"How Do You Know She's a Witch?": Witches, Cunning Folk, and Competition in Denmark Author(s): Timothy R. Tangherlini Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 59, No. 3/4 (Summer - Autumn, 2000), pp. 279-303 Published by: Western States Folklore Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1500237 . Accessed: 07/05/2013 17:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Western States Folklore Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Western Folklore. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions "Howdo youknowshe's a witch?":Witches, CunningFolk,and Competitionin Denmark TIMOTHY R. TANGHERLINI In Danish legend tradition,thewitchis perhapsthebestknownexamthreatin humanformresidingwithintheboundaries ple of a supernatural of the community.' The witch,as she is presentedin tradition,appears as a terrifying and at timesvindictive menace,intenton wreakingeconomic In and physicalhavoc on otherwiseseeminglysafe rural communities.2 hundredsof accusationsfromseventeenthcenturycourtproceedings,in thousandsof storiesfromthelate nineteenthand earlytwentieth centuries collectedbythe Danish folklorist Evald Tang Kristensen(1934 and 1980 frombroadsidesto newspaperarticlesdur[1892-1901]),and in everything ing the preceding,interveningand, to a lesserextent,subsequentyears, horrific crimesrangingfromassaultto sabotage,poisoningto larceny, kidto murder are 1991 and attributed to witches 1992; (Johansen napping Henningsen1975 and 1978; Hansen 1960; Rorbye1976; Kristensen1980 [1892-1901]; Kristensen1934). The profound threatto a community ascribedto witchesin legend tradition-andfolkbeliefin general--derives in large partfromtheirstatusas communityinsiders.One can neverbe surethata next-doorneighbor,a friendor even one's own spouse entirely is not a witch.Because of the clear proclivity ofwitchesto underminethe economic integrity of a communityand theirwantondisregardforthe members,knowingwho was a witchand physicalwell-beingof community who was not-a knowledgedirectlyrelatedto the contemporaneousstoa matat leastup throughthenineteenthcentury, tradition-was, rytelling terof greatimportance(Henningsen 1975). werenot The generalconceptionsboth of thewitchand ofwitchcraft 59 (Summer/Fall2000):279-303 Folklore Western 279 This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 280 WESTERN FOLKLORE constantfromthe sixteenththroughthe nineteenthcenturies.Furtherto affixthe term"witch"to certainindividuals more,narrators'motivations or classes of individualsseem to have changed considerably.While one mightexpectthatklogefolk (cunningfolk)who,because of theirabilitiesto cure illnessand removecurses,would have been frequentlyaccused of this does not appear to be the case, at least not until the witchcraft, nineteenthcentury.Bythattime,callingsomeone a "witch"had vastlydifferentconsequences thanin the seventeenthcentury.It seemslikelythat thislateruse of the term"witch"in connectionwithcunningfolkwas connected to the marketforhealers-whileusingthe label no longerhad the potentialto resultin execution,it did have thepowerto hurtthe practice of a local cunningman or woman. The late sixteenthand seventeenthcenturieswerearguablythe heyday of thewitchin Denmark.Scandinavianwitchtrialsfromthisperiod,as well as storiesaboutwitchesand theirpersecution, havebecome in recentyears of considerable both for interest Scandinavian historians-suchas topics JensChristian Johansen(1991), KimTornso (1986), and BengtAnkarloo as Bente GulveigAlveir(1971) and Gustav (1971)-and folklorists-such Their studies haveconsideredin greatdetailthe conHenningsen(1975).3 toursofwitchcraft, theminutiaof thewitchcraft trials,thebrutalexecution ofwitches(generallybyburning),and the narrativetraditionconcerning witchesand witchbelief both during and afterthe well-knownwitchhuntfrenzythatgrippedmostof Scandinaviaand otherpartsof Europe duringthisperiod.4 As Johansenhas shown,the persecutionof witchesin Denmarkwas based primarily on the individual'sreputationas a witch(or more accua as troldkvinde or twoldmand), a reputation whichdevelopedout of the rately tradition contemporaneousstorytelling (Johansen1991:48). Althoughthe secularauthorities demandedproofof maliciousintent(maleficium) to continueto trial,thisproofalmostalwaystooktheformofwitnessaccountshearsayevidenceas itwere.5There were,of course,strictrulesof evidence thatexcluded certaintypesofwitnessaccounts.Thus, itwas not possible to witness"i egen sag" [for one's own case] and testimonybased on "rumors"was not accepted (Johansen1991: 32).6 This second categoryof was one thatclearlywas difficult to enforce,as almostall testitestimony thatwerebased on folkbelief.Therefore, monytooktheformof narratives thiswitnesstestimony was closelyrelatedto the contemporaneouslegend traditionand, as such, rumor.7 Despite the fact that nearlyall of the cases thatwere broughtto trialreferredto a specificevent,such as the deathofa cowor theillnessof a child,thesimilarity of thestoriesthatwere presented concerning these specificevents-storiesthat subsequently This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 281 formedthe core ofwitchcraft accusationsthroughoutDenmark-suggest thatthese accusationswere part of a well-developednarrativetradition. an accusationofwitchcraft storiesthatconstituted werereadConsequently, ilyavailableto anypersonwillingto attachthroughnarrationan allegation of maleficium to a local communityfigure.8Occasionally,these accusations would be directed at local cunning folk,although not nearlyas oftenas the LutheranChurch would perhaps have liked (Jensen1982; Torns0 1986: 104;Johansen1991: 35). In postReformation Denmark,churchauthorities placed considerable emphasis on bringingto the general population a clear sense of pure Lutheran belief. As part of this process, theyattemptedto eliminate aspects of folk belief that contradictedchurch doctrine (Tangherlini 1998: 157; Grell1995). Amongthe beliefsthattheyattemptedto combat was thewide-spread ofcunningfolkto curedisease,find beliefin theability lostthings,identify thievesand witches,and removecurses,all throughthe use of magic (Johansen1991: 35; Johansen 1995; Jensen 1982: 8-13). The cunningfolkwere rightfully seen by the churchas a threatto their because cured they powerbase, partly people usingmethodsthatwerein directcompetition withthe church'sestablishedrituals,partlybecause the churchworriedthatthe cunningfolk'sritualscould include remnantsof of thechurchto erasethe Catholicrituals-andthusunderminetheefforts lastvestigesof Catholicpracticefromthe religiouslandscape-and partly because the cunningfolkrepresenteda popular spiritualpowerthatwas not subjectto thecontrolof churchauthorities(Jensen1982: 9; Johansen in the eyesof the church, 1991: 35; Tangherlini1998: 162). Furthermore, the cunning folk undermined the importantawarenessof sin among thegeneralpopulationsincetheyessentially toldtheircustomersthattheir illnessor misfortune and not a punishmentfrom was a resultof trolddom God forsin (Johansen1991: 35). To combat the perceivedthreatto the churchposed by the cunningfolk,ecclesiasticauthoritiespromotedthe viewthatthe cunningfolkwereheretics,arguingthattheircunningarts were derived froma relationshipwiththe Devil (Jensen1982: 8-13).9 The well-knownbishop, Peder Palladius, for example, warned against cunningfolkin hisimportantVisitatsbog (Jacobsen1925: 109-11)and in his "En vnderuisningh huorlediesder kand handlismetdem som er besette" as, firstand foremost,a (Palladius 1547) in whichhe describestrolddom question of cunningwhich,in turn,is the workof the Devil (Jacobsen ecclesiasticsfocusedtheirprimarycritiqueof 1925: 110). Not surprisingly, witchcraft which,in theirconception,included the cunningartsand its on thisalleged alliance betweentroldfolk and Satan. practitioners, the the people seventeenth stories ofwitchcraft-and During century, This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 282 WESTERN FOLKLORE came to theattentionnot onlyofreligious thattheywereabout-eventually authoritiesbut also of governmentalauthorities(Johansen1991: 48-51). Usuallythisoccurredthroughan officialaccusationofwitchcraft brought memberagainstsomeonewho had developeda reputation bya community as a witch(Johansen1991:48-51).In postReformation Denmark,itwas the local secularauthorities(and not the churchauthorities)who carriedout the actual juridical proceedings although convictionsin these lower courtswere automaticallyappealed to the landstingo'(districtcourt). thesecularauthorities did not prioritize accusationsoftheuse Interestingly, of cunningarts,but ratherfocusedmostof theirenergieson prosecuting accusationsof maleficium. The juridicalbasisforthe prosecutionswas the Danish law of 1617, which made a distinctionbetween malicious acts carriedout by"rettetroldfolk"(truewitches)-thosewho had swornallegiance to the Devil-and actscarriedout bypeople who used "indbildede konster"(imaginaryarts)."11 A subsequentlaw from1683 made a further in thislattercategory, distinction the potentialforactscaracknowledging ried out withmaliciousintentas opposed to those carriedout withgood intent (Johansen1991: 23-4).12 It seems likelythat both of these laws with their nuanced distinctionsbetween true witchcraftand cunning weremore examplesof "foundlaw"than "made law"and theiremphasis on maliciousintentwas largelyattributable to the generalnotionamong the citizenryof whattypeof activity found to be worthpursuing.'3 they Whilethechurchplaced emphasison Devilpactsand Satanicalliance-an emphasisthatfoundexpressionin thelaw of 1617-the averagepersonwas farmore likelyto be concernedwiththe negativeeffectsthatdeliberately maliciousmagical acts could have on theirpersonal economyand wellbeing.In fact,accusationsbased on thelesseroffenseofusingcunningarts withoutmaliciousintentthatthe churchso fervently opposed wererarely to court. a When brought person was broughtto courton chargesconsistingsolelyof havingused cunningartsthe case was moreoftenthannot dismissed(Johansen1991: 35; Grell1995). Onlyin the mostextremecases would a case based on accusationsof cunningbe triedand even in these cases, the convictedwas at worstbanished (Johansen1991: 37 and 90). carriedwithit the death penalty. Only maleficium The repeated tellingof storiesthatlabeled someone a witch,withthe concomitantaccusationsof maleficium resultin would,however, frequently punitiveaction.14As such, the tellingof storieswas a politicallycharged endeavorthatcould bringwithit clear results:ifstoriesof a knowncommunityfigure'sdealingsas a witchgained enough currencyin local tradition,the personwould be arrested,broughtto trialand quite possibly executed.Buildingprimarily on questionsofpersonalinjury, thesedisputes This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 283 arose exclusively amongpeople who kneweach otherbeforehand(T0rns0 1986: 38).15 Communitymembers must have been well aware of the and while accounts of witchcraft oftenwere an power of storytelling, of in were also a tactical mannerout fear, expression they likelydeployed of vindictiveness If 1975: a 99-100). (Henningsen personal disputeescaVindictivenesscerlated, the final play could be storiesof witchcraft. seems have in to a role seventeenth tainly played centurywitchcraft as attested both records of various defendants' accusations, by challenges to theselectionofjurorsfortheinitialtrialas wellas recordsofdefendants' expressionsof concernoverthe potentialbias of selectedjurors (T0rns0 1986: 38-9;Johansen1991: 27-30).While the law againstgivingwitness"i egen sag"was clearlydesignedto minimizethe riskthatvindictiveness lay at therootofan accusation,a cleverantagonist could havean acquaintance do his or her biddingbyactingas an "impartial" witness,and therebysidedisenfranstep this legal technicality.If the accused were sufficiently chisedor otherwiseunable to counterthenegativenarrative assault--which seemsto have obtainedforthosewhosecases actuallyended up in court-chanceswerethatthe accusationswould resultin legal action.Depending on one's perspective, the bestor worstoutcomeof thisprosecutionwould have been the executionof the accused. the crimesof whichmostwitcheswere accused had, at Interestingly, theircore, an economic element--thetheftof milk,the destructionof threatsof physicalharmthatcame true (or at leastcame truein property, the witnessaccounts), and curses thatwere coincidentallyefficacious (Tornso 1986: 104-12). In a fascinatingtabulationof witnessstatements fromDanish witchcraft trials,Johansen notes 271 accusationsof murder,510 of causinghumanillness,339 of causingcattle'sdeath,thirty-nine of causing cattle'sillness,104 of stealingor spoilingmilk,157 of killing horses or causing illness,thirty-seven of killingsheep, twenty-seven of of and eleven of beer, killingpigs,twenty-one ruining inflicting poverty (Johansen1991, 202-205).All of thesecrimesconstitutesome formeconomictransgression as bothmurderand illnesscould have significant economic repercussionsin the tightknitrural communities;furthermore, nearlyhalfthe cases (735 out of 1,519) speak of crimeswhose primary effectwas economic.Whilethe churchsawwitchesas a spiritualthreatto the community, in practicaland juridical termwitcheswerelargelyprosecuted because of theirimputed economic threatto the community. Quite simply,in the eyes of the courts and the local populace who brought the initial charges,witcheswere seen as an economic threat thatneeded to be eliminated. In contrastto witches,cunningfolkwere not consideredto constitute This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 284 WESTERN FOLKLORE an economic threatto the community. in an age Quite to the contrary, where rural medicinewas virtually nonexistent,cunningfolkofferedat least the semblanceof access to medical care. Consequently,asJohansen notes,the courtswerereluctantto prosecutethem:"Gennemsin praksis indtogden verdsligemyndigheden ganskeanden holdningend kirken; den varikkedet mindsteinteresseret i 'klogefolk"'[Throughitspractice, the secular authoritiesheld a significantly differentposition than the church: it was not at all interestedin cunning folk] (Johansen 1991: existsthatcunningfolkcould findthem35).17Althoughthe possibility selveson the wrongend of a witchcraft accusationifone of theircures failedin a spectacularmanner,thisseemsnot to havebeen a terribly wide1991: In 1986: some 88-9; spreadphenomenon (Johansen 101-4). Tornso to the folkhealing trials,well-intentioned parishionerswould even testify abilitiesof the accused,not as evidenceof the accused's malfeasance,but ratheras evidenceof theirpositivecharacter--a tacticthatmoreoftenthan not back-fired at the the accused nowstoodliableforpunsince, veryleast, ishmenton theselessercharges.Of course,a tacticamong thoseaccused ofwitchcraft was to plead guiltyto thelessercrimesof "signenog manen" and [blessing conjuring]which,accordingto thelawfrom1617,could only be punishedwithconfiscationand exile (Johansen1991: 30).18 In thefewcaseswherecunningfolkwereactuallybroughtto trial,itwas generallyon the charge of havingcursed someone, and not because of theirworkas a cunningperson.19 There was of coursea certainambiguity in thefolkconceptionsofwhowas and who was not a witch.Whilepeople could generally discernbetweenmaliciousand beneficent intent,therewas also a generalsense thatpeople who could do good could also do bad.20 Addressingthe ambivalenceamong thegeneralruralpopulace in France concerningthe categoriesof the maliciouswitchand the helpfulcunning man or woman,RobertMuchemblednotes: La difference traditionelle entremagienoire et magieblancheesta n'en pas douter une distinctionsavante,une inventiondue aux elitesculturelles.Au village,tousles paysanssont confront6squotidiennement'a des ph6nomenesmagiquesambivalents, qui peuvent aussi bien d6truireque protegerl'individu,selon l'aptitudede ce derniera les d6tournerou encore 'a se les concilier.Mais si chacun recherche ainsi perp6tuellementun 6quilibre magique par des tabous et par des ritesprotecteurs,il est un personnage qui est cens6 possdderplus de force,plus de capacit~sen de domaine que communpeuple: le devin-gubrisseur, qui portediversnomsselon les et est en un sorcier qui villageois.Ses fonctionsson r6gions, r~alit& il car cumule celles du multiples, m6decin,du pratre,du savant:il dis- This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 285 pose en effetd'un "savoir"efficaceaux yeux de ses concitoyens (Muchembled 1979: 49). This ambivalenceobtained forthe Danish rural populace as well as evidenced bywitnessaccountsused not onlyto prosecutebut also to defend one can individualsaccused ofwitchcraft (Tornso 1986: 104). Accordingly, in of witchcraft would be chala situation which accusations easilyimagine more as a lenged byotherstoriesproposingthatthe accused was acting cunningperson thanas a troldkvinde, therebylesseningthe impactof the accusations of malicious intent. damning ofa person thisambivalenceconcerningtheidentification Interestingly, as eithera witchor a cunningpersondid not disappearwiththewitchtrials but ratherpersistedas a functionalaspect of folkbeliefwell into the twentieth centuryand is evidentin the storiesabout witchesand cunning folkcollectedbyEvald Tang Kristensen.For example,a certainLa~rerJ. JacobsenfromMejlby,speakingabout the "CunningSmithin Lonborg" says:"The cunningfolkwere bothfearedand admired.They could measure, bless,and show again, cure illnessand, throughreading,prevent injuriesor makethembetter.In addition,theycould stopblood, calmrunawayhorsesand a lot more... The cunningfolkdid both good and bad" (Kristensen1934,vol. 6: 141). This ambivalenceoverthe identification of a person as a witchor as a in whichcunningfolkwere at the heart of several cases cunningpersonlay to court on the of Kirsten"Pinn"Poulsdatter, brought charge witchcraft. a cunningperson on Laeso,forexample,was broughtto court in 1634 accused of witchcraft (Johansen1991: 90-1,and 273; Viborglandsting). her trial,Kirstensaid thatshe did not considertakingthe "melkeDuring lykke"(milkluck) froma man and subsequentlyreturningit to him as witchcraft. Rather,she saw it as partof the abilitiesof a cunningperson. a witness Similarly, againsther mentionedthatshe had toldhim thatifhe gave her some grainwhilehe was sowinghis fields,he would get a thousand-foldreturn.Although his harvestwas quite good that year,he blamed a subsequentpoor harveston her havingcrossedhisfields.In the in her own eyesas well--oneand thesame person eyesof thewitness--and was quite capable of doing both good and bad (Johansen 1991: 91; ViborgLandstingB24.524: 309r-312r).21Kirstenwas eventuallyconvicted not of witchcraft but ratheron the lesserchargesof using "indbildnede magicof a cunningperson--andher convictionled to a senkonster"--the tence of banishment. the number Despite the thinline separatingcunningfromwitchcraft, of cunningfolkwho wereactuallyaccused of and foundguiltyof crossing thatline constitutedless than ten percentof the totalof witchcraft pros- This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 286 WESTERN FOLKLORE ecutions in Jutland (Johansen 1991: 91). So, while the cunning folk should have been an obvious group fromwhich to choose potential witches,thisdid not occur.It is certainlypossible thatfarmore cunning folk than were ever broughtto trialwere on the verge of developing reputationsas witches,perhaps among disgruntledor suspicious customersor perhapsthroughthe tacticaldeploymentof narrativebycompetingcunningfolk.However,giventhefactthatso fewcunningfolkwere evenin spiteoftheverythinline broughtto courton chargesofwitchcraft, thatseparatedthe cunningartsfromwitchcraft, one mustconclude that thebenefitto thelocal community of havingthecunningpersonas a local resourceto help withcuringillnessand reversingmisfortune outweighed associatedwiththeircontinuedpresence.In addition, anypotentialliability thepossibility forcommunity censure-perhapsin the formof seekingout anothercunningperson-coupled to the strongcorrectivefactorrepresentedbythe threatof executionforcrossingtheline overto deliberately maliciousactswereapparently to keep mostcunningfolkon the sufficient and straight narrow. It is also possible-indeed even likely-thatcunningfolkwere able to staveoffnarrativeonslaughtswhichlabeled theiractivities as witchcraft by their customers to tell counter narratives.Since a singleallemobilizing had littlechance of being substantiatedin court gation of maleficium unlesstherewereimpartialwitnesseswho would supportthe allegation,a cunningperson-iffacedwitha potentialaccusation-could relyon their customerbase to contestthe allegation,and nip theirdevelopingreputationas a witchin the bud. Conversely, a personwho did not have a reputationas a cunningpersonwouldhavegreaterdifficulty the counteracting narrativesthatacted as a foundationfora witchreputation.AsJohansen had developeda rep(1991: 48) pointsout,mostpeople triedforwitchcraft utationas a witchlong beforetheywere broughtto trial.A cunningperson-who had conversely developeda reputationas a cunningpersonand not as a witch-wasin a relatively secureposition:theyhad close contactto a largegroupofpeople who could attestto theirskillsas a cunningperson. In turn,these pronouncementswould have the narrativepotentialto weakenanydevelopingreputationthe cunningpersonmighthave had as a witch.A marginalizedperson,one withouta strongcommunity base, in would be powerlessto counteractanydevelopingreputationfor contrast, witchcraft. BythetimeTang Kristensen began hislegendcollectingin thelatenineteenthcentury,the social and politicalsituationin Denmarkwas considerablydifferentthan that of the seventeenthcentury.The era of the witchcraft trialswas long overand the zeal to burnwhomeverhappened This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 287 to findherselfon thewrongend of a storyhad dissipated.The lawshad changed and, by 1866, it was no longer possible to punish someone for a practicethathad stopped forall intentsand purposeslong witchcraft, before the laws reflectedthe defactosituation (Johansen 1991: 25).22 of storiesaboutwitches themotivations forthedissemination Accordingly, and cunning folk must also have changed. Althoughsome folklorists would like to see the nineteenthcenturylegend traditionas a survival--a memoryof timelong passed preservedin the mindsof the idyllicrural have shownthattraditionparticipants theorists rarely folk--contemporary continuea traditionifitno longerproducesmeaning(Honko 1984: 40-1; Ingwersen1995). Since storiesofwitchesand cunningfolkwerequitepopular duringthe late nineteenthcentury,the talesmusthave been meanthe motivation ingfulforboth the tellersand the audiences.Accordingly, forthe continuedtellingof storiesabout both cunningfolkand witches shouldbe soughtin theparticular historical situationofthelatenineteenth folk where still century, cunning providedthe much-neededserviceof medical and veterinarycare forthe poor, and where the accusationsof whichhad thepowerto killin thepast,could now be deployed witchcraft, as a means forcastingaspersionson the abilitiesof competingcunning folk--anecho of Muchembled'sidea thatone village'scunningpersonis anothervillage'switch(Muchembled 1979: 55). The storiesofwitchesand cunningfolkcan also be read in partin the contextof profoundchangesin the powerof the Lutheranchurch.The of 1849 led to a refiguration promulgationof thedemocraticconstitution of the connectionbetweenthe churchand the crown,and meantthatthe previouslypowerfulLutheranchurchfound itselfin a considerablydifferentpositionthan two hundredyearsearlier.2Concomitantto these of theLutheran changesin thepreviously unchallengedspiritualauthority churchweredevelopments in thepoliticallandscapeof local communities. Farm ownersemergedas a politicallypowerfulclass and cottersfollowed were no longerconcentrated closelyon theirheals. Powerand authority in the hands of the crownand the church,but ratherdiluted to a far greaterdegree among the general population. Stories endorsing the powersof local cunningfolkemergedas clear challengesto the authority of local churchauthorities, a challengethatthechurchhad alreadyfeltin the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies(Tangherlini1998). At the same no longercarriedwiththem time,storiesaccusinga personofwitchcraft the potentialforhorrificpunishmentat the hands of the churchor government,but rathera farless physicallythreateningpunishment--communitycensure. If a person had a reputationas a witch,you would be inclinedto avoid them.24 This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 288 WESTERN FOLKLORE Perhapsthe greatestchange to effectthe cunningfolks'practicewere one hundredyearsapart. twolawsthatwerepromulgatedapproximately to protectapothecaries The first, theapothecarylawof 1672,wasinstituted fromthe competitiontheyfeltfromthe cunning folk (Rorbye 1976: made itillegalforpersonsotherthanapothecaries 201). The lawessentially to sell or distribute medicines.Whilethelaw made a greatdeal of thecunningfolks'practiceillegal,itwasnotuntiltheka~ksalerlawof 1794 thatthe on thewrongside of thelaw.The cunningfolkfoundthemselves decisively cover of the statutemakes clear thatit is directedagainstcunningfolk: Statute concerning the punishmentfor quacks who, under the name of cunningmen or women,takeit upon themselves to cureillnesses among the peasantryin spiteof the factthattheyare completelyunknowingin the art of medicine and who, throughthe improperuse of medicines,ruin the healthand the use of limbsof thattheyseekhelp fromthemand people who are so simple-minded themselves to their as cures, wellas measuresto prevent,stop subject and cure contagiousdiseases (Rorbye1976: 208). Unlike the laws againstwitchcraft whichincluded the cunningfolkbut wererarelyused againstthem,the kIaksalurlaw,withitsharshpenaltieswas not onlydirectedexplicitly at the cunningfolk,butwas also used withrelativefrequency.25 The institution of thelawspeaksto thedevelopingpoliticalpowerof the and their Medicum. Not onlydid treatments physicians Collegium proposed by the cunningfolkcontradictthe increasinglyscientificapproach representedbythe physicians, but the cunningfolkalso representeda comthreat to the petitive physicians'local practices(Rorbye1976: 22). Partof thecunningfolks'successin themarketforpatientslayin thecompetitive The physician C. D. Hahn and the advantagestheyhad overthephysicians. A. H. Flock in a to the Medicum that"the Collegium surgeon complain report nuisanceforfarmers;thefarmers so-calledcunningfolkare a destructive to use the folk because prefer cunning theyare theirequals..." (Rorbye 1976: 206). Also, the cunning folks'fees,which were rarelyrequested less directlyas a means to sidestepthe letterof the law,weresignificantly than those of the physicians. Much to the displeasureof thephysicians, the kvaksalver law includeda sixthparagraph,whichstated,"Should someone who is not in facta doctor have acquired excellent knowledge or superior abilityin one or anotheraspectof the artof medicine,or in curingone or anotherillness fromthe chiefadministrative then,as long as he has testimony officerof the countyand of the countyphysicianattestingto this skill,he can This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 289 expectto be givenpermissionfromthe Chancelleryto practice,albeitonly in the district in whichhe lives..." (Rorbye1976: 207-9).The inclusionof thisparagraphmade it possible forcertaincunningfolkto gain institutional legitimacyand accordinglyopened the marketfor healers to greaterlegal competition. Furtherundermingthe physicians'otherwisestrongpositionwas the standardpracticebywhichlegalauthorities wouldnotintervene withjuridia a cal sanctionsuntil physicianor apothecaryfiled complaint,an interestingcorrellaryto the practicein the precedingcenturiesin which a was needed to set the legal specificaccusationof substantiatedmaleficium wheelsof thewitchtrialin motion.In short,paragraphsixofthe vaksalwer lawguaranteeda livelycompetition amongcunningfolk-whonowhad the for official sanction-and potential physicians.This competitionwas, in turn,complementedbythe competitionamong the cunningfolkthemselveswho triedsimultaneously to developtheircustomerbase and to avoid angeringthe local apothecaryor physician. Competitionamong cunningfolkwas certainlya well knownaspectof the rural economic landscape as attestedby records fromthis period (Rorbye1976). A clearexampleof such competitionmaybe foundin the case of BirtheJensen (Rorbye 1977: 73-5; Holm 1883). Althoughher practicedeveloped quite quicklyafterher purchaseof "den klogemands because bog" [thecunningman'sbook] she soon encountereddifficulties felt she that had cheated them out of their 461976: many money(Rorbye 48). A neighboringcunningman sawJensen'splummetingpopularityas an opportunityto eliminate a competitorand began suggestingthat Jensenwas in facta witch(Rorbye1977: 73-4;Holm 1883). Soon Jensen foundherselfthe subjectof a latterdaywitchhunt,thatin factwas "a well thoughtout conspiracyagainstthe unsuspectingBirthe,whichwas set in motion by anotherlocal cunningwoman who had less successwithher businessand was therefore enviousand hatefultowardsher.She schemed to have Birthechased awayand thusget her out of theway"(Holm 1883 citedin Rorbye1977: 73). Whilenot alwaysas intenseas in thiscase, the competitionamongcunningfolkand debatesamongtheircustomersconcerningwho had thebettercunningpersonapparentlyacted as an impetusforthe perpetuationof storiesabout witchesand witchcraft (Rorbye 1977: 73). storiesof cunningfolkplayedintothe marketfortheirserDoubtlessly, vices,withpositivestoriesadding to both the reputationof and potential customerbase fora cunningman or woman,and negativestoriesdetracting fromthatbase.26In the nineteenthcenturyvillageswhereKristensen collectedstories, itis quiteclearthatnoteverybody acceptedthepurported This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 290 WESTERN FOLKLORE abilitiesof specificcunningfolk(as wellas theabilitiesofanycunningfolk, forthatmatter).In the contextof the competitionamong cunningfolk, storiespeople told about a cunningperson's abilities(or distinctlack of abilities)could act as signalingdevices,indicatingto listenershowthenarratorwould act in a givensituation.Here, the "game"being playedcould be called "healing," withpossiblepositiveor negativeoutcomesdependent, to the Stories according storytradition, entirelyon the choice of healer.27 thechoice ofthepersonconwouldthenbe used as a meansforinforming frontedwiththegame,a processthatechoes de Certeau'snotionthatstories are "repertoiresof schemes of action...mementos[that] teach the tacticspossiblewithina givensystem" (de Certeau1984: 23). In some cases, ofthe one could easilyimaginethecompetingfolkhealeras theoriginator in as the of case above. someone a witch would stories, Jensen Labeling indicatea negativeevaluationoftheintentions ofthefolkhealer,implythat theirskillsweresuspectand indicatethat,in theopinionof thestoryteller, theywerenot someone one wouldwantto employ.In othercases,the biddingwas likelydone bythefolkhealer'scircleof patients.Ane Poulsen,for example,is knownprimarily throughthe storiestold about her,and the enthusiasmof one of her patients,"an invalid...saidthathe preferredher over all other cunning folk" (Rorbye 1976: 17).28 This typeof loyalty seems to have been quite wide spread,and word of mouthplayeda significantrole in folkhealersdeveloping,sustaining and increasingtheircircle of patients. Legend telling can be seen accordingly as a performativelocus employedbytraditionparticipantsto negotiatetheirconflicting perceptions of the various cunning folk mentioned in theirstories.Furthermore,deciding to tell legends about cunningfolkand decidingon the resolutionof these encountersallowed traditionparticipantsthe opporto engagein thesocialvaluationof theirservices.Those who did not tunity value theabilitiesof a particularcunningman or womanmighttellstories in whichan attemptedcure failed: I had an uncle who was nearlyblind. He went to the Vindblkes woman foradvice,and she gave him some herbs,whichhe was to boil and then he was supposed to drinkit. In withthe herbsthere was a piece of paper withnine littletabsjust like a comb, but the paper was narrowerat one end than at the other.Then he was also supposed to takeone of the tabseach morningfornine mornings,and startat the narrowend. He was also supposed to go to a milland getsome greaseand makea poulticeand putit on hisneck. It didn't help (Kristensen1980 [1892-1901]vol. 4: 585). This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 291 Throughtherepeatedtellingofstoriessuchas thisone thatcastaspersions on a cunningperson's healing talents,a cunningpersonwho had once been popular could quicklylose his or her reputationas an adept practitioner and subsequentlysee theirpatientsdisappear. Rorbyeprovides the example ofVilhelmJohnsenfromFaksemosewho experiencedsuch a decline in reputationand popularity:"He had a certainfollowingas a cunningman formanyyears,but his finesalvesand good advicebecame suspectas he got older" (Rorbye1976: 15).30 Althoughit is unclear preciselywhyhis curesbegan to be suspect,it is clear thatthe loss of reputaIn on wordof mouth-led to a declinein hispopularity. tion-builtentirely other stories,it is clear that a distincthierarchyamong cunning folk obtainedwiththemasterhealerbeingsupplantedbya lessfavoredcunning man afterthe master'sdeath: "As long as Wise Anders was alive, you fetchedhim,but afterhe died,youwentoffto find[Wise]Jokum..."(Kristensen1936: 113). Other traditionparticipantsnegatively inclinedtowarda specificcunman or woman focus on their ning might potentialalliance with the Devil and directlyor indirectlylabel him or her a witch.In Slangerup parish,forexample,none of KirstenBojsen's patients'storieswere ever recordedand, consequently, accordingto Rorbye,"weknowher todayonly as a gossipy,scheming,greedywitch"(Rorbye1976: 21).31 In the case of Ane Sorensen,the "Reerslevkonen,"2 Rorbyementions, Among the local people therewere manywho were afraidof her, indeed theyconsideredher to be a witch.Manystoriesare toldabout howshe could see and hearmorethanothers.Whenshe had visitors, she often knew what theywere sufferingfrom even before the patient had said anything,but one had to be carefulnot to say anythingbad about her because then she could cause greatharm. The witchcraft could resultin a greatmanydiscomforts. It could be as an to churn butter in more serious or, instances, expressed inability illnessor death among the farmanimals (Rorbye1976: 30). As her reputationas a "witch"-orat least as a cunningperson who freAne's initiallylarge customerbase began to quentlyused magic--grew, could damage dwindle,a clear indicationthata reputationforwitchcraft business(Rorbye1976: 29). In Kristensen'scollections,one findsnumerous storiesthatcould easilybe deployedin contributing to a cunningperson's developingreputationas a witch.For example,Peder Stampefrom Dejbjaergtellsthe followingstory: Niels Knudsen in Lem, who is dead now, he went and asked my fatherto come bymanytimes.But he didn'twantto go over there This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 292 WESTERN FOLKLORE sincehe'd heard talkthatNielsKnudsenwas somewhatcunningand could witch.He kepttryinganyway and said,"Youshouldcome over to me, thenI'll teachyou how to shootso you'llnevermiss."But my fatherdidn'tdare. One day he was out huntingand came bythere. Then a hare came out of Niels Knudsen's cabbage patch, there was a hole in thewall and it came out of that.It kepton runningin frontof him and lookingback at him,and he didn't dare shoot it, since he believed thatit was Niels Knudsen himselfor some other supernaturalhare (Kristensen1980 [1892-1901],vol. 6: 306). In anotheraccount,a cunningpersonis savedfromtheDevilwhomhe has called to him byanothercunningperson: A cunningman in SonderhAsatat the end of his tableand couldn't go anywheresincehe had a visitfromthe EvilOne, who he'd called to himself,and to get rid of him he sentforHans Plovmandfrom Skyum.But he said thattherewasn'tanyhurry.Let him be afflicted withhim a littlebit.Finallyhe came and drovehim away."NowI've savedyoutwotimes,butifhe comesa thirdtime,thenthere'sno way in Hell thatI can saveyou."(Kristensen vol.6: 110). 1980(1892-1901), Any negativeevaluationsof the abilitiesor allegiances of a particular cunning man or woman such as one findsin these accounts could be drive deployedbyrivalsto driveawaypotentialcustomers(and presumably themto the doorstepof anothercunningman or woman). In the second it could be simultaneously be used to attractcustomersto the more story, man Hans Plovmand. competentcunning Not all cunningfolkfoughtdevelopinga reputationforwitchcraft. Niels forexample,actively sowedtheseedsofambivalencein hislocal Mikkelsen, community.33 Accordingto Rorbye, The Helmdrup smithwas also interestedin witchcraft. Afterhe came home afterbeing out practicing,and people asked himwhat he'd been doing,he would gladlyanswer-I've been out witchingBut whydo you answerlike thatwhen you don't believein witches his neighborasked him once-Well, when I saythingslike yourself? that,people don't ask anymore and thenI don't have to givelong explanations...A greatdeal suggeststhatNiels Mikkelsenwas not as dismissiveofwitchcraft as the exchange ofwordswithhis neighbor mighthave us believe...Whenhe got angry...hewould threatento bewitchpeople (Rorbye1976: 125-6). In the seventeenthcentury,a flippantanswersuch as the one Mikkelsen providescould haveeasilybecome thegroundsfora courtcase and hissub- This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 293 sequent immolation.As such,it revealsthe profoundchange in attitudes towardsusing the appellation "witch"over the course of severalhundred years.Furthermore, Mikkelsen'sanswerand his actionsunderscore the close relationshipbetween cunning and witchcraft, a relationship thatcunningfolkin the seventeenthcenturyhad studiouslyavoided.34 of using storiesas a rhetoricalweapon emphaDespite the possibility the sizing negativeaspectsof cunningor a cunningperson'sindividualtalentsor allegiances,giventhe largenumbersof positively resolvedlegends of all such storieshave concerningcunningfolk-welloverseventy percent must that conclude most tradition valresolutions--one positive participants ued theirservices.35 These people would also be inclined to tell stories whichdescribedthe cunningfolkto be more adept at curingthanlocal physicians,as in the followingaccount: There was an old cunningman who livedon Balle Hojbjaerga little northwest of Balle,theold ones calledhimHans Kristian, and he was a kind of doctor in everything, but especiallyfor broken bones. also went him to for toothaches. He was a reallynice old People man... There was a farmhanddown in Kjeldkjaxr who was unlucky enough to breakhis leg. So theysentforDoctorOrbech in Vejle,he wastheirdoctor.He came and bound theleg and thenthefarmhand was to stayin bed forsix weeks.But he nearlydied fromthe pain, because the leg was not set properlyof course. So he asked for someone to fetchHans Kristian,but theywouldn't,theycouldn't have a quack come to the farm.But the farmhandgets another farmhandto gethimthatnight,and whenHans Kristian comesdown thereand examineshim,he ripsall the stuffoff,whichthe Doctor had bound aroundtheleg,and fixeditagain,and nowthesickfarmhand didn'thaveanypain. Then he toldhim that,ifhe keptstillfor fivedays,he could get up again. He did thatand he got better.Now it happens that the doctor came back to the area and then he decides to make a sickvisitat Kjeldkjaer. The farmhandis standing thereloading manure.When the doctorsees thathe getswhistling mad and he getsup on hiswagonagainand leavesforVejle.But then among otherthingshe had an errandat BraestenInn, and whenhe comes in, theroomis fullofpeople, and Hans Kristianalso happens to be there.Now he was a littleman, and he sat quietlyin a corner and thedoctordidn'tnoticehim.He beginsto talkloudlyabout this Hans KristianfromBalle Mark, and he would take care of him who'd done it.Then Hans Kristiangetsup and says,"Ifyouwantto do somethingto the man, he's righthere. But I wantyou to know thatifyouwantto takecare of brokenbones thatyou'rea real bun- This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 294 WESTERN FOLKLORE gler."The doctorfliesout thedoor and leaves (Kristensen1936: 139- 40). The competitionbetweenphysiciansand cunningfolkis broughtto the forein thisstory,as are the conflicting notionsof the abilitiesof cunning folk.The sharp competitionbetweenphysiciansand the cunning folk could-and oftendid-lead to a formalaccusationof breakingthe kvaksalverlawwitha subsequentcourtcase, as the physicianalludes to in the secondpartof thestory.Certainly, on manycunningfolkfoundthemselves the wrong side of the law, and local physiciansand apothecaries frequentlypursuedthesecasesto theirfullestextent.Despiteconviction, many more discunningfolkwould returnto theirpractice-oftenin a slightly creteform-soonafterpayingtheirfinesor servingtheirsentence.Stories suchas theprecedingcould be used thenas a meansforstealingcustomers froma physicianor,aftera conviction,reclaiminglostcustomers. it is not clear thatthe legal proceedingsbroughtagainst Interestingly, thecunningfolkhad theeffectintendedbythephysicians or apothecaries. Whiletrialand punishmentforwitchcraft had the intendedeffectalways trialand namelythe eliminationof a witchfromthe local community-the for the kvaksalver law did not have as clear a result. punishment breaking For example, the competitionbetweenKarenJensen,the "klogekone i Stenlose" [the cunningwoman in Stenlose],and the local physicianwas apparentlyintense,and since she was among the mostpopular cunning folkon Zealand, local newspapersconsideredthe physician'slegal proor witchhunt(Rorbye1976:21).36Frida ceedingsagainsther a "forfolgelse" anothercunningwoman,mentionedthat"I sometimes Hansen-Borsholt, thinkthatit is probablygood forme withthoselawsuits,itsgood forone to feelthe powerof one's superiors,thenone takesbettercare.And then it is also a reallygood advertisement[reklame]forone," clearlyalluding to thepositiveelementwithsuch courtproceedings,namelythe abilityto get her name out to a widerpotentialcustomerbase (Rorbye1976: 87).37 Indeed, her use of the word "reklame"speaks to a veryclear understandingof the need for publicity--even negativepublicity-todevelop greatermarketshare. Not all storiesthattellabout the abilitiesor faultsof a cunningperson necessarilycame fromthe person's patientsor detractors.Cunningfolk themselvesor,since cunningfolkoftenpassed theirpracticeson to their relatives,close familymembersalso told storiesof theirown prowess.A close relative,such as a son or nephew,wouldhavehad a vestedeconomic stakein tellingsuch legends,as in the case ofJergenMadsen fromGrejs: Peder Sillesthovedwas mymaternaluncle. One timewhen I was This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 295 downat hishouse,an eighteenyearold boycame ridingup and gave him a fivecrownnote,because he had cured him,and he said, 'We could have sent it, but my mother thoughtthat you should see me." Now he was completely butwhenhe had come thefirst healthy, time,he had pox all over his face, and his motherhad spent 200 crownson doctors.Peder Sillesthovedsaid to himwhenhe came, "If the adviceI giveyou doesn'thelp withineightdays,itwon'thelp for you to come to me again" (Kristensen1936: 119). Here, Madsen uses the storyto both emphasize his connection to Sillesthoved,to laud the remarkableabilitiesof his uncle (and his reasonableprices),and to challengethecurativeabilities(and theextortionate prices) of the local physician.Addressingthe presentationof selfin stoErvingGoffman(1959: 242) suggeststhat"whenan individual rytelling, before and unwittingly others,he knowingly appears projectsa definition of the situation,of whicha conceptionof himselfis an importantpart." While such a presentationof self may be part of a storytelling tactic to increase the and in of the self the comdesigned prestige importance it also into the market of folk. In concerns the munity, may cunning play case of "MarenHaaning,"a familyoffolkhealersin northernJutland,for example,it is clear thatthe familydeployed storiesas partof theireverdevelopingreputationas extraordinarily adept cunningpeople (Rorbye 1976: 104-9). It seems likelythatcunningfolkhave alwaysbeen deeplyengaged in marketbehavioras a meansforexpandingtheirmarketshare.In the seventeenthcentury, thecunningfolkrepresentedtheonlyaccessto medical servicesforlargesegmentsof thepopulationand, accordingly, competition forpatientsexistedprimarily betweencunningfolk.A reputationas a cunning person was not onlyusefulforattractingcustomersbut it was also helpfulforkeepingout of court,sincesuch a reputationcould be used to deflatea burgeoningreputationforwitchcraft. By the end of the eighteenthcentury,however,cunningfolkseemed more and more likelyto healersamong theirsupporters, develop reputationsas both--competent and frightening witchesamongtheirdetractors. The marketforhealerswas also no longeras simpleas it once had been, since the practicesof physicians and apothecaries were less and less concentratedexclusivelyin large population centers.Accordingly, competitionfor patientswas no limited to that between longer cunningfolkbut now also included these twogroups.Furthermore, thesetwogroupsbegan developingconsiderable and started to advocateforrestrictive politicalpower legal ordinancesthat the in could tip competitivebalance theirfavor.While the cunningfolk could stillrelyon theirreputationsto attractpatients,the reputation This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 296 WESTERN FOLKLORE wouldno longerkeep themout of court.In factit could do just theoppositesincehavinga reputationas a cunningpersoncould bringone to the attentionof the local physicianor apothecarywho could, in turn,filea complaintforquackery. Witchesand cunningfolkare an interesting pair.Johansennotesthat, "The situationin Denmarkwas similarto thatof England,where 'generallyspeaking,the cunningfolkand the maleficentwitcheswerebelieved to be twoseparatespecies"(Johansen1995: 196). But thisdoes not tellthe whole story--while theywere twodifferent species,theywere stillclosely related,at leastin narrativeand folkbelief.Indeed, in manystories-and in many court cases-the dividingline separatingthe two species was one determinedbythe narrator.The motivationsforsuch narrativedistinction-speciousor not-were closelylinked to economic behavior,as witchesand cunningfolkalikewere closelylinkedto the economic wellbeing of communities.While cunningfolkweregenerallyconsideredan economic asset,protectingas theydid both the healthof people and animals,witcheswereconsideredto be an economicliability. Duringthe seventeenthcentury,the corporealpunishmentthatfollowedthe successful rolein narrative tradesignationof someone as a witchplayeda significant dition.Accusationsofwitchcraft could be tactically deployedas a movein at directed a individual. Those who escalatingantagonisms particular did not have thebackingof thecommunity had lost that (or backing)and had throughrepeated narrativesalvos developed the reputationof a witchcould findthemselvesfacingexecution.Those who did have the itappearsthatmostcunningfolkhad such backingof thecommunity--and stave off potentialnarrativethreatsto theirlivelihood support--could (and life) bymobilizingtheircustomers,and therebyavoid developinga reputationas a witch.In theworstcase wherethe cunningwomanfound herselfin court,she could use her reputationas a cunningwomanto mitigatethesentence.Bythenineteenthcentury, callingsomeone a '"witch"withthe appellation'sdiminishedpotentialto bringharm-seems to have become more closelylinked to the marketforcunningfolk.A cunning man or womanwhoseabilitieswereconsideredto be deficient-perhaps by a competitor(includingphysicians), or bya competitor's or percustomer, haps bya dissatisfied quite easilyfindthemselveslabeled customer--could a '"witch" in local narrativetradition. Whilethislabel could no longerprecipitatesuchdrasticconsequencesas banishmentor execution,itcould sigaffectthe cunning person's abilityto attractnew customers. nificantly Cunning folkwere apparentlyquite adept at keeping their names clean duringthe timeof thewitchcraft trials,perhapsbecause theyspent considerableeffortin deflectingnarrativeassaults.Their nineteenthcen- This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 297 in contrast,seem to have been less successfulin keepturycounterparts, of thelabel witch,perhapsbecause,in theabsence of their names free ing severe punishment,people were more inclined to make such accusations.What certainlyobtains in both of these historicalperiods is the importantrole thatnarrativetraditionplaysin theascriptionof thislabel to an individual.Alreadyin the seventeenthcentury,the answerto the question,"How do you knowshe's a witch?"is not,"She turnedme intoa but newt,"or some other example of physicallyverifiablemaleficium, rather,"Because I sayso." Los Angeles University ofCalifornia, Notes 1 In the legendworld,villagersare, of course,subjectto constantthreatsfromthe supernatural(trolls,elves,ghosts,Satan, etc.), the natural (weather,disease, etc.) and the social (robbers,beggars,Gypsies,etc.). The question, "How do you knowshe's a witch?",comes fromthe comical film,MontyPythonand the HolyGrail(Gillian and Jones: 1975). I would like to thankLone Ree Milkaer, Trine Ravn, Caroline Mi-AeBaek, BirgitDyrsting,Helle PreussJustesenand Nina Wittendorff, all graduate studentsat the Center for Folklore at the Universityof Copenhagen, as well as ArchivistDr. GustavHenningsen from Danskfolkemindesamling fortheirhelpfulsuggestions. 2 I use the femininenominativepronoun "she" here as mostwitchesattestedin the traditionare female. There are, however,attestationsof men accused of witchcraft and, while the Danish word "heks"impliesa woman,some legends do use the termin referenceto a man. See also Henningsen 1995: 126. The term "heks"was not actuallyused in Danish law until the end of the seventeenthcentury;untilthen,thewordstrolddom, troldkvinde and troldmand troldfolk, were used (Johansen 1991: 14). However,with the Danish law of 1683, a cleardistinction was made betweenthe category"heks,"designatingpeople who had made a pact withthe Devil. Articleten of the law reads, "Befindisnogen Troldmand eller Troldqvindeat have forsoretGud och sin hellige Daab och Christendom,og hengivetsig til Dievelen, den bor levendis at kastispaa ilden og opbraendis"[Ifit is foundthata troldmand or a troldqvinde has forsworn God and his holy baptismand Christianity, and given him or herselfto the Devil,thentheyare to be thrownliveon to the fireand burnedup] (ohansen 1991: 24). The categoryof troldfolk was used in articleelevenof the law,in contrastto designate people who, withoutbeing in league withthe Devil, used magic to hurtothers;theyweresubjectto a sentenceof hard labor forthe rest of the law of theirlives.In articletwelveof the same law,whichwas a reiteration of 1617, the punishment for people who "befindismed Segnen, Manen, Maalen, Igienvisning"[employblessing,conjuring,measuring,showingagain] or,in otherwords,cunningfolk,was confiscationof theirpossessionsand banishmentfromthe kingdom (Johansen1991: 24). This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 298 WESTERN FOLKLORE trialsin Denmarkprovidesthe 3JensChr.Johansen's(1991) studyofwitchcraft mostcompletepictureof both conceptionsof and lawsconcerningwitchcraft in seventeenthcenturyDenmark.Accordingly,I relyon it heavilyin the first section of this article. Similarly,BirgitteRorbye's (1976) compendium of materialconcerningcunningfolkcollectsa wealthof primarilybiographical information froma broad arrayof sources;consequently, I relyon it heavilyin the second section of thisarticle. 4 Followingthe precedent of the Kalundborgskerecesse from1576, the most common punishmentforthosefoundguiltyofwitchcraft in Denmarkwas execution by burning (Johansen 1991: 24), although this punishmentwas not explicitlyprescribedin Danish law until1683.Jacobsen (1966: 174) notes that none of the earlierlawsspecifiedwhichformof executionwas to be used. See, forexample, the statuteof the twelfthof October, 1617. While 5 according to law,a trialcould have proceeded withevidence of a pact withthe devil,actual cases thatconcern exclusively such Satanic allegianceare few in number and that the courts-and the general pubremarkably suggest lic who broughtthe accusationsto courtin the firstplace-were primarily concerned withdeliberatelyharmfulacts (Johansen1991: 25). 6 The first meant thatthe accusationhad to be categoryof disallowedtestimony based on the testimonyof impartialwitnesses. state of legend 7 Here, rumor is taken to be a hyper-activetransmissionary (Taugherlini1994: 17). 8 Numerousscholarshave distinguishedbetweenlarge and smallwitchhunts or othersimilargroupings(Midelfort1972; Monter1976; Henningsen 1980). As Henningsen (1980) notes,itwas in the individualcases (or smallwitchhunts) thata charge of maleficium was important,a charge thathad farlesserimportance in the "large"witchhunts. 9 As Johansen (1991: 35) notes, the church did not focus its propaganda on harmfultrolddom but ratheron the cunningfolk;nevertheless, theirinterestin witchcraft and itsimplicationsforthe churchdid lay the groundworkforthe witchcraft trials. 1'Johansenprovidesa clear descriptionof the standardpracticefromaccusation to executionforJutland; thissame procedureobtainedforthe restof Denmark withonlysmallmodifications(Johansen1991: 26-30). All cases in whicha person was found guiltyon the local level (birke-, herredsor byting) were autowhosejudges tended to be more concerned maticallyappealed to the landsting, withthe technicalaspectsof the law thanwas alwaysthe case at the local level (Johansen 1991: 26-30). Tornso also provides an appendix in which legal trialsis laid out in brief(1986: 166). procedure concerningwitchcraft the of law 1617 was partof a seriesof threelawsthatwere approved 1 Ironically, in October,1617 as partof the centenarycelebrationsof Lutherpostingthe 95 theseson the door of the cathedralin Wittenbergand, as such,wereintended to express the strongrelationshipbetween the secular authoritiesand the Lutheran church (Tamm 1990: 100). 12TornsO (1986: 162-3) provides excerptsof the relevantlawsconcerningwitchcraftin Denmark. isLegal theoristsgenerallypropose that"foundlaw" (common law) is farmore This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 299 efficientthan "made law" (statutorylaw) (Posner 1981). Danish law concerning the punishment of people who practicedcunning artswithmalicious intentwas not changed until 1866. As wellinto the nineteenthcensuch,itwas possibleto be punishedformaleficium tury(Johansen1991: 25). 15As MereteBirkelund nevercame frompeopointsout,accusationsofwitchcraft ple who did not knowthe accused (Birkelund1983: 42). 16Garrettdescribes one such tit-for-tat situation,withan escalatinganimosity between two familiesin the village of Anjeux in France in 1628 (Garrett 1977: 62-3). 17See also Grell 1995: 11. 18Throughout thispaper, I use the term"tactic"in the sense proposed by de Certeau (1984: xix). 19Johansen listsa total of thirty-six cunningfolk,out of a totalof 463 persons, who were accused of witchcraftin Jutland in the period from 1609-1687 (Johansen1991: 88). Tornso discussestwo interestingcases of cunning folk accused ofwitchcraft, namelyAnne Nisdatter(Tornso 1986: 101-4)and the surcase Hansen Ruskwho, besides being a cunningman,was also prising ofJens a minister(Tornso 1986: 11-6 and 125-6). For a discussionof a similarphenomenon in England of only small numbers of cunning folk accused of see Macfarlane (1970: 127f). witchcraft, 20 This ambivalenceis not unique to the Danish situationand has been noted by numerousotherscholars (D6m6t6r 1978/1980: 183; Garrett1977: 56-7;Macfarlane 1970; Krist6f1991/1992). Henningsen notes thatthisis a functional part of contemporaryDanish folkbelief as well (Henningsen 1995: 130-1). 21 thisambivalencehas been a characteristicof the cunningfolkin Apparently, folkbeliefthroughhistory;Henningsen,in a discussionof "Kloge Christen," a cunning person fromthe earlynineteenthcentury,mentionsthat,"Kloge Christenvar bade elsketog frygtet af sogneboerne,forhan kunne ikke blot hjaelpe,men ogsAgore ondt" [Wise Christenwas both loved and fearedbythe community,since he could not only help but he could also do evil] (Henningsen 1978: 76). 22The prosecutionofwitchesstartedto wane dramatically by the end of the seventeenth century.The last witch burning appears to have taken place in 1722 (Henningsen1975: 106-110)and the lastmurderof a witchin 1800 (Henof Danish Law, ningsen1975: 117). By 1797,ChristianBrorson'sinterpretation which proposed that the paragraph concerning witchcraftcould not be eliminatedthe potentialforfuturetrialsof "rettetroldfolk" applied, effectively [true witches] (Henningsen 1975: 103). From 1821, most of the cases conwerewhatHenningsenrefersto as "reverse"trials,whereit cerningwitchcraft was the accuser-and not the accused-who was on trial since these cases focused on the witchcraft accusation as an act of "libel" (Henningsen 1975: 118). 23 In an earlier article,I slightlyoverstatedthe implicationsof the 1849 constitution for the relationshipbetween the Lutheran church and the Danish state(Tangherlini1998: 163). Withthe constitution, the previousrequirement thatall of the citizensbelong to theKing'schurchwas reversed,so thatnow the 14 Interestingly, the This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 300 WESTERN FOLKLORE King was required to belong to the people's church. Furthermore,the constitutionallowed forreligiousfreedom,and representeda legislativediminution of the role of the Lutheran churchin the Danish state. 24Amusingly,among the many people charged withwitchcraftin the nineteenthcenturyaccounts,one findsa surprisingpreponderance of ministers' wives.See Kristensen1892-1901(1980), vol. 6. 25 Part of the motivationforinstituting the law lay in the increasingspread of venereal diseases whichmedical authoritiesblamed in large part on the ineffectivecures of the cunningfolk(Rorbye1976: 206). Sixtyor so yearslater,in 1854, the punishmentforbreakingthe law was reduced considerably(Rorbye 1976: 216). 26 as Myown fieldwork among shamansin Korea supportsthe use of storytelling partof the marketbehaviorof competingcunningfolkand theircustomersin rural communities. 27WalterGoldschmidtsuggeststhat,"the general conceptualapparatusof game theoryis useful...asa mode of determiningwhat the values actuallyare in a thatthe ethnographer findsto be reggivensociety.Byexaminingthe strategies ularlyemployed,he can determinewherethepayoffis,and whatthevaluesare" (Goldschmidt1969: 73). See also Hamburger 1979. 28 It is unclearwhen Ane was born althoughshe died in 1901. She lived in Kulhuset near in Northern Zealand, and was never convicted for Jaegersprislaw breakingthe kvaksalver (Rorbye1976: 17). 29The '"Vindbleskone" is anothername forMaren Haaning which,in turn,was the name of severalwomen in the family,coveringseveralgenerations.The familylived in Vindbles near Logstor in NorthernJutland.The storyhere could referto any of the three cunning folkwho went by the name "Maren HaanHaaning" or 'Vindbles konen,"namelyMaren KirstineChristensdatter ing (1782-1853), Maren JensdatterHaaning (1820-1895) or Karen Marie (Maren) Rasmussen Haaning (1849-1914). Given the informant,Kirsten Marie Pedersdatter'sage when she told the story,she seems to be referingto MarenJensdatter on Vindbles konen,see RorHaaning. For more information bye 1976: 104-9. 30VilhelmJohnsendied around 1880 afterlivingalone in Faksemosein northern Zealand. He was never convictedof breakingthe kvaksalver law (Rorbye 1976: 15). 31 Kirsten Bojsen was born in 1857 and died in 1927. She lived near Slangerup westof Copenhagen and was convictedof breakingthe kvaksalver law (Rorbye 1976: 21). 32Ane Sorensen,fromReerslevin westernZealand, was born in 1812 and died in 1885. She was neverconvictedof breakingthe kvaksalver law (Rorbye1976: 28). Mikkelsenwas born in 1835 and died in 1910. He workedas a cotter,smithand butcherin Egtvedin easternJutland,and was neverconvictedof breakingthe kvaksalver law (Rorbye1976: 125). 34 Ironically,it mayalso indicate thatthe Lutheran church'spositionsconcerning the satanicnatureof thecunningfolkhad finallybecome an expressedpart of folkbelief.It mayalso be evidenceof a complexio whereLutheran oppositorum, S This content downloaded from 128.97.27.21 on Tue, 7 May 2013 17:37:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH? 301 beliefand folkbeliefare reconciled despite a seeming contradiction(Pleijel 1970). 5 This percentageis based on the storiesof cunningfolkprintedin Kristensen 1892-1901(1980)and 1936. For a discussionof positiveresolutionin legend,see Tangherlini1994: 126. 36 Karen Jensenwas born in 1827 and died some time after1927. She lived in Stenlose,westof Copenhagen,and was convictedof breakingthe kvaksalerlaw (Rorbye1976: 21). 7 Frida Hansen-Borsholtwas born in approximately1895 and died some time after1955. She owned the farm"Lykkebo"in Tolne, in northernJutland,and was convictednot onlyof breakingthe kvaksalver law,but also of illegallyselling and distributingmedicine (a breach of the apothecary law) (Rorbye 1976: 86). 38 Peder Sillesthovedis the fatherof Soren PedersenSillesthoved,a famouscunning man who livedin Give in easternJutland(1814-1893). It is also possible, here to Soren himselfwho perhapseven likely,thatJorgenMadsen is referring was well knownforhis competitionwiththe nearestdoctor,C. L. Boye (18231880), fromJelling.In a seriesof storiescollected fromP.JohnsenPedersen, forexample, Soren Silleshovedis also referredto as Pejer Sillesthoved(Kristensen 1936: 120-1). Works Cited Et studiei norskhekseveesen. Oslo: Alver,Bente Gullveig.1971. Heksetro og trolddom: Universitetsforlaget. i Sverige. 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