Mini research on child labour in
the seafood supply chain
in Samut Sakhon, Thailand
International
Programme
on the Elimination
of Child Labour
(IPEC)
ILO's International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC).
Copyright © International Labour Organization 2010 – ISBN: 978-92-2-127272-4 (Web PDF).
ILO's publications enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention.
Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization,
on condition that the source is indicated.
For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be send to pubdroit@ilo.org.
ARCM Mini Research on Child Labour in the Seafood Supply Chain in Samut Sakhon
Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 Background and seriousness of the problem
The labour demand in Samut Sakhon Province is an important factor that attracts
migrant workers. The province is one of the nation’s most important fishing business centres.
Unfortunately, Thai workers do not like to work in deep sea fishing and seafood processing
businesses. The work is considered physically demanding, dirty and smelly. The
employment duration is uncertain. Employment is usually engaged on a subcontracting or
seasonal basis, leading to a high turn-over rate and labour shortages. As a consequence, the
government has allowed illegal migrant workers from Burma, Laos and Cambodia a
temporary stay in the province since 1996.
Recognizing the significance of the issue and taking an active interest in research on
labour in Samut Sakhon, the Asian Research Centre for Migration (ARCM), Institute of
Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, conducted a number of studies on various types of
the workforce. The studies include research projects on development of working conditions
and labour protection for migrant workers and on use of child labour in the fishery, fishing
processing, agriculture and domestic work sectors in Samut Sakhon. ARCM has submitted
its findings together with recommendations to various agencies. A finding by ARCM that
reveals a loophole in the tackling of Samut Sakhon labour problems is the impact of
subcontracting on child labour. Until recently little research has been seriously conducted on
this issue. The impact of subcontracting on child labour was raised in a study by Patima
Tangpratchayakul (Online, 2008), an activist of Labour Rights Promotion Network (LPN).
She found that current operators of big fish-processing plants in Samut Sakhon prefer to
subcontract their work to smaller fish-processing plants. Often lacking standard facilities,
these plants tend to hire Burmese children who accompany their parents to the province.
There are a large number of children under the age of 10 and between 10 and 15 years. The
year 2,000 saw 2,800 children between the age of 0 and 15 years documented. The
experience, however, shows that registered children under the age of 15 who seek work
permits constitute only a small part of the child labour population. A survey of migrant
worker communities and small-scaled seafood processing plants (locally called “Long”)
reveals a large number of child workers under the age of 15 who accompany their parents.
From 2004 to the present the number of children accompanying their families into Thailand
could be as high as 5,000-6,000, while those with official work number at least 10,000.
In addition, an ARCM study on the use of child labour in the fishery, fishing
processing, agriculture and domestic work sectors in Samut Sakhon (Chantaravanich,
Supang et al, 2006) reports that these child workers are subjected to several unsuitable
working conditions. For example, they have to work at night or for more than four
consecutive hours without a rest period. They are ordered to carry heavy loads, trawl fishing
nets, wash the boats, separate the catch, and put the fish into the icebox. In a fish-processing
business, they are supposed to peel shrimp, wash fish, clean squid, and unload the catch at the
fish market, as well as drying, boiling or peeling them. They usually do the work without
personal protective equipment. The only equipments they are given are gloves and pairs of
scissors. Such equipment are work tools and not for protective purposes.
Some of the problems encountered at these smaller fish-processing plants and
fish/shrimp markets are that these migrant child workers are put in an unsuitable workplace,
perform inordinate tasks, have no access to rights and social services provided by the State.
Worse, some are victims of human trafficking. The stories of child migrant workers being
exploited, unable to demand rights and get access to available social services, as well as
being victims of human trafficking, are commonly reported on television or in newspapers.
Therefore, ARCM thinks it appropriate to seriously conduct a study on subcontracting
arrangements practiced in small-scaled fish-processing businesses and fish markets and their
impacts on child labour. The objectives are to find out the nature of subcontracting practice
likely to affect child labor and to make recommendations to resolve the issue.
1.2 Objectives
1. To study the nature and process of subcontracting arrangements used in fishprocessing business
2. To study the use of child labour in subcontracting practice used in small-scale
fish-processing businesses and fish market
3. To make recommendations on the management of subcontracting in small-scale
fish-processing businesses and fish market that will be as beneficial and fair to
child workers as possible
1.3 Research Methodology
This series of studies involves a qualitative research method, gathering field data
especially in the communities, small-scale fish-processing plants, and fish/shrimp markets in
Samut Sakhon Province. The research team used in-depth interviews with child workers,
employers or business operators, parents, government officials, and officers from nongovernmental organizations as follows:
1. Working with Samut Sakhon Provincial Office of Labour Protection and Welfare
in surveying small-scale fish-processing plants and fish/shrimp markets engaged
in a subcontracting relationship with large-scale fish-processing operations. The
survey is designed to study the number and location of the business operations.
2. Seeking cooperation from local government agencies, e.g. Samut Sakhon
Provincial Office of Labour Protection and Welfare, in visiting the areas to collect
field data
3. Selecting samples of small-scale fish-processing plants and fish/shrimp markets
engaged in a subcontracting relationship with large-scale fish-processing
operations and using them as case studies
4. Gathering data through interviews with child workers, both Thai and migrant,
employed by small-scale fish-processing plants and fish/shrimp markets, their
parents, fish-processing operators, non-government organisations, and the general
public concerned. The exercise uses in-depth interviews with 20 child migrant
workers, four migrant parents, 32 employers/business operators, three government
officials, and three officers from non-government organisations.
2
Chapter 2
Conceptual Framework, Relevant Research Findings, Laws, and
Definition of Child Labour
2.1 Conceptual framework and relevant research findings
This research is a continuation of the project conducted by ARCM on the use of child
labour in the fishery, fishing processing, agriculture and domestic work sectors in Samut
Sakhon. As the previous project did not include their impact on child labour, the current
research attempts to study the issue, especially the impact on child workers in small-scale
fish-processing plants and fish/shrimp markets. These businesses hire a large number of
child migrant workers. It follows that the framework and relevant research findings of this
study will be the same as those of the previous research as follows:
An inappropriate form of child labour is the use of child workers under the age of 18
whether they are directly employed or help their families do the contracted work for
economic purposes under one or more of the following aspects:
1. The work is illegal.
2. They are deceived or abducted into the work market.
3. The wages, welfare, employment or working conditions are not in line with those
stipulated in the Labour Protection Act.
4. They work under the conditions potentially detrimental to their positive
development or social morality.
Cause of child labour
The cause of child labour varies from country to country, depending on domestic
economic and social situations. However, the main cause of child labour worldwide is
poverty, a factor that drives children to the work market for their own survival and for the
survival of their families. In addition, the presence of child labour is due to insufficient
numbers of schools. When children do not go to school, their parents take them along to
work. Some parents do not want to send their children to school, because in their childhood
they did not have the opportunity to do so and had to work for their living. This gives rise to
a misplaced value that children should work to pay off their parents’ debt. Several employers
hire child workers to save labour costs. Child workers are known to have nimble fingers
compared to adults. More importantly, children do not know about the rights and benefits
that they are entitled to and are in no position to negotiate with their employers.
The reasons for the presence of child labour differ across countries. Child labour
depends on the economic and social conditions in those countries. However, the key reason
for the problem of child labour around the world is poverty. Poverty forces children to work
for their survival and the survival of their families. Moreover, the lack of enough schools in
every area is another cause of child labour. The parents of children who cannot attend school
lead their children to find employment. In some cases, it is common not to send children to
school. When the parents were children, they did not attend school and had to work. Thus
they developed an incorrect attitude that children should work to pay their parents’ debts.
The carelessness of employers leads them to hire children to reduce their labour costs.
Children also have more nimble fingers than adults. Furthermore, it is important that children
3
lack knowledge of their rights and their value to employers. They do not have a voice to put
pressure on their employers.
Children are sent to work in various factories, but work by children in family
enterprises is another important part of the child labour problem. Children work by farming
the land, raising animals, processing agricultural products, and performing housework. It is
important that these children do not receive wages since this work occurs in the house.
It has been found that children from large families (i.e., the child has many siblings)
tend to be child labourers more often than children from small families. This is because large
families require more income to support all the family members. This causes the parents to
have their children work or to sell their children for money. Even for housework, older
children tend to work harder than younger children. Girls will have more limited
opportunities to receive an education than boys. 1
Worst Forms of Child Labour
What are the worst forms of child labour? The phrase “worst forms of child labour”
received attention from the International Labour Organization (ILO) after the ILO’s meeting
in 1999, known for the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (No. 182). This
Convention specified the meaning of the phrase “worst forms of child labour” for both male
and female children as follows:
1. All forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking
of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including
forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict;
2. The use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of
pornography or for pornographic performances;
3. The use, procuring or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the
production and trafficking of drugs as defined in the relevant international treaties;
4. Work which, by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely
to harm the health, safety or morals of children.
However, the details of this definition depend on national laws and the interpretation
of governments, employers, and employed persons as to what constitutes a risk and danger.
The United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of the Child also contains provisions
concerning the worst forms of child labour. Article 32 states: 2
1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to be protected from economic
exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to
interfere with the child's education, or to be harmful to the child's health or
physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development.
2. States Parties shall take legislative, administrative, social and educational
measures to ensure the implementation of the present article. To this end, and
having regard to the relevant provisions of other international instruments, States
Parties shall in particular:
1
2
David M. Smolin, Strategic Choices in the International Campaign Against Child Labour, Human Rights
Quarterly, no. 20 (n.p.: The John Hopkins University Press, 2000), 943-980.
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htm [accessed 9 June 2006]
4
(a) Provide for a minimum age or minimum ages for admission to employment;
(b) Provide for appropriate regulation of the hours and conditions of employment;
(c) Provide for appropriate penalties or other sanctions to ensure the effective
enforcement of the present article.
2.2 Labour laws and child labour
As for Thailand, researchers cite the Labour Protection Act of 1998 for principal
information when interpreting what constitutes the worst forms of child labour. Chapter 4 of
the Labour Protection Act contains the following provisions: 3
Article 44 An employer shall be prohibited from employing a child under the age of
fifteen years as an employee.
Article 45 When a child under the age of eighteen years is employed as an employee,
the employer shall act as follows:
(1) Report the employment of that child employee to the Labour Inspection Officer
within fifteen days from the date on which the child starts work.
(2) Prepare a record of conditions of employment, when they are changed from the
original conditions, for storage at the employer’s place of business operations or
office, ready for inspection by the Labour Inspection Officer during hours of
work.
(3) Report the termination of the employment of the child to the Labour Inspection
Officer within seven days from the date on which the child left the job.
The reports or preparation of the record under paragraph one shall be in accordance
with the formats prescribed by the Director-General.
Article 46 An employer shall arrange for a child employee to have a rest period of not
less than one consecutive hour per day after the employee has been working for not more
than four hours.
However, during those four hours, the child employee shall have a rest period as
prescribed by the employer.
Article 47 An employer shall be prohibited from permitting a child employee under
the age of eighteen years to work between the hours of 22.00 hrs and 16.00 hrs unless written
permission has been obtained from the Director-General or a person assigned by the DirectorGeneral.
An employer may let a child employee under the age of eighteen years who is a
performer in a movie, play or other similar form of exhibition work between the said hours.
In this connection, the employer shall arrange for that child employee to rest as appropriate.
3
Translation of the Labour Protection Act of 1998 available from “Diritto del Lavoro on Line” [“Directory of Law
Online] at the University of Catanzaro. http://www.unicz.it/lavoro/THAI_LPA(98).htm [accessed 9 June 2006]
5
Article 48 An employer shall be prohibited from permitting a child employee under
the age of eighteen years to work overtime or work on holidays.
Article 49 An employer shall be prohibited from permitting a child employee under
the age of eighteen years to perform any of the following work:
(1) The smelting, blowing, casting or rolling of metals.
(2) Metal stamping.
(3) Work connected with heat, cold, vibration, noise and light the levels of which
are different from normal levels, which could be hazardous as prescribed in
ministerial regulations.
(4) Work connected with hazardous chemicals as prescribed in ministerial
regulations.
(5) Work connected with microorganisms, which could be viruses, bacteria, moulds
or other germs as prescribed in ministerial regulations.
(6) Work connected with poisonous materials, explosives or inflammable materials,
except for work in fuel oil service stations as prescribed in ministerial
regulations.
(7) The driving or controlling of forklifts or cranes as prescribed in ministerial
regulations.
(8) Work which uses electric or motorized saws.
(9) Work which must be done underground, under water, in a cave, in a tunnel or a
shaft in a mountain.
(10) Work connected with radiation as prescribed in ministerial regulations.
(11) The cleaning of machinery or engines whilst the machinery or engines are in
operation.
(12) Work which must be performed on a scaffold more than ten meters from the
ground.
(13) Other work as prescribed in ministerial regulations.
Article 50 An employer shall be prohibited from permitting a child employee under
the age of eighteen years to work in the following places:
(1) An abattoir.
(2) A casino.
(3) A dance, folk dance or ronggeng hall.
(4) A place which sells and provides food, alcohol, tea or other beverages, with
hostesses to serve customers or with places for resting or sleeping or with
massage services for customers.
(5) 0ther places as prescribed in ministerial regulations.
Article 51 An employer shall be prohibited from paying the wages of a child
employee to another person.
An employer shall be prohibited from demanding or accepting guarantee money for
any purpose whatsoever on the part of a child employee.
In the case where an employer, a child employee, a parent or guardian of a child
employee pays or accepts money or any remuneration benefit in advance before employment
takes place, at the beginning of employment or before the stage of payment of the wages to
the child employee on each occasion, it shall not be held to be payment or receipt of wages
for that child employee, and the employer shall be prohibited from deducting the said
6
remuneration benefit from the wages which must be paid to the child employee in accordance
with the deadline.
Article 52 In the interests of developing and promoting the quality of life and the
performance of work by children, a child employee under the age of eighteen years has the
right to participate in meetings and seminars, receive training or take leave for other activities
which are organized by places of education or state or private sector work units approved by
the Director-General, subject to the requirement that the child employee shall inform the
employer clearly in advance of the reason for taking the leave, as well as show relevant
documentary evidence thereof, if any, and the employer shall pay wages to the child
employee in an amount equal to the wages for working days throughout the entire leave
period, but the number of such leave days must not exceed thirty days in a year.
Other than chapter 4, article 16 of the Labour Protection Act has a provision
concerning child labour:
Article 16 A boss or a person who is a work chief, a work supervisor or a work
inspector is not allowed to sexually harass an employee who is a female or a child.
In addition, in the Ministerial Regulation B.E.2547 about the weight, it explicitly
specifies the maximum weight of object that a child labour can lift, carry, haul or load as
follows;
1.
20 kilograms for female child labour at age of 15 but not over 18.
2.
25 kilograms for male child labour at age of 15 but not over 18.
In the case of excessive weight, employer must provide an adequate and secure labour
saving device which is not harmful to the child labour.
Based on the Labour Protection Act, it is possible to categorize the worst forms of
child labour as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Hiring a child less than 15 years old is illegal and counts as a worst form of
child labour
Having a child work more than 4 hours continuously without a rest of at least 1
hour counts as a worst form of child labour
Hiring a child less than 18 years old work between the hours of 22:00 and 06:00
without receiving written permission from the Director-General or a person
assigned by the Director-General is a worst form of child labour. An employer is
allowed to have such a child perform in a movie, play or other similar form of
exhibition work between 22:00 and 06:00 but the employer must arrange for that
child employee to rest as appropriate.
Hiring a child less than 18 years old to work overtime or work on holidays is a
worst form of child labour.
Having a child perform a task specified in Article 49 of the Labour Protection
Act of 1998 is a worst form of child labour.
Having a child work in any of the locations specified in Article 50 of the Labour
Protection Act of 1998 is a worst form of child labour.
Hiring a child to work for another person is a worst form of child labour.
Deducting a child employee’s wage in order to pay for an previously advanced
7
8.
9.
payment – for example, a employment agent’s fee – is a worst form of child
labour.
Preventing a child employee less than 18 years old from participating in
activities which would improve the development and quality of life of that
employee, whether the activity is arranged by the government or by a private
entity with the Director-General’s permission, is a worst form of child labour.
Sexually abusing a child employee is a worst form of child labour.
Justification Restricting the Worst Forms of Child Labour
There are reasons for the limitations on the activities of child labour under 18 years
old in its worst forms. The Thai government based its restrictions on the United Nations’
Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989. Restrictions against the worst forms of child
labour based on the UN Convention follow the justifications provided by Wichitra
4
Wichienchom. Wichienchom notes that article 44 of Thailand’s Labour Protection Law
prohibits the employment of any person less than 15 years old. This is an age at which a
child should not be working. Children should be furthering their education to improve their
future skills as members of the labour force.
Articles 47 and 48 prohibit employers from making children work at late hours, work
overtime, or work on holidays. Children are at an age when adequate rest and sleep has an
impact on their physical development. Thai law therefore prohibits the use of labour at late
night hours by not allowing employers to have children employees work from 22:00-06:00.
The only exception occurs when the employer receives written permission from the Director
of the Department of Social Welfare and Labour Protection, or a person with legal authority
granted by the Director. Article 49 prohibits employing children in jobs posing a danger to
their health or physical safety. Child employees naturally tend to be less cautious when
working than adult workers.
There are some types of work where a worker can easily make a very dangerous
mistake if he/she fails to exercise caution. Therefore, the law bans the employment of
children as specified in articles 49 and 50. Children are prohibited from working in
hazardous locations that cause them to become heartless and cruel, cause them to become
degenerate, or lead them down an immoral and wicked path (such locations are detailed in
Article 50). In accordance with Article 51, child workers must receive full remuneration and
benefits for their labour.
Employers should not require guarantees or similar payments from their child
workers. This will reassure child workers so that they do not experience anxiety due to
pressure from their bosses. Article 52 concerns an employee’s right to have training. This
law is intended to provide child workers with opportunities to develop their quality of life so
that they will enhance their skills and improve their contribution to the nation. Therefore,
article 52 grants child workers the right to participate in training, meetings, and seminars.
According to article 16, which also concerns protection for female workers, children
employees must have their safety and security guaranteed. In the workplace, employers and
supervisors typically create easy opportunities for inappropriate behavior directed towards
4
Wichitra (Fungladda) Wichienchom. Labour Protection Law. Fourth edition. Winuchon: Bangkok, 2001. pp. 213220. [in Thai]
8
children employees. Therefore, the law prohibits employers, supervisors, managers, and
inspectors from sexually harassing or abusing children employees.
The characteristics of the problem and indications of whether the work is a worst form
5
of child labour can be summarized as follows:





Age: For children that are appropriate to hire, if Thai law is the criterion for
hiring, only children ages 15 and above can be employed
Type of work: For those children who are appropriate for the work, children will
not work so hard that they compromise their physical or mental wellbeing.
Location of work: For those children who can perform the work, the workplace
must be hygienic, safe, and not pose a threat to the children’s physical or mental
wellbeing.
Working hours: Children employee must not work at late hours, on holidays, or
with schedules that adversely affect their rest and their development.
Remuneration: Child workers must receive pay and benefits equal to those of
adult workers.
2.1 Child labour: definition
It will not be possible to study the impact of subcontracting practiced by small-scaled
seafood processing plants and fish market on child labour in Samut Sakhon Province without
first defining “child labour.” There are a number of definitions given by various sources.
In the Labour Protection Act B.E. 2541 (1998), a “child” refers to a person under
the age of 18. The law stipulates that an employer shall not employ a child under the age of
15 as an employee (Section 44). In the case of employment of a young worker under the age
of 18, the employer shall notify a labour inspector, prepare a record of employment
conditions in case of any change, and notify the labour inspector regarding the termination of
the child worker concerned (section 45).
In general, problems arising from the use of child workers are high rates of
occupational injuries and illnesses because they have a low level of knowledge and work
skills. Their presence in the workforce is due to economic, social and other factors that
deprive them of education and development opportunities resulting in a low quality of life.
Of particular concern are children who are vulnerable to health hazards. Their development,
physical and mental, will be adversely affected.
The International Labour Organization defines “child labour” as the use of
children in work that is likely to harm them or in unduly exploitative work. A child is a
person who is not yet mature, who is still in the developmental stage, and who should be
developed into a physically, mentally, emotionally and socially mature adult. Child labour is
the employment of children below the minimum age, i.e. under the age of 18. It includes
work hazardous to children or harmful to their physical, mental, or moral conditions. The
worse forms of child labour are all forms of practice similar to slavery, trafficking of
5
Premjai Vungsiriphaisal et al. Foreign Children in Difficult Circumstances in Thailand: Measurement and
Conditions according to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. 1999, Pp. 18-20.
9
children, debt bondage, forced or compulsory labour, forced or compulsory recruitment of
children for use in armed conflict, prostitution, production of pornography, and other illicit
activities.
In summary, based on the definition of child labour, the employment of children
under the age of 15 is illegal, as their physical and mental development has not yet reached
the adult level. They do not possess enough necessary skills, and their bodies are not ready to
do certain work which could harm them. In addition, they need learning and education and
should be put in a good environment. Therefore, children under the age of 15 should not be
brought into employment and should be given an educational opportunity and a good
environment to live in.
1
0
Chapter 3
Nature and Steps/Process in Subcontracting Arrangements of
Seafood processing Industry in Samut Sakhon
In the province of Samut Sakhon there are a large number of “primary processing
business establishments locally called “Long.” These are small-scaled plants that do all the
primary seafood processing work before selling the products to their bigger seafood
processing counterparts. In so doing they do not process food for direct export. The work
they do generally includes peeling shrimps, cleaning squids, cracking open crabs,
boiling/shelling scallops, cutting off fish heads, removing entrails, and slicing fish6. The
current number of small, medium and large fish-processing plants, Category 2, in Samut
Sakhon is 987 (as of February 2009, Samut Sakhon Provincial Employment Office). These
include those with a good standard of occupational safety and health together with a good
welfare system, as well as those with little or no standard of cleanliness and social welfare.
Table: Districts with many small fish-processing plants in Samut Sakhon
Sub-district
Number of plants)
Ban Bo
4
Bang Krachao
4
Khok Krabue
4
Bang Torat
9
Tha Chin
43
Tha Chalom
26
Krokkrak
16
Mahachai
84
Nadi
19
Khok Kham
59
Tha Sai
20
Bang Yaphraek
117
others
10
Total
415
Source: Samut Sakhon Provincial Office of Labour Protection and Welfare, July 2009
It is common knowledge that fishing-related businesses generate employment and
revenue for several groups of people in the province, including operators, traders, Thai and
migrant workers. Whether due to its location or some other factor, Samut Sakhon has
become a centre for fish-processing production. Plants, big and small, have mushroomed
within and on the edge of the town. In addition, houses, initially meant to be residential, have
turned into small fish-processing facilities to peel shrimps, cut up fish, and clean squids.
Practically every small and medium-sized fish-processing plant in the province enters into
subcontracting arrangements with larger fish-processing counterparts to do the abovementioned activities.
6
Roongnapa Wongwaipairoj, document for the meeting on registration of fish farmers and operators, 29
August 2003, Fish Inspection and Quality Control Division
1
1
Over the past several years the nature of subcontracting arrangements has made it
possible for employers to avoid recruiting and hiring workers who might cause labour
problems including demands and strikes. It also allows the employers to show their profit per
head performance in an inflated manner by shifting the expenditure on salary and wages to
the category of business expenses. The practice makes it possible for them to evade the
responsibility of paying compensation when they want to terminate employment without
prior notice. Thus, large-scale fish-processing plants in Samut Sakhon have made
subcontracting arrangements with their small and medium fish-processing counterparts on a
more regular basis. Not only can they reduce employment-related problems, but they also get
away from being accused of hiring illegal migrant workers or child labour. Any big fishprocessing plant found to be involved in such issues will face problems exporting its products
to U.S.A. or EU countries, which are known to be rigorously opposed to such employment.
Subcontracting arrangements with smaller fish-processing plants for shrimp peeling,
fish slicing, and squid cleaning follows more or less similar steps as follows:
3.1Nature and steps/process of subcontracting arrangements by fishprocessing plants in Samut Sakhon
(1) The raw material purchasing process
In general the process starts with buying shrimp, fish or squid from the seafood
markets concerned and ends with sending the peeled products to cold storage or fishprocessing plants. The purchase involves shrimp farmers or brokers contacting vendors at the
market in advance. When shrimp container vehicles arrive at the market, the drivers will be
told to go to which fish market section to unload. A ticket will be issued to the shrimp
owners or driver. Once the container reaches the destination, it will be the duty of the market
section concerned to do the rest of the work. Workers unload shrimp from the container, sort
them out into various sizes, named label No. 1, 2, 3, etc. When the unloading is complete,
the market and purchasing parties will inspect the shrimp sizes and the number of shrimp per
kilo. Some will be boiled to check for smells. Then the market operator will call the
purchasers to make a bid. The highest bidder will be given shrimp of a particular number.
The bidder will stick a tag of his name to the shrimp barrel that he has won. The market
operator will pour water into the barrel to defrost the shrimps and scoop them up into the
purchaser’s basket. With the last barrel completed, the shrimp will be left for 15 minutes
before they are weighed by the three parties concerned, i.e. buyers, market operators, and
shrimp owners. After the transaction is completed, payment will be made to the shrimp
owners on the same day. The market operator will charge up to two percent of the sale and
collect the money from the buyer within seven days. Some transactions are made directly
between the buyer and seller to avoid an unpleasant situation of having to deal with a buyer
with poor financial standing. The shrimp transaction in the central Mahachai market is free
for all. The shrimp owner can choose to sell his products to any market operator with no
outstanding debt. Nevertheless, there are certain rules to follow. When the container vehicle
arrives at the market post, it must mention to which market operator the shrimp will be sold.
Shrimp at the central Mahachai market are sold in all sizes and in every condition because
there are all sorts of ready buyers including cold storage operators for export, shrimp-peeling
plants and dried shrimp factories, as well as small shrimp vendors (Samut Sakhon Shrimp
Trader Group, source: http://www.samutsakonshrimp.com/, 25 June 2009).
(2) Process of subcontracting arrangements in the fish-processing industry
1
2
Based on the field visits and interviews with a sample group of employers, it was
found that there are two forms of subcontracting arrangements adopted by small-scale fishprocessing businesses for shrimp peeling, squid cleaning, or fish slicing:
First, small and medium-size fish-processing plants enter into an agreement with cold
storage operators or large fish-processing plants who will buy shrimp, fish or squid direct
from the market. A certain amount of shrimp that they win through bidding will be allocated
to smaller plants. They also set the wages to be paid for the contracted work. The work that
the small and medium-size plants do will mostly be shrimp peeling, squid cleaning, and fish
slicing. The finished products will be returned to cold storage operators and large fishprocessing plants.
Second, small and medium-sized fish-processing plants directly participate in the
bidding for shrimps, squids or fish at the fish market. The successful bidders will do the
peeling or cutting up of the products and send them to cold storage or large fish-processing
plants.
Interviews with medium-sized fish-processing operators reveal something about
subcontracted work as follows:
“The work involves shrimp peeling. The process starts with the cold storage. We are
given the products and return them when the work is completed. We do about 3-10 tons a
day. During the economic recession, some impact was felt, but it was minimal. There would
be fewer workers…”
Interview with a fish-processing operator, shrimp peeling
“The work we undertake is to cut up fish and send them back to the plants. The
amount of work varies from day to day, depending on the fish availability. After the cutting
up is done, the products will be sent to the plants straight away…”
Interview with a fish-processing operator, cutting up fish
“The type of business is subcontracting for shrimp peeling. We do about 7-10 tons a
day. The products will be sent to the mother plant…”
Interview with a fish-processing operator, shrimp peeling
However, the study reveals that cold storage or large fish-processing plants employ
migrant workers to peel shrimps, cut up fish or clean squids at the same time, although they
are more careful when it comes to hiring young migrant workers. As a result, they are able to
maintain their good image with regard to child labour. In addition, these large fishprocessing or cold storage plants who initiate the subcontracting arrangements will send their
officials to inspect the quality of the shrimp, fish, or squids concerned. Considerable care is
taken to inspect the hiring of migrant workers under the age of 15 by government officials
from the Office of Labour Protection and Welfare as well as by the officials of the cold
storage and fish-processing plants. The inspection at the small and medium fish-processing
plants under the subcontracting agreements will vary from plant to plant. Some conduct the
inspection on a weekly basis, others on a monthly basis.
1
3
While big fish-processing plants in Samut Sakhon manage to avoid hiring illegal
workers or child labour as described above, many small and medium fish-processing
operators are found to do so. Therefore, the bigger subcontracting plants must bear
responsibility for such illegal practice, especially the use of illegal migrant child labour.
Unfortunately, the issue remains neglected and no attempt has been made to show
responsibility for the presence of migrant workers in long and medium fish-processing plants.
In conclusion, the areas in which fish-processing plants and markets are densely
located are Sub-districts of Mahachai and Bang Yaphraek. Subcontracting arrangements start
with the bidding at the fish/shrimp market by cold-storage, small, medium and large fishprocessing plants. After the bidding, sub-contracted fish-processing units will peel shrimp or
cut up fish as allocated and return them to the original cold storage or fish-processing plants.
1
4
Chapter 4
Use of Child Labour in the Sub-contracted Work of FishProcessing Plants and Fish Market and Its Impacts on Child
Labour
The report on the employment of child workers in the jurisdiction of Samut Sakhon
reveals that there are all together 7,006 workers between the ages of 15 and 18, 1,603 male
and 5,403 female workers (Samut Sakhon Provincial Office of Labour Protection and
Welfare, 2009). Of this number 874 are child migrant workers registered with the Samut
Sakhon Provincial Employment Office.
Despite the age limit requirements for employment of child labour, in reality there are
a number of underage workers, especially child migrant workers, who are driven for various
reasons into the work market. Their families are poor and depend on them for financial
support. Other underage children accompanying their parents or relatives into the town
eventually end up being workers. On account of the legal requirements for hiring registered
migrant workers who must be at least 15-18 years old, several employers who hire workers
under the age of 18 dare not report to the government authorities. In addition, there are
incidents of filing a false report on the age of migrant workers under 15 in order to avoid
arrest.
In the study we can divide the general nature of child labour in two categories in the
subcontracted work in the fish-processing industry.
First, there are properly registered young migrant workers aged 15-18 years and those
under the age of 15-18 years who lie about their age and are registered as workers. The latter,
therefore, receive welfare, wages and medical treatment just like any other regular worker.
Second, there are unregistered migrant workers who are too young for employers or
themselves to claim that they are 15-18 years old. These children tend to accompany their
parents, relatives or acquaintances who are already working at small fish-processing plants or
at the fish market and work alongside them. They receive smaller wages than general
workers and often have their wages included into the pay packet of their parents and relatives.
They are not entitled to any welfare benefits.
4.1
Process to enter the work market
In general migrant children either enter the work market voluntarily or accompany
their parents or relatives already at work. The sample group under the present study works at
the establishments where their parents, relatives or acquaintances from their villages are
working. These acquaintances apparently play an important role in taking younger members
into the workforce. The main reason for migrant children in Samut Sakhon willing to work is
that their families are poor. The parents come to the province to seek work to support the
family. Another reason is that Thailand is more developed than Burma. Those working
children who are not too young have been taught that they need to assist their family, so a
number of these children want to work to help their families accordingly. Thus, migrant
1
5
children enter the work market, giving rise to the use of child labour. Most children
interviewed share common reasons why and how they decide to enter the work market.
“Tu (assumed name) is a Burmese worker working on a subcontracting basis at a
small fish-processing plant in Samut Sakhon. He came to work on the persuasion of his elder
sister who was working there. His journey was arranged through a broker who brought him
into Thailand. He said that he came to Thailand because he had nothing to do in Burma,
there was little employment, and his family was poor. His sister was already working in
Thailand. All this made him decide to work here. He is staying with his elder sister at a
room provided by the plant. We asked about his family and learned that his family consists
of four members: his parents, elder sister and himself. He completed Grade 6 from a school
in Burma and did not further his study because his family could not afford it. His parents are
farmers working in Burma…”
An 18-year-old child worker from Burma, working at a small fish-processing plant for
three years
“Ay (assumed name) is a Burmese female young worker who had an opportunity to
come to Thailand and work at a small fish-processing plant named Amnuay. She said that
the reasons for her risking her life to work in Thailand were that her family was poor, her
homeland offered very little future for her, and she had to take care of her parents and a
sister who was only a few years younger than her. She has been in Thailand for about three
years working at the Amnuay plant. It is her first workplace and the only place she has been
working in exchange for wages…”
A 15-year-old child worker from Burma, working at a small fish-processing plant for
three years
“…Child migrant workers at this fish-processing plant as a rule travel with their
families. They often stay with their elder sisters or parents. Some came after their family
members had settled in the country, while others accompanied their families. They do the
work according to their aptitude. We do not rush them.”7
From an interview with a fish-processing operator, shrimp peeling
“…Most children start working when they accompany their parents to the plant.
There is no place for them to play at home. It is safer to come with their parents. If they
were left with the community, their parents might have to pay for childcare. If they were left
at home, they might be bullied by their peers or sexually harassed. Work at a fish-processing
plant is paid by bulk. On a day when there are lots of shrimp, the children will go to help
their parents work. During the period when there are a small number of shrimp, the children
are not required...”
An NGO worker
The information from the two child workers above regarding their work at the fishprocessing plants in Samut Sakhon reveals similar circumstances. They come from poor
families and want to support them. Upon persuasion, they join their relatives already
working in the province. Some children accompany their parents or relatives working at fishprocessing plants. Since they do not go to school and there is no one to take care of them at
home, their parents/relatives make them work to earn supplementary income. As time goes
7
The research team observes that child workers often peel shrimps in the same group or at the same
table with their parents, siblings, or relatives.
1
6
by, they become regular workers. Often they are led to believe that leaving school to earn
income to support their families is the most important. Those who work hard and make more
money for the families will be praised as grateful persons. Such an attitude causes children to
prematurely enter into the workforce.
The above situation also shows that their parents often give more importance to
income than their children’s education. Some know full well that it is not suitable to send
young children to work, but the income is so important to these families that they are content
to leave them as they are. They tend to feel that education does not really matter. Besides,
these children have been taught about the value of gratitude, such that they must put the
interests of the families before their own. The income they earn seems to be incentive
enough to keep them happy and want to continue working rather than go to school.
“Working here means I do not go to school, and there is no school to go to here. If I
go to school, I will have to go to a different location. If I go to school, I will have to stop
working. I can go to school only on Sunday. But I don’t because I will not earn any money.
That would be a pity…”
A 17-year-old child worker from Burma
“I think that it is necessary to continue to work to support the family. As for going to
school, I “do not know”. “Mother does not allow.” “I would rather work.”…”
A 14-year-old child worker from Burma
In addition, it is not just how these children become child workers but their age that is
of interest here. The two child workers above said that they had been working at the fishprocessing plants for three years. In other words, the first child started work when he was 15
and the other when he was only 12. Other children interviewed by the research team gave
similar information. This premature entry into the workforce affects the children directly and
society at large, as will be discussed below.
4.2Type of work done by child migrant workers at fish-processing plants
or fish market
In general these child workers will clean squids, peel shrimps, cut off fish heads or cut
up fish. With regard to shrimp peeling, in particular, based on the observation at the site,
many agree that child workers have more nimble fingers than the adult counterparts. This is
especially true with smaller-sized shrimp. They have smaller fingers and peel them more
readily than do the adults. At the fish market, they are told to separate fish/shrimp into
different sizes or to carry fish buckets that are not too heavy for them.
“Children work just like adults, peeling shrimp and sorting out shrimp sizes. At a fish
market, adult workers will carry heavier items. At the fish pier in the morning you will see
children separating fish. Most workers are related in one way or another. Parents will do
regular work while children are given lighter tasks…”
An NGO worker
Most child migrant workers often work long hours. Their work and working
conditions are no different from the adult counterparts, a situation unsuitable for their
physique.
1
7
“…Child migrant workers here work just like adults, only with shorter hours…”
From an interview with a fish-processing operator, shrimp peeling
“The work we do is shrimp peeling, including breaking off shrimp heads and cutting
open shrimp backs. There are no fixed working hours depending on when the shrimp arrive.
When that happens, the plant owner will send for us at our lodgings…”
A 17-year-old Burmese migrant worker
On the whole, the research findings correspond with the information from the
interviews with child workers and their parents in that these children have to work to support
their families. Parents and children all say that they are willing to do so. The latter think it
important to help their parents who gladly welcome an additional income to the family. The
problem is that these child migrant workers are deprived of many opportunities and adversely
affected as follows:
4.3
Wages and welfare for child migrant workers
In subcontracting, often workers cannot decide what their wages will be. Wages are
set by the employers for the work involving shrimp peeling, fish slicing or squid cleaning.
Work also depends on the raw material available at the plant. In this connection, wages are
calculated on the basis of the number of kilograms. The size of the shrimps also has a
bearing on the wages: the smaller the size, the higher the price. Their wages are usually paid
to their parents or relatives working at the same plant, the situation that they are willing to go
along with. Some of the money may be handed to them.
“…My wages are 1,200 baht per seven days. The employer will deduct 200 baht for
the police fee and another 100 baht for card registration. All that is left is about 900 baht
per week. Some of this amount will be spent buying working gear needed for the plant work,
i.e. 4 baht for a pair of rubber gloves (inside layer) and 10 baht for a pair of knitted gloves
(outside layer). These gloves are bought on a daily basis. Other items bought are an apron
(20 baht), a cap (20 baht), a pair of boots (50 baht), a knife (25 baht), and a pair of scissors
(20 baht). The plant owner takes no responsibility for these items. Nor do they help with the
expenses…I give the rest of the money to my mother who gives me 200 baht a week. I spend
it on sweets, clothes and other personal belongings…”
A 14-year-old child worker from Burma
“…The wages are calculated according to the size of the shrimps on a kilogram basis.
A small shrimp will fetch about 10 baht. The weekly wages come to about 1,300-1,500 baht.
How much we earn depends on how much we can work…”
A 17-year-old child worker from Burma
“…My job is to break off fish heads. My working hours are 0700 to 1600 hours.
(Some days I work until 1700 hours.) When I get paid, I give all the money to my parents. I
earn about 1,000 baht, sometimes less because the wages will depend on the weight of the
fish heads that are broken off, which comes to 1 baht per kilo…”
A 15-year-old child worker from Burma
1
8
With regard to welfare, it was found that most child workers are not legally registered
and so are not entitled to any welfare from their employers or business establishments. Their
illegal status bars them from access to labour rights and other protection mechanisms.
Besides receiving little or no welfare, they have to do the same work as adults and work for
long hours. As to protective equipment when operating tools and machines in the plant, they
are not given any special protection against possible hazards.
“The work I do is to handle fish starting from 0800 to 1600 hours (sometimes to 1800
hours). My wages are included into my mother’s pay packet -- about 400 baht for 15
days…With regard to work equipment, the employer gave us a pair of gloves for free at the
beginning. After that we have to buy everything ourselves including boots. (This pair was
given by my mother. I do not know where she got them)…I receive no welfare and have no
registration card…”
A 12-year-old child worker from Burma
4.4 Child labour and consequences
The research findings show that child migrant workers doing the subcontracted work
at small-scale fish-processing plants in Samut Sakhon province are affected in many ways.
4.4.1 Child labour and legal consequences
Legally speaking, child migrant labour can be divided in registered and
unregistered/illegal groups. Those legally registered with the government authorities are
given legal protection and enjoy welfare services as prescribed by law. The unregistered
group will not be covered by the law because of their illegal status and often do not enjoy
available welfare services. As a result, they do not live their lives normally. They have to
face more problems. Because of their illegal status, they are afraid to go outside their
workplace or lodgings. Nor can they seek any labour rights that an employee is entitled to.
As irregular workers, they live in fear of being arrested by government enforcement officers.
“The pressure right now is that I am an illegal worker without any papers or
identification document. I cannot go out anywhere and live under constant fear…”
A 14-year-old child worker
“The plant owner has not arranged to obtain a registration card for me yet. There is
no employment contract with the employer. When I fall ill, I have to pay for the medical
treatment myself…I do not go outside the plant, because the employer told me that I could be
arrested if I go out and he would be in no position to help... When I am sick, I pay for the
treatment…”
A 18-year-old child migrant worker living in Thailand for 10 years
Besides being subjected to constant fear and anxiety, these child migrant workers are
not entitled to any work rights. In other words, they often do not receive the wages
prescribed by law, nor do they receive any welfare from their employers. They have to pay
for their medical bills and other health expenses. Because of their illegal status, they are
afraid to seek treatment at a hospital and resort to buying non-prescription medication when
falling ill.
1
9
“I think the wages I receive are not in proportion to the amount of shrimp peeling
work done. The work is exhausting and under constant pressure. There are so many shrimp
and feel that I do not receive fair wages. I feel I have done a lot of work, but the wages are
not paid accordingly.
When I started the job, there was no contract with the employer, because I had no
document, no identity card or legal registration card. The work here is not too demanding.
When there is too much work, I can always ask for a leave and stay home to rest. However,
this rarely happens. I have to continue to work because I have no other choice…”
A 16-year-old child migrant worker at a small fish-processing plant for 1 year
Although the Labour Protection Act requires the employer who hires child workers to
have them registered, the research findings show that a number of child migrant workers are
not legally registered. If the situation continues, these child migrant workers will be
adversely affected to a large extent.
4.4.2 Child labour and social consequences
The social consequences to child migrant workers are enormous. They cannot live
their lives normally and, because of their illegal status, are afraid to be socially visible. They
live under constant fear of one thing or another. As far as life is concerned, they are
prematurely fed into the work market. These migrant children working at fish-processing
plants cannot live as normally as their non-working counterparts.
1) Loss of education opportunity: These children “are not able to get access to the
education system.” Such lack of education opportunity leads to lack of skills training in
many areas. Many are resigned to the lack of schooling in their attempts to financially
support their families. Some are forced to leave school to earn income in compliance with
their parents’ wishes. Section 52 of the 1998 Labour Protection Act stipulates that “For the
purpose of the development and promotion of the quality of life and employment of young
people, a young worker under eighteen years of age shall be entitled to take leave to attend
meetings, seminars, training, or other programmes held by an education institute, a
government or private agency approved by the Director-General…” In other words, these
children can theoretically get access to educational opportunities if they so desire. The
reality, unfortunately, is otherwise. Most never receive the necessary schooling. The
working hours at the fish-processing plants are never fixed. Also, there are few schools that
allow migrant children to enrol. Besides, most employers are not in favour of education for
their workers. Finally, when these young workers grow up into adulthood, they will not be
able to get away from the same fish-processing work for lack of education and skills.
“…Before coming to work in Thailand, I finished my primary education from a
village school called “Pong”. Actually, if I didn’t have to work, I would rather do more
schooling…”
A 14-year-old Burmese worker working at a small fish-processing plant for 3 years
“…Most child workers who come to work in Thailand do not go to school. They are
too old to attend school. It is not possible for the business to provide a special class at work.
It all depends on the workers to do so. The undertaking would be futile if few people are
interested…”
Employer of a shrimp processing plant
2
0
2) Children who enter the labour market live a different lifestyle from their nonworking counterparts. The lives of these child workers are controlled by their environment.
They spend most of their time at work. Working hours are never fixed including what time to
start or finish. Their working hours depend on the arrival and amount of raw materials.
Shrimp peeling, squid cleaning, or fish slicing activities usually start when the raw materials
arrive at the plant. The field visits reveal that the raw materials are transported to the plant
early in the morning between 0400 and 0700 hours. According to Section 47 of the 1998
Labour Protection Act, the employer is prohibited to have an employee aged under 18 years
work from 2200 to 0600 hours unless a written permission is granted by the Director-General
or the person authorised by the Director-General. In view of the time the raw materials are
transported to the plant, it is obvious that these child workers have to work during the
prohibited irregular hours. They must feel the impact as they have to adjust their lives
accordingly. They are at the period of life when they are experiencing body and emotional
changes. They have to work in conditions unfavourable to their development. Inside, the
plant is wet, smelly and rather dirty, in other words, unhygienic. Such working conditions
surely adversely affect their development and their future. Perhaps, the most apparent effect
is felt in the following way. At present migrant workers tend to start a family and bear
children when they are still young. Samut Sakhon Hospital reports the number of birth
deliveries by migrant workers in 2008 at 811. An interview with the hospital worker reflects
a similar trend:
“…Burmese migrant workers who come to give birth at Samut Sakhon Hospital are
getting younger. I think they may be facing problem in the future. They practise little birth
control. This will affect their children…”
Official at Samut Sakhon Hospital
Adverse social consequences occur because these child workers do not live like their
non-working counterparts. They spend most of their time earning an income and are not
taught enough social skills by their families. It is true that most work in the same place as
their parents. However, when time is money, the parents focus on work rather than on
socialising skills. As a result, their lives are confined almost exclusively to the plant circle
where only work counts without regard for a bigger social picture. An interview with an
NGO officer reveals that these migrant workers start their families and have children at a
young and tender age. They are not sufficiently cared for and cultivated by their parents,
leading to such an undesirable situation. As a result, they tend to live in a disrupted and
haphazard fashion.
3) Child workers have problems communicating and interacting with the society
outside: Another social impact is that most child migrant workers have problems
communicating in Thai, lacking in particular reading and writing skills, because they do not
receive schooling. The plants do not have any measures to promote education for them.
Consequently, their understanding of the Thai language is minimal, which may affect their
ability to socialise in a larger Thai context. Those who can communicate in Thai have
advantage at work and in social life over those who cannot.
“…I am afraid to speak to Thai people, because I never learned Thai and I am afraid
they may criticise my Thai…”
A 17-year-old migrant worker
2
1
4.4.3 Child labour with regard to health and emotional impacts
Most child migrant workers at fish-processing plants and fish markets do not get
access to the public health insurance scheme. When they fall ill, their parents tend to buy
non-prescription drugs. If they are seriously ill, they will be taken to a hospital. The workers
will have to bear all the expenses. As they have to work standing all the time at the fishprocessing plants or carry heavy loads at the fish market, such working conditions apparently
affect their physical and mental health, especially in view of their developmental stage.
Samut Sakhon Hospital reported that in 2008 there were 2,717 migrant children
treated as outpatients. The top five medical treatments are as follows:
Table 5: Top five medical treatments for migrant workers aged 0-18 years at Samut Sakhon
Hospital in 2008
No.
1
2
3
4
5
Symptoms
Single birth delivery at hospital
Vaccination against diphtheria, whooping cough,
tetanus, and poliomyelitis
Infection of upper respiratory tract
Stomach upset
Stomachache and pain
No. of cases
811
255
246
90
30
Interviews with samples from child migrant workers, public health officials, and NGO
officers reveal that most young workers from the fish-processing plants often experience
itches or have some kind of skin disease on their hands. The reason is that they spend a lot of
time peeling shrimps, slicing fishes or cleaning squids. Water from the seafood or chemical
substances such as chlorine used at the plant may cause an allergy. The gloves do not
provide much help. Wearing them for a long time may cause stickiness on the hands. When
asked how they overcome itchiness, most migrant workers say that they often buy
medications from the drugstore to treat the symptoms. These medications are often passed on
by word of mouth, since itchiness is one of the common problems among them.
“…While peeling shrimps at the plant, my hands itch all the time, because the shrimp
are put in a chemical solution. This happens to all of us… I have to buy medication to relieve
the itching…”
A 17-year-old migrant worker working at a small fish-processing plant for 2 months
“…While working at the plant, I have an itching problem with my hands. This is a
common problem with almost every shrimp peeler. The itchiness gets worse especially in the
cool season. My elder sister has bought me some medication which makes the symptom go
away. But when the cool season comes, the itchiness comes back…”
A 18-year-old migrant worker working in Thailand for 9 years
Besides hand itchiness and skin disease, some child workers have stomach problems.
Because of uncertain working hours and workers trying to work as much as they can for
maximum pay, they do not eat at a regular time; many even go without a rest. Stomach upset
is not uncommon on account of unsanitary drinking water and toilet facilities. A number of
plants provide a drinking water tank, but with only one drinking cup to be shared by all. It is
not surprising, therefore, that bacteria or diseases be transmitted from one person to another.
2
2
The treatment statistics at Samut Sakhon Hospital show that stomachache and pain are listed
as one of the top five ailments of migrant children aged 0-18 years.
“…The most serious problem I have right now is stomachache. Sometimes it is very
painful, because I do not eat at regular hours…”
A 14-year-old migrant worker
Besides physical health problems, mental health is another concern facing child
migrant workers at the fish-processing plant and fish market. The study reveals that they are
vulnerable to “factory disorder” (a relatively unknown disorder characterised by fatigue,
dizziness, palpitation, insomnia, and flatulence, caused by continuously repetitive actions.
When a person has to undergo constant acts of repetition, it will give rise to a sense of
boredom and stress, resulting in various disorders, which are collectively referred to as
“factory disorder.” Source: Prawase Wasi, M.D., http://www.doctor.or.th/node/4575). The
disorder is caused by constant repetitive actions. From the researcher team’s observation, a
number of child migrant workers at various plants may be suffering from this factory
disorder. Many appeared sluggish, listless, and fatigued during the interviews.
“…The skins on their hands and feet are soft and flaking off. When they come to
school, the skin on their hands comes off. Sometimes, they go to a general clinic. Sometimes,
they come to ours… We treat about 50 workers each day for the community with respiratory
problems. The working conditions alone make them feel that they are no longer children.
And they are experiencing an unfavourable environment which adversely affects them
mentally in many ways…”
An NGO worker
4.4.4 Child labour and economic consequences
A series of interviews with child migrant workers working at small and medium-sized
fish-processing plants in Samut Sakhon reveal a number of economic consequences:
1) Child workers have to buy their own work equipments: Most migrant workers
need equipment to facilitate their work, including rubber gloves, knitted gloves, boots, head
covers/hair nets, aprons, knives and scissors. The interviews with the worker sample reveal
that the workers have to provide these equipments for themselves. Some plants may provide
the first set of equipment, but after that the workers have to buy their own gear. Worse, some
employers force the workers to buy these goods from their factory. More often than not, the
prices are higher than those at general stores.
As a result, these child migrant workers are immediately put in a disadvantaged
position when they have to buy the equipment on a daily basis, especially in view of smaller
wages received compared to those of adults. The pay that they take home, therefore, is even
less.
2) Child workers often are given low wages and are not paid directly: Despite
Section 51 of the Labour Protection Act stating that it is prohibited for an employer to pay
wages of a child employee to another person, the reality is that the employer hardly ever pays
the child worker directly. Their wages will be included into the pay packet of their parents,
relatives or elder siblings and will not be paid directly to them. Worse, these child workers
often do not know what they daily wages are, because the work they do is considered part of
the parent’s assignment. They often receive a small amount of their weekly payment from
their parents.
2
3
“…If you ask how many shrimp I peel and what my wages are, the answer is “I don’t
know”. I do no know how much work I do. I only know that I do the same thing every day,
and the money I receive is about 100-200 baht a day…”
A 16-year-old migrant worker working at a fish-processing plant for 1 year
“…The employer will pay the money I earn from shrimp peeling to my mother who
will give me 200 baht a week. I spend it on sweets and clothes…”
A 15-year-old migrant worker having worked for 2 years
3) Child workers have to bear other expenses and face economic pressure from
the family: In addition to buying their own work equipment (in some cases, sold by the
employer), young migrant workers have to pay for medical treatment out of their own pocket.
This is especially true with undocumented workers. The usual practice is for them to buy
non-prescription drugs when they fall ill. This is a pity considering how they should be
covered by the health insurance scheme as employees of the fish-processing plant.
“… I have no registration card and no employment contract (from observation, the
research team thinks he is too young for the employer to lie about his age for registration
purposes). When I fall ill, I have to buy medication from a general drug store or go to a
clinic. I pay for all this myself, as I cannot get access to the welfare scheme to which I should
be entitled.…”
A 14-year-old migrant worker working at a fish-processing plant for 1 year
If there is a campaign to remove children from work and return them to school, the
question is whether or not it will affect the financial and economic situation of their families.
The research findings show that some children believe the families will be affected, while
others think otherwise if they stop working. They give a large number of reasons. Those
who think that the families will not be much affected say that there are still other family
members who act as principal breadwinners, such as their parents and other siblings. The
wages of these child workers are just small contributions to the family.
On the other hand, those who are main providers feel that their families will be
affected if they no longer work. These child workers often accompany their relatives or
siblings to Thailand while their parents still live in Burma. They are often obliged to send
remittances to their families back home on a regular basis.
“…If I can choose, I would rather go to school. But I have no money and have to
work to earn some. Without work, life will be difficult, especially for my family. They are
rice farmers in Burma and do not make much money. Even though I really want to go to
school, it is not always possible. When shrimp arrive, I go to work. There is no fixed
holiday, depending on the availability of the shrimp. So, it will be very difficult to go to
school…”
“…What I want now is for the employer to encourage workers to go to school, take
care of school fees, obtain a registration card, and pay for the medical expenses when I fall
ill…”
A 17-year-old migrant worker
“…If I do not work, my family will certainly be affected, because there is no one else
to earn money for the family to sustain itself and pay off the debts back in Burma…”
A 17-year-old migrant worker working at the fish-processing plant for 2 years
2
4
However, despite being aware of the significance of education, they are forced to enter into
the employment market by circumstances beyond their control. They, therefore, feel that
they want to continue working rather than go to school. In their view, work will enable them
and their families to carry on with their lives. Thus, the attempts to stop child employment
will remain very challenging. Certainly, the people most affected are child migrant workers
who can see no end to the conditions that they are subjected to.
2
5
Chapter 5
Conclusion and Recommendations
5.1
Conclusions
Samut Sakhon is a province that has witnessed a rise in fish-processing plants (locally
called “Long”). Labour demand has attracted migrant workers who seek employment. Work
at the fish-processing plant does not appeal to Thai workers who view it as a dirty and
physically demanding job. It does not come as a surprise to find mostly migrant workers at
the plant and fish market, especially those from Burma. There are young migrant workers
working alongside them. Their number is apparently on the increase, coupled with an
increase in unfair practices. Once they are drawn into the world of work, their childhood
development will certainly be affected to a large extent.
Business establishments and the subcontracting process
Altogether, Samut Sakhon has 987 small, medium and large “primary processing
business establishments or “Long.” Some operate with a good standard of occupational
health, safety, and welfare, while others care little for work sanitation and social welfare.
The districts with a large number of fish-processing plants include Bang Yaphraek,
Mahachai, and Khok Kham.
Most fish-processing plants in the province perform shrimp peeling, squid cleaning
and fish slicing on a subcontracting basis. In other words, cold storage, food production or
large-scaled fish-processing operators subcontract the work to small or medium-size fishprocessing plants. Subcontracting has become a major practice for cold storage, food
production or large-scaled fish-processing operators. The practice can also be interpreted as
an attempt to avoid child labour issues and responsibility for welfare expenses to which
workers of major business operations are entitled.
The nature and steps/procedure of subcontracting for fish-processing business in
Samut Sakhon start with a bidding for shrimp and fish by small, medium and large fishprocessing operators at the fish market. Once the bidding is over, subcontracted plants will
be given a certain amount of raw material, carry out shrimp-peeling or fish-slicing activities,
and return the product to the cold storage or large fish-processing plants.
Labour use and its impact on child migrant workers
The study on the issue of labour use and its impact on child migrant workers in
subcontracted fish-processing activities reveals that there are two groups of child migrant
workers. The first group consists of migrant workers between the ages of 15 and 18 years
registered with the Ministry of Labour. Some give their true age, while others provide a
fabricated one. The latter usually are too young for registration. The registered group has
access to labour rights and welfares as prescribed by law. The other group is not registered
with the Ministry of Labour and therefore is not entitled to any labour rights and welfare.
On the issue of entry into the labour market, it was found that the process starts with
young migrant workers accompanying their parents or siblings into Thailand. They work
because the family is poor. Their work at the plant or fish market is no different from that
2
6
carried out by adults. Generally, at the fish-processing plant they clean squids, peel shrimps,
cut off fish heads or slice fish, while at the fish market their assignments are to sort out fish or
shrimps into various sizes and carry fish baskets that are not too heavy for them.
With regard to wages and welfare, registered young migrant workers receive
minimum wages for Samut Sakhon and other welfare benefits as prescribed by law. On the
other hand, such benefits do not extend to unregistered child labour. The wages paid to child
migrant workers at the fish-processing plant and fish market do not correspond to the
minimum wage rate but depend on the amount of work done. The workers are not paid
directly. The pay is given to their parents or senior relatives who work at the same place.
The study also shows there are a number of impacts on child migrant workers at the
fish-processing plant and fish market. First, on the issue of legality, unregistered workers
feel much pressure as they are illegal. They are not paid and enjoy no welfare according to
the law. Their illegal status makes them afraid to meet the world outside. Second, social
impacts can be listed as follows: 1) they are unable to get access to the education system, 2)
once they start working they live their lives unlike other children in general, and 3) they have
problems communicating and interacting with the outside world. Third, on health and mental
impacts, many children are forced into the labour market prematurely. They spend their time
and live in an environment different from other children in general. Work at the fishprocessing plant does not have fixed working hours. Their bodies do not have enough rest.
They suffer from stomach disorders and upsets. Fourth, the economic impacts can be divided
into the following categories: 1) they have to buy work equipment themselves, 2) they are
given low wages and are not paid directly, and 3) they have to bear other expenses and
shoulder economic burdens of the family.
5.1 Recommendations

Government agencies:
1. Government agencies and officials responsible for supervising, inspecting and
protecting workers, such as labour protection and welfare officers and police
officers, should cooperate and coordinate in arranging inspection visits to fishprocessing plants and fish markets on a regular basis. This will ensure that
business operators do not take unfair advantage of child labour and practice an
inappropriate form of child labour.
2. Efforts should be made to coordinate with local NGOs in taking care of child
migrant workers, both registered and unregistered, develop a child migrant worker
registry, and monitor their activities on a regular basis.
3. Legal action should be seriously taken against employers or business owners who
practice inappropriate forms of child labour
4. Efforts should be made to inspect the fish-processing facilities by public health
officers and provide health inspection for young migrant workers at the workplace
to reduce health problems, as well as providing them with knowledge on birth
control and family planning

Young migrant workers and their parents:
1. Young migrant workers and their parents should develop themselves
educationally in various fields including going to school, learning Thai, studying
2
7
Thai labour law, attending skills training or developing other occupational skills,
thus paving the way for better future career.
2. They should change their belief from one that says that they should leave school
in favor or work to support their family to one that says that they should develop
themselves educationally and try to generate income to support the family.
3. Parents working in the same workplace as their children should assist them in
such areas as calling upon the employer to have them registered so that they have
access to labour rights and welfare benefits as prescribed by law. They should see
to it that their children eat at a regular time, take care of health matters at work,
and make sure that they do not carry heavy items or work overtime or unduly long
hours.

Employers or business owners:
1. Employers or business owners should make every effort to avoid hiring child
labour or, if hiring is necessary, provide labour rights and welfare benefits,
including fair wages and not engaging an inappropriate form of child labour.
2. They should take care the environment and other health matters, including toilet
facilities, drinking water, rest areas, making sure that the workplace is proper and
clean, to reduce cases of illness that may be spread by workers.
3. They should encourage the workers to develop more or higher skills. Child
workers should be encouraged to go to school or learn Thai to facilitate their
communication skills.

NGOs and the general public:
1. NGOs and the general public should cooperate with the government authorities in
monitoring inappropriate forms of child labour in business establishments and
providing assistance to child workers.
2. They should assist child workers in trouble, e.g. providing legal assistance in child
labour disputes.
2
8
Case Studies of Child Migrant Workers Employed at Fish-Processing
Plants and Fish Market in Samut Sakhon Province
Case 1
Name – Family name: Lek (assumed name) Age 17 years
Duration of stay in Thailand: 2 years
Duration of employment: 2 years
Lek is a Mon child worker who came to work at a fish-processing plant in Samut
Sakhon through a broker. Her elder sister had already been working in Thailand. She came
with her broker and other Burmese workers. She said that the main reason for coming to
Thailand was that she had no money in Burma and decided to come to work in Thailand.
Over the past two years in Thailand she had been working at the same fish-processing
plant. She lived with her siblings. Since her siblings were married and had families of their
own to look after, she was the only person to send remittances to her parents in Burma. As a
result, she was the principal provider for them. If she did not work, her parents in Burma
would face financial difficulties.
The type of work that she did was no different from that in other shrimp-processing
plants, i.e. breaking off shrimp heads, trimming shrimps and cutting them up. These three
activities were common to all shrimp-processing. While we were interviewing her, she was
trimming shrimps, using a pair of scissors cutting open the back of the shrimps. From the
observation, she was as adroit as any other worker. We also found them wearing two pairs of
gloves while working. The inner pair was of the surgical type used by physicians and nurses
in the hospital, while the outer pair was a knitted type used in construction or repair work.
There was also a rubber cover, cap (like that worn by a cook), and boots. There were pools
of water on the plant floor from the thawing of the frozen shrimps. Boots prevented slipping
and soiling feet. The only work equipment used was a knife or a pair of scissors. Workers
did not have any other protective equipment against accidents or diseases.
Lek told us that she started work at 0800 hours and finished about 1700 hours, with an
hour for lunch. She brought her own food. The money she earned from shrimp peeling
would depend on the size of the shrimp and the number of kilos she peeled. She said that
smaller shrimps were more difficult to peel and, therefore, fetch a higher pay. The larger
ones were easier to peel. For larger shrimp the pay rate was 5-6 baht/kilo, while smaller ones
fetched 12-15 baht/kilo. She said that she could earn as much as 300 baht. She had a 30-baht
health card (for the universal health coverage scheme) because her employer was able to get
her registered. (The research team thought she might have lied about her age for registration
purposes.) She used the health card when she was ill and went to see the doctor at the
hospital. The hospital that she used was Siwichai-5 Hospital.
After deduction for her living expenses in Samut Sakhon the rest of the earnings
would be remitted to her parents. On the question of impacts, she said that her work at the
current fish-processing plant had no adverse impact on her. On the other hand, she quite
liked it, because she was able to send remittances to her mother. She had completed Grade 6
in Burma but could not pursue her schooling here because of work. However, it possible, she
wanted to go to school again. If the Thai authorities and employer could organize classes at
work, she would like to attend.
2
9
Case 2
Name – Family name: Erin (assumed name)
Duration of stay in Thailand: more than 3 years
Age 14 years
Duration of employment: more than 1 year
Erin was a boy from Burma who came to work at Mahachai via Ranong Province. He
said that he came by boat and had to lie hidden in the hold. He came because all his family
(both parents, elder brother and himself) decided to come to work in Thailand because they
had no money. He worked at a shrimp-processing plant. He peeled shrimp, including
breaking off shrimp heads, cutting open the bodies and stripping the hulls. Work started at
0500 hours and ended about 1700 hours. His wages were 1,200 baht for 7 days’ work. The
employer would deduct from this amount 200 baht for a police fee and another 100 baht for
registration expense. This would leave him about 900 baht per week. He had to buy his own
equipment for shrimp-processing work, including a pair of rubber gloves (the inner layer pair,
costing 4 baht) and a pair of knitted gloves (the outside layer pair, costing 10 baht). New
gloves have to be worn every day. He also bought an apron (35 baht), a cap (20 baht), a pair
of boots (50 baht), a knife (25 baht), and a pair of scissors (20 baht). The employer did
nothing to share the costs. Before Erin started his work here, he was taught how to do shrimp
peeling by other workers. After doing the job for quite some time, he said he was now an
expert in shrimp peeling.
However, he had no registration card and no employment contract. (The research
team observed that he was too young for the employer to lie about his age for registration
purposes). When he fell ill, he had to buy medication from a general drug store or go to a
clinic and bore all the expenses himself, as he could not get access to the welfare scheme to
which he should be entitled.
As he was able to earn and help his family, he told us how much he enjoyed the work
at the shrimp-peeling plant. He gave his mother all the money that he had left after deduction
and purchase of equipment. She in turn would give him 200 baht a week that he would spend
on sweets, clothes, and other personal belongings.
Erin said that shrimp-peeling was quite tiring. He worked standing and sometimes
sitting. His hands itched because of the chemicals from the solution and water discharged
from shrimps. Itching could be alleviated by medication that he bought from the drugstore.
He was very proud that he was able to financially support his family. However, if he could
choose, he would rather go to school. He said that he finished Grade 3 from Burma. After
coming to work in Thailand, he attended classes at the Special Learning Centre of Raks Thai
Foundation held on Sundays. Unfortunately, he managed to come to class only for a year and
dropped out.
Finally, we asked him about his future. If he stopped working, would his family be
affected economically? He answered that it would not be affected because his elder brother
and his parents were also working. It was he who thought that he should continue to work to
support his family. On schooling, he said, “I don’t know” “Mother does not allow.” “I
would rather work.” When asked whether he would return to Burma if he saved enough, he
replied, “I don’t want to go back to Burma, because it is not good.”
3
0
Case 3
Name – Family name: Way (assumed name)
Duration of stay in Thailand: 3 years
Age 15 years
Duration of employment: 3 years
Way was another Burmese girl who had an opportunity to come to Thailand. She
worked at a fish-processing plant called “Amnuai.” She said that she decided to take a
chance to work in Thailand because her family was poor. In addition, the situation in her
country was such that she saw no future in her life. She had to take care of her parents and a
younger sister. She had been living in Thailand for the last three years, working at Amnuai
Processing Plant. It was her first and only workplace.
Her routine work involved shrimp peeling in the most part. A large quantity of
shrimp were brought in and put on an aluminum table long enough for 6-8 workers to stand
around. Each worker wore a uniform which, according to Way, was provided by the
employer. The uniform consisted of a hairnet, an apron, and a pair of boots. The work
equipment included such items as a pair of scissors compact enough to cut shrimp heads and
remove a black line on the shrimp back together with shrimp hulls. Each worker worked fast
against time. The number of peeled shrimps determined the amount of income they would
receive.
When asked about wages and welfare, Way said that she was happy with what she
was doing and that she felt no pressure of any kind. She worked fast. She told us that before
taking the job she was taught how to do the work by a clerk. After one month she was good
at it. One thing that made her happy and at ease was that her employer had taken her to
register as a migrant worker.
Way was under no pressure with her work. She had her wages remitted to her parents
in Burma. She finished primary education from her village school called “Pong.” Although
she had a job and could send money back home, she said that she really wanted to continue
with her schooling.
She declined to answer about the consequences if she no longer worked at this
shrimp-processing plant. She would only say that without this plant her life would be
difficult. Her parents too would find themselves in a difficult situation. Finally, she said that
she was happy working here like any other worker, and she did not want anything else from
the plant.
Case 4
Name – Family name: Ngae Ngae (assumed name)
Age 16 years
Duration of stay in Thailand: 1 year
Duration of employment: more than 1 year
Ngae Ngae came with her friends to work in Thailand. She was lucky in that she had
an aunt working at this fish-processing plant who helped her get the job. She felt comfortable
that she had a relative to look after her. After her parents died, she stayed with her aunt.
After the aunt came to work in Thailand, Ngae Ngae joined her.
Her routine work involved peeling off shrimp heads. When the number of shrimps
reduced, more shrimps would be sent to her and other workers. The work seemed unending.
3
1
She started work at 0800 hours and finished at 2100 hours. Her uniform had the name of the
plant inscribed at the back. She wore a cap, a hairnet, an apron, a pair of boots and two layers
of gloves.
The wages she received depended on the quantity of shrimps peeled. She said that the
work was tiring and she was under constant pressure. There were so many shrimps to peel
and she felt that the wages she received were not fair. She felt that she did a lot of work but
the pay was not in proportion to her work.
Before she took on the job, a worker who had been with the plant taught her how to
peel the shrimps properly. It took her a week or two to become adept at the work. She had
no employment contract with the employer because she had no document with her. She had
no alien registration card. Although she said that if work was too hard she would request a
leave to rest at home, this rarely happened. She said she had to work because there was no
other choice.
When asked about her schooling, she said that she finished Grade 3 from her village
school in Burma. She decided to take her chance coming to work in Thailand. She saw no
reason in continuing with her education. She thought it better to earn money. She left some
of the money with her aunt and her elder sister. She kept what was necessary. If she did not
work here, she had no idea how she would manage her life.
Case 5
Name – Family name: Chu (assumed name)
Age 17 years
Duration of stay in Thailand: 3 years
Duration of work at the plant: 2 months
Chu is a girl whose elder sister persuaded her to work in Thailand. This plant was her
first workplace. She stayed with her elder sister and mother, who were also working at the
plant. Her father lived in Burma. Before coming to Thailand, she was told by her sister that
the work would involve shrimp peeling and that she would have a supervisor to teach her
how to work.
She started work at 0800 hours and finished at 1700 hours. There were two kinds of
payment: one based on the weight in kilo and the other on daily wages. She had no work
permit and no employment contract with her employer. She said that her employer would be
arranging the work permit for her and deducted the expense from her pay at 2,000 baht for
two weeks. She did not receive any reimbursement or work permit from him. (At present,
she no longer works at the plant.)
She said that while at work her hands often itched because the water that the shrimps
were put in contained chemicals. She had to buy medication for herself. She was allowed to
go outside. Although her employer never beat her, she wanted to work elsewhere. (Currently
she worked at Thai Union Plant). She heard that at other plants the employer would arrange
to obtain work permits for the workers.
She told us that she finished Grade 4 from Burma. Once she started work in Thailand,
she did not go to any school and she would want to if there was an opportunity.
3
2
She said that she was not the main provider of her family. Everyone in the family
worked hard for a living. Although her decision to leave work to go school would not
seriously affect her family because there were always others who worked, she felt that she
should continue with her work. However, she said, “Deep down inside I want to go to
school, but it would not be possible.”
Case 6
Name – Family name: Chompu (assumed name) Age 18 years
Duration of stay in Thailand: 10 years
Duration of work at the plant: 4 months
Chompu was a girl from Shan State. She spoke some Thai because she had lived in
Thailand for quite some time. She had attended Thai classes at the Special Learning Centre
of Raks Thai Foundation. She said that she came to work in Thailand because her elder sister
told her to. (Her parents used to work in Thailand but had already returned to Burma.) After
arrival, she had changed her job several times. When she was out of work, an acquaintance
persuaded her to work at this plant.
Her work involved shrimp peeling, including breaking off shrimp heads and cutting
open shrimp backs. She said that she did not earn very much because she did not know how
to it properly and she was not good at it. The working hours were never fixed, depending on
the availability of the shrimp. When the shrimp arrived, the plant owner would send for the
workers at their lodgings. Their earnings depended on the shrimp weight in kilos. Larger
shrimps would fetch 5 baht and smaller ones about 10 baht. On average she would earn
about 1,300-1,500 baht per week. “How much we earn depends on how much we can work.”
She had to buy such work equipment as caps, face masks, aprons, and gloves usually from
the plant owner at the plant. She had no one to teach her how to do the work properly. She
was completely on her own. Her employer had not arranged to have a registration card made
for her. There was no employment contract. When she fell ill, she had to pay for the medical
treatment herself. She said that when she first started work at the plant she dared not go out.
Her employer told her that if she went out and was arrested there was nothing he could do.
Nevertheless, he treated her rather well. Sometimes when she was sick, he would give her
medicine. She said she liked to work. When she was out of work, she was willing to take on
any job that was available. She said that work at the plant was not that physically
demanding. While waiting for the shrimp to arrive, workers were free to do anything.
However, she had problems with her hands itching. This was a common ailment experienced
by practically every worker at the plant. She said that the itching would get worse during the
cool season. Her elder sister would buy some medication to help relieve the symptoms.
However, when the cool season came, the itching would start again.
Part of her earning was spent on living expenses including room rent, utility bills, and
food costs that she shared with her elder sister. The rest of the money was put into savings.
When she was able to save about 10,000 baht, she would send money to her parents in Burma
(every 5-6 months).
She said that if she could choose she would rather go to school. However, she had no
money and had to work for her living. Without work, life would be difficult, especially for
her parents. Rice farming in Burma alone did not bring much income. For all her wishes to
go to school, she thought it was not possible. If the shrimp came in, she had to work. There
3
3
was no fixed holiday. It all depended on the availability of the shrimp, so it would be
difficult to go to school.
What she wanted right now was for the employer to encourage workers to go to
school, take care of school fees, obtain a registration card, and pay for the medical expenses
when she was ill.
Case 7
Name – Family name: Ton (assumed name)
Age 15years
Duration of stay in Thailand: 6 months
Duration of work at the plant: 1 month
He came to work here because he had other siblings working at the plant. He had
applied for work elsewhere but was told that there was no work. His job involved breaking
off fish heads. He started work at 0700 hours and finished at 1600 hours (some days at 1700
hours). When he was paid the wages, he would give them all to his parents. He earned about
1,000 baht sometimes even less, depending on the weight of the fish heads in kilos, 1 baht per
kilo.
The equipments used included a knife, a pair of gloves and a pair of boots, all bought
by Ton. The first pair of gloves was provided by the plant free of charge. The owner did not
teach him how to do the work. He had to ask others what and how to do. Other workers
were willing to help. He signed no employment contract. He received no card or welfare.
He said that he liked his current work. It was not hard. He was not certain whether to
work elsewhere. If no fish arrived, he had to seek work somewhere else. He wanted to work
to earn money. Work would bring money, and he would be able to buy things.
He said that he wanted to go to school but could not speak Thai and could not
communicate with the other children. In Burma he studied up to Grade 8. When he came to
work in Thailand, there was no more schooling for him. He was worried that he did not go to
school because he did not know much. He knew little about law and the Thai language. All
this made him feel uncomfortable living in Thailand.
However, when asked about how to resolve the issue of child labour regarding
fairness and other benefits, he said, “It is good enough as it is. I’m quite satisfied.”
Case 8
Name – Family name: Tai (assumed name):
Age 16 years (From observation the
research team thought he was less than 16.)
Duration of stay in Thailand: 11 years
Duration of work at the plant: 2 months
Tai was a good-looking but emaciated boy with a fair complexion. He looked much
younger than the age he told us. He provided us with very little information, because he
dared not talk to us much. He said that he came to work at the plant because his aunt worked
there. His job was to slice fish. Work duration depended on the number of fish that were
sent. He had to complete the job on a daily basis. He was paid 800-900 baht a week.
3
4
Looking at the environment inside the plant, we found that there were 3-4 children of
his age at work. As the plant supervisor was rather strict, we were unable to talk to these
young workers and gather much information. However, the plant was not as clean as it
should be. Tai and other child workers wore only a pair of rubber gloves and boots. Tai had
no apron, and his clothes were covered with pieces of fish all over. During the interview, he
took off his gloves and often rubbed his eyes. When asked whether he had any illness, he
said he often had a stomachache.
After arriving in Thailand, he said that he did not go to school. When asked about
going to school in Burma, he said he had completed his schooling. When the research team
inquired about the level of his education, he replied “Grade 1”. After that he hardly
responded to our questions again.
Case 9
Name – Family name: Mon (assumed name)
Duration of stay in Thailand: 5 years
Age 17 years
Duration of employment: 2 years
Mon said that she came to work at the plant because she heard from others that it was
easier to earn money there than elsewhere. Her family was poor. There was no job available
in Burma. She decided to come to Thailand through a broker who took her and other friends
via Tak Province.
The work she did at the plant was like that of any other plant, i.e. shrimp peeling. She
started work at 0800 hours and finished at 1700 hours, with a lunch break. For economical
purposes, she brought her own food and ate at the plant or returned to her lodging to eat. She
earned about 200 baht as day, but she was paid every seven days. Her work equipment for
shrimp peeling consisted of an apron, a pair of gloves of the surgical type used by physicians,
a pair of knitted gloves, and a cap. On the first day of work she was given a set of equipment
by the plant. After that she had to buy her own. When she was ill, the plant would take care
of medical costs. However, she had to pay her own rent.
When she first started work, other workers at the plant taught her how to do it. There
was no employment contract. The employer took her to apply for a work permit. She had to
pay for all the expenses. Since she had no money, the employer lent her the money and
deducted some from her pay until the debt was paid off.
She was not adversely affected by her work. She might fall ill occasionally but it was
nothing serious. She was happy with the wages. The more work she did, the more money
she earned. When she had enough savings, she would send some to her mother in Burma.
With regard to schooling, she said she could not go to school any more. She preferred
to work because she would have money to spend. She made the following comment about
school:
“Working here means that you do not go to school. There is no school to go to either.
If you want to go to school, you have to go another area. If you go to school, you will have
3
5
to stop working on Sunday. I don’t go to school. If I did, I would lose money. It would be a
shame!”
If she stopped working, her family would be definitely affected. There was no one
else to support the family and pay off their debts. When asked about how to resolve the issue
of child labour regarding fairness and other benefits, she said that there was no need to do
anything. It was good enough as it was.
3
6