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The P ojec G enbe g eBook, P inciple of F eedom, b Te ence J. MacS ine
Thi eBook i fo he e of an one an he e a no co and i h
almo no e ic ion ha oe e . Yo ma cop i , gi e i a a o
e- e i nde he e m of he P ojec G enbe g Licen e incl ded
i h hi eBook o online a
.g enbe g.ne
Ti le: P inciple of F eedom
A ho : Te ence J. MacS ine
Relea e Da e: A g
7, 2004 [eBook #13132]
Mo
ecen l pda ed Oc obe 23, 2008
Lang age: Engli h
***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM***
E- e p epa ed b Jona han Ing am, Ma in Pe i , and P ojec G enbe g
Di ib ed P oof eade
PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
b
TERENCE MACSWINEY
La e Lo d Ma o of Co k
1921
[Ill
a ion: TERENCE MACSWINEY
(La e Lo d Ma o of Co k)]
[Ill
a ion]
TO
THE SOLDIERS OF FREEDOM
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IN EVERY LAND
PREFACE
I
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RELIGION
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1798, C
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ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS. T
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she is carving out the destinies of the Republic. For a time, however,
Hibernianism created an unnatural atmosphere of sectarian rivalr in
Ireland. That has now happil passed awa . At the time, however, of the
writing of the article on Religion it was at its height, and this fact
coloured the writing of the article. On re-reading it and considering
the publication of the present work I was inclined to suppress it, but
decided that it ought to be included because it bears directl on the
evil of materialism in religious bodies, which is a matter of grave
concern to ever religious communit in the world.
T. MacS.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I.
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM
II.
SEPARATION
III.
MORAL FORCE
IV.
BROTHERS AND ENEMIES
V.
THE SECRET OF STRENGTH
VI.
PRINCIPLE IN ACTION
VII.
LOYALTY
VIII. WOMANHOOD
IX.
THE FRONTIER
X.
LITERATURE AND FREEDOM--THE
PROPAGANDIST PLAYWRIGHT
XI.
LITERATURE AND FREEDOM--ART FOR
ART'S SAKE
XII.
RELIGION
XIII. INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM
XIV.
MILITARISM
XV.
THE EMPIRE
XVI.
RESISTANCE IN ARMS--FOREWORD
XVII. RESISTANCE IN ARMS--THE TRUE
MEANING OF LAW
XVIII. RESISTANCE IN ARMS--OBJECTIONS
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XIX.
THE BEARNA BAOGHAIL--CONCLUSION
+PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM+
CHAPTER I
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM
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een , ead o il again e e one and e e hing, deligh ing in
a ing ma
hing --and able ome ime o a hem-- alking m ch and
boldl of f eedom, b
a i fied if he hing o nd b a el . The e i
he la e poin of ie . We a e no longe bo ; e ha e come o e ie
he i a ion, and ake a defini e and in life. We ha e had ea of
e pe ience, keen
ggle , no a li le bi e ne , and e a e
eadied. We feel a hea -bea fo deepe hing . I i no longe
fficien ha he o nd b a el ; he m
ing
e. The choolbo '
d eam i mo e of a Roman i mph-- amping a mie , ho ing m l i de ,
a ing banne --all good eno gh in hei a . B
he d eam of men i
fo ome hing be ond all hi ho . If i e e no , i co ld ha dl
claim a ac ifice.
III
A pi i al nece i make he
e ignificance of o claim o
f eedom: he ma e ial a pec i onl a econda con ide a ion. A man
facing life i gif ed i h ce ain po e of o l and bod . I i of
i al impo ance o him elf and he comm ni
ha he be gi en a f ll
oppo ni
o de elop hi po e , and o fill hi place o hil . In a
f ee a e he i in he na al en i onmen fo f ll elf-de elopmen .
In an en la ed a e i i he e e e. When one co n
hold ano he
in bjec ion ha o he
ffe ma e iall and mo all . I
ffe
ma e iall , being a p e fo pl nde . I
ffe mo all beca e of he
co p infl ence he bigge na ion e a o k o main ain i
a cendanc . Beca e of hi mo al co p ion na ional bjec ion ho ld
be e i ed, a a a e fo e ing ice; and a in he ca e of ice, hen
e nde and i e ha e no op ion b
o figh . Wi h i e can make no
e m . I i he d
of he igh f l po e o de elop he be in i
bjec : i i he p ac ice of he
ping po e o de elop he
ba e . O hi o affo d man e ample . When o
le
i i I eland
he be o fa o
and i le on he ppo e of hei egime--b i
i al a
een ha he g ea e fa o
and highe
i le a e no fo
he hone adhe en of hei po e --b fo him ho ha be a ed he
na ional ca e ha he en e ed p blic life o ppo . Ob e e he men
ho migh be e pec ed a e pa ed o e fo him ho o gh o be de pi ed.
In he co p poli ician he e a
el a be e na e. A f ee a e
o ld ha e enco aged and de eloped i . The
ping a e i led him
fo he e of hi ba e in inc . S ch all emen m
mean
demo ali a ion. We a e none of
angel , and nde he be of
ci c m ance find i ha d o do o h hing ; hen all he emp a ion
i o do n o h hing e a e demo ali ed. Mo of , happil , ill
no gi e o el e o e o he e il infl ence, b
e lo e fai h in he
ideal. We a e apa he ic. We ha e po e and le hem lie fallo . O
mind ho ld be e le fo noble and bea if l hing ; he a e
hopele in a land e e he e confined and a ed. In he de
c ion
of pi i en ailed lie he deepe ignificance of o claim o
f eedom.
IV
I i a pi i al appeal, hen, ha p ima il mo e
. We a e
ac ion b a bea if l ideal. The mo i e fo ce m
be like i e
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freedom--not for the vanit of the world, not to have a fine conceit of
ourselves, not to be as bad--or if we prefer to put it so, as big as our
neighbours. The inspiration is drawn from a deeper element of our being.
We stifle for self-development individuall and as a nation. If we don't
go forward we must go down. It is a matter of life and death; it is out
soul's salvation. If the whole nation stand for it, we are happ ; we
shall be grandl victorious. If onl a few are faithful found the must
be the more steadfast for being but a few. The stand for an individual
right that is inalienable. A majorit has no right to annul it, and no
power to destro it. T rannies ma persecute, sla , or banish those who
defend it; the thing is indestructible. It does not need legions to
protect it nor genius to proclaim it, though the poets have alwa s
glorified it, and the legions will ultimatel acknowledge it. One man
alone ma vindicate it, and because that one man has never failed it has
never died. Not, indeed, that Ireland has ever been reduced to a single
lo al son. She never will be. We have not survived the centuries to be
conquered now. But the profound significance of the struggle, of its
deep spiritual appeal, of the imperative need for a motive force as
loft and beautiful, of the consciousness that worth winning of freedom
is a labour for human brotherhood; the significance of it all is seen in
the obligation it imposes on ever one to be true, the majorit
notwithstanding. He is called to a grave charge who is called to resist
the majorit . But he will resist, knowing his victor will lead them to
a dearer dream than the had ever known. He will fight for that ideal in
obscurit , little heeded--in the open, misunderstood; in humble places,
still undaunted; in high places, sei ing ever vantage point, never
crushed, never silent, never despairing, cheering a few comrades with
hope for the morrow. And should these few sink in the struggle the
greatness of the ideal is proven in the last hour; as the fall their
countr awakens to their dream, and he who inspired and sustained them
is justified; justified against the whole race, he who once stood alone
against them. In the hour he falls he is the saviour of his race.
CHAPTER II
SEPARATION.
I
When we plead for separation from the British Empire as the onl basis
on which our countr can have full development, and on which we can have
final peace with England, we find in opponents a variet of attitudes,
but one attitude invariabl absent--a readiness to discuss the question
fairl and refute it, if this can be done. One man will take it
superficiall and heatedl , assuming it to be, according to his part , a
censure on Mr. Redmond or Mr. O'Brien. Another will take it
superficiall , but, as he thinks, philosophicall , and will dismiss it
with a smile. With the followers of Mr. Redmond or Mr. O'Brien we can
hardl argue at present, but we should not lose heart on their account,
for these men move _en masse_. One da the consciousness of the countr
will be electrified with a great deed or a great sacrifice and the
multitude will break from letharg or prejudice and march with a shout
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CHAPTER III
MORAL FORCE
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f ce, hich i a g d a e, a d I a e he defi i i : a a f
a
f ce i he h , eei g a hi g
be igh a d e e ia a d c ai i g
hi a egia ce, a d f i a f
he
h, heedi g a
c e e ce. I i
ha he i a i d e
,
e
ec e
fa
ad
ibi i ie , fi ed i h a adde h e, a d i diffe e
a
ha c ha a e e. N , b i i a fi
i ci e f hi , ha a
e hi g i a g d hi g, a d f
a g d hi g igh
ed ca
f
bad c e e ce. A d he face e e
ib e de e
e
ih
c cie ce a e --i a be i h e ida i f hi
c age i
e g ea
dea , b f
he bi i
f he ca e a d he bea
f
he e
ha
e e, a a
i h e e e fai h. A d
he
e ida i f hi e f a e , f a g ea ca e a a
a e g ea
e,ad a
h e
i he i a i die he e . Thi i i ha
e ai
he
a ge a d
de f b a c f e , a di g f g ea
idea ,
i e de
d f he
f ea e
d. The
die f
f eed
he i f a d i he ba e f T h, he
hi
ic
i
aef a
d bea if , ha if he
i f ic
e d e ai , i i f
he ege e a i
f h e h
ffe , he
e a ci a i
f h e i chai , he e a a i
f h e h die, a d
he ec i a d ha i e
f ge e a i
e
b .F
he
egh
ha i
a a h gh e e
ha e f hi
gg e a
g
a d c age
i d i he i a
eed--i a
d, M a F ce. A a
h i be b a e
if a i g i h a egi
i fai i c age if
ca ed
a d i he b each a e. A d i
be c ea
a
ha
i I e a d ca agai
he ba ded a ie he e i be ab da
eed f
e h i
a d he i g e e . 'Ti he b a e
e , he
be
e , a d ' i he e
ha ffe
he
e a d g ea e
ic
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e a ed a ca
ei a
i de,
ea
c
e c
e
egi ; b
a
he a ie f a
he E i e f
ea h ca c h he i i f e
e a . A d ha
e a i
e ai .
III
B
ch ha e e fe
he eed f e i i g e e
a i h e de c
ha f d ef ge de he a e f M a F ce, ha h e f
h
d i dica e
a h d c ied i d
agai f
he h ica
e ; a d e c ied i
g a d e ea ed
he
e e a ed de he
ea e
f e g ade i e . B
he i e i agai i i i g, a d he
ai
be c ea ed. We ha e e
f
he fi a e
f he a f
c
e ab e i i ha e
hich i he fi
ad a ag e
f
a -- ec
e
b e
e g h. We ha e
ded i h fic i i
g
he ca age f he ba efie d ; e ha e h ed f adi g h gh
e e ie ' b d, a if b d fie d e e bea if ; e ha e bee
c e
f eace, a if e e
a e e e hi a a i g; b , "Wa i
he ," aid a fa
ge e a i he fie d. Thi , f c
e, i
e agge a i , b
he e i a g i e e e
f
h i he a i g ha
be e i i d a a
i e . If e a g
i
d ee
bei g a ed
f eg ha he hi
a igh f
eed f e gea ce, e
hi
i
hi e f. Le hi c ide hi fee i g
he dea h f
e
i
ai
ciia;
a i fac i , b a e, i he
e
fee i g i hi hea . Dea h be
a .B aa f
dea h
hi a be c i ci g; a d e a
i
h
f he g
f
f a i g he hi f f eed i he b d f he e e . I gi e hi
a e. He a
i c ec hi hi
h i ie f he h
fa
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-
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perhaps too great a dream. But for him who reads into the heart of the
question and for the true shaping of his course it will stand; he will
never forget, even in the thickest fight, that the enemy of to-day and
yesterday may be the genuine comrade of to-morrow.
V
If it is imperative that we should fix unalterably our guiding
principles before we are plunged unprepared into the fight, it is even
more urgent we should clear the mind to the truth now, for we have
fallen into the dangerous habit of deferring important questions on the
plea that the time is not ripe. In a word, we lack moral strength; and
so, that virtue that is to safeguard us in time of war is the great
virtue that will redeem us in time of servility. It need not be further
laboured that in a state enslaved every mean thing flourishes. The
admission of it makes clear that in such a state it is more important
that every evil be resisted. In a normal condition of liberty many
temporary evils may arise; yet they are not dangerous--in the glow of a
people's freedom they waste and die as disease dies in the sunlight. But
where independence is suppressed and a people degenerate, a little evil
is in an atmosphere to grow, and it grows and expands; and evils
multiply and destroy. That is why men of high spirit working to
regenerate a fallen people must be more insistent to watch every little
defect and weak tendency that in a braver time would leave the soul
unruffled. That is why every difficulty, once it becomes evident, is
ripe for settlement. To evade the issue is to invite disaster.
Resolution alone will save us in our many dangers. But a plea for policy
will be raised to evade a particular and urgent question: "People won't
unite on it"; that's one cry. "Ignorant people will be led astray";
that's another cry. There is always some excuse ready for evasion. The
difficulty is, that every party likes some part of the truth; no party
likes it all; but we must have it all, every line of it. We want no
popular editions and no philosophic selections--the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth. This must be the rule for everything
concerning which a man has a public duty and ought to have a public
opinion. There is a dangerous tendency gaining ground of slurring over
vital things because the settlement of them involves great difficulty,
and may involve great danger; but whatever the issue is we must face it.
It is a step forward to bring men together on points of agreement, but
men come thus together not without a certain amount of suspicion. In a
fight for freedom that latent suspicion would become a mastering fear to
seize and destroy us. We must allay it now. We must lead men to discuss
points of difference with respect, forbearance, and courage, to find a
consistent way of life for all that will inspire confidence in all. At
present we inspire confidence in no one; it would be fatal to hide the
fact. This is a necessary step to bringing matters to a head. We cannot
hope to succeed all at once, but we must keep the great aim in view.
There will be objections on all sides; from the _blas _ man of the
world, concerned only for his comfort, the mean man of business
concerned only for his profits, the man of policy always looking for a
middle way, a certain type of religious pessimist who always spies
danger in every proposal, and many others. We need not consider the
comfort of the first nor the selfishness of the second; but the third
and fourth require a word. The man of policy offers me his judgment
instead of a clear consideration of the truth. 'Tis he who says: "You
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and I can discuss certain things privatel . We are educated; we
understand. Ignorant people can't understand, and ou onl make mischief
in supposing it. It's not wise." To him I repl : "You are afraid to
speak the whole truth; I am afraid to hide it. You are filled with the
danger to ignorant people of having out ever thing; I am filled with the
danger to _ ou_ of suppressing an thing. I do not propose to ou that
ou can with the whole truth make ignorant people profound, but I sa
ou must have the whole truth out for our own salvation." Here is the
danger: we see life within certain limitations, and cannot see the
possibl infinite significance of something we would put b . It is of
grave importance that we see it rightl , and in the difficulties of the
case our onl safe course is to take the evidence life offers without
prejudice and without fear, and write it down. When the matter is grave,
let it be taken with all the mature deliberation and care its gravit
demands, but once the evidence is clearl seen, let us for our salvation
write it down. For an man to set his pett judgment above the need for
setting down the truth is madness; and I refuse to do it. There is our
religious pessimist to consider. To him I sa I take religion more
seriousl . I take it not to evade the problems of life, but to solve
them. When I tell him to have no fear, this is not m indifference to
the issue, but a tribute to the faith that is in me. Let us be careful
to do the right thing; then fear is inconsistent with faith. Nor can I
understand the other attitude. Two thousand ears after the preaching of
the Sermon on the Mount we are to go about whispering to one another
what is wise.
VI
To conclude: Now, and in ever phase of the coming struggle, the strong
mind is a greater need than the strong hand. We must be passionate, but
the mind must guide and govern our passion. In the aberrations of the
weak mind decr ing resistance, let us not lose our balance and def
brute strength. At a later stage we must consider the ethics of
resistance to the Civil Power; the significance of what is written now
will be more apparent then. Let the cultivation of a brave, high spirit
be our great task; it will make of each man's soul an unassailable
fortress. Armies ma fail, but it resists for ever. The bod it informs
ma be crushed; the spirit in passing breathes on other souls, and other
hearts are fired to action, and the fight goes on to victor . To the man
whose mind is true and resolute ultimate victor is assured. No
sophistr can sap his resistance; no weakness can tempt him to savage
reprisals. He will neither abandon his heritage nor poison his nature.
And in ever crisis he is steadfast, in ever issue justified. Rejoice,
then good comrades; our souls are still our own. Through the coldness
and depression of the time there has lightened a flash of the old fire;
the old enthusiasm, warm and passionate, is again stirring us; we are
forward to uphold our countr 's right, to fight for her libert , and to
justif our own generation. We shall conquer. Let the enem count his
dreadnoughts and number off his legions--where are now the legions of
Rome and Carthage? And the Spirit of Freedom the challenged is alive
and animating the oung nations to-da . Hold we our heads high, then,
and we shall bear our flag bravel through ever fight. Persistent,
consistent, straightforward and fearless, so shall we discipline the
soul to great deeds, and make it indomitable. In the indomitable soul
lies the assurance of our ultimate victor .
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CHAPTER IV
BROTHERS AND ENEMIES
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VI
If, then, be ond individual and national freedom there is this great
dream still to be striven for, let us not decr it as something too
sublime for earth. It must be our guiding star to lead us rightl as far
as we ma go. We can travel rightl that part of the road we now tread
on onl b shaping it true to the great end that ought to inspire us
all. We shall have man temptations to swerve aside, but the power of
mind that keeps our position clear and firm will react against ever
destro ing influence. In the first stage of the fight for internal
unit , when blind bigotr is furiousl insisting that we but plan an
insidious scheme for the oppression of a minorit , our firmness will
save us till our conception of the end grow on that minorit and
convince all of our earnestness. Then the dream will inspire them, the
flag will claim them, and the first stage in the fight will be won. When
internal unit is accomplished, we are within reach of freedom. Yes, but
cries an objector, "Wh plead for friendship with England, who will have
peace onl on condition of her supremac ?" And an answer is needed. If
it takes two to make a fight, it also most certainl takes two to make a
peace, unless one accepts the position of serf and surrenders. But this
we do not fear; we can compel our freedom and we are confident of
victor . There is still the step to friendship. Man will be baffled b
the difficult , that while we must keep alive our generous instincts, we
must be stern and resolute in the fight; while we desire peace we must
prosecute war; while we long for comradeship we must be breaking up
dangerous alliances: literar , political, trades and social unions
formed with England while she is asserting her supremac must be broken
up till the can be reformed on a basis of independence, equalit and
universal freedom. While we are prosecuting these vigorous measures it
ma not seem the wa to final friendship; but we must persist;
independence is first indispensable. Here again, however, while
insisting among our own ranks on our conception of the end, it will grow
on the mind of the enem . The ma put it b at first as a delusion or a
snare, but one intimate moment will come when it will light up for them,
and a new era is begun. In such a moment is evil abandoned, hate buried
and friendship reborn. There is one honest fear that our independence
would threaten their securit : it will et be replaced b the conviction
that there is a surer safeguard in our freedom than in our suppression;
the light will break through the clouds of suspicion and a star of stars
will glorif the earth. For this end our enem must have an ideal as
high as our own; if thus an objector, he is right. But if in the gross
materialism and greed of empire that is now the ruling passion with the
enem there is apparentl little hope of a transformation that will make
them spiritual, high-minded and generous, we must not abandon our ideal:
while the meanness and t rann of contemporar England stand forward
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