose), "kinuryente" (immersed in water and electrocuted), hit by the butt of a gun, and "salvage" (summary execution although they just witnessed this one). The purpose of the torture was always to make the children admit to the crimes they were accused of. All of the children eventually admitted the crimes to stop the torture. However, the brutality caused most children to feel angry and resentful. Some children used this anger and resentment to justify the commission of more crimes. In the children's file there was always a note from the "medico legal" that read: "no signs of physical injury" at the time the children are admitted to the reception centers. As a researcher, I wondered if this note meant that all the children lied about the police brutality; or whether their bruises had healed inasmuch as it usually takes a few days after the arrest before they are brought to the centers. It is also possible that they were hit on parts of the body where injuries do not show during medical examinations. Outer world: Media violence. Aside from the violence the children experience from policemen, they were also exposed to "glamorized" violence on television and movies. Their screen idols usually commit violent acts for revenge or "paghihiganti," The manner the children speak about violence often mimicked the way movie actors talk: "Di ho ako nananakit na walang atraso sa akin" (I do not hurt anyone who has not offended me). • • • 102 • • Outer world: Effect of crime on CIL's life. Half of the children saw the negative effects of crimes in their lives. They expressed that crime is "masama" or bad. Furthermore, they perceived that living a life of crime was "dagdag problema" (adds to your problems). They revealed that during their "criminal" days, they could not sleep and were deeply sad. Nonetheless, two of the CIL saw crime as a source of bonding among friends as well as an easy way out of poverty. • • • Outer world: Rehabilitation experience. Half of the children have stayed more than five months at the centers while the rest have only been there for a month. Pending cases was the common reason for their stay. The cases sometimes dragged on because of the failure of the complainant to show up, or the unavailability of the judge, or simply biding time hoping for the complainant to forgive the child. All in all, the children expressed positive experiences from the' rehabilitation centers. Most of their positive experiences had to do with the regularity of routines. They ate on time, had roles/chores to do, prayed or heard mass regularly, and had academic lessons. Other experiences considered positive included "laging nakalabas" (being able to leave the cell), having time to sing, dance and have fun telling stories, "di pinapabayaan" (not neglected), the place being clean, and the staff giving in to their wishes. Outer world: Comments of the social workers. In general, the social workers described the children as sociable. They expressed that they were: "marunong makisama" (got along well with others), "nangangaral ng iba" (mentored other children) and outgoing. However, they also observed some negative behaviors such as: "di open" (lack of openness), "mapag-isa" (loner), "tahimik walang kibo" (does not say a word) and "mahiyain" (shy). Outer world: Changes most important to the chi/d. Half the children liked being taught to pray. This seems to be a source of strength since God is seen as an ally for change. The CIL also noticed experiencing the following changes: "iwas bisyo" (avoid vices), stopped stealing, stopped irritating older people, ability to control hot-headedness, "maibigin sa kapwa" (loves fellow man), "matulungin" (helpful), "mapagkumbaba" (humble), and reading. 103 • • Inner world:Selj-concept. In general, the children had a negative view of themselves. Most saw themselves as abandoned and neglected. Furthermore, they perceived this abandonment and neglect as the cause for their being "bad" or "masama." As one boy said, "Okay lang magnakaw tambay naman ako e, walang nag-aaruga, walang nagbabawal" (It is okay to steal, I am from the streets and there is nobody who cares for me, nobody who forbids me .tp). The second phrase ("walang nagbabawal") conveys their need for structure and guidance or in their own words "kailangan ituwid" (literally "straightened" meaning corrected or structured) and "dapat . ilagay sa tama" (literally "corrected"). The CIL also felt that they were "nabubulok (rotting), nalalagas (falling apart), nalalanta (withering) and mababali" (broken). One child expressed that "yung Molave ...gumagapos sa akin ...pag nawala yan, magiging demonyo na naman ako" (this Molave-the center-ties me up, if it disappears, I will be a demon again). Inner world: Predominant feelings. The most predominant feeling among the CIL was sadness or "malungkot. "They felt this way due to several reasons such as: (a) being abandoned and neglected, (b) not knowing how to deal with life problems and (c) missing happy times with their family. Aside from feeling sad, the children also felt pain and anger or "masakit sa loob" (emotional pain), "nagalit" (angry) or "galit na galit" (very angry). The children felt a certain amount of irritation towards their parents. These feelings arise from the unhappy relationship with their parents and the fact that they were separated from their loved ones. Feelings of remorse and neglect were also present. They felt "nakokonsyensiya" (troubled by their conscience) and "nagsisisi" (regretful) over their crimes. Furthermore, the children expressed several accounts of their crimes and sorrow for committing them. Happiness for them was being with their families again. It is interesting to note that happiness was more of a wish than a personal account of an actual experience. Inner world: World view. All the children saw the world as difficult to live in, full of hardships, dangerous and full of separation from loved ones. Nevertheless, there were those who felt hopeful because there were people who cared for their plight. They also saw God as a source of help and guidance. • • • 104 • • • • • Inner world: Perception offamily members. The CIL perceived their parents in a negative light. They described their parents as fighting constantly, abandoning, away at work, and unable to agree on parenting practices. Mothers were described as neglecting and abandoning. Most of the CIL wished that their mothers were more caring, sacrificing and less abusive. With regard to how they view children, the CIL see children as needing guidance from their parents, especially their mother. However, the CIL also view children as stowaways who steal to survive in the streets. Inner world: The longing for a happy, harmonious family life. All the children expressed a wish for a family whose parents are nurturing and caring for each other. Since they felt themselves deteriorating or becoming "bad," they longed for a family who would be able to provide emotional and psychological support to every member. In relation to this, they yearned to have a mother who could provide emotional and psychological nurturance. Inner world: The absence of positive significant adults and extended family members. The CIL's families were disharmonious and they did not have extended family members or positive significant adults to take care of them. Inner world: Perception of women. The CIL viewed women as sex objects: "parausan" (used to relieve sexual urges), "talik tap os iiwan no" (used for sex then abandoned), victims of rape, "nilalaspag ng asawa," weak, nervous, and a martyr such that she may even marry the man who raped her. Aside from the above mentioned view, they also believed that women sometimes take advantage of the goodness of their husbands. They might stay in bed while the man goes to work or leave home even if it saddens everybody. Inner world: View of God. God was viewed as the One who forgives or "tinutubos ang kasalanan" (saved from sins). Most of the children are confident of being forgiven. However, there were some who were uncertain due to the sheer number of crimes they had committed. One doubted the power of God because his prayers remain unanswered. They also saw God as "maganda" or beautiful and "nagbibigay ng kapayapaan" or giver of peace. When the CIL pray, they ask for forgiveness, for help to be good, to take away thoughts of crime and to be freed. The CIL view God as an ally in their quest 105 • • for change: a quest that begins with their belief of being forgiven and progresses to the faith that God will facilitate their transformation. Inner world: Perception of crime, sense ofjustice and guilt. Most of the children blamed their peers for encouraging and leading them into a life of crime. Most also blamed their neglecting parents who led them to.the. streets and into crime. The children had varying degrees of guilt for their crimes. Four levels of conscience erosion were identified.' First was knowing that what they did was wrong, feeling sorry for what they have done and taking some steps to change for the better. Second was knowing that what they have done was bad but enjoying what the crime provided such as money, food and drugs. Third was feeling numb about their crimes or have no feelings about it. Fourth was believing that crime is right, the hassle is only in getting caught. It was observed that it was mainly the older children who felt numb about their crimes and were able to justify their crimes as right. This observation has clear implications to the importance of early intervention for these children. • Discussion Empathy, the ability to.feel with others, is an important deterrent in committing crimes. Goleman (1995) states that "the inability to feel their victim's pain allows perpetrators to tell themselves lies that encourage their crime." Empathy leads to altruism. When we feel for people, we want to act on their behalf - protect them from harm, ease their suffering and make them happy (Schulman and Mekler, 1985). Bowlby (1969) and Ainsworth (1962) theorize that the development of empathy stems from bonding with the parents. These above statements gain importance when seen in the light of the research findings. Before entering the centers, the Cll, did not have a significant adult who had a positive contribution in their lives. Furthermore, most of the children had strong feelings of parental abandonment and neglect. • • The connection between having a positive significant person and committing a crime becomes more important when we consider that 106 • • • • the only person who did not specify any positive significant person (even in the center) was the only one accused of a crime against persons-rape. He was also the one who did not feel sorry for his crime. There was one child with no positive significant person who felt guilty only for his crime against property (stealing) but fantasizes about stabbing someone for the fun of it. These anecdotes clearly point toward the importance of attachment or bonding in the development of conscience in children. As Bowlby (1969) reiterates, "there is a strong causal relationship between an individual's experience with his parents and his later capacity to make affectional bonds." This means that having an affectionate relationship with the parents would teach the child to be affectionate with others as well. Consequently, a negative emotional experience with parents would affect the child's ability to form emotional bonds. Fahlberg (1979) makes a positive connection between being attached and the development of a conscience. In line with this attachment and conscience development viewpoint, a child who comes from an unhappy family and whose unhappiness is caused by continued disharmony among his parents may become unattached or unbonded and thus, fail to be develop a healthy conscience. In our culture, when parents fail, we have the extended family members who may take over the caring for the children. However, in the case of the CIL, there were no extended family members who cared enough to parent them. Neither were there any significant adults who positively influenced them. Suggested Intervention Strategies • • In an interview for the Philippine Star (1995), Carandang expressed that children, whether they are from the slums or from the affluent families, almost always have family-related reasons for developing psychological problems. Whether they stay in the home or go to the streets, their reason for leaving or staying had to do with how happy they are with their families. More concretely, a child who enjoys a harmonious family life is less likely to leave home, while a child (like the CIL) fed up with his parents' constant quarreling will go somewhere (maybe the streets) to look for a more tolerable life. 107 • • Hence, a long term goal for any intervention strategy for these children would be to help their families by educating the parents so that they will be aware of the importance of bonding in conscience development and to understand the development of their child. It is important to remind them of the effects their marital relationship has on their children and the use of alternative forms of-discipline rather than abusive forms. The children in conflict with the law point to their peers as being the most significant part of their iives. Hence, they have to be taught constructive and more meaningful interactions with these persons through peer group projects and peer counseling. . Law enforcers with their harsh ways of dealing with children serve as motivation for the CIL to continue their crimes. It is important that the police are taught alternative ways of interrogating children. The lack of sensitivity of policemen is also a flaw in the justice system. With the abolition of the family courts, there are no courts specifically attuned to the needs ofjuveniles. .The reception centers that most of the time act as rehabilitation centers because of the length of stay of the children waiting for case resolutions should have the following characteristics: first, a nurturing family-like environment with surrogate parents who are supportive of the children's desire to change; second, the center needs well-trained staff members who understand how to deal with special types of children and are able to implement effective ways of conflict resolution; and third, spiritual instruction as an effective way of encouraging the children to change. Nonetheless, it has also been a source of disappointment to those who do not fully comprehend its complexity. It is suggested that the same instructions be provided but taking into account the comprehension level of the children and their specific situations. 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