The Study of Istihsan

Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan
Syariah Courts in Malaysia
And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence:
The Study of Istihsan
Mohd Hafiz Jamaludin1*, Ahmad Hidayat Buang2
and Law Department, Academy of Islamic Studies,
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
2Shariah and Law Department, Academy of Islamic Studies,
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
*Corresponding Author, E-mail:
Malaysia is among the countries, which have very close relations with Shafi'i madhhab in term of
Islamic Law. This can be seen from the provisions of Syariah Law in Malaysia where the opinion of
the Shafi'i madhhab is preferred than other madhhabs. However, the current situations and issues
cause that the other opinions from the other madhhabs are also used and practiced in order to
provide the best solutions. This is also true in respect on the use of sources of Islamic law, such
as Istihsan, Istislah and Qawl Sahabi, which are rejected by the Shafi'i madhhab. Therefore, this
study attempts to analyze the development of Islamic law, particularly in the application of the
concept of Istihsan in the Syariah Courts in Malaysia. This study has examined a number of cases
reported in the Jurnal Hukum issued by the Syariah Judiciary Department of Malaysia
(JKSM). The result of this study found that in several cases, the judges have applied indirectly the
concept of Istihsan in their judgment. It is also found that it is actually the provisions of the law that
allows the Shariah judges to indirectly apply this concept.
Keywords: Shariah Court, Islamic Jurisprudence, Religious Edict (Fatwa), Court Judgment,
Interpretation of Legal Texts, Public Interest, Malaysia.
Interpretation of legal texts or law statutes is inevitable in any legal system given the fact that the
wording of the law should be flexible to deal with changing circumstances. But at the same time
the law should not be too specific that will make its implementation or enforcement difficult or rigid.
Many factors may contribute to understanding of the meaning of the law, principally the intention of
the legislature. In most legal system, the court of law is given the task to interpret the law when
there is a dispute as to its meaning arisen or even when in the case there is now statutory
provisions of the law. Although the general perception that Islamic law is destined to be eternally
fixed in its provisions because its religious and doctrinaire character, close examination shows that
its detailed provisions have constantly been subject to changes and modifications of social and
political undercurrents. This process continues up until today even in the field of family law, which
is the last bastion of the Islamic Shari’ah par excellence.
Muslim society and state always have the passion to demonstrate their loyal observance to the
Shariah Law as expounded by the past scholars as a sign of religious continuity and spirit of a
single community or ummah. As in case of Malaysia as well as in Brunei the school of Shafi‘i and
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Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan
the theological doctrine of Ash‘ari is declared to be official and no other interpretation is allowed
particularly the latter to be disseminated among the Muslim public, although it is not an offence to
practice other than the above school and doctrine in private. As such in Malaysia the use of ijtihad
or fresh interpretation of the text is rare and attempt of doing it is met with strong criticism however
elegant and subtle the exercise may be. Nonetheless behind the scene, the effect of fresh
interpretation of the text from time to time appears to substitute the teaching of the past scholars.
The school of Shafi’i is largely ignored in the field of Islamic banking and finance in Malaysia and it
is only used whence the expedience presents itself and this is also true in other sphere of law
namely family and social relations and habits. The means and mechanic to achieve this is not
necessarily ijtihad, as it will be discussed below but rather through methods which are hitherto
considered unacceptable in the Shafi‘i school are employed to achieve the resultant effect of fresh
interpretation (Professor Anderson in his Law Reform in the Muslim World). The use of these
methods can be seen in the legislations and also in the decision of the courts. Using examples
from the judgment of the Shariah Courts in Malaysia, this article aims to demonstrate the changing
facets of Shariah law as decided by the Shariah judges in Malaysia.
Type of research is a qualitative research. Qualitative research is a study only describes the state of the
object associated with the object under study are discussed in the study. This type of research is used to
examine the condition of natural objects (as his opponent is an experiment).
1. Juristic Preference or Istihsan in Islamic Law
Istihsan is one of the sources in Islamic law that is accepted by most of schools of law, but is
strongly opposed by al-Shafi'i (d.820). The concept of Istihsan is formulated by the supporter of
this concept in order to avoid the total dependency on the explicit understanding of the texts or
Zahir al-Nas either from the Qur’an, Sunnah or Ijma‘ (Consensus). It is also developed to avoid the
excessive use of Qiyas (analogy) that can upset the principle of Maslahah (public interest) in the
application of a particular law. The word Istihsan from the language point of view is an Arabic word
derived from the word al-husn which means good which is the opposite meaning of al-qubh which
means bad. The word is used to express of decorating or improving or considering something to
be good (Al-Razi, Zayn al-Din Muhammad bin Abi Bakr bin ‘Abd al-Qadir 1995). There is however
a disagreement among the scholars as to its technical definition which is due to their disagreement
on the acceptance of Istihsan itself as a source of law. For scholars who reject the validity of
Istihsan, consider it as free reasoning without the guidance from the texts which is prohibited.
Naturally the supporters of Istihsan rejected this by maintaining that it is a comparison among the
sources of Islamic law with the objective to choose the much stronger in authority and most
beneficial to mankind. This definition is offered by Hanafi jurist al-Karkhi (d.952) and was
recognize d by most of the scholars as the best and the most comprehensive definition of Istihsan
(Al-Tufi, Sulayman bin ‘Abd al-Qawi bin al-Karim, 1987, Abd al-Wahhab Khalaf, 2005, Mustafa
Ahmad al-Zarqa’. However, al- Karkhi’s definition does not include Maslahah which is the main
reason for scholars to use Istihsan as indicated by Maliki jurist al-Shatibi (d.1388) (Al-Syatibi, Abu
’Ishaq Ibrahim bin Musa, 1997). Combining between Karkhi definition and Maslahah of Shatibi the
technical meaning of Istihsan can be best described as an effort to arrive at a legal solution which
is different through the use of Qiyas because there is a stronger case or evidence to relieve or to
avoid hardship. The effect of this definition in substance is not uncommon to the Shafi‘is as
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Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan
avoidance of hardship is a core and centre of the Shariah principles. What that is objected here to
the Shafi’is is to discard of Qiyas or legal analogy in favor of reasoning based on Istihsan. To the
Shafi’is a relief from the provision of the Shariah law based on hardship is permissible not because
of reasoning but of the texts which provide an exception to the rule of law. As such the basis for
such legal solution ultimately must be from the authority of the texts.
2. Cases Reported in the Jurnal Hukum For The Year 2005-2009
Following the example of the Civil Courts which maintain law report as a source of unwritten law,
the Shariah Courts in Malaysia also started to compile its judgment officially since 1980 in a
Journal known as Jurnal Hukum (or Law Journal). The reporting of cases having Shariah issues
tried in the Civil Court has actually been made by the Malayan Law Journal (MLJ) long before the
Jurnal Hukum was published since British colonial times. Nevertheless, reports of the MLJ were
used solely for the purpose of the Civil Courts and only acquired attention of the Shariah judges off
late. The purpose of this compilation of cases decided in the Shariah Courts in the Jurnal Hukum,
in contrast to law reports in MLJ, is not to make these reports as an authoritative source of law that
is binding to the Shariah Court since in the Shariah, a judge is free to decide as according to the
merit of the case even though there was precisely the same case in fact and law in the past. The
compilation or reporting of the Shariah court judgments was rather for the purpose of education,
training and research both for the junior Shariah judges and academics. It is this sense quite
similar to the legal system of European countries and most of the Arab countries. Overtime the
reports also serve as guidance for the lower Shariah courts, especially decision coming from the
Shariah Appeal and High Court.
In Malaysia the practice and culture of the Civil Courts have a very strong influenced upon the
Shariah Courts especially in terms of procedures, court manners and ethics. Even the Chief
Justice of the Civil Court once made a remark that the Shariah Court has been civilized by the Civil
Court. Because of this trend, reports of Shariah Courts decision are also published by professional
law reports such as Malayan Law Journal in a special edition known as Syariah Law Reports. It is
also published by publisher Current Law Journal known as the same. The current article will only
use law reports from the Jurnal Hukum since it is the oldest and official publication of the Shariah
Courts. The authors have selected the cases reported in the Jurnal Hukum by limiting the
judgments made by Appeal and High Shariah Court judges from the Federal Territory of Kuala
Lumpur, Selangor, Penang and Negeri Sembilan. The reason for limiting the cases from these four
states as for representative purpose of the whole cases reported.
From statistical point of view eighty reported cases reported were selected from the time span of
February 2005 to June 2009. Out of these cases, thirty one cases were from the Federal Territory
of Kuala Lumpur, twenty one from Selangor, nine from Penang, and nineteen from Negeri
Sembilan. Out of 80 cases examined, only eight cases were discovered to have judgments
applying the principle of Istihsan, which represents ten percent of the total cases. Of these eight
cases, three were from Negeri Sembilan, two from Penang and Selangor respectively and one
from Federal Territory. Table 1 below shows the distribution of cases by state and information
about the cases using Istihsan.
19 case
Table 1: Reported Cases Using Istihsan
Radziah binti Ibrahim
3 case
Peter R.Gottschalk
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Pulau Pinang
9 cases
2 cases
21 Cases
2 Cases
The Federal
Territory of
Kuala Lumpur
31 Cases
1 Case
(Application for an ex-parte order to obtain temporary
Noraishah bt Ahmad
Omar bin Jusoh and six others
(Claimation of jointly acquaired property)
Sabariah binti Md Tan
Busu bin Md Tan (Claimation of jointly acquaired property)
Zarina Hashim
Jamaluddin bin Saidon
(Claimation of child custody, child maintenance and jointly
acquaired property)
Ibrahim bin Hj. Ishak and
one other
Anuar bin Ahmad and two others
(A request from plaintiffs to visit and bring the daughter and
grandchildren home twice a week)
Maryam binti Abdullah
Hithir bin Rashid
(Claiming to reverse the previous court order of child custody
and child maintenance)
Mustapha bin Ismail claiming the distribution of the
inheritance property of the deceased Che Fatimah binti Abdul
(Compulsory Will)
Mazitah binti Hussin
Rahiman bin Selamat
(Application to extend the interim order of injunction)
80 Cases
8 Cases
Source: Jurnal Hukum Volume 19 Part I & II; Volume 20 Part I & II; Volume 21 Part I & II; Volume 22 Part I & II; Volume 23 Part I &
II; Volume 24 Part I & II; Volume 25 Part I & II; Volume 26 Part I & II; Volume 27 Part I & II; Volume 28 Part I & II.
3. Analysis The Cases Of Istihsan
The judgments in the above eight cases did not state explicitly that the concept of Istihsan was
used. This is well understood as the judges are trained in Shafi‘i school will avoid using Istihsan in
his judgment. Nevertheless reading through the justification of the judgments made one cannot
escape but to conclude that the principle of Istihsan was used. For the purpose of expediency the
issues in the judgments have been categorized into six topics for analysis. These topics are (a)
judgment in the absence of the defendant or ex-parte, (b) child maintenance, (c) jointly acquired
property during marriage, (d) obligatory bequest, (e) visitation’s rights and (f) injunction order.
a. Judgment in the Absence of the Defendant and the Ex-Parte Judgment
Judgment or decision of the court must in full presence of both plaintiff and defendant. This is the
rule in the Shariah law based on the hadith of the Prophet narrated from 'Ali bin Abi Talib (d.661)
that instructed a Muslim judge to hear arguments from both disputing parties before dispensing
judgment (Al-Mubarakfuri, Abu al-‘Ala’ Muhammad bin ‘Abd al-Rahman,1963). Nevertheless in
another hadith the Prophet was reported to give judgment to Hind bint ‘Utbah, wife of Abu Sufyan
in the latter’s absence (Ibn Hajar, Ahmad bin ‘Ali al-‘Asqalani, 2006). It was reported that Caliph
‘Umar and Caliph ‘Uthman decided the same (Al-Khatib, Syams al-Din Muhammad bin al-Khatib
al-Syirbini, 1997). It was later a settled law that the judge is permitted to declare judgment in the
absence of defendant. The basis of this is Istihsan based on the hadith. The permissibility of this
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judgment is also based on Qiyas or analogy whereby jurists agree that judgments can be made for
a minor or a deceased as well as against an absconded defendant in their absence. In addition,
through reasoning if the judge is not permitted from making a judgment in the absence of the
defendant while the plaintiff has produced all the necessary evidence to support the claim, the
situation can be considered as denying the rights of the plaintiff. It is also contrary to the
responsibilities of a judge to grant and protect the rights of a citizen (Al- Khatib).
In Malaysia the permission to declare judgment in absentia is already provided in the Shariah Civil
Procedure Law as will be shown below. Nevertheless it is quite interesting to see grounds made
by the court to permit such a judgment. Thus in the case of Zarina bt Hashim versus Jamaluddin
bin Saidon (Zarina bt Hashim vs Jamaluddin bin Saidon, 2007) involving the claims of child
custody, child maintenance and jointly acquired property, the defendant failed to appear in all of
the proceedings. The court decided to proceed with the trial by referring to section 121 (1) (b)
Penang Shariah Court Civil Procedure Enactment No.6/2004. In addition to this provision of the
law, the court was of the view that if the summon was fully served to the defendant and by refusing
to attend or answer the claims shall indicate that the defendant had admitted to the allegations put
to him. This is based on the maxim of Islamic jurisprudence that silence in the matter that a person
must speak is a confession (Ahmad bin Muhammad, 1989). The court also refers to the Shafi‘i’s
manuals of I'anah al-Talibin (Abu Bakr ‘Uthman bin Muhammad Syata al-Dimyati al-Bakri, 1995)
and Mughni al-Muhtaj (Al-Khatib) that permit the court to make judgments to the defendant who is
absent on condition that the plaintiff has to produce evidence for each allegations and claims. The
judge also stressed that the court is a place to obtain the rights by disputing parties. Therefore, the
court shall perform its inherent responsibility to declare judgment in the interest of justice (Zarina
bt Hashim vs Jamaluddin bin Saidon, 2007).
The same argument was also presented in the case of Maryam binti Abdullah versus Hithir bin
Rashid (Maryam binti Abdullah vs Hithir bin Rashid, 2005) involving application to change previous
court order on child custody and maintenance. However in contrast to the above case, the
defendant was not present in the early stage of the proceedings. The judge initially postponed the
case due to incomplete process of serving the summon to the defendant. After this had been
satisfied the Court proceeded with the trial without the presence of the defendant by referring to
section 121 (1) (b) of the Selangor Syariah Court Civil Procedure Enactment No.4/2003. The court
also refers to Shafi‘i manual I'anah al-Talibin (Abu Bakr). The judge maintains that the decision to
proceed with the trial is consistent with the maxim of Islamic jurisprudence (‫ﻀ َﺮ ِﺭر‬
‫ﻀ َﺮ ُﺭر ﻻَ ﻳﯾُﺰَﺍا ُﻝل ﺑِﺎﻟ ﱠ‬
َ ‫)ﺍاﻟ‬
(Salih bin Ghanim, 1996) which means the harm cannot be eliminated by causing harm to others
and the maxim (‫ﻀ َﺮ َﺭر ْﻳﯾ ِﻦ‬
‫َﺎﺏب ﺃأَ َﺧﻒﱢ ﺍاﻟ ﱠ‬
ْ ) (Salih bin Ghanim, 1996) which means implementing one of
ُ ‫ﭐٱﺭرﺗِﻜ‬
the lesser harm (Maryam binti Abdullah vs Hithir bin Rashid, 2005).
A similar position is also expounded in the case of Radziah binti Ibrahim versus Peter R.
Gottschalk@Yusuff bin Abdullah (2009). In this case, the applicant applied from court an ex-parte
order for temporary custody of a child. The applicant requested that this case must be heard
quickly because the she was worried that the respondent would take away her daughter from her
based on intimidations and threats made by the respondent. When judgment was made, the judge
has stated in advance that any dispute shall be heard from both sides, so that, each party can give
their evidence to ensure fairness to all. However, there are exceptions from this principle if there is
element of hardship (masyaqqah) or harm (darar) that may occur if the original law was to be
followed. The judge in this case allowed the ex-parte application based on two principles of
masyaqqah and darar which allowed the obligation to be exempted (Salih bin Ghanim). Based on
these principles, the original rule of law was set aside to remove the hardship or harm to human
being. In this case, it was further reasoned by judge that there exists element fears for the safety
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of child, as there were threats from the respondent to bring back his daughter overseas at any
time and addition to the allegation by the applicant that the respondent is not a practicing Muslim.
All these claims form a basis for a potential harm to the child (Radziah binti Ibrahim vs Peter
R.Gottschalk@Yusuff bin Abdullah, 2009). The reasoning of this judgment is similar to that of
b. Child Maintenance as a Debt
The Shariah law prescribes that a father has the responsibility to provide maintenance to his
children as provided in the Quran (Al-Qur’an 65:6). The verse also indicates the duty of a father to
compensate his wife for service of breastfeeding to his children and this also true to other ancillary
payment as required by the children (Al-Khatib). In addition to the verse, the hadith allows the
child’s mother to take the property of her husband for the purpose child maintenance if the father
failed to do so as shown above in the case of Hind bint ‘Utbah. However, the duty of the father to
provide maintenance to his children is dependent on his ability to provide such maintenance. This
is based on the hadith of the Prophet narrated from Jabir (d.697) (Muslim, Abu al-Husayn Muslim
bin al-Hajjaj al-Naysaburi, 1998). Nevertheless, if the child owns property or capable of earning on
their own, a poor father will not be asked to maintain his child. This is also based on the hadith
which enjoins Muslim to provide adequate means of livelihood to oneself and his family as to best
of his abilities (Ibn Hajar). However the flexibilities of the law are usually taken advantage by some
irresponsible father and thus resulting in the mother to suffer the burden of providing the needs of
the children. As rule once maintenance is paid to a child from whatever source it may be, normally
by the wife, the father is no longer liable to pay them. To maintain this rule will make wife suffers
and releasing the father from his responsibility on the grounds of poverty. Thus it is in the interest
of the wife and the children that any payment made by wife or other sources should be considered
as a debt to the husband. In this situation, a judge can order the father to pay the maintenance of
his children. If the father still does not perform this obligation, the maintenance will be considered
as a debt and is due to be claimed in the court by a competent plaintiff.
Thus in the case of Zarina bt Hashim versus Jamaluddin bin Saidon (2007), the plaintiff claimed to
the court for child maintenance amounting to RM12,000 (or USD4,000) from the defendant. The
plaintiff had earlier obtained an interim order for custody of the child and the maintenance order
amounting to RM300 (USD100) per month. However, the defendant had ignored the order and
cause the plaintiff to bear all expenses of the children, which should be the duty of the defendant.
After the court satisfied with the arguments and documents submitted by the plaintiffs, it was
declared that the amount of RM12,000 of unpaid maintenance is a debt owed by the defendant to
the plaintiff. The defendant was ordered by the court the pay such amount. The power to make an
order is actually contained in section 70 of the Penang Islamic Family Law Enactment 2004, which
provides that the maintenance can only be considered as debt and can be claimed if there is an
order from the court. In addition to the provision of the law the court referred to Shafi‘i manual
Mughni al-Muhtaj and comparative fiqh book al-Fiqh 'ala al-Madhahib al-Arba'ah which state that
the maintenance cannot become debt until after the judge made compulsory the maintenance or
the father himself allow the maintenance to be owed (Al-Jaziri, 1990).
c. Jointly Acquired Property or Harta Sepencarian
The rule in the acquisition of property in the Shariah law is through recognized means such as
sale contract, gift, inheritance etc based the verse of the Quran (Qur’an 1:275) and hadith (Qur’an
1:275). Islamic Shariah does recognize the principle of contract sanctity of which no third party is
allowed to claim. The Malay custom of Harta Sepencarian on the other hand allows spouse, upon
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divorce or death of either party, to claim property acquired during their marriage, although they are
not directly involved in the acquisition of the property as a co-purchaser or co-sharer etc. Many
discussions have been made by scholars to justify the permissibility of this customary practice
(Ahmad Ibrahim, 1999, M. B. Hooker, 1984). It has been maintained that the practice is analogous
to the topics of mata‘ al-bayt (home appliances) or mal al-zawjayn (property of husband and wife)
discussed in the fiqh manuals (Suwaid bin Tapah, 1996). The issues discussed under these topics
are related to a dispute by the spouse to properties acquired during marriage of which the
ownership is not properly determined. Thus Shafi'i in his al-Umm discussed dispute between
husband and wife on the ownership of house appliances in which they have lived. To solve this
problem, Shafi'i was of the opinion that the appliances shall be divided equally between them (AlSyafi‘i, Muhammad bin ’Idris, 1983).
In other schools of law, on the other hand, view the division of the property should be based on the
nature and type of the property. Thus according to Malik (d.796), as quoted in al-Mudawwanah, if
the property is more suitable to be owned by a man, it is given to the husband and vice-versa
(Malik bin Anas, 2003). This opinion was also agreed by Abu Hanifah (d.767) and Muhammad Ibn
al-Hasan (d.805), as quoted by al-Sarakhsi (d.1056) in his al-Mabsut with the provision that both
husband and wife are still alive. If both or either one is dead, the rights to the property will be
returned to both heirs (Al-Sarakhsi, Muhammad bin Ahmad Syams al-A’immah, 1986). Ibn
Qudamah also solves the dispute in the same manner with the exception for a property that is
suitable to be owned by both parties where he views that the property should be divided equally
between husband and wife and not solely belongs to the husband alone (Ibn Qudamah, ‘Abdullah
bin Ahmad Muwaffaq al-Din, 2004). The writer of the Shafi’i manual Bughyah al-Mustarsyidin of
the eighteen century Southeast Asia while following the view of Shafi‘i maintains that the
ownership of the property should be withheld until the real owner can be determined based on the
evidence or confession of the party. If the evidence is not forthcoming the property will be divided
equally between husband and wife (Ba‘lawi, ‘Abd al-Rahman bin Muhammad, 1998).
It is obvious that above discussions of the jurists is different from the Malay customary practice of
Harta Sepencarian, as they were in relation to the mixed property between husband and wife in
which both claims to acquire it through recognized legal means. Nevertheless the legislature and
Shariah courts in Malaysia, since the colonial time up to present date, as well Islamic scholars
consider Harta Sepencarian as part of the Islamic Family law under the principle of ‘adat (Salih bin
Ghanim) or custom as it is beneficial to the spouses and generally consonant with the verse of the
Quran which states that both men and women are equally rewarded for what they have earned
(Qur’an 4:32). Thus the Negeri Sembilan Islamic Family Law Enactment 2003 in section 2 (1)
defines jointly acquired property during marriage or known in local as Harta Sepencarian as a
property acquired by husband and wife either directly or indirectly during the marriage period in
accordance with the conditions specified by Shariah. Under the law both husband and wife has the
right to claim Harta Sepencarian upon divorce or death of either partner. The task of the court is
discovering whether there is evidence of contribution by both parties either directly or indirectly
towards the acquisition of the property.
Thus in the case Sabariah binti Md Tan versus Busu bin Md Tan (2009), plaintiff claimed, among
others for a declaration of a house and two parcels of land as a jointly acquired property. Plaintiff
also claimed that any benefit obtained from the land and monthly pensions paid by the Federal
Land Development Authority (FELDA) is to be equally divided. The court agreed with the claims
and found evidence of direct and indirect contributions on part of the plaintiff in the property.
Among the contributions made by the plaintiff on all the assets acquired by the defendant was
through the joint participation of defendant and plaintiff's in the FELDA program. All the lands and
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the house were acquired by the defendant after they were both accepted to participate in FELDA,
as marriage is a condition set by FELDA for acceptance to participate in this program. Plaintiff also
performed her household duties such as taking care of the children, the needs of husband and
doing other outside jobs to increase the family income. All these were considered by the court as
an indirect contribution from the plaintiff in helping the defendant to obtain the assets.
In the case of Noraishah bt. Ahmad versus Omar bin Jusoh and six others (2008), the plaintiff
requested the court to declare the property or the value of the property listed by the plaintiff in the
assets of the deceased as jointly acquired property. Defendants are the legal heirs of plaintiff
former husband who is a deceased. Although the case was settled as the defendants agree to the
claim, the court still requires evidence from the plaintiff to support her claim. Among of the
evidence presented is that the plaintiff had made several loans for the convenience and comfort of
the deceased, such as a hire purchase agreement to purchase a car, a housing loan and monthly
payment on the use of credit card for the convenience and needs of their households.
Based on the above cases, the findings of the court on the indirect contribution of the plaintiffs
which is non-contractual can be considered as the basis of co-ownership of a property in marriage.
However, the principles of Shariah on the acquisition of property are not taken into account in
order to appreciate the Malay customary practice of Harta Sepencarian. Although the court and
the legislation have not specifically justified their reasons based on Istihsan, the result speaks for
the use of Istihsan by 'Urf or custom.
d. Obligatory Bequest
Under the Shariah, it is a settled law by the majority of Muslim jurists that making a bequest to
family members who are not legal heirs, within the permitted one third of the estate, is
recommended and not compulsory (Wahbah al-Zuhayli, 1985). It was however obligatory in early
Islam in but it was then abrogated (Ahmad, Abu ‘Abdillah Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Hanbal,
2001). Because of this, there was a debate among Islamic jurists on the status of bequest in Islam
to argue that making bequest is compulsory in the Shariah. Taking this dissenting opinion, through
legislation in Muslim countries starting in Egypt in 1943 provision was made to provide orphaned
grandchildren who are excluded from the inheritance receiving maximum one third of the
deceased estate through a bequest which is presumed obligatory on part of the deceased to have
been made to the benefit of the grandchildren. This kind of bequest is technically known as
Wasiyyah Wajibah. The rational of this kind of bequest as being discussed elsewhere is the fear
that these orphaned children after being excluded from the inheritance will be left without support
and thus becoming poor and destitute (‘Abd al-Ghaffar Ibrahim Salih, 1987). Such a provision has
been adopted in Malaysia in section 27 (1) (2) (3) Selangor Muslim Wills Enactment No. 4, 1999.
Thus in case of Mustapha bin Ismail in the distribution of the inheritance of the deceased Che
Fatimah binti Abdul Razak (2009), the Kuala Lumpur Shariah High Court after decided the legal
heirs to the estate made an order of obligatory bequest to grandchildren whose father
predeceased the deceased as provided by the Selangor Muslim Will Enactment No.4/1999. The
court in support of the law justified that jurists like Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab (d.715), Hasan al-Basri
(d.728), Ishaq bin Rahawaih (d.853), Dawud al-Zahiri (d.883), Ibn Jarir (d.923), Ibn Hazm (d.1064)
and others are of the view that making bequest to close family members who are excluded from
the inheritance is mandatory based on the verse of the Quran as quoted above. Although it is
against the view of majority but the ruler or government based on the principle of public interest
can decree to the reverse (Al-Suyuti, Jalal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman bin Abi Bakr). Again as
mentioned above this justification is producing the law based on Istihsan.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan
e. The Right to Visit Children and Grandchildren
Islam strongly encourages good relation among family members and relatives so that life will be
more comfortable and pleasant as enjoined in the Quran (Qur’an 4:36). There are also many
hadith from the Prophet relating to the duty of preserving this relationship (Muslim, 1383) and stern
warning for those who trying to destroy it (Muslim, 1383). Good relationship among relatives
means doing good to close family members in matters that are permitted by Islam. This includes
looking after the family members and visiting them. It is wrong and prohibited for any Muslim who
tries to prevent this relationship especially of meeting or visiting one’s child or grandchild (Ibn
Hajar, 1690). Nevertheless, there were instances where the Court made an order preventing
certain family members to visit child and grandchild for the interest of family unity. Thus in the case
of Ibrahim bin Hj. Ishak and one other versus Anuar bin Ahmad and two others (2005) the court
rejected application by plaintiffs to visit their daughter and granddaughter. Plaintiff’s daughter is
defendant’s wife and the granddaughters in question are defendant’s children under his custody.
The court based on two police reports submitted and evidence from the witnesses found that the
first plaintiff had attacked defendant at his work place and his house was thrown with stones, wood
and steel.
In justifying the decision, the court was of the view that plaintiff’s application to see and take his
daughter and grandchildren back home in a tense mood should not be allowed. There is no
intimacy between the plaintiff and the defendant and even more, the plaintiff wish to take revenge
against the defendant. On this basis, the court decided to reject the application submitted by
plaintiff. The court is of the view that the decision is to avoid quarrels and hostilities that will divide
this family. The court considers that the defendant is entitled to defend his right for not to obey the
plaintiff to ensure that the good family relationship will be return to normal. This decision is issued,
as asserted by the court, based on Maslahah for the benefit of defendant in preserving his family
and reframing greater harms if the conflict continues.
f. Application for Injunction Against the Husband
Relation between husband and wife in Islamic law is based on certain rights and obligations. A
husband is enjoined by the Quran to treat his wife with kindness whether by action or by speech
(Qur’an 4:19). A similar message is also reported in the hadith which says “The best among you is
the best to his family and I was the best to my family” (Ibn Majah). Among the husband’s
obligations towards his wife, as quoted by al-Qurtubi (d.1273) when interpreting the above verse is
to pay dower and maintenance to his wife, not frowning his wife for no reason, not speaking to his
wife in a harsh manner and not to disclose his tendency to other woman other than his wife (AlQurtubi, Muhammad bin Ahmad, 2003). For these duties, Islamic jurists using the Quranic verse
(Qur’an 4:34) consider husband as the leader of the household to his wife and children (Wahbah
al-Zuhayli, 1997). This also means that the husband has full access and authority over his family
and no one has the right to deny it. In fact one who prevents the husband from performing his
responsibilities is committing a great sin.
This is the law that needs to be held by all parties when there is no urgent or pressing matter to
change it. The decision of the Shariah court is otherwise. Thus in the case of Mazitah binti Ibrahim
versus Rahiman bin Selamat (2008), the court allowed an application to extend the validity of exparte interim order, previously obtained by the applicant, to refrain the respondent from
trespassing, forcing and acting with hostility against the applicant. The respondent is also ordered
to refrain from doing a list of things which among other from approaching the applicant within 100
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan
meters while their divorce proceeding is in progress. Nevertheless the court rejected application
that the respondent will observe the same to the children and their maid.
Legally speaking, the court has discretionary power to grant any interim order on any terms as it
deems fit based on section 197 (a) of the Shariah Court Civil Procedure (Federal Territories) Act
1998. As such it is matter of establishing the facts to the case that warrants such an order that the
court needs to do. It is has been accepted and argued in many places in Malaysia that ex-parte
interim injunction order is based on necessity or darurah (Ghazali Jaapar, 2005) in order to avoid
harm or darar (Ibn Majah). This power is also provided in section 107 of the Islamic Family Law
(Federal Territories) Act 1984 whereby the court can grant an injunction or prohibition order to
parties of whom their divorce proceedings is in progress. Although there is no specific mentioning
that the power to grants such an order is based on Istihsan, it is obvious that the original law that
the husband should not be prevented from living with his family members especially wife and
children is disregarded. This is indeed a hallmark of Istihsan, which can be categorized as Istihsan
by Maslahah.
The results of the studies on the cases reported in the Jurnal Hukum show that the principle of
Istihsan is directly employed in the judgments of the Shariah Courts in Malaysia. As much as the
court desires to apply the principles of Quran and Sunnah as against the rules discussed in the
fiqh manuals, which a noble effort in itself, these are only incidental to the articles of the law which
provide for such an application as it has been shown above. This is hardly a case of innovation
and reinterpretation of texts of the law as some researcher may want to argue (Ramizan Wan
Muhamad, 2009).
It is therefore the farmers of the legislation, which incorporate the application of these principles
who are actually the innovator. The courts in all instances of the cases observed above are merely
establishing the facts of the cases so that these principles can be properly applied. From the
theoretical classification of Istihsan¸ all of the cases, except two, employed what that is known as
Istihsan by Maslahah or public interest. However, it should be noted here that Maslahah alone is
not sufficient to abandon the original law. Other evidence either from the Quran or the Sunnah
must support it, even though in general and this is duly observed by the Shariah Courts. The rest
of the classification is by Sunnah and ‘Urf or custom.
The latter is probably the most notable contribution of the Malaysia Shariah law as it is cannot be
found elsewhere outside the Malay Archipelago (M.B.Hooker, 2008), although numerous
customary practices are absorbed to become part of the Shariah law in the rest of the Muslim
world. In conclusion, the findings of the above discussion can portray a general impression that
the use of Istihsan was accepted indirectly in the Islamic judicial system in Malaysia and this
actually support the claim that the Shafi‘is finally yielded to the practical solution offered by
Istihsan albeit indirectly.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan
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Bayt al-Afkar al-Dawliyyah.
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Usuli Fiqhiha. Damsyik: Dar al-Qalam.
Mustapha bin Ismail in the distribution of the inheritance of the deceased Che Fatimah bint Abdul
Razak (2009).
Radziah binti Ibrahim vs Peter R.Gottschalk@Yusuff bin Abdullah (2009).
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ُ ‫)ﺍاﻟ‬, refer to Al-Zarqa’, Ahmad bin Muhammad, Syarh al-Qawa’id alَ ‫ﺽض ﺍا ْﻟ َﺤ‬
ِ ‫ﺴ ُﻜ ْﻮﺕتُ ﻓِ ْﻲ َﻣ ْﻌ َﺮ‬
Fiqhiyyah (Damsyik: Dar al-Qalam, 1989).
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
The Roles of the Institution of Pesantren in the Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Mohamad Mustari1
of Education, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur
Pesantrens are the oldest non-formal and traditional Islamic educational institution in Indonesia.
These boarding institutions are uniquely Indonesian phenomenon, not found in other parts of the
world. Nowadays, there is a widespread misjudgment that the pesantrens are said to train terrorist
groups, promote Islamic fanaticism, and propagate conservative culture. Hence, some of the
pesantrens are changing their paradigm, that is, from conservatism to modern-progressivism,
while some others prefer to remain the same. The purpose of this study was to make an in-depth
systematic analysis of the roles and contributions of pesantrens in the development of rural
villages in Java, particularly in Tasikmalaya district which by itself had 761 pesantrens. This study
employed the multiple case-study method. The cases were three large pesantrens and three small
pesantrens, all located in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya. The pesantrens were in three categories:
traditional, modern, and combination. Interview, observation, and document analysis were used to
collect data. Face-to-face interviews were based on a standard check list developed for the study.
The findings showed that pesantrens developed and implemented their own development plans,
both for their own development and for rural development, as most pesantrens located in the rural
Keywords: Pesantren, development, rural society
Indonesia is populated by various ethnicities, cultures, languages, and religions. But the majority
of the inhabitants, around 85 percent, embraces Islam (BPS, 2004). Islam had spread in
Indonesia in the 12th century; and at the same time, there were mushroomed non-formal Islamic
education in Indonesian society in such institutions as mosques and pesantrens. The position of
the religion and Islamic institutions in Indonesia had spread widely and strongly through
educational institutions such as pesantren covering until all of 33 provinces. This institution of
pesantren has now 16,015 by its various kinds in throughout districts in di Indonesia (Departemen
Agama, 2006).
Generally, this institution of pesantren has a philosophy that education is an effort to form a perfect
human being, and not only to develop human capital or to build up an ordinary human resource. A
perfect human being is being a comprehensive human covering those aspects as spiritual,
intellectual, vocational, social, physical, cultural, and emotional, and this can be trained by such
institutions as mosques and pesantrens. By this, there is ideological conflict of education in
Indonesia: based on Islamic philosophy on the one hand and based on Western capitalist
utilitarian philosophy on the other having influenced by Dutch colonial administration in the 16th
century (Abdullah, 1986).
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Etymologically, “pesantren” and the original word “santri” comes from Tamil meaning “religious
teacher”. Another source says that the word is coming from Indian “shastri” from the original
“shastra” meaning “sacred books”, “religious books”, or “books on knowledge”. Outside Java
island, this educatonal institution is called by other names such as surau (in West Sumatra), dayah
(in Aceh), and pondok (in other areas) (Ensiklopedi Islam, j. IV, 1994). In the usage of Indonesian
today two terms of “pondok” (Arabic: barrack or hotel) and “pesantren” mostly can be
interchangable, even can be merge into “pondok pesantren” which usually can be shortened into
“ponpes” (Mansurnoor, 1990).
According to Dhofier (1983), the word “pesantren” comes from the word “santri” itself, being added
by prefix “pe” and sufix “an”, meaning public house for the santri (students). In short, pesantren is
a public house or a place for the students of religious learnings (Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia,
Based on the data by the Ministry of Religious Affairs year 2005/2006, there are pesantrens in
every province of the Republic of Indonesia. The amount of the pesantrens are 16,015 with
3,190,394 santri (students) and 276,223 ustaz (religious teachers) and 44,450 kiyais (religious
leaders). The amounts of pesantrens in every province are varied between 12 until 3684
pesantrens (Depag, 2006).
Kabupaten Tasikmalaya which has 39 sub-districts (kecamatan) and 351 villages (desa/kelurahan)
has more than one pesantren in almost every village. Hence, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya sufficiently
can be called as “kota santri” (santri town). Among big pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, that
is the biggest and populated by more than 500 santris, are: Pesantren Cipasung in Singaparna;
Pesantren Miftahul Huda in Manonjaya; and Pesantren Suryalaya in Ciawi.
This research takes account of social development which is a program of prosperity or aid for the
poor through the fulfillment of their necessities, covering not only opportunities to get a job, but
also accesses to public services, such as education, health, housing, transportation, water, etc.
(Korten and Alfonso, 1981). Hence, the conception of development here is the conception of
“integrative development”.
Here, then, besides using indicators of development made by the government, especially by the
Board for Central Statistics (Badan Pusat Statistik/BPS), this study also used public opinion survey
to gain the data on the impact of the pesantrens to the development of the villages.
To gather the data, this research conducted some methods as follow:
1. For comprehensive study to the pesantrens being researched, this study used in-depth
interview and observation.
2. For getting information on environmental data, especially the physical one, this study used
secondary data, especially from such governmental institutions as district, provincial, and
central government.
Therefore, this study used two categories of instruments: interview and observation. This directly
made sure of the reliability of data and the findings by way of triangulation.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Population is defined as a group of potentials the result of which will be generalized (Salkind,
2000) or all groups which will be studied (Chua, 2006).
Population of this research is the pesantrens in Kabupaten (District) Tasikmalaya, West Java,
around 761 pesantrens. The samples of this population are pesantrens regarded as
representatives of the title of this research. In this context, pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya
are divided into three categories: Modern (khalafi), Traditional (salafi), and Combination (the
combination between the Modern and Traditional). Quantitatively, pesantrens can also be divided
into two kinds: Big pesantrens (have more than 300 santris) and Small pesantrens (have less than
300 santris). From about 761 pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, six pesantrens are picked
up to represent the above categories, those are:
Pesantren Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya representing Big Traditional pesantrens.
Pesantren Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong representing Small Traditional pesantrens.
Pesantren Al-Furqon, Singaparna representing Big Modern pesantrens.
Pesantren Persis, Rajapolah representing Small Modern pesantrens.
Pesantren Suryalaya, Pagerageung representing Big Combination pesantrens..
Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari representing Small Combination pesantrens.
The choice of pesantrens is done purposively, i.e. the choice based on information-rich cases
(Patton, 2002). Quantitatively, the above six pesantrens cannot be properly appropriate to
represent 761 pesantrens existed and listed in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya. But because of most
pesantrens in Tasikmalaya are categoriezed as the same conditions and characteristics, such
case taking should not necessarily based on the formula of 20% of the population. The choice of
cases is rationalized to get representative variation.
Besides, a list of question is also used to get a general picture of the conditions of pesantren and
to fulfill the triangulation of the data. The respondents for this list of question are divided into three
main groups:
1. Pesantren insiders: kiyai, santri and ustaz.
2. General society including formal leaders (head of the village and head of the sub-districts),
informal leaders (public figures) and ordinary people (farmers, workers, retailers,
employees, etc.).
3. Pesantren-related society: pesantren alumni and santri’s parents.
The sum of respondents can be seen in the following table:
Table 1. Respondents of the List of Questions
Kinds of Respondents
Pesantren Insiders
Formal Leader
General Society
Informal Leader
Ordinary People
Pesantren-related Society
Amount of respondents every sub-district
Total amount of respondents (6 sub-districts)
Respondent’s taking based on the method of “quota”, that is, the choice of the subjects is based on the categories existed in the
population (Chua, 2006) based on the signs given by the formal and informal leaders of the society.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
1. Problems of Study
Theoretically, the main problem of this study is to see how far the validity and application of the
theory of dualism and modernization theory, theory of social change, and leadership theory of
development by the kiyais in the contexts of roles and functions of pesantrens in the development
of rural societies in Indonesia. Until this time previous studies on pesantrens are not being able to
give theoretical description on the rationale of the development of pesantrens, its activities and
roles in the development of rural societies.
By focusing more attention to the cases of pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, the problems of
study can be formulated in such question of research as the following: “Syntethically, what is the
variety of roles and participation of the pesantren from the facets of economic, social, religious,
cultural, and vocational training in the development of rural societies?”
2. Objectives of Study
This study has the following main objectives:
1. To investigate the conditions of the management of the pesantrens in Kabupaten
2. To get social views on the relevance and image of the pesantrens.
3. To describe analytically the roles and potentials of the pesantrens and their environments,
in relation to the possibility of the roles of pesantrens as an institution or agent of social
change in rural areas, which can be able to be independent as well as to be participated in
the development of the villages.
3. Findings from the Pesantrens in Tasikmalaya
a. General Description of the Pesantrens in Tasikmalaya
Tasikmalaya, as the location of this research, is one of the 25 kabupaten/town within the
administration of West Java Province, Indonesia. This district is located more or less 90 km from
the province capital (Bandung) to the southeast, or around 380 km southeast of Jakarta. To the
north this region faces Kabupaten Ciamis and Kota Tasikmalaya, to the south there is Indian
Ocean, to the west there is Kabupaten Garut, and to the east there is Kabupaten Ciamis. The
capital of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya is Singaparna. This district of 2,712,52 km2 is a mountainous
area with its peak at Mount Galunggung and Mount Talagabodas (Atlas Provinsi, 2006).
The population of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya in 2007 is 1,686,633 souls with its density of 615
souls/km2 (Kabupaten Tasikmalaya Dalam Angka, 2008). For making their living most of the
population worked on farming sectors and husbandry; the others worked in such other sectors as
merchandise, services, public service, non-government business, etc. The unique thing of
Tasikmalaya is the fact that there are so many cottage industries producing clothes, embroidery,
wood sandals (kelom), and handy craft (Pikiran Rakyat, 15 April 2009).
Based on the demographical data of 2007, the religious adherents of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya are
99.97% Muslims (1,686,098); the others are Christians, 149 souls (0.001%), Catholics 246 souls
(0.014%), Hindus 91 souls (0.005%), Buddhists 8 souls (0.0005%), and others 41 souls (0.002%).
Based on this data, Tasikmalayan people are religious people. This is helped by the fact that there
are so many religious (Islamic) educational institution, i.e. pesantren.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
If we make a classification, those pesantrens are rightly different in their stories. Some pesantrens
come from the charisma of kiyai such as Pesantren Miftahul Huda, Asy-Syahidiyah, Ar-Riyadh,
and Suryalaya. Some others come from socio-religious organizations such as Pesantren AlFurqon of Muhammadiyah and Pesantren Persis.
Mostly, however, those pesantrens are founded first before formal schools of the government.
Such is because pesantren is a manifestation of effort of socialization of education to the young
generation by previous generation accentuating religious studies and Islamic culture. And such
effort is not limited into the facilities. Hence, activities of Islamic learning had been done before the
pesantren being established. Having a pesantren been established, then schools or madrasahs
were also founded within the pesantren.
Nevertheless, there are some pesantrens founding system of school within the pesantren at the
very beginning. Hence, pesantren and school are slightly identical. This happens in such modern
pesantrens as Al-Furqon, Singaparna. The difference is that in a school the students come back to
their homes, while in a pesantren the santris do not come back to their homes but live in the
pesantren and continue the programs of the pesantren.
There is another thing in this tradition of pesantren, i.e. the tradition of following the maternal
pesantren. Here the first pesantren is a model for the next pesantren. It means that when a santri
felt that he is able to establish a pesantren, he will found it in another area, such as in his home
town by taking the pesantren he learnt in as the model. This, for example, was done by alumni of
the Pesantren Miftahul Huda. Unsurprisingly, then, if Pesantren Miftahul Huda admitted that there
are around 1000 pesantrens produced out of it. According to one of its ustaz, the characteristics of
pesantren modeling to the Miftahul Huda is that there always be some name of ‘Miftah’ in the
beginning of the next pesantren, such as ‘Miftahul Ulum’, ‘Miftahul Jannah’, etc. Or there is some
label of ‘Huda’ in the last name of the next pesantren, such as ‘Manbaul Huda’, ‘Thoriqul Huda’,
etc. Or even there are some pesantrens taking the name of the original name of ‘Miftahul Huda’
Such thing as ‘follow the leader’ is admitted by other pesantrens. Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, for
example, admitted that there are 70 pesantrens established by its alumni. Pesantren AsySyahidiyah also acknowledged that there are some 40 pesantrens founded by its alumni.
Yet, not all pesantrens had the same way in the pesantren ‘breeding’. Pesantren Suryalaya, for
instance, had no alumni made pesantren. Such is because the focus of education of Suryalaya is
not to produce religious leaders (ulama) mastering religious studies and being pesantren
managers. The focus of Suryalaya is to spread its religious doctrines, i.e. Tariqat Naqsabandiyah
Qodiriyah (TNQ) with its product of therapy such as for curing drugs’ addicts, named ‘Inabah.’
Hence, something which can be traced is in the facet of Suryalaya’s propagation, that is, the
establishments of tariqat adherent groups (Talqin) and Inabah in many areas in Indonesia, even
until outside the country such as in Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei, even Australia.
The tradition of ‘follow the leader’ did also not happen in such modern pesantrens as Al-Furqon
and Persis. Such is because here the loyalty of the santri is not to certain pesantren, but to the
doctrines embraced by the organizations. The model, here, is not the pesantren, or kiyai, but the
organization itself. For instance, even though there is a tradition of ‘follow the leader’, but owing to
the spirit of egalitarianism of the Persis’s members, ‘follow the leader’ to the pesantren is not a
matter of course. This also happened to the Muhammadiyah’s members.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Year Founded
Present Kiyai
Amount of
Amount of
Amount of
Amount of
Amount of
Amount of
Amount of
Rice Field
Aid of
Table 2. Comparison of the Samples of Pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.
KH. Choer
KH. Syuhada
Syech Abdullah
KH. Asep
KH. Asep
Ust. Cece
KH. Asep
KH. Alfaryzant
Hidayat, Lc.
Bakhtiar Rifai
Tajul Arifin
1 (Ma’had
4. Roles of Pesantren in the Development of Village
a. Kinds of Development
Not all kinds of development can be done by the pesantrens. Such is because there are things
outside the abilitiy of pesantren to do. Political development is an example. The current stream of
political situation of the Republic of Indonesia gave no chance for pesantrens to do political
development. Euphoria of Reformation paved the way to political liberties. To play political role will
bring the religious adherents (ummah) into conflict. Again, talking about politics today is a taboo,
moreover if it is talked by a religious institution like pesantren which is appropriately neutral.
It is clear in the field being research that there is no one can say about politics and pesantren
whether it is said by the government, the pesantrens, even the santris. To interview respondents
on political topics is an unfruitful business.
As a result, beside that all people denied to be interviewed on politics, a list of question being
offered to the respondents is responded by ‘cold’ responses. To the question no. 41, saying “How
is pesantren’s role in the development of politics in rural areas?”, the majority of the answers is
rightly even, i.e. average (123). The answers of positive and negative are not really significant to
be compared for it is precisely the same if it is combined between the positive (72) and the
negative (57) answers.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
So also in the development of ideology. Here pesantren has no active role. Such is because
Indonesian national situation is not really stable. There are so many popular resistances to the
government’s flatforms. Still being Indonesians, it is may be the rest of ideological development.
Everybody is thinking about himself, it is what happening here. And the pesantren side stutterly
followed the time in changing.
Nevertheless, in a matter of safety, pesantren is still a safest place to live in. Many still believed in
pesantren, although the West regarded that pesantren is the nest of the terrorists. Belief in the
safety of the pesantren is seen from so many people asked the pesantrens to reconcile their
conflicts. It can be seen from the answer to the Question No. 61 saying, “How is pesantren’s
participation in reconciliation of social conflict?”, the majority of answer is positive answer, that is
163 (very big 55 and big 108). While negative answers are only 44, slightly the same as neutral
answer, that is, 45.
Something which can be traced to the roles of pesantren in the development is to the areas of
education, social, cultural, and eonomics. Beside those areas, pesantren had limitations to play
significantly their roles.
b. Educational Development
The existence of pesantren in the middle of the community has a strategic meaning, for it can fit
itself with the development of time and the need of the community. Pesantrens today open the
schools (under the guidance of the Ministry of National Education, MONE) or madrasah (under the
guidance of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, MORA). In Tasikmalaya, the pesantrens of
combination like Pesantren Suryalaya had founded schools for a long time so that there are
schools like SMP (Sekolah Menengah Pertama, Junior High School), MTs (Madrasah Tsanawiyah,
Islamic Junior High School), MA (Madrasah Aliyah, Islamic Senior High School), SMK (Sekolah
Menengah Kejuruan, Vocational High School); and Pesantren Ar-Riyadh Leuwisari had founded
MTs and SMK. Meanwhile, a modern pesantren like Pesantren Al-Furqon Singaparna since the
very beginning had provided madrasah (Islamic school), i.e. MTs and MA. A small modern
pesantren like Persis Rajapolah which in the beginning had MTs, is now also has SMA Plus
(Sekolah Menengah Atas Plus, Senior High School Plus). About how a pesantren established
schools, the following is a result of an interview with the leader of the Pesantren Ar-Riyadh.
Mulai tahun 1972 pesantren ini dipimpin oleh saya. Karena dirasakan adanya perkembangan
zaman, bahwa masyarakat lebih memilih sekolah daripada pesantren, saya pun membuat
sekolah-sekolah formal: TK, Madrasah Diniyah, MTs, dan SMK. Dengan demikian ada yang ikut
dengan Depag, ada pula yang ikut dengan Diknas. Alhamdulillah pesantren ini masih banyak
santrinya. Sekarang yang mondok ada 120an santri. Kalau dihitung yang sekolah mah banyak.
[Beginning in 1972 this pesantren was led by myself. Because that there was a development of
time, that society chose more to the schools than to the pesantrens, so I built formal schools: PreSchool, Religious Islamic Elementary School, Islamic Junior High School, and Vocational High
School. So that there are some follow the MORA, and some follow the MONE. Praise be to God,
this pesantren has still more students. Now, the students live in the pesantren are around 120s.
But if we count the students study in the schools are much more double than that]. (Interview
Code: F-1; Recorded Code: Written).
Traditional Pesantren like Miftahul Huda and Asy-Syahidiyah basically did not refuse such
systems of school or madrasah, even though they did not found schools or madrasahs in their
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
pesantrens. To anticipate, both pesantrens allowed their santris to follow National Test for Study
Group (Kejar, Kelompok Belajar) to get the certificate of SMP (Kejar Paket B) or to get the
certificate of SMU (Kejar Paket C). The existence of systems of madrasah, school and packaged
study group in a pesantren like that proved that appreciation of modern phenomena is also
answered by the pesantren itself. For that modernity is an undeniable transformation process. The
following is an interview with one of the leaders of Pesantren Miftahul Huda.
Dina dasarna nu masantren di dieu lulusan sakola. Aya anu lulusan SD, SMP, bahkan aya oge
anu lulusan SMA. Namung kecenderungan ayeuna seueur anu lulusan SMP. Janten atos sarakola
di dieu mah. Tah kangge santri-santri anu teu acan gaduh ijazah formal, tiasa ngiringan
penyetaraan ngangge Kejar Paket A, B, atanapi C. Modernisasi memang teu tiasa dihindarkeun.
Da ti darieu oge seueur anu jadi caleg (calon legislatif), anu tangtos peryogi ijazah formal kangge
[Basically, the students live in this pesantren are school graduation. Some are graduated from SD
[Sekolah Dasar, Elementary School], SMP, and even also SMA graduation. But the trend is the
students graduated from SMP. So, the santris are school graduation. Here, for the santris who had
no formal certificate, can follow equalization by way of Package Study Group A, B, or C.
Modernization cannot be denied. Because here there are people who become caleg (calon
legislative, the next legislative member), which then need the certificate to be listed as valid].
(Interview Code: A-1; Recorded Code: PIC_0614-0615.AVI).
Modernization can be more apparent in a pesantren which has a higher education such as
Pesantren Suryalaya having an IAILM (Institut Agama Islam Latifah Mubaraqiyah, Latifah
Mubaraqiyah Institute for Islamic Studies) and STIELM (Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Ekonomi Latifah
Mubaraqiyah, Latifah Mubaraqiyah Academy for Economics). It also done by Pesantren Miftahul
Huda, Manonjaya. Even though Pesantren Miftahul Huda has only three year diploma for Islamic
Studies (called as Ma‘had ‘Aly) and not nationally standardized, but it is rightly an effort for
educating its santris. Modernization through higher education is also admitted by the local
Sebetulnya modernisasi pesantren banyak juga yang dilakukan oleh pesantren sendiri. Sekarang
ini mulai banyak pesantren yang menyelenggarakan pendidikan formal, baik sekolah atau
madrasah. Bahkan ada juga pesantren yang sudah mendirikan perguruan tinggi seperti Suryalaya
dan Cipasung. Dan ini pun sudah menambah, bahkan mungkin merupakan sebahagian besar
perguruan tinggi di Kabupaten Tasikmalaya adalah berbasis pesantren.
[Actually, modernization of pesantren is also done by the pesantren itself. Now, there are a lot of
pesantrens open formal educations, whether it is a school or a madrasah. Even there are also
pesantrens such as Suryalaya and Cipasung which established higher education. And it adds, and
even the most part of higher education in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya is based on the pesantrens.]
(Interview Code: G-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1101-1102.AVI).
In general, the main role of pesantren is exactly in the area of education. It is said that one
pesantren can produce tens, hundreds, or even thousands other pesantrens by way of established
by the alumni. Here it is clear that pesantren can be participated in literacy and national program
of education. The following is an interview with an alumnus who himself now becomes Pesantren
Leader and also is Deputy Chief of Local Parliament of Kota Tasikmalaya.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Jadi awal ceritanya, ayah saya, pendiri Pesantren Bahrul Ulum, yang bernama K.H. Bustomi
mondok di Pesantren Sukamanah, pahlawan nasional K.H. Zaenal Mustofa. Ketika ayah saya
dengan K.H. Ruhiyat Cipasung mau ikut ke medan juang, tiba-tiba dilarang oleh K.H. Zaenal
Mustofa. Mereka berdua disuruh untuk membina masyarakat. Akhirnya keduanya sama-sama
kembali ke daerah. … Nah Uwa Choer Affandy yang berguru ke ayah saya juga mau berangkat ke
Jakarta untuk bisnis. Ayah saya dan Uwa beristikharah dulu, hasilnya jangan. Maka Uwa pun
mendirikan pesantren di Manonjaya. Saya pun mesantren di Uwa. Saya pun meneruskan
pesantren ayah saya. Jadi tradisi pesantren adalah tradisi turun menurun dari guru ke murid
dalam memerangi kebodohan.
[The story begins with my father, the founder of Pesantren Bahrul Ulum, named K.H. Bustomi
studied in Pesantren Sukamanah, led by the national hero K.H. Zaenal Mustofa. At that time, my
father with K.H. Ruhiyat Cipasung would go for struggle for the Independence, suddenly prohibited
by K.H. Zaenal Mustofa. They both are commanded to preach the society. Finally, they both came
back to their hometown…. So Uwa Choer Affandy who studied to my father and wanted to go to
Jakarta for making money… My father and Uwa prayed for the choice given by God (istikharah)
first, and the result was not to go. Then, Uwa established a pesantren in Manonjaya. I also studied
in Uwa’s pesantren. And then I was commanded to continue my father’s pesantren. Hence,
pesantren is a genealogic tradition from teacher to student in making war to foolishness].
(Interview code: H-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1120.AVI).
A local government for National Education viewed pesantren as a potential for subject of nine year
compulsory education. The following is an interview with Head Section of Junior High School of
the Office of Education of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.
Kami di sini, di Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Tasikmalaya ini ada mempunyai program
Penyelenggaraan Kelompok Belajar Paket B setara SMP pada Pesantren Salafiyah. Sasarannya
adalah usia wajib belajar Sembilan tahun, yaitu 13 sampai 15 tahun. Tetapi tidak menutup
kemungkinan yang 18 tahun pun diambil sebagai murid. Gurunya juga kami rekrut dari kalangan
pesantren sendiri. Dana pun kami sediakan untuk honor tutor dan alat tulis. Program ini kami
namakan sebagai program wajar santri ‘wajib belajar Sangkan anak ngarti Terampil Religius
[We, here, in this Office of Education of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya have a program for conducting
Study Group Package B equivalent Junior High School to Traditional Pesantrens. The targets are
the children in the age of compulsory education, that 13 until 15 years old. But there is also a
possibility that someone at the age of 18 is also taken as a student. The teachers are recruited
from the pesantrens. The funds are also provided for the allowances of the tutors and for the
stationaries. This program is named as the program of WAJAR SANTRI (wajib belajar Sangkan
anak ngarti Terampil Religius Islami, compulsory education in order that the children understand,
skillful, religious, Islamic)]. (Interview Code: G-3; Recorded Code: PIC_1103-1106.AVI).
It is admitted by the pesantrens of combination, that by providing formal education and using
various languages such as Bahasa Indonesia, Arabic, or English, would bring to elevate santri’s
achievements. The following is a quotation of an interview with the leader of Pesantren Bahrul
Ulum who is an alumnus of the Pesantren Miftahul Huda.
Di sini dulunya salafi, terus ada sekolah, yaitu SMP Islam. Ayah saya melihat masa depan.
Sekarang ada TK, SMP, Tsanawiyah, bahkan Aliyah. Sekarang ada ide untuk mendirikan
perguruan tinggi. Prestasi pesantren ini sekarang adalah juara ketiga tingkat nasional membaca
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
kitab. Kalau se-provinsi kalah Miftahul Huda. Mohon maaf, karena memang kita mengajarkan
pelbagai bahasa, Bahasa Indonesia, Inggris dan Arab. Di Miftahul Huda kan masih dominan
bahasa Sunda, bahasa lokal.
[Here [this pesantren] for the first time was traditional, and then there was a school, i.e. Islamic
Junior High School. My father had future outlook. Now there are Pre-School, Junior High School,
Islamic Junior High School, and even Islamic Senior High School. Now there is an idea of
establishing a university. The achievement of this pesantren today is the third position of national
championship on reading Arabic text. In the provincial tournament, Miftahul Huda was beaten by
us. Excuse us, because we teach many kinds of languages here, such as Bahasa Indonesia,
English, and Arabic. In Miftahul Huda the dominant language is Sundanese, a vernacular.]
(Interview Code: H-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1120.AVI).
By viewing an expanded development to the combinative pesantrens it is showed that the
responses of the society to pesantren-with-school or pesantren-with-madrasah were very good. In
turn, the community was felt that today pesantrens can give appropriate answer to modernity, i.e.
life skill combined with happiness life (in religion). Concerning this, the following is a saying of an
officer at the Office of Religious Affairs Department of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.
Terhadap pesantren, Depag telah mengadakan program beasiswa santri untuk melanjutkan ke
perguruan tinggi. Jadi mereka yang berprestasi di pesantren yang ada sekolah SMA atau
Aliyahnya, yang rankingnya 1, 2, dan 3 bisa mendapatkan beasiswa ke universitas-universitas
negeri. Kemudian ada lomba membaca kitab kuning. … Nah untuk kasus Kabupaten
Tasikmalaya, pesantren-pesantren yang mendapatkan beasiswa atau menjuarai lomba-lomba
tersebut biasanya mendapat apresiasi lebih dari masyarakat, banyak santri baru yang
berdatangan, meningkat secara signifikan.
[To the pesantrens, MORA had a program of scholarship for the santris to continue further
education to universities. So, they are who have achievements in the pesantrens which have
Senior High School or the Islamic one, who the ranks are 1, 2, and 3 can get scholarships to
public universities. Then, there is also a tournament of reading Arabic text…. And for the case of
Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, the pesantrens which can get scholarships or became the champions of
the tournaments were usually appreciated much from the society, to this there would be coming
more students, significantly raised.] (Interview Code: G-4; Recorded Code: PIC_1107-1111.AVI).
Beside with the way of formal education such as schools or madrasahs, pesantren were also
known as non-formal vocational education. This kind of education is not only for the students live
in there, but also for the community around it. Hence, the society had not only been taught by
religious doctrines, they had also been trained by vocational things. The following is the response
of the Chief of Sub-Section of Religious Affairs of the Government of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.
Selain kepada santri, pesantren juga mendidik masyarakat dengan cara majlis ta’lim, remaja
mesjid, dan sebagainya. Ada yang mingguan, ada yang bulanan. Ada yang malam
diselenggarakannya, ada yang siang. Untuk program-program pelatihan ketrampilan, pesantren
biasanya bekerja sama dengan pihak lain, dengan pemerintah atau lembaga swadaya
masyarakat. Dengan pemerintah juga ada yang dengan dinas pertanian, dinas peternakan, dinas
pemberdayaan masyarakat, atau dinas-dinas lainnya.
[Beside to the santris, pesantrens also taught the society by way of religious-learning circle,
mosque youth, etc. Some activities are weekly, some others monthly. There are also evening
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
activities and day activities. For vocational training programs, pesantrens are usually cooperated
with others, with the government or other social institutions. With the government there are offices
of agriculture, of empowering society, or any other offices.] (Interview Code: G-2; Recorded Code:
The most significant thing to educate rural society done by pesantrens is to liberate the society
from illiteracy. It is seen how pesantrens play big role (152: very big 51 and big 101) in
respondent’s answer to the Question No. 74 saying, “How is the role of Pesantren in eradicating
illiteracy (Packaged Study Group A, B, etc.)?” Whereas the answers undermining the meaning of
pesantren in this sense is not significant, i.e. only 48, lesser than neutral answers (52).
c. Economic Development
Pesantrens being studied here, not only bring Tasikmalaya into “santri town,” but also can give
economic life of the society around them, by establishing a cooperation or even a financial
institution such as Baitul Mal wa Tamwil (BMT, the House of Treasury) giving much help to the
society. Moreover, pesantrens also became the centers of economic life of the society. There are
a lot of people taking advantage economically to the pesantrens. Book shops, food shops,
boutiques, etc. mushroomed around the pesantrens. This, for example, is happened in Suryalaya.
Every 11th of Hijriyah months there is a Manakiban (praying together). At that time pesantren’s
circumstances were massively presented by retailers. The following is a result of an interview with
the Head of the Secretariat of Pesantren Suryalaya.
Sekarang ini masyarakat dari segi ekonomi banyak warung, belum yang kejut, setiap bulan ada
manakiban, ini sepanjang jalan berbagai pedagang. Belum tenaga kerja yang terserap. Tasawuf
yang diajarkan dengan demikian tidak membuat masyarakat mundur. Kami telah membuktikan
bahwa zuhud itu adalah mengalahkan dunia. Katanya zuhud tetapi bangunan batu semua. Tetapi
bahwa zuhud itu tidak kalah dengan kekayaan.
[Today, economically society has more shops, not even the sudden ones, every month there is
manakiban, along this road are the retailers. Not even the workers are absorbed here. The
theosophy which is taught, then, not bring the society into backwardness. We prove that zuhud
can beat the mundane life. We say it zuhud, but you can see that all the building are made by the
rocks. We prove that zuhud is not beaten by wealthy.] (Interview Code: E-1; Recorded Code:
This is also admitted by the Head of the Village around Pesantren Miftahul Huda. The following is
his opinion.
Dengan adanya pesantren memang bermunculan tukang dagang, jadi semakin ramai. Masyarakat
bisa berjualan hasil-hasil kebun, pisang goreng, pecel, yang tadinya nganggur bisa berjualan.
Demikian juga tukang ojek bisa lebih sibuk kalau ada pertemuan-pertemuan pesantren. Kalau
satu Muharram, apalagi, Miftahul Huda suka membuat acara. Orang-orang pesantren biasa
[By the emergence of the pesantren there are also emerged retailers, so here is busier than
before. The society can sell their farming products such as bananas, vegetables, so those who
usually had no jobs, can regularly be the sellers. So also the motorist taxi can be busier if there
are pesantren meetings. On the first of Muharram, is much more, Miftahul Huda usually has a
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
program. Pesantren’s people are convoy around the village.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded
Code: PIC_1115-1118.AVI).
Beside to commercial sector, pesantrens also help the society in service sectors. Pesantren
insiders acknowledge that when they built schools or madrasahs there were many workers
absorbed, from the plumbers, cleaning service, cooks in the kitchen, until the most important
employee in the learning processes, i.e. the teachers. Thus, the more the pesantren built a new
school, the more workers were absorbed by the pesantren. Here is a quotation from an interview
with a manager of Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari.
Ketika pesantren ini buka sekolah, banyak guru yang datang, tukang-tukang batu, dan para
pedagang bermunculan. Mereka pada datang sendiri. Bukan hanya yang dekat, yang jauh juga
ada. … Di sini ada juga masyarakat yang menjadi ibu-ibuan para santri, yang menjadi tempat
mereka makan. Karena santri sekarang sudah tidak sempat lagi masak sendiri. Kalau kita para
pengelola, kiyai dan ustaz ya cari sendiri. Dari ceramah-ceramah, begitu. Jadi sekolah ini bukan
untuk mencari untung, tetapi untuk memakmurkan pesantren, memakmurkan Islam.
[When this pesantren opened schools, there were many teachers coming, plumbers, and retailers
were also coming. They came by themselves. Not even the nearer of the pesantren, the farther
were also coming…. Here there were some of the inhabitants who became the mothers of the
students, where the santris eat. For the santris today had no time anymore to make their food by
themselves…. We are the managers, kiyai, and ustazs should make our living by ourselves. From
the sermons, so to speak. So, this school is not for searching benefits, but for making the
pesantren busy, for empowering Islam.] (Interview Code: F-2; Recorded Code: PIC_02990301.AVI)
Economic enhancement of the society through cooperation built by the pesantrens is an evidence
of pesantrens’ participation, especially in economic development of the society, whether it is for
the interest of pesantrens’ insiders or for the society around them. It can be seen by the
emergence of cooperations of pesantrens (Kopontren, koperasi pondok pesantren) existed in the
pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, like what happened in Pesantren Suryalaya.
In order to fulfill the needs of santris and pesantren insiders, Pesantren Suryalaya founded a
cooperation called Koperasi Putera Bhakti in 1973. The management was run by the santris. 1979
the cooperation changed the name into Kopontren Suryalaya HIDMAT (Koperasi Pondok
Pesantren Suryalaya Hidup Masa Thoreqat). From such a change, cooperative scope was
extended whether it is for the students or the tarekat’s followers living in the rural areas.
The units of cooperation built within the Kopontren HIDMAT are:
1. Merchandising Unit: Retail shop, Taylor.
2. Cooperative Unit: Post and Telecomunication Shop, Agent of oil/LPG gas, Electric bill
service, Gas station, credit for moving retailers, radio making.
3. Social Business: Project for Sheep Breeding, Social Fund (From Satu Abad Pondok
Pesantren Suryalaya, 2005).
How big the interest of pesantren insiders and the community to elevate economic life, there is an
effort to establish a House of Treasury (Baitul Mal) of Suryalaya, working on credit enterprise,
permanent donator, zakat (poll tax), and charities like infaq and waqf. This was also the case of
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Pesantren Miftahul Huda cooperated with the government of West Java. All these proved how big
the pesantrens take parts in advancing the economy of the society.
Nevertheless, more or lesser the impact of the pesantrens to the economy of the society was not
the same. It can be seen from the open or not the pesantren was. For instance, in a closed
pesantren like Al-Furqon, all about food of the santris were organized by the pesantren. There was
also a semi-open pesantren, meaning that pesantren only managed meals twice a day, the rest
was given to the students for buying to the retailers around the pesantren. It happened in
Pesantren Miftahul Huda and Persis Rajapolah. There was also offered totally to the students to
cook for themselves, such as what happened in Pesantren Asy-Syahidiyah. There was also a
pesantren submitting the problems of food to the society and students themselves.
From the size of the pesantren, it is clear that each pesantren has its own potentials to give
economic impact on the society. The bigger the pesantren gives the more job opportunities to the
community. Such is because there always be more additional rooms, beds, school buildings, etc.
Something hoped by the society, then, is that the pesantren would always give the jobs for the
community around it. The following is the opinion of the Head of the Village closed to Pesantren
Miftahul Huda.
Dari dulu Uwa selalu bilang, tolong bantu Pak Kuwu….Saya pun selalu minta bantuan kepada
para kiyai untuk memasyarakatkan kewajiban pajak. Saya pun selalu berpesan, kalau ada proyekproyek tolong libatkan masyarakat. Karena tidak enak kita hidup dengan masyarakat, tetapi tidak
mempekerjakan mereka. Jadi kita saling bantu, begitu. Biar bagaimanapun kami ini penduduk asli
sini, kalau santri kan banyaknya orang jauh, mereka hanya di sini untuk mesantren. Jadi harus
kerja sama, begitu.
[Since the very beginning Uwa had said, please help the Head of the Village…I always ask to the
kiyais to socialize the obligation to pay taxes. I also ordered, if there are some projects, please
involve the society. Because it is not healthy to live with the community, but at the same time not
involving them in the works of the pesantren. So that we help each other, like that. Whatever we
are, we are indigenous people. Santris came mostly from faraway, they were in here to study. So
that we should cooperate each other, so to speak.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded Code:
Although the participation of pesantrens in the economy of the community was not big enough, but
the existence was there, felt by them. To the Question No. 51 saying, “How is the participation of
the pesantren in elevating economic life of the society?” the majority of the respondents answered
positive (126: 35 very big and 91 big). While they who answered negative were only 38
respondents (25 less big and 13 not big), smaller in number than those who answered neutral
d. Social Development
In 1971 Pesantren Suryalaya helped government’s program in rehabilitating drug addicts and
juvenile delinquency. That effort was in line with government’s code of Bakolak Inpres No 6 year
1971. The rehabilitation was through praying with the method of sufí order of Tariqat
Naqsabandiyah Qadiriyah (TNQ) in order to get the youth back to the true way. This program was
institutionalized in 1986 named as Youth House of “Inabah” (meanig ‘getting back’). The
continuation and extensivication of the doctrine were done through Suryalaya’s branches of sufí
orders and through the preachers coordinated by the branches.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Such is one of the products of the pesantren to the young generation. Other pesantrens gave also
their attention to the youth. By making them busy in good conducts, pesantren had eradicated the
bad of juvenile delinquency. In fact, some santris, like those of Miftahul Huda, often swept to the
places where bad habits were coming like pubs, bars, etc. This action is called as a manifestation
of the concept of ‘jihad’ (meaning ‘considerable struggle’, Prophet Muhammad mentioned this for
war against infidelity, including the passion). Perhaps it is an extreme action of the santris, for
Indonesia is not an Islamic State. But possibly it is a mirror of political liberty in Indonesia. It is said
by a student of Miftahul Huda, as follow.
Sweeping ke masyarakat untuk kemaksiatan memang suka ada di sini, untuk minuman keras,
untuk yang tidak puasa. Itu program kita di sini. Tahun 2005, 2006, 2007, sebelum menginjak
bulan Ramadhan, santri senior dan dewan kiyai merazia ke daerah Tasikmalaya, Manonjaya.
Tahun 2008, yang kemarin, itu langsung ke pemerintah, ke polisi, tolong dirazia, kalang enggak,
santri akan turun. Polisi langsung turun ke jalan. Tapi kalau tahun depan polisi tidak turun, santri
yang akan turun. Ini bagian dari jihad. Kan kalau dibiarkan disebutnya dayus, membiarkan. Kalau
tidak Allah akan murka. Pertama kan peringatan dulu, tidak semena-mena terus merazia.
[Sweeping to the society for eradicating bad habits were likely done here, for those who drink
liquor, they who do not fast [within the month of Ramadan]. That is our program here. In 2005,
2006, 2007, before entering the fasting month, senior students and some kiyais boards swept to
Tasikmalaya, Manonjaya. In 2008, the last one, we directly went to the government, to the police,
saying, please remove bad habits on the streets, if not we will go down to sweep. And the police
directly went to the streets. But if next year the police won’t go down, the santris will. It is part of
the jihad (struggle). For if we let them go it is dayus, ignore. If it is not done God will be angry. The
first step is a warning, not directly grab, like that.] (Interview Code: A-4; Recorded Code:
To the Head of the Village, the concept of jihad with directly go down to the streets is not really
agreed. Such is because it will invite a horizontal conflict. The following is an interview with the
Head of the Village.
Dulu suka ada sweeping memang. Kalau tidak puasa diambilin. Tetapi biar bagaimanapun juga
kami ini penduduk asli sini, tanah kelahiran. Kalau santri kan kebanyakan tamu, jadi harus
menghargai. Jangan sampai terjadi bentrok fisik. Biar bagaimana juga tetap itu harus dijaga.
Karena kita bagaimanapun juga penduduk asli. Jadi harus bisa menitipkan diri. Saya juga kalau
merantau harus menitipkan diri. Jadi kalau kita mau gaya-gayaan ya pasti akan ada yang mukul.
[There were often sweepings really. They who did not fast were taken. But whatever we are, we
are indigenous people here, this village is our hometown. The santris were mostly outsiders, so
that they should admire us. Don’t make a declaration of war. Whatever it is, it should be kept in
mind. Because we are here native people. So the santris should be able to place themselves. I
was myself if I went to outside of my hometown should be able to place myself. So, if we extreme
ourselves there would be people who fight us.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded Code: PIC_11151118.AVI).
For Pesantren Al-Furqon Muhammadiyah, the concept of ‘jihad’ means the necessity to struggle in
doing good conducts, in learning activities, for instance, or in any other positive activities. It is not
surprising if from such a pesantren there were emerged national athletes, Olympic math and
science, and any other achievements. Here is a quotation from an interview with one of managers
of the Pesantren Al-Furqon.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Seperti waktu bulan puasa, ada pesantren-pesantren yang keluar mencari orang-orang tidak
puasa. Sweeping, gitu. Jihad, katanya. Kalau di sini kan tidak begitu ya. Ya biarkan saja. Kita juga
heran apa yang dipelajari di sana. Pada prinsipnya pesantren sana juga sama, sebagai lembaga
pengajaran. … Jihad di sini ya belajar secara bersungguh-sungguh. Kita tidak merasa terpanggil
untuk melakukan penyerangan-penyerangan. Perubahan yang diinginkan tidak harus secara
radikal. Kita cari ilmu aja jihad. Ambil kotoran aja jihad. Kita berbakti kepada masyarakat juga
[Like in the fasting month, there are some pesantrens go outside searching the people who do not
fast. Sweeping, like that. Jihad, they say. Here is not like that. Just let it go. We are surprised what
is exactly learnt there [in such pesantrens]. In principle, those pesantrens are also same [with us],
as a learning institution. … Jihad here is to study seriously. We are not invited to do some
offences. The idea of change should not be done radically. We search for knowledge is also jihad.
Taking garbage from the street is also a jihad. We serve the community is a jihad too]. (Interview
Code: C-3; Recorded Code: PIC_0358-0364.AVI).
Activities for women were also existed in the pesantren, even in a smallest pesantren as AsySyahidiyah. The activities are especially religious learning for women, but such women groups
could be more than learning groups. As an example, we can see what is done by a women group
in Pesantren Suryalaya which is called Ibu Bella. ‘Bella’ is the short from ‘Beres Laku Lampah’
(good conduct). This organization was founded on 6th of September 1966. It worked on social field.
Among the activities were: served the orphans, elder people, child rearing, mass circumcision,
gave presents to the workers, complemented kitchen stuffs, educated pre-school children,
founded cooperation, and gave hands to the unfortunate. (Satu Abad Pondok Pesantren
Suryalaya, 2005).
Pesantren Miftahul Huda was also known for its charity to the community. Here is a quotation from
an interview with the Head of Village Kalimanggis, Manonjaya.
Sosialnya bagus pesantren Miftahul Huda. Pesantren itu membagi-bagikan ke fakir miskin, karena
mungkin dia sumbangannya lebih besar mungkin, saya tidak tahu. Bantuan-bantuan dari pusat
disalurkan kepada masyarakat seperti hewan kurban, ke panti jompo, itu bagus. Jadi yang tidak
mampu itu banyak dibantu oleh pesantren.
[Pesantren Miftahul Huda’s social work is very good. The Pesantren gave to the poor, maybe the
charity it had is bigger, I don’t know. The aid from the central [government] was given to the
society like the meat of Ied al-Adha, to elder people, that’s good. So, the unfortunate was helped
by the Pesantren.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded Code: PIC_1115-1118.AVI).
Here pesantrens was really viewed as a social institution. For even an unfortunate could study in a
pesantren. Here is a quotation of an interview with the Head of Sub-Division of Religious Affairs,
Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.
Santri itu diasramakan, dipondokkan. Tetapi kadang-kadang ada santri-santri yang tidak mampu.
Itu beratnya pesantren. Dari mulai makan dan menginap kan ditanggung pesantren. Karena
sifatnya beramal, ikhlas beramal, ya dijalani juga. Ya kalau sekolah di perguruan tinggi kan kalau
tidak bayar ya tidak bisa belajar. Tetapi kalau di pesantren ya sepanjang dia mau ya masih bisa
belajar. Di situlah nampak jelas bahwa pesantren sebagai lembaga sosial.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
[Santri are barracked, lived in pesantrens. But there are some unfortunate students. That is the
difficulty of pesantrens. From eating to living they are guaranteed by pesantrens. Because its
nature of charity, sincere charity, pesantrens are go on. It is clear that in a university if you have no
money you can’t go to study. But in pesantrens, you can live there as long as you can if you want
to study. Here then it is clear that pesantren is a social institution.] (Interview Code: G-2; Recorded
Code: PIC_1101-1102.AVI).
Another thing to be cited in the participation of pesantren to the environment is about cleanliness.
Of the Question No. 56 saying, “How is the participation of pesantren in cleaning the
environment?” there were positive answers as the majority (128: 31 very big, 97 big). Negative
answers were very small (59: 35 less big and 24 not big), smaller than the neutral answers (65).
e. Cultural Development
Pesantren is a place where the talents of the youth grow up. Because they lived and grew in
pesantren, their talents sprang like mushroom in the winter. Here is clear that pesantren can be a
development agent. Among the developed things in cultural development are contest of the
Qur’an, religious songs and music, and any other contests.
Santris who are talented in religious affairs very often participated in the Qur’anic contests
celebrated by Indonesian government nationally, regionally, even locally. In such activities the
talented students in tarannum (musicalities) of reciting the Qur’an can be participated in the
contest of Qira’at al-Qur’an; they who clever in understanding the Qur’an can be participated in the
contest of Tafhim al-Qur’an; they who can memorize the Qur’an can be active in the contest of
Tahfiz al-Qur’an; they who are talented in calligraphy can follow the contest of Calligraphy of the
Qur’an; they who are great in reading Arabic text can also follow the contest; and so on.
In the world of entertainment such as singing, traditional and combination pesantrens had usually
groups of Arabic music (Qasidah). Modern pesantrens, on the other hand, had Arabic song
(Nasyid) groups or even a band.
In turn, all talents can give Islam more shining in many places. Musicalities of the Qur’an are done
by santris before an opening of a program; calligraphy is usually made to adorn mosques and
other places; Qasidah and Nasyid are frequently showed in the end year of the study for santri’s
farewell party or in the ceremony of marriage, or in any other programs. In Pesantren Persis there
is always a humor show combined with bamboo music, named ‘calung’. For such pesantrens with
radio station as Pesantren Suryalaya and Miftahul Huda, the show is everyday, for they should
have time for various programs, whether they are religious, educational, or even entertaining
programs. For instance, Radio Inayah FM of Suryalaya had percentage of programs as follows:
Dangdut songs (30%), Western Pop songs (10%), Indonesian Pop songs (25%), Ethnic (10%),
Religion (20%), and Information (5%). (From Satu Abad Pondok Pesantren Suryalaya, 2005).
The function of radio for Pesantren Suryalaya is especially for the mission of propagation to
various places in West Java. Such is because not everyone can come to the pesantren for
listening to the kiyai’s sermons. The same rationale was uttered by an announcer of Rasimuda
(Radio Siaran Miftahul Huda, Miftahul Huda Radio Station) FM. The difference is the percentage:
Entertainment (10%), News (20%), Religious Studies (70%) (From an interview with an announcer
of Rasimuda, Interview Code: A-3. Recorded Code: PIC_0716-0719.AVI).
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
In essence, Radio Rasimuda was directed to channelize communication between the pesantren
and the Muslims, especially whose who symphatized with the pesantren.
In short, through their programs, pesantrens had helped rural society in advancing its educational,
economic, social, and cultural development. All that is based on the qualities the Muslims should
have, that is, being the servant of God (Abdullah) and the caliph of God. Hence, every Muslim can
do good and right to the Creator (hablum minallah) and to the humans (hablum minannas).
There are some statements to be concluded from this study:
1. Pesantrens had less their roles in the developments of ideology, politics, and safety of the
community of the villages. For they are optional. Here pesantrens only gave their
participation to pesantren insiders, and not to the outsiders.
2. For development of education, pesantrens had given many roles to be considered, for it is
in essence an educational institution. So, everything educational, pesantrens can give its
roles as hard as it can. For they who are ready to learn, pesantrens established
madrasahs, schools, pre-school, and universities. For they who only wanted to get
certificate, pesantrens also had the program of package study group (A, B, and C). For
they who wanted to continue to a higher education, pesantrens provided such scientific
activities as discussion, seminar, workshop, etc. For they who did not come to pesantrens,
pesantrens were ready to send their kiyais, ustazs, or their santris to teach or to preach.
So also, some pesantrens had published magazines; and so on.
3. Even though pesantrens were not economic institution, but it is not denied that pesantrens
had been participated in economic development. That is, for example, pesantrens can
make livings to the teachers, managers, technical workers; can absorbe plumbers; can
produce retailers (food, books/religious books, stationery, clothes, etc.); can found
cooperation; can build gas station, can give a hand in capital for small scale enterprise,
4. Pesantrens are not only an institution of education, but they are also social institutions.
For social development, pesantrens had struggle for the orphans and elderly people;
performed mass circumcision; scholarship for the unfortunate students; gave hands to the
least advantage; gave health services; provided rehabilitation of drug addicts; cooperated
with the society for societal needs such as providing irrigation, bathroom, toilet; doing
cleanliness; etc.
5. As a subculture, pesantrens also took part in developing culture. Here, pesantrens
provided training and contest of the Qur’an (musicalities, memorizing, understanding,
calligraphy, etc.); voice art (nasyid); Arabic music; traditional and modern music;
established radio, etc.
6. Religious matters are really obligation for pesantrens to solve. Here such social programs
as natality, mortality, and marriage should be help by religious institutions like pesantrens.
Besides, pesantrens were also always ready to send their teachers to religious sermons
regularly, on special occasions, or on social/family parties. Religious guidance is not only
based on religious books but also based on experience. Here, then, pesantrens were
ready to serve courses of pilgrimage (hajj) and umrah.
7. Vocational trainings were also done by the society. Such is because pesantrens had
places and funds for vocational education. Such vocational trainings are performed
especially for agriculture and small industry. Vocational trainings on agriculture are,
among others, training for cultivating great rice, sheep breeding, cultivating jarak tree for
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
biodiesel, etc. In industrial field, vocational trainings such as sewings, embroidery,
production of tahu/tempe, and extracting oil of tree were done by pesantrens for the
society to develop economic life of rural society.
Table 3. Role and Participation of Pesantren in Rural Development
* formal school
* higher education
* non-formal package of education
* religious school
* job (teacher, plumber, etc.)
* agriculture product (rice, fish, etc.)
* merchandise
* small scale industry
* shop
* capital
* orphanage
* serve elder people
* child rearing
* mass circumcision
* scholarship
* fund for dissaster
* health service
* serve people coming to pesantren
* drug addict rehabilitation
* give side dish before fasting
* give presents in the celebration of Ied al-Fitri
* give meat in the celebration of ied al-Adha
* work together with the society
* preserve irrigation/water supply
* preserve bathroom, for washing, and toilet
* keep the environment clean
* regular teaching
* admonition in a party
* aid for the dead people
* preaching in Islamic feast calendar
* training for pilgrimage (hajj) and umrah
* contest for the Qur’an (reciting, memorizing, understanding,
calligraphy, etc.)
* voice art (nasyid)
* Arabian music
* traditional and modern music
* radio
* sheep breeding
* socialization of great germ of rice
* socialization of jarak kitchen
Vocational Training
* job training
* agriculture training
* training for producing tahu/ tempe
* training of applied technology
1. Implication of Study
Pesantrens as community development are not new phenomena. For a long time pesantrens were
known as agents for developing rural areas. Pesantrens are community based schools. The
difference is that today the kind of advancement carried by pesantrens is more modern. And
pesantrens showed that modernity is not a disaster, it is blessing. Everything is religious if it is
touched by pesantrens, including development.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
This study shows that Boeke’s opinion (1942) that there was ’dualism’ which cannot be roughly
combined but separated diametrally with economic life in Indonesia, that is, tradisional and
modern; was not happened in pesantrens.
It is better to study pesantrens with transitional (from traditional to modern) society as said by
Abraham (1991) or ‘prismatic’ society as mentioned by Riggs (1985). Such is because that in
pesantrens today, various functions which firstly centered in one hand were now diverged into
specialization, heterogenous, and overlapping. The potrait of the society in pesantrens is
transitional potrait: towards modernity without letting the tradition down.
2. Suggestion
Based on above conclusion and implication, there are suggestions here to elucidate:
1. For the sake of optimalization of functions and roles of pesantrens in the development,
there should be exploratory effort or even formulated the pattern of modern management
which can be applied for developing pesantrens. This is needed especially to anticipate
the development of society which is going to be globalized.
2. Willingness and openness of the pesantren leaders (kiyai) and managers to empower all
existing potentials in their environment, especially through the elevation of quality of
human resources in order to play more role in developing the community to the just and
prosperous society.
3. Connected to the above point (2), it is needed to promote the more open climate to accept
all positive and constructive inputs for developing pesantrens, both in building their
qualities and constructing their institutional roles.
4. Pesantrens were involved in the processes of development of society, especially in rural
areas. There should be training and guidance for knowledge and managerial skill whether
it is for pesantrens’ leadership, institutional development, or for the interest of the society.
5. The pattern of recruitment of leadership which is usually internal, taking from insiders,
should be expanded to outsiders as long as it is not opposed to the main mission of the
pesantrens themselves.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Abdullah, Taufik. (1986). “The Pesantren in Historical Perspective,” in Abdullah, Taufik and
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A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
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International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Codes of Interviews
Code of
Recorded Code
Place/ date of interviews
KH. Asep Tohir Sh.
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
18 Oktober 2008 and 1 Mei
Wawan Al-Farisi
Santri, Vice President
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
19 Oktober 2008
And 1 Mei 2009
Rasyid, Ricky
Santri, Radio Announcer
Ricky Ahmad
Santri, Ma’had ‘Aly
Santri eating porridge
Santri, Regiment (Muharrik)
Santri eating at cafeteria
Agus Rahmat
Santri, Head of Section of
Kyai Al-Faryzant
Kyai Al-Faryzant
Uyun Wahyudin
KH. Asep Hidayat,
Ustaz Iqbal
Headmaster, MTs Al-Furqon
Pak Deddy
Ustaz Yuyu Wahyu
H. Dandi
Shop owner of photocopy
Taylor of Pesantren Suryalaya
and PIC_16761699.AVI
And PIC_17001707.AVI
Ustaz Taimullah
As-Sabieq, S.Th.I.
Ustaz Abdul Aziz
Dra. Yayah Siti
K.H. Baban Ahmad
K.H. Zaenal Abidin
Pak Nana Heryana
Santri Senior /
Head of Administration Pesantren
Headmaster, MTs Persis
Vice Headmaster, SMA Plus
Muallimin Persis
Headmaster, SMA Plus Muallimin
Headmaster, TK Persis Rajapolah
Alumni Pesantren Persis
A son of Muwakif Pesantren
Persis Rajapolah
Secretary of Pesantren
Secretary of Cooperation Khidmat
Pesantren Suryalaya
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
18 Oktober 2008
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
18 Oktober 2008
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
19 Oktober 2008
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
19 Oktober 2008
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
19 Oktober 2008
Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,
19 Oktober 2008
Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong,
19 September 2008
Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong,
18 Oktober 2008
Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong,
18 Oktober 2008
Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong,
18 Oktober 2008
Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong,
18 Oktober 2008
Al-Furqon, Singaparna, 19
September 2008
Al-Furqon, Singaparna, 15
Oktober 2008
Al-Furqon, Singaparna, 17
Oktober 2008
Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008
Rajapolah, 18 Oktober 2008
Rajapolah, 18 Oktober 2008
Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008
Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008
Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
17 Oktober 2008
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
30 April 2009
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
30 April 2009
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
30 April 2009
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
30 April 2009
The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society:
A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia
Hj. Otin
Director of Ibu Bella
Pak Jujun
Pesantren worker and shop owner
PIC_0251 and
PIC_0371.AVI and
K.H. Asep Bakhtiar
Ajengan Uen
Ustaz of Pesantren Ar-Riyadh
Santri and teacher
Dedi Supriadi
Santri and student of university
Santri and vocational student
Heri Hermawan
A son of Kyai
Pak Caca Slamet
Pak Agus Sutisna
Pak Ucu
Pak Agus Abdullah
Pak Hedi Nugraha
KH. Cecep Ridwan,
KH. Ruhiyat
Pak Oto
Pak Surwan, S.Pd.
Pak Junud Junaedi
Drs. H. Muzakir
Supervisor of High Education of
North Tasikmalaya
Head of Sub-section of Religion
and Welfare, Local Government of
Kabupaten Tasikmalaya
Head of Section of Junior High
School, Office of Education,
Kabupaten Tasikmalaya
Section Staff of Departement of
Religious Affairs, Kab.
Head of Village, Kalimanggis,
Kecamatan Manonjaya,
Kabupaten Tasikmalaya
Alumni, Kyai of Pesantren
Miftahul Huda III
Alumni, Kyai of Pesantren Bahrul
Ulum; Vice President of DPRD
Kota Tasikmalaya
Alumni, farmer
Santri’s parent, teacher
Santri’s parent, pesantren’s
Santri’s parent, teacher
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
30 April 2009
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
30 April 2009
Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 19
September 2008
Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15
Oktober 2008
Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15
Oktober 2008
Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15
and 17 Oktober 2008
Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 17
Oktober 2008
Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 17
Oktober 2008
Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15
and 17 Oktober 2008
Rajapolah, Tasikmalaya, 18
Oktober 2008
Kantor Pem. Kab.
Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember
Kantor Dinas Pendidikan
Nasional, Tasikmalaya, 23
Desember 2008
Kantor Depag Kab.
Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember
Manonjaya, Tasikmalaya,
23 Desember 2008
Cibeureum, Kota
Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember
Cibeureum, Kota
Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember
Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong,
18 Oktober 2008
Sumedang, 29 April 2009.
Suryalaya, Pagerageung,
30 April 2009
Kalangsari, Kota
Tasikmalaya, 30 April 2009
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
Suhaili Sarif1*, Nor ‘Azzah Kamri2, Azian Madun3
of Shariah and Management, Academy of Islamic Studies,
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.
2Department of Shariah and Management, Academy of Islamic Studies,
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.
3Department of Shariah and Management, Academy of Islamic Studies,
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.
*Corresponding Author, Email:
The development and advancement of zakat institution in Malaysia has been through time
influenced by the changing social, political and economic situation of the country. An important
phenomenon which shaped the institution is Islamic revivalism. Consequently, zakat has been one
of the institutions which government keened to enhance. Another factor merits to be considered is
the introduction of economic policies in which the government affirmatively inclined towards Malay
Muslims enabling them to compete economically with other wealthier races. Within the spirit of the
policies together with the direct influence by the emerging factors resulted from the revivalism
phenomenon, the government has introduced corporatization of zakat institution, a modern way of
zakat management. This article aims to survey the development of zakat in Malaysia which
reflects the continuous process of Islamic revivalism in the nation. As we shall see throughout the
discussion, the role of zakat institution has been through time expanded to be one of the national
economic tools.
Keywords: zakat administration, Islamic revivalism, Malaysia
Islamic revivalism which swept Malaysia since 1970-s is an important subject in the discussion of
religious development in Malaysia. The phenomenon is to certain extent associated with the
change of Muslims behaviour and the shift of government perception towards Islam. In general,
the ambiance of the revival period features among other the proliferation of religious groups who
call society and government for more Islamic observance. On top of that, the general outlook of
Muslims in Malaysia has also gradually changed with religious practices were more observed than
ever before.
As a reaction to the revival challenge, the government has initiated Islamization projects which
included the improvement and modernization of zakat institution. As a result of an improved
attention given by the government, zakat collection in terms of volume has consistently increased.
From government perspective, zakat is a strategic fund merits to be explored and developed, so
that it can be used to improve the economic condition of Muslims. The government in this aspect
has used the institution in accordance to national inspiration which clearly outlined in economic
policies that Muslim Malays should be helped to be competitive against other races. Thus, zakat in
this aspect, has been in such a way moulded towards achieving such objective. This indicates that
zakat has been perceived as not merely a religious piety, but an important policy in state
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
economy. In attracting payment, zakat authorities has been using propagation approach in which
Muslim society is seemed to be more willing to respond. This indirectly shows that the approach
introduced earlier by religious groups has been slowly accepted and adopted by the government.
This paper aims to survey the general phenomenon of revivalism and its manifestation towards
zakat institution. To achieve its objective, this paper discusses the brief development of zakat in
Malaysia which reflects the gradual change of the institution alongside the backdrop of Islamic
revivalism and other socio political changes in the nation. As we shall see throughout the
discussion, zakat institution, apart from its fundamental role as religious duty for individual
Muslims, has been through time transformed to be one of the national economic tools. Pertaining
to this particular subject, although a few publications have very briefly noted the advancement of
zakat as one example of the government Islamization program, none of them has put the
institution into special context. For this reason, the present paper is, among other purposes, trying
to fill the gap.
This paper aims to survey the general phenomenon of revivalism and its manifestation towards
zakat institution. To achieve its objective, this paper discusses the brief development of zakat in
Malaysia which reflects the gradual change of the institution alongside the backdrop of Islamic
revivalism and other socio political changes in the nation. As we shall see throughout the
discussion, zakat institution, apart from its fundamental role as religious duty for individual
Muslims, has been through time transformed to be one of the national economic tools. Pertaining
to this particular subject, although a few publications have very briefly noted the advancement of
zakat as one example of the government Islamization program, none of them has put the
institution into special context. For this reason, the present paper is, among other purposes, trying
to fill the gap.
1. Islamic Revival
a. Catalysing A Broader Role of Islam
The phenomenon of Islamic revival has been characterised by, among others, the proliferation of
religious organizations and the significant increase in religious awareness among Muslims. There
were many Islamic movements in operation at that time, most notably Angkatan Belia Islam
Malaysia (ABIM), Jamaat Tabligh and Darul Arqam.
ABIM was established in 1971 by several alumni of the National Association of Malaysian Islamic
Students (PKPIM) which mainly provided rooms for graduates and young professionals who were
initially active in university student associations (Judith Nagata, 1980). Since its formation, the
movement has received strong support mainly from youth in higher institutions where both have
strong relations and similar aspirations (Jomo K. Sundaram & Ahmad Shabery Cheek, 1988).
Another movement was Darul Arqam which was established in 1968 by Ashaari Muhammad
(Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid, 1998). Both groups- ABIM and Darul Arqam- eagerly attempted to
solve the nation’s problem through Islam. The latter despite having a more or less similar
orientation with the former, initially showed no interest in politics and less in challenging the ruling
party. Darul Arqam grew by setting up private communities in Sungai Penchala, Terengganu,
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
Penang and many others where the followers tended to show a certain standard of attire such as
wearing robes and turbans (Mohamad Abu Bakar, 1981).
The Jamaat Tabligh is another well-known group in Malaysia. It was a missionary movement
working on a grass roots level of community which originated from Delhi, India and was founded
by Muhammad Ilyas, a Deoband alumnus in 1926 (Peter Mandaville, 2009). The group practically
emulates the practice of its Indian forebearer of travelling in specially dispatched missionary
groups. Making local mosques their makeshift headquarters, a group of missionaries will visit local
Muslims on a door-to door basis and invite them to the daily prayer congregation in the nearest
mosque where further sessions of ta’lim (imparting of knowledge) and bayan (lectures on the
necessity and nature of the Tabligh’s work) will then be delivered (Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid
The emergence of these religious groups has been a challenge to the government in many
aspects. For example, ABIM has given political pressure to the government by aligning itself with
an opposition Islamic party. Showing their support to the Pan Islamic Party (PAS), a few ABIM
members ran for PAS candidature in the 1978 general election. Besides launching campaigns to
support PAS, three of ABIM’s top leaders campaigned on the PAS’s ticket. As a direct result from
the collaboration, the societal support for PAS was dramatically growing, especially in urban
areas, where the party was initially the least popular (Jomo K. Sundaram & Ahmad Shabery
Cheek, 1988).
Apart from that, the organization was also aiming at the formation of Islamic state. This actually
contradicted with the existing role of Islam in the nation. In this particular context, although Islam is
stipulated as official religion in Malaysian constitution, the draft commission clearly reported that
the position of Islam does not imply that the state is a religious one. The provision was merely
intended to fulfil the ceremonial role of solemnization (Joseph M. Fernando 2006). While the
government was strongly of the view that Islam should remain as it was, the Islamic groups on the
other hand called for further and deeper Islamization towards the ultimate formation of a complete
Islamic state (Chandra Muzaffar 2008, Chandra Muzaffar 1989).
However, the views of each organization with regard to political or state matters may vary. ABIM,
in this regard, for instance held that declaring Islam as the nation’s official religion was inadequate.
They demanded a clear avowal of a complete Islamic state where the state law must be based on
Sharia. Besides that, the state economy must be freed from any element of interest or usury with a
complete implementation of zakat replacing the existing taxation system (Jomo K. Sundaram &
Ahmad Shabery Cheek, 1988). Meanwhile, Al-Arqam, amidst having similar aim with ABIM, have
introduced a rather a different way of Islamization. In achieving its objective, the group has set up
its own villages all over Malaysia in which its members tried to strictly observe the Islamic
principles in their daily life. In this context, they initiated an Islamization process beginning from
individual level and small group of people by building a “miniature model” of truly Muslim
community with the belief that a successful model can be replicated later by Muslim society at
large (Mohamad Abu Bakar, 1981).
Darul Arqam used to criticize all Islamization programs initiated by the government and other
religious organizations. According to them, those programs tended to merely rhetoric, slogans and
seminars rather than the effort and struggle to establish a truly Islamic state (Jomo K. Sundaram &
Ahmad Shabery Cheek, 1988). It is unfortunate however that the movement was totally banned by
the government in 1994 as a result of allegations of deviancy due to the observation of Aurad
Muhammadiyya (a systematic chanting of dhikr as practiced by sufis) together with the fanaticism
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
of the members towards their leader Ashaari, and amid accusations of threats to national security
(Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid, 1998). Such an action strongly indicated that the government is
not hesitant to do whatever it takes to get rid of any threatening element of political stability of the
nation and the interest of its party’s survival.
Besides the proliferation of religious groups, the revival phenomenon was also clearly expressed
through the gradual change of the landscape of Muslim practices. It was widely observed that
more and more Muslims returned to mosques and surau (prayer houses) (Hussin Mutalib 1990).
Friday prayers, religious lectures and other events are now a regular part of the youth social scene
(Judith Nagata,1980). The Islamic garb (the apparel which covers majority of female body part)
has been widely chosen by a majority of Muslim females. Muslims have also become considerably
concerned over their dietary rules by only consuming whatever they have been assured to be halal
(Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid 1998). All of these features gradually became norms and as we
could currently see that they are now considered embedded attributes in general Muslims in
Responding to the phenomenon, government has shown more concern over Islam. The
government, gradually over time, has introduced its own Islamization projects in order to deter the
majority Muslims from being attracted by opposition appeals. Since 1980-s, the government
accordingly has introduced Islamization programs such as formation of Islamic banking,
establishing International Islamic University and also empowering zakat institution. In this context,
the government brilliantly recognized the potential link between development and Islam through
which in many instances Islamic institutions have been strengthened and empowered. In the
government’s view, Islam should bring a better life for Muslims in particular and all Malaysians in
One might think why the government came to the point of such projects. In this regard, we should
look into historical context of Malaysian economic background prior to 1970s. It is worth
mentioning that being ethnically multiracial, a clear dividing line of economic imbalance across
ethnic groups has culminated in the 1969 racial riot. The majority ethnic Muslim Malays were
economically less fortunate. Looking at the national statistics in early 1970s for example, the
Malays had the lowest average household income of RM 172 per month as compared to the other
two dominant races, Chinese and Indian, who respectively secured RM394 and RM304. In
addition, the Malays also constituted 65% of the total poor in the country (Firdaus Abdullah, 1997).
As an immediate response to the riot, the government initiated an economic policy which
affirmatively inclined the Malays towards the belief that political stability and national unity could
only be attained if the majority received a fair allocation of the nation’s wealth (Government of
Malaysia, 1971). The New Economic Policy or NEP (1970-1990) which covered four 5-year
Malaysian plans was not merely an economic program. It was also a socio-political agenda to
ensure equitable distribution among ethnic groups, to promote national unity and maintain political
stability (Firdaus Abdullah, 1997). The spirit and overriding objective of the NEP have been
continuously maintained by the subsequent two policies, the National Development Policy (19902000) and National Vision Policy (2001-2010). Each of these covered two 5-year plans (Economic
Planning Unit, Prime Minister’s Department 2004). In this regard the government, in realizing that
racial harmony is a key element of the national wellbeing, has done what was required to restore
and sustain such a positive situation.
The national historical and socio economic background as mention above, can give us a brief
picture regarding the reason why the government introduce such projects. Being the fact that
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
Malays are also Muslims, any improvement in Islamic institutions especially which have economic
potential will directly help improving their economic welfare. Consistent with this approach, the
government has introduced a broader definition of Islamization encompassing all aspects of
Muslims life especially in economic perspective. The Prime Minister himself is of the opinion that
the Islamic state does not merely implement Sharia; rather, he bases his account of government
success on how well it upholds economic development, gender equality, social justice and cultural
Islamization (Chandra Muzaffar 2008).
As far as zakat is concerned, the government has initiated the improvement of the zakat institution
which to that end, the element of better fund management has been introduced. As the new
management of zakat institution approach has been extremely well carried out and adopted, the
institution has been gradually driven towards complementing national aims of empowering Malays.
The evolving process and the interesting pattern of its institutional development will be
predominant in the subsequent sections.
2. Limited Development of Zakat in Malaysia - Pre Islamic Revivalism
As Malaysia is a federation, the power to govern matters pertaining to Islam has remained in the
hands of the individual states, with the federal government dominant in the handling of many other
issues such as security, external and internal affairs, economics and civil law (Refer to the Federal
List of Power, Constitution of Malaysia). It is, however, still a duty of federation within the federal
territories (Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and Putrajaya) to administer Islamic matters such as providing
religious institutions, including zakat, with the necessary bureaucratic support and infrastructure.
As the paper surveys the impact of revivalism towards the development of zakat, it is important for
us to briefly understand about the pre revivalism condition of zakat. In this section, although the
renewed interests in Islam could be traced as early as 1970s, its significant effects towards zakat
could only be seen by the end of 1980s and 1990s. Hence, the details and related statistics shown
in this section, although dated until 1980s, are still considered as part of prior revival practice. As
such, this paper considers the process of corporatization, a new type of zakat management
started in early 1990s, as a marking demarcation between two phases. Such a process will be
thoroughly discussed in the next section.
The zakat institution in Malaysia has formally evolved since the early twentieth century in
conjunction with the establishment of state religious councils (Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab, 1995).
Previously, zakat was a purely personal matter, the proceeds of which were mostly directed
towards eligible recipients based on personal preference (Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad, 1993). The
process of incorporating the religious practice under state administration began as early as 1916
in Kelantan, followed by the adoption of similar systems in other states such as Perlis in 1930,
Johor in 1934, Kedah in 1936, Selangor in 1952, Pahang in 1956, Pulau Pinang and Melaka in
1959 and Federal Territory in 1974 (Ahmad Ibrahim, 1965). The system of collection and
disbursement of zakat has been respectively stipulated in individual states’ religious laws, which
vary slightly from one to another (Ahmad Ibrahim 1965).
The development from the early 20th century until the end of the 1980s was generally
unsatisfactory. Revenue collected during this phase was mainly from two sources; zakat al-fitr, the
due that the majority of Muslims had long since performed without fail, and also zakat on cereal
(particularly unhusked rice) (Aidit bin Ghazali, 1991, Aidit bin Ghazali 1988). Contributions from
other types of wealth were relatively inconspicuous. The pattern of collection of zakat al-fitr within
the total collected zakat fund can be observed in the combined records from several states (The
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
collection and disbursement of the fund at the time were not properly recorded by Religious
councils. This resulted the study regarding the institution has failed to unveiled the complete data
pertaining to its administration), as follows:
Table 1: Zakat al-Fitr Collection in Proportion to Total Collection in Malaysia
(in RM mil) (The data are confined to the collection in West Malaysian States which include Federal Territory, Selangor, Pahang,
Perak, Johor, Penang, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Perlis, Kelantan, Kedah, Terengganu)
Year Zakat al-Fitr Collection Total Zakat Collection Percentage
Source: Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab (1995), “Case Study: Malaysia in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimension and
Implication” in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimensions and Implications. Jeddah: IDB; Aidit Ghazali (1991), “Zakat
Administration in Malaysia” in The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia, Mohamed Ariff (ed). Singapore: Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies.
In agrarian states such as Kedah and Perlis, the zakat on cereal had been the most sought-out
source (Ismail Muhd Salleh and Rogayah Ngah 1980). This was the wealth that caught the
immediate attention of the government for monitoring, as rice cultivation (paddy) was a main
contributor to the then rural economy. It also represented an obvious continuation of customary
practice whereby, prior to the inception of the formal zakat institution, farmers handed over their
harvest to the traditional religious leaders, to show the former’s appreciation towards the latter.
The following table 2 clearly shows the large contribution of paddy to the zakat fund in the two
mentioned states:
Table 2: Zakat on Cereal in the States of Kedah and Perlis in Proportion to Total Collection from 1983 to 1986
RM (mil) %
RM (mil) %
RM (mil) %
RM (mil) %
Source: Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab (1995), “Case Study: Malaysia in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimension and
Implication” in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimensions and Implications. Jeddah: IDB; Aidit Ghazali (1991), “Zakat
Administration in Malaysia” in The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia, Mohamed Ariff (ed). Singapore: Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies.
It is undeniable that other types of wealth such as property and business also contributed to the
zakat collection. It is unfortunate however; these types of zakat were not given much attention by
religious councils. In this respect, the payment was merely based on self-assessment and had to
be made directly to the district zakat institutions. Unlike zakat al-fitr and zakat on cereal, which
were closely monitored by local collectors, most states were unauthorized to collect payment from
other than the two main sources (Aidit bin Ghazali 1991).
As for the disbursement side, the pattern of zakat spending in this period was not predominantly
directed towards the Muslims’ economic improvement. The major portion of the collected fund
went on administrative expenses and to other religious developments, such as the building of
mosques and funding for Islamic propagation activities under the name of ‘amil (zakat collector)
and fi sabilillah (in the cause of God) (Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad, 1993). With limited funding from
government, the religions councils are forced to turn to zakat for their main financial support, apart
from religious financial sources such as waqf (Islamic Trust) and voluntary charity (Abdul Aziz bin
Muhammad 1993).
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
Table 3: Disbursement Based on Eligible Recipients by Selected State in 1986 (in RM)*
Muallaf* Ibn al-Sabil* Fi Sabilillah* Gharimin* Riqab*
262,635 126,002
416,245 388,113 252,000 305,500
Federal Territory 200,080 569,660 114,360 179,480
Negeri Sembilan
312,198 331,345 429,271
Source: Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab (1995), “Case Study: Malaysia in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimension and
Implication” in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimensions and Implications. Jeddah: IDB; Aidit Ghazali (1991), “Zakat
Administration in Malaysia” in The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia, Mohamed Ariff (ed). Singapore: Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies.
*List of eligible recipients (Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad, 1993, Aidit bin Ghazali 1991, Yusuf alQardawi, 1999):
Miskin : poor
Faqir : needy or poorest
‘Amil : zakat collector
Mu’allaf : those whose hearts are to be reconciled or converts
Ibn Sabil : wayfarer
Fi Sabilillah : in the cause of God (includes good deeds and religious propagation
activities in the interest of Islam)
7. Gharimin : debtors
8. Riqab : slaves (includes socials problems creating bondage for Muslims such as drug
abuse, illiteracy and prostitution)
The allocation for the poor and needy, as shown in table 3, was usually less than the amount
received by fi sabillilah and ‘amil except in a few states such as Selangor, Federal Territory and
Kedah. Given the fact that in the decade of the 1980s there was still an abundance of poor and
needy, the allocation was obviously far from sufficient. In this connection, the fund was normally
disbursed only once a year, especially when Muslims were about to celebrate ‘eid al-fitr (first day
of Islamic calendar of Syawal). The poor and needy hence received a sum that was often barely
enough to meet their basic needs. In the 1980s, for example, each poor and needy person
received respectively only RM60 and RM100 in Kedah, RM120 and RM327 in Selangor, and
RM40 and RM60 in Pahang (Mohd Ali Baharom, 1989, Abdul Fatah Khalid, 1988)). Such a
disbursement practice was plainly ineffective in eradicating poverty, let alone improving the
people’s living conditions.
Based on the retrospective overview of zakat provided in this section, it appears that the
administration of zakat in Malaysia was merely facilitating the fulfilment of religious duty by
Muslims. Most of the time, the fund was used for religious administration and Islamic propagation
in the country. With the limited amounts collected, little improvement of Muslims’ economic
condition was achieved. In sum, it could be inferred that the zakat institution was then merely
perceived as a religious duty with the spending merely within the boundary of religious council’s
scope of authority, far removed from a close association with the national economy.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
3. The Impact of Islamic Revival on Zakat Institution
The significant shift in zakat administration was only materialized in early 1990s. The encouraging
improvement of the institution since then could be seen as a manifestation of revivalism. It was
one of Islamization projects sponsored by the government towards a new effective way of zakat
management called corporatization. As reflected from earlier discussion, it was indeed a reaction
of the government towards the national religious revival. We however should aware that the new
administration and infrastructure alone are not sufficient without full cooperation from Muslim
society. Hence, in this context it can also be considered that the willingness of Muslims to
surrender their payment is showing that the spirit and process of revivalism is continuously in
place. This evolving situation could be detailed as follows.
a. Modernization through Corporatization - A Good Start from Government and
Great Reaction from Society
The first concrete effort towards better management of zakat was begun in 1991. The new
technique of fund management was introduced under the federal government through religious
affairs operation in the Federal Territory. The close interrelation between federal government and
religious administration in Federal Territory led to the improvement of religious administration in
this area easier to implement here than in the other states.
The concept of zakat corporatization was the brainchild of Abdul Rahim Abu Bakar, a former Chief
Minister of the state of Pahang, with strong support from Mohd Yusof Noor, the then Minister
overseeing religious affairs in the Prime Minister’s Department. The process started with a
discussion between both individuals on 11 May 1989, during which the former voiced his opinion
to the latter on how to improve the zakat collection system (Abd Rahim Bin Abu Bakar, 1991).
Through a feasibility study of the proposed new mechanism, it was estimated that in Federal
Territory alone, the collected zakat fund should reach around RM60 million ringgit as compared to
the then actual collection, which was merely around RM7 million. The meagre collection strongly
suggested that the institution was extremely undermanaged at the time (Abd Rahim Bin Abu
Bakar, 2007).
Corporatization is a new model of zakat collection, achieved through the establishment of a
company or corporate organization, which manages the fund, replacing the traditional personal
zakat collector and direct administration by state religious councils. A corporate zakat collector,
being a company or organization, is responsible for the complete range of activities such as
planning, organizational setup, hiring and training of staff and publishing annual and monthly
reports, as well as being accountable for all costs and activities involved in zakat collection (Pusat
Pungutan Zakat MAIWP 2003). To ensure that the organization can run viably, it must collect a
sufficiently large amount of zakat on behalf of its parent organization (the State Religious Council),
and in return it receives the collector’s portion at a maximum of one eighth of the total collected
sum (Kikue Hamayotsu 2004).
The performance of the new organization under the name of Zakat Collection Center of Federal
Territory (Pusat Pungutan Zakat, hereafter referred as PPZ) has indeed been encouraging. Since
its inception, the meteoric increase in the collection has exceeded expectations, more than
doubling in the first year and rising consistently since then. The collection records from its
inception through 2008 are as indicated in the table below.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
Table 4: Zakat Collection in Federal Territory from 1991 to 2008
Year Zakat al-Mal Zakat al-Fitr
(in RM mil)
Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Tahunan, various issues. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.
The corporatization of zakat in Federal Territory has inspired other states to follow suit.
Consequently Penang, Selangor and Pahang ended by adopting a similar model a few years later
(Harian Metro 1992, Ab Rahim Zakaria 2007). More recent developments have shown that only a
few states (Kelantan, Terengganu, Perlis, Kedah and Johor) still retain the collection directly under
religious councils. However, they too have benefited from the development by introducing some
changes, especially use of the comprehensive computerized system; with some new collection
practices being gradually adopted (Baitulmal Negeri Perlis, 2009). The pattern of increase in the
fund collection signified the effectiveness of the new organization and its acceptance by the
Muslim populace. Table 5 below portrays the achievement of the zakat institution from 2000
whereby the collection has reached more than RM one billion in 2008, a tremendous jump from
the barely-achieved RM 30 million annually at the end of the 1980s.
Table 5: Zakat Collection by State from 2000 through 2008 (in RM mil)
Federal Territory 58.92
96.38 110.63 130.14 147.59 173.82 211.36
86.20 108.83 133.12 159.83 202.19 244.41
Negeri Sembilan 10.62
261.44 320.37 373.92 408.43 473.26 573.08 670.64 806.28 1038.26
Source: Syawal Kasam (2008), “Governing Zakat as a Social Institution: The Malaysian Perspective”, in Southeast Asia Zakat
Movement, M. Arifin Purwakananta (eds). Jakarta: Forum Zakat, p. 114; Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat,
various issues. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
Besides the greater achievement in the amount collected, the type of wealth contributing to the
total sum of the fund also changed its pattern. In contrast to the period prior to corporatization, the
main source of the zakat is now no longer zakat al-fitr and cereals; rather the current greatest
contributors are personal income as well as business earnings. For example in 2008, from the
over a billion total national zakat collection, zakat al-fitr contributed only RM 83.87 million,
indicating that the new type of zakat management has successfully encouraged Muslims to pay
more zakat al-mal. As far as the type of wealth constituting zakat al-mal is concerned, table 6
clearly shows that the 2008’s zakat from personal vocations and business are the two largest
sources of wealth for the collection.
Table 6: Contribution from Personal Income and Business Income to Total Zakat Collection in 2008 (in RM mil)
Income (A) Income (B)
Zakat al-Mal
Federal Territory
Negeri Sembilan
Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat 2008. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.
The interesting phenomenon revealed by the above table is that personal earnings provided the
most wealth collected in the majority of states. Some states, however, recorded that business
earnings surpassed the collection from personal income. Although the trend of payment needs to
be investigated further, simple observation could indicate that the change in sources of wealth as
compared to previous decades reflects the shift in economic activities of Muslims in Malaysia and
the economic progress of the country.
The growth in collection however, has posed a challenge to the zakat institution to distribute the
fund more effectively. As far as the disbursement aspect is concerned, the greater portion has
gone to poverty eradication. The general trend of fund disbursement after the corporatization can
be observed in the following tables showing the disbursement statistics for 2000 and 2008.
Table 7: Zakat Disbursement by State in 2000 (in RM mil)
Miskin Faqir ‘Amil Mu’allaf Ibn al-Sabil Fi Sabilillah
Federal Territory
Negeri Sembilan
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat 2000-2001. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.
Table 8: Zakat Disbursement by State in 2008 (in RM mil)
Miskin Faqir ‘Amil Mu’allaf Ibn al-Sabil Fi Sabilillah Gharimin
Federal Territory 20.51 22.67 31.64
51.17 11.39 30.39
Negeri Sembilan
1.85 5.841
6.68 11.37
Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat 2008. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.
The tables 7 and 8 show that in the majority of states, the fund went mostly to four groups of
recipients, namely faqir, miskin, ‘amil and fi sabilillah. The former two grants reflect the allocation
for poverty eradication, while the latter two imply the religious institutions’ expenses in every state
including zakat itself. As the spending for all these groups has been increasing consistently along
with the rising collection, it could be inferred that poverty eradication and financing Islamic
institutions are the two aspects of greatest concern in the recent zakat disbursal approaches.
Since Islamic institutions are the responsibility of the state religious councils to finance, it is
unsurprising to find that most of the time, the allocation for fi sabilillah and ‘amil are among the
highest in the majority of states. In the year 2000, as table 7 clearly shows, the provision for these
groups is significantly higher than that for the miskin and faqir combined in the majority of states
except three, namely Sabah, Terengganu and Kedah. This pattern, however, changed in 2008
when five of the 12 states in the table 8 distributed more of the fund towards poverty eradication.
Such a pattern indicates the increasing concern of the zakat institution and religious authorities
about the poverty problem in their respective states.
In addition to the higher disbursement of zakat, various programs have been also introduced
under the heading of faqir and miskin for providing the recipients with financial and also nonfinancial support. In Selangor and Federal Territory, zakat authorities for example have outlined
more than 20 programs for each faqir and miskin group, ranging from monthly allowances to
business aid. Overall, the distribution approach has been shaped in such a way as to raise the
living conditions of the recipients (Jabatan Wakaf Zakat dan Haji 2007).
Apart from the initiatives stated above, another improvement in the disbursal approach is that the
fund is now distributed for permanent relief of the poor. To achieve this aim, zakat is now
disbursed for the purpose of income generation, not merely giving the poor a financial allowance
but also providing them with necessary skills so that they can become permanently independent.
In this context, Selangor, Federal Territory and Kedah are among states actively offering such a
program. Federal Territory and Selangor in 2008 alone spent more than RM three million and RM
five million respectively.
Besides the active role of the government in improving its management, it is worth mentioning that
the encouraging development was also, to certain extent, induced by the constant growth in
Islamic consciousness among Muslims. The PPZ in this respect, based on its own observations,
openly admitted the contribution of such factor. This also reflected the direct and indirect impact of
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
religious movements, as earlier listed. Although the statement was never systematically proven
and merits further investigation, it cannot be totally rejected, in as much as the number of religious
movements has continued to increase. ABIM, for example, has 65000 members currently, and
actively cooperates with zakat management in various states, especially with the PPZ and Zakat
Board of Selangor.
Another interesting element worth to mention is pertaining to the way the corporatized zakat
organization operates whereby they prefer to use the approach of persuasion more rather than
merely through coercive legal enforcement. As the propagation of Islamic teachings is one of
important elements used by religious groups back in 1970s, such a practice clearly indicates that
the similar approach is seemed effective to be put into practice in modern zakat administration.
In this particular aspect, it was clearly stated in its objective that the PPZ was also determined to
improve the awareness of the population pertaining to their obligation of zakat (Pusat Pungutan
Zakat 1994). The commitment was accordingly delivered through the organization’s policy of
spreading the words pertaining to zakat all over Malaysia. In the early years of its inception for
example, the PPZ’s officers have delivered up to 600 talks annually all over Malaysia (PPZ has
organized 607 zakat talks in 1991, 417 in 1992, 140 in 1993, 116 in 1994 and 154 in 1995. Please
refer to zakat reports in the respective year). There were also many discussions and briefings
provided by the PPZ regarding the new system for any interested parties. The organization was
open to share their expertise with any interested parties – particularly with other states’ religious
councils. This shows the genuine motive of the PPZ by the fact that it could not manipulate or
attract other people who resided outside federal territory to submit their payment to them.
b. Converging Zakat into Malaysian Economic Policy
The excellent record of collection has induced a positive response and further change in fund
management practice in at least two other related aspects: greater federal government interest in
zakat administration through improvement of coordination between states, and ultimately, the
incorporation of the institution within broader national development policies by means of national
plans. The government though time has tried to assert further their power in the institution by
trying to initiate a nationally coordinated zakat (This initiative although has been voiced in the
1980-s, the concrete move was only evident on 1992, two years after the corporatization). In 1992
for example, Minister of Finance, together with ministers in the Prime Minister Department, have
frequently voiced the government’s aspiration of coordinating zakat management in Malaysia
(Azhar Mohd Nasir, 1999, Kikue Hamayatsu 2004). On top of that, during the tabling of the 1993
Federal Budget, Finance Minister officially announced that zakat would be collected nationally by
Internal Revenue Department (IRD), a federal department collecting taxation (Azhar Mohd Nasir
(1999), Berita Harian (1992), “Kutipan Zakat Perlu Rancak”, 1992). Through a number of very
productive seminars, IRD has also shown its readiness to collect zakat along with other secular
taxation (Berita Minggu (1993), Berita Harian (1993), “Boleh Bayar Zakat di JHDN”, 1993). These
efforts, however, remained as political statements without getting positively accepted by the Rulers
Council (Majlis Raja-raja), the highest body, who it was hoped would give a final nod of
relinquishing the individual ruler’s power over zakat to federal government. Regularly, however,
the constitution was made a scapegoat for their reluctance to subscribe to the suggestion (Azhar
Mohd Nasir (1999), The Sun (1996), “Special Agency to Collect Zakat From Firms”, 1996). The
silent rejection of the rulers suggested that they will not easily hand over their power to the federal
government, and in the matter of the advancement of religious institution, the cooperation between
federal and state is more welcomed rather than solely taken over by the federal.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
From a broader economic development perspective, zakat has also been increasingly seen as a
potential tool in poverty eradication, complementing other, secular approaches implemented by
the government. The federal government, with regard to this aspect, since early 2000 has been
gradually incorporating the fund into national economic plans, something that has never happened
before. In 2001, for instance, zakat was included in the Malaysian Prospective Plan (2000-2010), a
strategic plan indicating the economic direction of the decade, so that it could be used for the
development of Malay Muslims (Government of Malaysia, 2001). This aspiration was again spelt
out in the Ninth Malaysia Plan (2006-2010), a more specific economic program expanding the
earlier one. The later plan stated that the fund should be directed towards poverty eradication, in
the way that the zakat institution in many states is currently inclining. As for effective management,
it was recommended that the Zakat Collection Center of Federal Territory should be replicated and
corporate management adopted. Additionally, the plan stipulated that the Department of Waqf,
Zakat and Hajj, a new established federal department, would be responsible for monitoring the
development and would stimulate cooperation between states (Government of Malaysia, 2006,
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, 2006, Dewan Rakyat, 2006). This obviously shows recognition of the
huge potential of the fund in the economy and provides a starting point for a more serious
convergence between zakat and other economic institutions. The plan makes it explicit that zakat
is increasingly a focus of governmental attention, which is undeniably good for its further
advancement. It also conveys an implicit view that the government needs to venture on a lucrative
source of funding to help achieve its long-term objective, namely, empowering Malays
economically against non-Malays.
From the discussion, it could be concluded that the introduction of corporatization has been a
revolutionizing factor leading to the increased collection and advancement of the zakat institution
since the 1990s, and ultimately to greater fund distribution. Since the fund has the potential for
poverty eradication, it can also be suggested that the institution should play a greater part in
economic development beyond its original role as an expression of religious piety.
As has been self-evident throughout the discussion, the Islamic revivalism in Malaysia has
considerably changed the overall practice of zakat. The religious groups which ploriferated during
that period have called society and government for greater commitment towards Islam. In
addition, there was also a significant change in the outlooks of Muslims in general where they tend
to show greater observance towards the Islamic duty and rituals. The phenomenon consequently
has given a tremendous political and social pressure to the government in which it must
accordingly respond. As a response, the government has then become more concern over Islamic
institutions. In this aspect, the government has to reconcile between the demand of increasing
Islamic awareness and the existed national economic agenda by creatively opting for Islamization
through which Islam and Muslim is empowered economically.
As far as the zakat institution is concerned, the government has initiated corporatization, a modern
way of managing the fund. In this aspect, there are elements of revivalism could be observed in
the newer practice of zakat administration signifying the influence of the phenomenon in the
institution. For example, the new zakat administrations prefer to use propagation approach to
persuade payment and do not focus on legal enforcement. On the other hand, Muslims also have
shown a better reaction by gradually increasing their payment to the level that never been
happened before. Ultimately, the government through time has slowly embraced the zakat
institution into the broader national economic plan. All of these features denote a continuous
manifestation of evolving process of revivalism in the nation.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
In sum, the revivalism has changed the perception of society and government towards zakat.
From a broader context, the institution is no longer perceived as merely a religious duty but also
as part of national tool of economic development. The government in particular and Muslims in
general are gradually aware of the importance of the fund in helping them to achieve national
development goal, far beyond its earlier role as a fund to only show appreciation towards religious
people or to help running religious institutions. Should we look into the current development we will
find that any improvement in the institution is definitely heading towards the similar direction.
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The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration
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International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim
At Tasikmalaya, West Java
Yadi Janwari1
Sharia and Law, State Islamic University Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung.
The difference of religious understanding does not have a significant relationship with economic
behavior, especially entrepreneurship. The difference of religious understanding to traditional
understanding and modern understanding becomes no longer significant to be associated with
economic behavior. This means that the study of economic behavior associated with the
difference of religious understanding to traditional understanding and modern understanding is
very biased. This is because the most decisive variable in understanding the flow of economic
behavior is not religious understanding, but rationality in economic decisions taken based on
traditions, values, and straightforward arguments. This study have different conclusion with finding
of Max Weber, Robert N. Bellah, David C. McClelland, and Clifford Geertz theories, in the context
of socio-economic disciplines which states that there is a correlation between modern religious
understanding and economic behavior. Their conclusion were not true base on is the fact that
people who have an understanding of modern religious relate to economic behavior. In fact, based
on this research, religious understanding that relates with economic behavior is precisely
traditional religious understanding. Variables that determine the flow of economic behavior is not a
religious understanding, but the rationality in economic behavior. Therefore, the emphasis of the
conclusions formulated by Max Weber, Robert N. Bellah, David C. McClelland, and Clifford Geertz
is not in its modern religious ideas, but in the rationality held by economic actors. Their conclusion
may be justified if there is any further explanation that the modern religious understanding is
rational and has implications for other aspects of life, including the aspect of economic activity.
Besides, their finding could not generalized and gone into effect to other place owning different
Keywords: entrepreneurship, economic behavior, modernist mouslim, traditionalist mouslim,
In the effort to fulfill the life world of the necessities of life, Islam has provided the basic principles
of economics. The basic principles of economics is intended as a basic guide to men in carrying
out their economic activities do not violate the terms of religion and could create the ultimate
human benefit. Thus, Islam as a religion has a significant relationship with economic behavior.
This means that religious belief has relationship with it parishioners entrepreneurial. In
implementation, Muslims entreprenership linked to the religious understanding of Islam.
Sorting of Islamization understanding today is traditional Islamic (traditionalists Muslim) and
Modern Islamic (modernist Muslim). Sorting both Islamization understanding is based on notion of
differences in viewpoints and methods of thinking used by both understanding. During its
development, the school of thought has relationships with other variables, such as political,
economic, social, and cultural. In the study of economics shows that the flow of thought in Islam
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java
have a relation with economic behavior, including what happened in Indonesia. Clifford Geertz, for
example, had put forward a thesis that there are relationship between religious beliefs - modernistpuritanical Muslim and economics behavior among Muslims in Mojokuto (Cliford Geertz, 1968).
However, thesis is advanced Geertz can not be generalized to all regions, especially the
development of understanding of the Islamization that occurred in Indonesia today has undergone
such assimilation. In addition, the variables that affect economic behavior may have been
amended in line with the changing times, which currently allows very varied. Therefore, in fact it
could be modern Islam does not have a significant relationship with economic behavior, or on the
contrary, traditional Islam has a significant relationship with economic behavior. The concept of
grace (berkah), according to Bambang Pranowo, dominated much Islamic community. In fact, the
concept of berkah is not only a monopoly of Islamic societies, but also occurs in the community of
successful entrepreneurs, such as the Chinese (M. Bambang Pranowo, 1999).
Tasikmalaya, West Java Province, Indonesia, has a different indications with thesis is advanced
by Geertz. On one hand, Islam is growing in Tasikmalaya is traditional Islam; but on the other side,
entrepreneurship is growing rapidly. Be categorized as traditional Islam because the Muslims in
Tasikmalaya still adhere to local Islamic tradition, in addition to the theologically inclined on
theocentric followers and found boarding is based on Salafiyah, of course, was founded by Kyai
who tend to maintain and preserve the old traditions.
While Tasikmalaya is expressed as an area with entrepreneurship a highly developed, in
Tasikmalaya is found a variety of economic activities engaged in various fields, such as industry,
cooperatives, trade, and agricultural technology. Based on the results of preliminary studies show
that currently there are around 10 454 in Tasikmalaya business units engaged in the industry, 571
cooperatives, 19 299 UKM, 40 microfinance institutions, and 15 BMT. Empirical data is much
higher compared with the statistical data held elsewhere in West Java.
From the background of this issue, then major question that will be answered in this paper is,
whether there is a significant relationship between religious beliefs with economic behavior?
However, the issue of religion is still considered very large, then there should be restrictions and
then focused on the flow of religious understanding, more specifically an understanding of
traditional Islam. From the main problem is formulated the question more specifically as follows: is
there a significant relationship between traditional religious understanding with entrepreneurial
Studies that correlate between religion and economic behavior, actually is not a new study. Since
end of the 19th century the study of these themes have emerged to surface. Max Weber has
initiated studies on this theme with the title of "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism".
According to Weber, Protestantism ethics that developed in the 18th century in the West Erofa is a
philosophy that gives cultural basis for the development of capitalism and the industrial revolution.
Renewal of Christian ethics that produce behavior is required for the growth of capitalism. Thus,
according to Weber, there was an effective affinity between religious beliefs among ascetic
Protestantism and the spirit of rational modern capitalism in West.
In addition to Max Weber, also founded a similar study conducted by Clifford Geertz around 19531954. In the book "Peddlers and Princes: Social Change and Economic Modernization in Two
Indonesian Towns" stated that the business community leaders in Mojokuto is largely reformers
Muslim. Geertz found most business leaders of textile, tobacco, and a number of shops and
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java
businesses is dominated by modernist-puritanical Muslim. Therefore, Geertz concludes that
Islamic reformism, in its puritan Muslim, is doctrine of majority merchants.
Weber and Geerzt findings were strengthened by Kenneth E. Boulding. According to Boulding,
religion also influence decision-making regarding the types of commodities produced, the
formation of economic institutions and practices of economic behavior. In the 16th and 17th
century the Protestant Lutheran, reformer and episcopal, greatly affect to "commercial revolution"
in Britain, Netherlands, Germany and Scandinavia. In 18th and 19th century role of Protestantism,
especially Methodist and Quakers church, increase in "industrial revolution". Religion serves as a
prophetic religion and act as a revolutionary force that stirred human thought and feeling of
routine, so as to encourage progress (Kenneth E. Boulding, 1970).
James L. Peacock (1978) in "Muslim Puritans: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam"
states that during 600 years trade and Islam have been united in Southeast Asia, and for 75 years
trade united with the reforms (Islam) (James L. Peacock, 1978). These Peacock`s findings seem
to confirm a thesis who suggested a correlation between entrepreneurship spirit with reformistpuritan Muslim in Indonesia. In "Purifying the Faith: the Muhammadijah Movement in Indonesian
Islam" Peacock proves tendencies reformist-Puritan Muslim oriented to work achievement.
In context of other religions, Robert N. Bellah in "Beyond Belief: Essays on Religion in the Post
Traditional World" states that Takugawa religion provide clues about economic behavior. Some
values are taught, through formulation of a new theology, have an impact in the work ethic. Thus,
Takugawa religion is one factor that contributed to birth of capitalism in Japan (Robert N. Bellah,
David C. McClelland stated that the ethics of Protestantism can be formulated as a "desire to
achieve". However, this symbol of desire to achieve can also be mixed from other religion. With U
Test Mann-Whitney (a non-parametric statistical method), McClelland can obtain conclusion that
supports Weber`s theory, that by year 1950, states that Protestant majority, is more advanced
than Catholic countries (David C. McClelland, 1961).
In addition to above some studies, it found too few books that describe relation of religion to
economic behavior, especially in Indonesia. Among these books are Alfian (1970): Agama dan
Masalah Perkembangan Ekonomi (Religion and Problem of Economic Development), Taufik
Abdullah (1978): Agama, Etos Kerja, dan Pembangunan Ekonomi (Religion, Work ethic, and
Economic Development), M. Dawam Rahardjo (1990): Etika Ekonomi dan Manajemen (Ethics of
Economics and Management), and Fatah Nanat Nasir (1999), Etos kerja Wirausahawan Muslim
(Work Ethic of Muslim Entrepreneurs). The fourth book concludes that Islam teaches work ethic.
Islam has a close relationship in an effort to foster work ethic of its adherents. Religion, work ethic,
and economic growth are variables that are interconnected and influence each other.
From above description of literature review, in general studies and authors explain that there is a
significant relationship between the modern understanding of religious with economic behavior.
While traditional understanding of religious has a negative relationship with economic behavior.
But today, correlation between segregation of religious understanding with economic behavior is
more dispersed. This is due to variables that determine to economic behavior more varied.
Therefore, religious understanding just being one of the variables that determine economic
behavior from religion follower.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java
Variables that determine economic and entrepreneurial behavior is not a modern religious
understanding but rationality of economic behavior and entrepreneurial. Rationality in this study is
that economic behavior is based on rational considerations in economy. According to Robert H.
Frank, rationality in economic behavior that consists two types, self interest rationality and presentaim rationality (Robert H. Frank, 2003).
This study is one part from social economic studies in economics called institutional economics.
Institutional economics is study of structure and function of the development of relations between
people associated with provision of material goods and services to satisfaction of human needs.
Institutional economics is study of cultural relationships patterns changing that associated with
creation and sale of scarce goods and services by individuals and groups in personal views and
common purpose (Warren J. Samuels, 1988).
This study is one part from social economic studies in economics called institutional economics.
Institutional economics is study of structure and function of the development of relations between
people associated with provision of material goods and services to satisfaction of human needs.
Institutional economics is study of cultural relationships patterns changing that associated with
creation and sale of scarce goods and services by individuals and groups in personal views and
common purpose (Warren J. Samuels, 1988).
1. Entrepreneurship and the Theory of Rationality in Economic Behaviour
Entrepreneurship means courage, virtue, and courage in meeting the needs and life problems
solving with power that is within oneself (Wasty Sumanto, 1984). Entrepreneurs are people who
are able to combine nature, labor, capital and expertise, so as to produce something useful for
public good. In addition to emphasis on aspect of productivity, Shumpeter add an element of risk
takers. This opinion is in line with Savary`s opinion (1973) which states that entrepreneurship is to
buy goods at fixed prices, although he did not know at how much price the goods (or to economy)
that will be sold later (Suhardi Sigit, 1980).
With this description, it is understood that entrepreneurship includes a dynamic process, a process
of creation by adding value to something that is achieved through hard work and time to estimate
the funding support, physical and social risks, and will receive a reward in profits and satisfaction
and personal independence. On understanding of entrepreneurship, it appears there is a
difference because there are differences in emphasis of attention and emphasis. Schumpeter
emphasizes entrepreneurship as an attempt to run a combination of new activities (Joseph. A.
Schumpeter), Kirzner emphasizes entrepreneurship as an exploration of various opportunities
(Israel Kirzner, 1979), Knight emphasizes entrepreneurship as an attempt to deal with uncertainty
(Frank Knight, 2006, William B. Greer, 2000), and Say emphasize entrepreneurship as a joint
effort to obtain the factors of production (Jean Baptista Say, 1816, Buchari Alma, 2009).
From above description, it is understood that entrepreneuship is essentially an person's spirit,
attitude, behavior, and ability to handle business or activity that leads to search, create, and
implement a new way of working, technologies and products to improve efficiency in order provide
better service and earn greater profits. Entrepreneurship is an independent attitude and behavior
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that can incorporate elements of creativity, taste, and work or is able to combine elements of
creativity, challenge, hard work and satisfaction to achieve maximum performance.
There are several theories related to entrepreneurship. First, neo-classical theory which views the
company as a technological term, in which management only know company costs and revenues,
and calculated mathematically to determine optimal values from decision variables (Martin A.
Carree and A. Roy Thurik, 2006). Second, Schumpeter's theory which states that to achieve the
balance necessary actions and decisions from economic actors who have repeated the "same
way" to achieve balance (David A. Reisman, 2004). Third, Austrian School theory which states
that economic problems include social mobilization from hidden knowledge that is fragmented and
scattered through interaction of the entrepreneur competition (Sandye Gloria, 1999). Fourth,
Kirznerian theory which declared that "knowing where to look for knowledge" (Israel M. Kirzner,
1993), which means that only utilize this knowledge an entrepreneur can produce satisfaction and
In addition to above theories, there is also called entrepreneur theory from perspective of
individual, namely: (1) life path change which states that not all entrepreneurship is born and
developed following a systematic and planned pathways, but was born through a natural process
and even drastically birth (A. Shapero and L. Sokol, 1982), (2) goal directed behavior which states
that entrepreneurship is born as motivated to achieve certain goals (Benjamin B. Wolman, 1973),
and (3) Outcome expectancy which states that entrepreneurship was born as a consequence
conviction will be accepted after performing certain actions (A. Bandura, 1986).
2. Rationality in Economic Behaviour
Rationality in economic behavior is defined by the conventional economic is materialisticindividualistic (Umer Chapra, 2000). Person economic behavior is considered a rational if that
behavior can bring in immaterial profits. In the concept of "rational economic man", all economic
action is always oriented towards use values and personal interests (Fiona E. Leach and Angela
W. Little, 1999). Personal interests (self-interest) is core of the concept of "rational economic man"
which was developed in the conventional economy. According to Edgeworth, first principle of
economics is that all economic actors driven by self-interest (F. Y. Edgeworth, 1932). This is in line
with Adam Smith, the founder of capitalist system, which advocated a laissez fire in which
individuals are motivated by self-interest. According to Smith, self-interest is a controlling force for
individual to resolve economic activity (Robert B. Ekelund, JR. and Robert F. Hebert, 1983).
Besides supported by rational economic man, rationality in economic behavior is also supported
by rational expectations theory. The emergence of this theory is based on premise that economic
situation is going to happen in future, among others, depend on what is expected by economic
actors themselves. Rationality itself in rational expectations theory is defined as actions that can
provide benefit, advantage or a satisfaction maximum with lowest cost (William A. McEachern,
2009). In other words, rationality of economic behavior will be determined by how big profit margin
of cost for manufacturer or how much did scarcity of cost for consumers.
In addition to rational economic man theory and rational expectations theory, in view of the
rationality of economic behavior is also supported by rational choice theory. This theory is a
framework to understand and demonstrate social and economic behavior. Moreover, this theory is
also dominant theoretical paradigm in microeconomics (Humberto Barreto, 1989). In rational
choice theory, 'rationality' means that a person making a judgment before taking action to balance
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costs and benefits before taking action (Mark Irving Lichbach, 2003). Thus, in rational choice
theory, all decisions is taken by a rational process by considering costs and benefits.
From above description, it can be concluded that study of rationality in economic behavior can be
used three main theories, namely rational economic man theory, rational expectations theory, and
rational choice theory. The third theory of economic behavior can be seen using a different
viewpoint. Rational economic man theory considers that human economic behavior is rational
when considering benefit and self-interest. While rational expectations theory view economic
behavior is rational when making predictions about economic variables that will happen in the
future by using a variety of information that have been and are being, as well as the case may be.
Rational choice theory view economic behavior is rational when considering cost incurred with
benefit and profit to be received.
3. Traditional Islam in Tasikmalaya
Islam arrived in Tasikmalaya at this region was ruled by Prabu Surawisesa from Pajajaran. Prabu
Surawisesa government began forced by Islamic empire movement that is spearheaded by
Cirebon and Demak. Since 1528 Sunan Gunung Jati around to entire Tatar Sunda to preach
Islam. When Pajajaran getting weak, his authority areas especially those located in eastern part
try to escape. Thus, it is certain that Islam began to get into Tasikmalaya occurred at beginning
16th century through route Cirebon.
At time Islam came in Tasikmalaya, Islamic struggle with local culture is not inevitable. In early
days Islam came in Tasikmalaya - and perhaps to this day, Muslims still strongly believe at sacred
objects, sacred tombs, shaman divination, and ghosts (Edi S. Ekadjati, 1984). Muslims don`t only
make Islamic as source of guidance in his life, but also hold on a local tradition that has been
passed down from generation to generation.
Another most interesting, Tasikmalaya religious life of community in relation to local culture is a
religious ritual. Institution's most popular religious ritual in Tasikmalaya society today is lebaran,
marhabaan, yasinan, tahlilan, and slametan (Nur Syam, 2005). This religious ritual tradition
appears to reflects contiguity between "mainstream" Islam with tradition and culture that emerged
in local community. Because, however, ritual traditions are not visible on religious content is
delivered by Muhammad Saw, but this is culture of local community as a area where Islam is
growing and developing.
Thus, although Islam came in Tasikmalaya long time, does not necessarily mean that people's life
and religious character Islam completely. In everyday life, mystical practices that are based on
local traditions and doctrine of ancestors are still held by public. The majority of Muslims still
maintain ancestral religion that is still ongoing. In fact, efforts to preserve this ancestral religion has
given rise to a separate community, which they call their religion "Sunda Wiwitan".
Tasikmalaya community pragmatic acceptance to Islami can not be separated from context of
economy political at the time. Commercialization current has become economy mainstream in
Sunda, especially since opening of plantations at end of seventeenth century has created its own
mechanism that is built on basis of economic networks that cross borders (Nugroho Notosusanto,
1993). Ability to survive in this economic mechanism can only be owned by people who
understand economics network and able to utilize this network for its economic interests. In this
context, Islam is option most likely to enter network of indigenous entrepreneurs, in midst of
competition with European businessmen who have political support from colonial state.
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Therefore, when Sheikh Abdul Muhyi spread Islam in Tasikmalaya at end of seventeenth century,
role is given by Regent of Tasikmalaya, RT Wiradadaha III, in process is not only personal, but it
involves institutional instruments. Regent totally support Islamization that is led by Sheikh Abdul
Muhyi. As a result of strong relationship between ulama and rulers of Islam makes Tasikmalaya
easily accepted by society. However, from here shows that Islamization of Tasikmalaya, even from
the beginning, is a process that is spread from the "top down". Role of the ruler is not just to
spread Islam, but also about the kind of Islam that must be disseminated to public. Islamic types
are generally offered Sunni, which ruler occupies a strong position in people.
From above description, it is understood that traditional Islam appear in Tasikmalaya with the
arrival of Islam to this area. Because, when Islam arrived in this community is growing and
evolving traditions that express animism, dynamism, and even Hinduism and Buddhism.
Therefore, it is natural that later in the course of Islam will wrestle with these tradisions, which is
often called by local religious culture.
This understanding situation goes on and it still feels very strongly today in some places in
Tasikmalaya. The struggle between Islam to local culture continues to this day. In early days of
Islam came in Tasikmalaya - and even to this day, Muslims are still strongly believe in sacred
objects, sacred tombs, shaman divination, and ghosts. The fact of understanding and practice of
Islam tune with what is delivered by Charles Kurzman. Kurzman said some indicators of traditional
Islam (Islamic customary), namely: understanding that combines Islam with local traditions,
respect for sacred character, believe to ghost, belief to things that are unseen and places
considered sacred (Charles Kurzman, 1998).
4. The History of Entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya
The seeds of entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya have started to emerge since the end of 17th
century (Simon Philpott, 2003). The indication, at this time had found merchants who can meet
necessity of community. Only, the entrepreneur who emerged at this time more form of traders,
that economic activity only includes buying and selling activities. Economic activities which include
production, distribution, and circulation that is run by an entrepreneurial unit at this time did not
seem to surface.
Entrepreneurship in this period is generally dominated by two race descent, ie descendants of
Arab and Chinese descent entrepreneurs. Entrepreneur of Arab descent are usually engaged to
trade clothing and other household items, while Chinese entrepreneurs are usually engaged to
trade staples such as rice, fuel, and side dishes. Entrepreneurs Sunda let alone identified as
Muslim entrepreneurs have not looked at this time. Sundanese people a lot more work as
laborers, especially in remote rural farm workers. However, there are also some Sundanese who
plays as a "skipper land", especially in remote villages in Tasikmalaya.
Institutionalization of entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya supposedly comes with the emergence of
Islamic Trade Unions (Serikat Dagang Islam - SDI) at beginning of 20th century. Mentioned in the
history that establishment of SDI is motivated by idea to raise Muslims entrepreneurial (Badri
Yatim, 1997). The economy was dominated by non-Muslims, particularly ethnic Chinese (M.
Dawam Rahardjo, 1990). As socio-economic movements, SDI trying to build institutionalization
and economic networks among Muslims and indigenous peoples, particularly indigenous in
Tasikmalaya. Since then emerging entrepreneurs engaged in trading.
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In the next development, trade is no longer the only entrepreneurship field to society. Society will
begin to look other business field with regard to potential local funding, particularly natural
resources, so then born entrepreneurs engaged in handicrafts, such as bamboo crafts, sandal
wood crafts, pandanus craft, and mendong craft. Establishing entrepreneurs in crafts field is
expected to take place sometime in 1930s.
However, there are data describing entrepreneurship in embroidery field that have emerged at
1920s. Entrepreneurship in embroidery field for first time introduced to small entrepreneur at 1925
when her village headman learned Dutch singer sewing process in Jakarta. After his marriage he
returned to his village and went on his expertise to his friends. In recent years, these skills have
been scattered from their homes to other places where they set up small businesses.
Entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya was later institutionalized in small and medium businesses that
continue to experience growth. That is why Tasikmalaya used as a developed area as an area of
small and medium industries. These developments in turn have entrepreneurship contributes to
Tasikmalaya economic growth. From year to year this small industry continues to experience
significant growth and progress.
From above description, it can be concluded that the historical development of entrepreneurship in
Tasikmalaya can be divided into several periods. The first is seeds of entrepreneurship period that
appear hand in hand with economic movements made by Trade Union of Islam (Serikat Dagang
Islam - SDI). The second period is period that marked institutionalization of entrepreneurship with
establishment of small businesses on craft industry. The third period is period in which
entrepreneurship becomes a major factor in moving the economy. During this period,
entrepreneurship growth rapidly, and become foundation for community life. At the same time,
entrepreneurship in this period is characteristic economy growth is compared with other areas in
West Java.
5. Factors Affecting Entrepreneurship
Based on data found, there are several factors that determine development of entrepreneurship in
Tasikmalaya. These factors include: (1) human resources (labor), (2) natural resources, (3)
tradition of entrepreneurship, (4) investment network, and (5) organizational of entrepreneurs.
In matters of employment, entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya is not found a problem, because
amount of labor relatively is large. Although entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya requires much labor,
but until now still be met. Until end 2009, small and medium industrial sector in District of
Tasikmalaya could accommodate labor as much as 234.756 people, while in the City of
Tasikmalaya could accommodate labor as much as 21.502 people. In fact, there are a any labor
that can not be placed in jobs. By end 2009 there are labor and as many as 12.306 people in
District of Tasikmalaya and 12.213 people City of Tasikmalaya.
Entrepreneurship - especially small and medium industries - is largely determined by availability of
resources. In entrepreneurship development, availability of natural resources is crucial for its
development. This means that available of natural resources as a source of production, it will be
growing entrepreneurial. Natural resources is conducive to entrepreneurial development.
Socio-cultural factors, such as existence of ethnic, religious or family groups, have an influence on
how entrepreneurship relationship was developing. The most powerful network systems among
entrepreneurs is case in family groups. Built by family business can create success together. This
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is an implementation from an entrepreneurial tradition that handed down from one generation to
other generation and one generation to the next.
Entrepreneurial tradition is one factors that decisive to growth and development of
entrepreneurship. Therefore, entrepreneurship achievement can not be instant but it takes a long
process through struggle that faced with various obstacles and hindrances. The process of a long
journey is then referred to the tradition. Historically, entrepreneurship has been running in long
term, even difficult to determine when entrepreneurial appeared in the area.
Network investment is very important, because without an extensive network and strong, then
entrepreneurship not be able to thrive and survive until today at Tasikmalaya. Thus, investment
network is one factor that will determine whether or not to develop entrepreneurship. Investments
network development, in level of implementation, depending on ability of entrepreneurs
Another factor that affects to development of entrepreneurship is entrepreneurial organizational
factors. Among these organizations are Cooperatives, Indonesian Chamber of Commerce (Kamar
Dagang Indonesia – KADIN), enterprises of small and medium (Usaha Kecil dan Menengah –
UKM), and Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (Himpunan Pengusaha Muda Indonesia
– HIPMI). Entrepreneurial organizations are instrumental in advocating for entrepreneurs in
accordance with objectives of each organization.
From above description, it can be concluded that there are several factors that influence
development of entrepreneurship. The main factor is human resources (labor), natural resources,
entrepreneurial tradition, network investment, and entrepreneurial organizations. Another factor is
dominantly government policies that conducive to development of entrepreneurship. This factor is
a cumulative factors and not a alternative factors.
6. Understanding of Religious and Entrepreneurship
a. Understanding of Traditionalist Muslim Entrepreneurs on Entrepreneurship
In general, entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya motivated by an entrepreneurial tradition that passed
down from one generation to other generation from one generation to the next. As his parents is
an entrepreneur, then later his son follow his parents as an entrepreneur (Robert D. Hisrich dan
Michael P. Peters, 2002). Areas of business that was involved was exactly the same line of
business that was involved by her parents. Therefore, development of entrepreneurship had great
development, because they are more concentrated effort to wrestle for it has been running.
However, the situation is inversely proportional to their understanding on the concept of
entrepreneurship itself. Most entrepreneurs were limited to just understand entrepreneurship what
is and they are living. Thus, an understanding on entrepreneurship more based on experience in
running an entrepreneurial, not based on scientific knowledge. Entrepreneurial in their perspective
is ability to run a business in order to remain effective and not to go out business. More about
science and theory of entrepreneurship, they do not much understand it.
Traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs were not familiar with scientists who formulated
entrepreneurship concept and theory. They did not know Joseph A. Schumpeter, M. Casson,
Israel Kirzner, Frank Knight, or David C. McClellen. Thus, they also have never read the book and
did not understand their main frame of mind. Though above figures are pioneers who have
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formulated entrepreneurship concept and theory. In fact, when mentioned term of entrepreneurs,
any traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs do not understand it. Some entrepreneurs had ever heard
this term, but did not understand its meaning. Though this term is a profession term that sensibly
given to them, namely as an entrepreneur, people who cultivate entrepreneurship.
An entrepreneur theoretically must have characteristics of creativity, dedication, determination,
flexibility, leadership, enthusiasm, confidence, and intelligence (William B. Gartner, 2004, Justin
Gooderl Longenecker dan Thomson Gale, 2006, Suharyadi et al, 2007). Traditionalist Muslim
entrepreneurs are not so many know these characteristics, but substantively, they recognize that
they need such characteristics as economic actors.
In general, traditionalists Muslim do not know concept of entrepreneurship theoretically. They do
not understand terms, concepts, and theories that exist in the study of contemporary
entrepreneurship. They also do not know certain theories of entrepreneurship and framers of this
such theories. Traditionalist Muslim know entrepreneurship more from his experience in running
entrepreneurship. In addition, knowledge of entrepreneurship also be obtained through continuous
communication and dialogue with other entrepreneurs who known.
b. Comparison between Traditionalist Muslim and Modernist Muslim on
In addition to focusing on traditionalist Muslims entrepreneurship, this study also included some
modernist Muslim entrepreneurs as a comparison. Study results are expected to explain, if
different understanding of the religious implications and implementation of entrepreneurial
attitudes. Therefore, the results of studies that have been done show that modern religious
understanding is correlated with economic behavior (Max Weber, 1989, Robert N. Bellah, 1991,
Clifford Geertz, 1963). However, this study actually found opposite in fact, where traditionalists
Muslim more advanced in entrepreneurship when compared with Muslims who claim as modern
religious understanding. Today, majority modernist Muslim is not tendency to wrestle on
entrepreneurship. Entrepreneurship is not a major choice in their worldly life. In general, their
motivation to develop profession as an entrepreneur is relatively low.
There are several reasons why they do not tend to move at world of entrepreneurship. First, the
modernist Muslim need leisure time for various missionary activities and religious organizations.
Second, modernists Muslim believed that his life purpose is to serve as much as possible and do
good (fastabiq al-khayrat). In the meantime, if they take other professions have a great chance to
do maximumly to preach and serve people. However, based on study results also found a small
portion of modernist Muslims who cultivate entrepreneurship. But, they do not come in
entrepreneurship field which has been hailed by traditionalists Muslim in Tasikmalaya.
There are some similarities and differences between them. Similarities between them lies on
looking entrepreneurship as part of sunnah Rasulallah Saw, where his life ever undergo
profession as an entrepreneur. In fact, they agreed that Muhammad`s profession is just
entrepreneurship. This is very visible, especially when Muhammad before being appointed prophet
and messenger. While most striking difference between traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs with
modernist Muslims entrepreneurs lies on entrepreneurship focus and concentration. Traditionalists
Muslim seem to be more focus and concentration in running entrepreneurship. It contrast to
modernist Muslim entrepreneurs, which entrepreneurship is not only discourse that dominates
their thoughts, words, and deeds.
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c. Rationality of Traditionalist Muslim Entrepreneurship
As discussed previously that religious understanding of Muslims entrepreneurs tend to traditional
understanding and yet, at the same time they also have potential entrepreneurship. This fact is
different from results of previous studies that religious understanding that relate to economic
behavior is a modern religious understanding. Max Weber`s study stated that parties who relate to
capitalism in Europe was Protestants, while the Protestant is a modernization from Catholicism.
Robert N. Bellah stated that parties who relate to capitalism in Japan is Tokugawa adherents,
while Tokugawa is modernization from Shinto. Similarly, Clifford Geertz` study stated that parties
who relate to economic behavior is a modern community of students not traditional community of
From this statement, then major question arises, why traditional religious understanding Tasikmalaya traditionalists Muslim - have a relationship with entrepreneurship. To answer this
question and analyze is used three main theories, namely rational economic behavior theory,
rational choice theory, and rational expectation theory. The first and second theories are widely
used in micro-economic studies, especially socio economic studies (Deliarnov, 2006, Humberto
Bareto, 1989), whereas the third theory, rational expectations theory, widely used in studies to
refine micro theoretical foundations and models of free market mechanisms into analysis of macro,
that is called rational expectations equilibrium approach to macroeconomic theory (Warren Young
et al., 2004).
Rationality of economic behavior means to prioritize self-interest and consistent with choice based
on objectives to be achieved, which can be quantified to maximizing general welfare (Jennifer J.
Halpern and Robert N. Stern, 1998). Advancement of entrepreneurship is a key priority for an
entrepreneur, while other elements to support main priorities for it realization. In certain
circumstances, public interest can be sacrificed for interest of entrepreneurship. However, Muslim
entrepreneurs are able to balance between self-interest with public welfare, so that there is a
balance between private utilities with an altruistic attitude (M. Umer Chapra). Typical
characteristics of an rational entrepreneur is consistency in the choices made by an emphasis on
achieving set target.
Rationality of traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs describes two main types, namely rationality of
self-interest and rationality is based on objectives to be achieved. In first type, an entrepreneur
implement entrepreneurship driven by self interest from entrepreneurs themselves. However, self
interest to be achieved by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs not only oriented to increase wealth
alone, but also oriented to achieve prestige and self-actualization. In second type, an entrepreneur
will choose a rational economic action in order to achieve goals already set.
When using Syed Omar Syed Agil`s formula (Syed Omar Syed Agil, 1992), a form of rationality
from traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs can be divided into three forms, namely: (1) egoistic
rationality, (2) bounded rationality, and (3) altruism rationality. Traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs
that can be classified to first form is an entrepreneur implement entrepreneurial driven by self
interest alone, which profit serve as main priorities and objectives (Uskali Mäki, 1993).
Traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs that can be classified to bounded rationality is an entrepreneur
does not have or know information that can lead optimum choice. While traditionalist Muslim
entrepreneurs that can be classified at altruism Rationality is an entrepreneur who tried to balance
between fulfillment of self-interest with society altruistic.
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Sorting traditional Muslim entrepreneurs to above three forms of rationality are consistent with
John C. Harsanyi`s sorting rational behavior. According to John C. Harsanyi, theory of rational
behavior contains three branches, namely: utility theory, game theory, and ethics theory. At utility
theory, entrepreneur satisfaction lies in effort to profit as much as possible. On game theory, an
entrepreneurs are faced with rationality clash between own right and other entrepreneurs right..
theory of rational behavior that is most visible in majority traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs are
ethics theory. Implementation of this theory explicitly appear in accommodating a variety of utility
in society (Syed Omar Syed Agil, 1992).
Preference should be taken by a traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs is many alternatives.
Entrepreneurs are required to be able to choose among alternative preferences to maximize
customer satisfaction and profits. Before vote, an entrepreneur will set priorities various from
alternative options. At rational choice, each individual knows many information about alternatives
and he has ability to develop priorities according to their preferences. Rational action undertaken
by traditionalists Muslim entrepreneur seem in tune with meaning of rationality according to Roger
LeRoy Miller. Miller stated that rationality is human action in meeting needs of his life in a way that
maximizes profits driven by common sense and do not act intentionally make decisions that could
harm (Roger LeRoy Miller, 1997).
There are some axioms awakened from economic behavior rationality of the entrepreneur Muslim
traditionalists, including axiom of completeness, the axiom of transitivity, the axiom of continuity,
and the axiom of the more is the better (B. N. Mandal, 2009). The first axiom formulated as an
entrepreneurs determine the most preferred one of two things happens (B. N. Mandal,). While the
axiom of transitivity occurs when entrepreneurs faced with three choices or more (Ibid). The axiom
of continuity are faced with two choices and entrepreneurs are required to determine a choice
(Barry R. Weingast and Donald Wittman, 2006). When the option is specified, then the
entrepreneur was consistent with his choice and even the choice that will affect to subsequent
choices. While the axiom of the more the better is based on assumption that the more goods
produced and sold in the market, more satisfied and it rational entrepreneurs (M. A. Mian, 2002).
Last axiom is the most widely held and guided by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in
From above description, it appears that from perspective of rational behavior theory,
entrepreneurial activity of traditionalists Muslim tend to be rational. In entrepreneurship
implementation, an entrepreneurs make careful consideration before making a decision. Aspects
considered by an entrepreneur in making decisions to balance between production costs and
benefits is received. This means that traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs can be viewed as rational
economic behavior whenever decisions always consider costs associated with benefits to be
received. Economic decisions taken by an entrepreneur is a decision that is based on idea
difference between benefits and costs.
In the perspective of rational choice theory, an tradisinalis Mulism entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya
also tend rationality because there is attempt to maximize usefulness and benefits of
entrepreneurial activity (Karl-Göran Mäler and Jeffrey R. Vincent, 2005). An entrepreneurs decide
how best to achieve a choice, providing a range and choice available. However, economic
behavior rationality of traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs are not oriented solely to benefit of the
end. Economic behavior rationality of traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs have a tendency to
balance between self-interest and altruistic.
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In addition to using rational behaviors theory and rational choices theory in economic activity, this
analysis used rational expectations theory. The main premise of this theory states that every
person expectations is rational when expectations are identical to prediction model. There are two
assumptions underlying rational expectations theory, namely (1) all economic activities actors
behave rationally, knowing ins and outs of economic activity and have complete information on
economic events and (2) price level and wage rates can be easy to change (Walter J. Wessels,
In the first assumption, traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs necessarily predict economic growth
will occur in the future. Predictions made by an entrepreneur is, of course, very simple and not
complicated such as state predict world economy in the future (N. Gregory Mankiw, 2007). In
harmony with rational expectation theory, every entrepreneur actively expectations that based on
his information. Therefore, information about possible economic circumstances that will occur in
the future be very meaningful to every entrepreneur.
In the second assumption, an entrepreneur try to get information about market developments
(Sawidji Widioatmodjo, 2005). Information can be obtained from public information that is spread
evenly among traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs, who are usually delivered by government or
other relevant instusi. However, if this information is obtained to the maximum, then traditionalist
Muslim entrepreneurs will observe and analyze their own about price fluctuations that occurred in
the past to predict future prices.
From above description, it is understood that traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya
have ability to think and formulate a rational expectations about what will happen in the future.
These expectations are based on information about economic events that have been and are
going. These events, in turn, serve as foundation by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs to
formulate expectations. Thus, expectations of a traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs can be
considered rational because it is based on a variety information related to various economic
events are already happening in the community.
When connected between religious understanding and economic behavior of Muslim
entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya, it can be concluded that it could be a entrepreneur religious
understanding is likely traditional, but at economic behavior is likely rational. Entrepreneur
religious understanding is strongly influenced by tradition that developed in society. In fact,
majority entrepreneurs only understand religion as a rule governing the relationship between man
and God (`ibâdah mahdhah). They do not understand that many religions also regulate the
relationship between man and another man (mu`âmalah), including a set of economic problems.
Charles Kurzman`s state about "customary Islamic" seems at religious behavior of majority of
Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya (Charles Kurzman, 1998). First, there is a combination
between Islam and local traditions. Every important event in human life, from birth until death,
there syncretic between local religious traditions that developed in society. Ritual ceremony or
slametan always accompany life's journey traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya. At
the time of pregnancy, there is a slametan seven monthly. At the time of birth, there is slametan
marhabaan. At the time of circumcision and marriage, there is a celebration of circumcision and
marriage. At the time of death, there is tahlilan.
Secondly, respect for figures that are considered sacred and influential spiritually. There are some
people that are considered sacred by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs. They hold Tharekat
Qadariyyah wa Naqshbandiyya have figure or guardian highly purify them, he is Sheikh Abdul
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java
Qadir Jaelani and they embrace Tharekat Satariyah have characters that are considered sacred,
namely Sheikh Abdul Muhyi. In fact, past the tomb of the saint who has become a complex of
obtaining religious visit that sacred Muslim community, including tradisonalis Muslim
For entrepreneurs, pilgrimage to the shrine of Sheikh Abdul Muhyi can provide spirit to developing
their entrepreneurial. On his return from pilgrimage, an entrepreneurs have a strong passion to
implement entrepreneurship. In fact, they stated that presence at the shrine could provide a
solution to the difficulties faced in implementing entrepreneurship. This solution usually they are
received through inspiration who suddenly come in hearts and minds, and give heart to make a
determination of attitude in solving problems.
Pilgrimage to the shrine at certain times has become a routine. In the days of Islam almost, all
traditional Muslim entrepreneurs do pilgrimage to the tombs of those whom he considered sacred.
It not only made his pilgrimage to the shrine of Sheikh Abdul and Sheikh Khatib Muhyi Muwahid in
Pamijahan, but they visit to the tomb of Sunan Gunung Jati and Datuk Sheikh Kahf at Cirebon,
even to the tomb of Sheikh Asnawi and Sheikh Yusuf in Banten. Thus, the cult of saints has
become one hallmark of a traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya.
Third, believe to ghosts and local convidence. This indication is not very visible in the life of a
traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs. However, there are some entrepreneurs who still believe in
supernatural forces behind their things. Goods owned strength is rings (batu ali) and isim. Batu ali
is usually given by shaman (dukun), while isim usually is bonded by ajengan. Therefore these two
items are considered to have supernatural powers, it is usually considered as sacred, so that
when come in dirty or unclean place to be removed or stored shall be first. In addition, there are
some Muslims entrepreneur who still believe on ghosts that haunt. Some places are considered to
be "haunted" and sinister to be occupied by ghosts which they usually is called "nu ngageugeuh".
In this places that is prohibited acts that are unethical, such as words are rough and dirty, showing
pride and behave arrogantly, urinate, or pass by without permission. They believe that if there are
people who behave it, they would be penetrated by ghosts possession or "nu ngageugeuh" in
place. Way to cure her, but with echoes verses of al-Qur'an also petitioned against to ghosts.
Even from aspect of religious understanding tend to traditional, but at economic action of
traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs tend to rational. The indication that any traditionalist Muslim
entrepreneurs to understand exactly objective of entrepreneurial activity, namely achievement in
profits and prestige. The decisions making is always based on consideration of traditions, values,
and have clear reasons and arguments. Any decision making based on gains and losses
calculation, so that final goal can be achieved. Production implementation has always adhered to
principles of efficiency and avoid personal sentiment or traditional values that can not be
calculated in monetary units. Reaching satisfaction based on self-interest to make socially useful
goods for society welfare. Economic behavior alternative taken by traditionalist Muslim
entrepreneurs is implemented with reasons based on economically rational.
Thus, this study results yield different conclusions with conclusions resulting Weberian
researchers who claim that religious understanding that relate to economic behavior is modern
religious understanding. While traditional religious understanding does not relate significantly to
economic behavior. This means that Weberian study was valid only at their research location and
cannot be generalized to other locations.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java
Based on above description and analytical results, it can be concluded that religious
understanding is not significantly correlated to economic behavior. Sorting religious understanding
to traditional religious understanding and a modern religious understanding is not significantly
associated to economic behavior. This means that study on economic behavior associated with
sorting of religious understanding to traditional religious understanding and modern religious
understanding to be very biased.
The conclusion of this study is different from results of previous studies on correlation between
religious understanding and economic behavior. Max Weber states that Protestant have a
relationship to economic behavior, while Catholics have not relation to economic behavior.
Protestantism is a form of modernization from Catholic religious thought in Western Europe,
particularly in Germany. Similarly, Robert N. Bellah states that Tokugawa believers have a
relationship with economic behavior, while Shinto believers have not relation to economic
behavior. Tokugawa is a form of modernization from Shinto religious thought in Japan. Clifford
Geertz states that students of modernist (santri-modern) have a relation to economic behavior in
Java, while traditional students (santri tradisional) have not relate to economic behavior.
This means that study results conducted by Weber, Bellah, and Geertz can not digeralisir. The
findings this study apply only to location who examined and does not apply in other locations.
Therefore, this study results shows that religious understanding does not relate to economic
behavior. Sorting of religious understanding to traditional understanding and modern
understanding is no longer associated significantly to economic behavior. When referring to Weber
study, Bellah, and Geertz, it is supposed to relate to economic behavior is a Muslim modernist. But
in fact, traditionalists Muslim relate to economic behavior in Tasikmalaya.
In general, economic actors tend to traditional religious understanding. Therefore, traditional
Islamic criteria formulated Charles Chuzman met entirely by entrepreneurs, which combines
understanding of Islam ang local traditions, respect to sacred character, believe in ghost, and
believe in things that are unseen and places which is considered sacred. Understanding of
traditional Islam itself has emerged as the entry of Islam into Tasikmalaya. This is because Islam
which are automatically run syncretic with confidence that had appeared earlier. At this time, has
occurred between Islamization understanding and local beliefs.
Even entrepreneur religious understanding tends to traditional religious understanding, but it turns
out they have characteristics of entrepreneurs that are reliable. They have spirit, attitude, behavior
and ability to handle business or other activities that lead to efforts to find, create and implement a
way of working, new technologies and products to improve efficiency in order to provide better
service and earn greater profits. The main indicator, they are engaged to the entrepreneurial
sector of small and medium businesses can survive and thrive to this day. Therefore, it can be
concluded that although religious understanding of Muslims entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya tend to
traditional, but they have a entrepreneurship mental very high.
Such circumstances are very different from modernist Muslim state, Muslims who do not meet
criteria of Charles Chuzman as traditional Islam. Modernist Muslims are not much involved in
entrepreneurship, but they prefer profession of bureaucrats (civil servants), politician, or profession
other than as an entrepreneur. Based on study results indeed found some modernist Muslims who
work as entrepreneurs. Modernist Muslims wrestle entrepreneurial sector does not hailed by
traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs, such as handicrafts typical Tasikmalaya.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java
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International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty
(Indonesian Case)
M. Anton Athoillah1
and Law Faculty, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung.
This paper describes more clearly about the charity as an instrument of poverty alleviation. Said to
be more pronounced because zakat is not only described from the aspect of Islamic law, but also
from the aspect of Islamic Economics. Starting from the idea of a content analysis of two
professors of Economic Development, Prahalad and Yuyun Wirasasmita, this paper reveals the
fundamental aspects of the causes of poverty, namely culture, alienation and exploitation. In this
paper, the charity manages to pack in a comprehensive manner to a complementary instrument,
whether Islamic law, and even Islamic Economics. Among the novelties in this paper is a
substantive interpretation of zakat which is connected with the theory of economic development,
comparated with tax and economic-mathematical analysis to find a charity to further its position in
the study of economics. As for other things that were outlined in this paper is the normative
aspects of zakat, as where explicit, as an instrument of poverty alleviation for various sectors, as
seen from its usability goals.
Keyword: zakat, poverty, cultural alienation, exploitation, utilization
When Prahalad proposes his idea that the unfortunate people are not viewed as the victim (of
economic injustice) or burden (Discussing on poverty as global economic burden could be seen in
Mudrajat Kuncoro) in the process of economic development; rather they should be perceived as
powerful entrepreneur and have considerations to elevate their own welfare (Prahalad 2005), the
first question raised is, “how could such idea as Prahalad’s be performed?”
As mentioned by Wirasasmita, that there are three main causes of poverty in a state: poverty
culture, alienated condition, and exploitation. Connected to Prahalad’s idea as mentioned above,
“poverty culture” is the main cause why it is hard to perform such idea. The unfortunate, in their
daily life, are trapped in the culture of poverty. So, they do not make some efforts, they are totally
surrendered, stumped, and accept “what it is” and “what happen” in their life.
To change such poverty culture, said Wirasasmita, begins with education, which in this case is
moral education. Such is because that something moral is something originated from faith or
belief. This system produces values and finally culture. It is culture that accompanying the life
course of somebody, and of course it could influence any decision taken in his mundane life
(Wirasasmita 2010). To make the explanation clear, here is a chart for simplification (Nasution
1995 and Nasution 1990):
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
Elements and Kinds of Culture
Elements of
System of
Example of
Destiny Could Not
Be Changed
Destined By
Destiny Could Be
Changed (Q.S. AlRa’d: 11)
Property Should
Be Achieved
Will To Do
Kinds of Culture
People who have pessimistic kind of culture have a fatalistic system of faith, values of life connected to their destiny
could not be changed; so that their way of life is static, and they are totally surrendered; accept what it is –what
happened to them. An example of their view of life is that “Property is divinely corrected”.
People who live in the optimistic kind of culture. They believe in rationalistic system, that life connected to their destiny
could be changed, so that their world-view is dynamic, and they would as maximum as possible elevate their quality of
life. An example of this way of thought is that, “Property should be found by ourselves, for God only gives the guidance
on how seek the property.”
Before discussing Prahalad’s idea, it is better if we reexamine vicious cycle leading to poverty for
most of population of the Earth. As mentioned by Nurske, Meier, and Baldwin in Jhingan,
developing countries are generally stuck in something called “vicious cycle of poverty”.
Y (low)
Ed (low)
Explanation: Because of the Income is low, so the Consumption is low, Education is also low,
and therefore Productivity is low (no Savings equals no Investment).
This poverty trap (Smith 2006) basically comes from the fact that total productivity in developing
countries is resulted from the lack of capital, imperfect market, and economic backwards. In short,
poverty and economic backwards are synonymous terms. A country becomes poor because of it is
backwards; and it becomes backwards because it is poor. Developing countries are constantly
poor and backwards because they have no resources to elevate development (Jhingan 2007).
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
If a country elevate has its resources, so the above figure changed to:
In the first condition owing to that the Income is low, the Consumption is also low. But, with zakat, there is investment. Education as
a part of investment increased. Therefore, because of the education, the productivity is also increased. Such thing brings about the
increase of income, consumption, and that savings becomes >>> 0. The country can pay its debts and do reinvestment.
In a more complete figure, it can be seen as follow:
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty
Growth of
Population is
Unemployment is
High (open/hide)
Grade of
Health is
Grade of Fertility
is Low
Grade of
Productivity is
Grade of
Education is
here with
Income is Low
Savings is
Wirasasmita (2010)
This research used case study methods with literature study by examining a variety of journals
and books related wirh economic development. this paper is a substantive interpretation of zakat
which is connected with the theory of economic development, comparated with tax and economicmathematical analysis to find a charity to further its position in the study of economics. As for other
things that were outlined in this paper is the normative aspects of zakat, as where explicit, as an
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
instrument of poverty alleviation for various sectors, as seen from its usability goals. Also, the method used in this study is a survey research, using the approach verificative explanatory research and causality testing. Purpose of explanatory research is to know and explain "why" something happened, whereas causality verification testing is research that explains the causal relationship between the study variables through testing hypothesis. 1
1. Between Tax and Zakat
Stiglitz argued that the levies, existing since ancient times, even if charges in the past with the
present is different. In the initial discussion of the tax (taxation), Stiglitz said that taxation has
existed since the existence of the State and its organized government (government organized).
Stiglitz connecting the initial explanation to the concept of tithe in the Bible. According to him, as it
says in the Bible, tithe (tithe, or tenth) of the plant should be set aside for the purpose of
redistribution and assistance to the pastor. Charges in the past referred to as the feudal Levie,
while in modern times now referred to as taxes (Stiglitz 2000).
According to Pigou in Suprayitno (Suprayitno 2005), modern taxes are connected to public goods.
It means that how far that society could be ‘forced’ to pay taxes depends on how big the
satisfaction of society to the existence of facilities funded by the tax. This Pigou’s theory was
completed by Bowen, Lindhal, and Samuelson. They say the same thing: connecting
government’s expenses to the tax. Through the tax the government is not only collecting funds,
but also creating public goods satisfying the citizens. Therefore, the tax has two dimensions: (1)
providing funds, and (2) transforming the burden of the tax to the public goods in order to satisfy
the society.
In Indonesia, zakat has only fulfilled the first dimension (Suprayitno 2005). For the potentials and
the realizations of zakat collection per year are only more or less USD 70 billions. There should be
more in numbers, since the majority of Indonesians are Muslims. But there are some things to
Firstly, zakat is only taken from certain things such as money, agriculture, farming, and trade.
Even though it is extended to such other things as deposits, house, or income, the items are not
as much as the tax. It is because that the tax is channelized through government’s legalization to
all economic streams either in production, consumption, or distribution. On the other hand, there is
also possibility of increasing zakat acceptance because of the combination of zakat of income or
zakat of profession, where there are two components should be noticed here, that is how much of
the income should be zakat-ized, analogue to the zakat of agriculture. Zakat of agriculture should
be paid every harvest. Therefore, profession is illustrated as agricultural business, where the
professionals have the harvest when they accept wages. Here, every time the wages paid there
should be zakat in it. The other component is that the wages which should be zakat-ized (the
gross), that is, “a take home pay” before being used to fulfill consumptive needs.
Secondly, zakat could not be used arbitrarily for public interests. Zakat, for today, is restricted only
for the Muslim interests. It is only the Muslims who believe in the zakat doctrine. And even in the
Muslim circles, there are only eight asnaf (groups) who can receive zakat: the destitute, the poor,
the slaves, the people working in the zakat affair (amilun), the people burdened by debts, the
people who in the ways of searching knowledge and those who drain their money in the travel,
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
those who newly embrace Islam and that their hearts are still weak, and those who fight for Islam.
Here it is that Islam secures the life of the destitute and the poor (In Islamic economics, giving
some of their wealth to the needy is not only generosity, it is the rights of the poor).
In order that zakat plays a significant role, some Muslim economists suggest that this zakat should
be a permanent supplement of income for those who are not able to achieve enough income by
their only ways. Zakat could also be used to provide trainings and capitals for “excellencies,” either
being as a free-interest credit card or as a kind of aid, to make them able to build their own small
enterprises in order to be independent (Suprayitno 2005). This is the one in line with Prahalad’s
idea (Prahalad 2007).
Some writers also advocate the idea that zakat could be used as countercyclical tool by not to
spread all its products to a booming period in order to save the surplus so that could be used in
the time of recession. Also, by this, it could be noticed that they are who have rights to receive
zakat have their own fair share.
Zakat is an independent social security tool appointing the rich having a moral duty to help the
poor and neglected to help themselves by all means of social security schemes, so that destitution
and poverty could be diminished in the Muslim society (Suprayitno 2005). In an emergency
condition, zakat could be performed as a first aid, so that the (Muslim) poor community could be
the Bottom of Pyramid (BOP) of consumers, and in a normal condition, zakat could be an injection
in order to make them BOP of entrepreneur (Prahalad 2007) (muzakki=potential zakat payers).
Nevertheless, zakat does not wipe out government’s duty to create prosperity, except only to help
to share some of the government’s responsibility to the society, especially close relatives and
neighbors of the connected individuals, so that reduce the burden of the government. It is
unrealistic to expect to the government to weigh all prosperity burdens. If the zakat is not enough,
Muslim jurists (fuqaha) advise that Muslim community should weigh this burden and attempt to find
other ways and tools to reach such economic goal. Here, Prahalad’s idea on the roles of civil
society organization could be applied.
To this, zakat should not be distributed to fulfill consumption of basic needs drained day by day.
Although it could help the destitute-the poor to fulfill their own urgent needs, the way of using zakat
as this is inclining to ignore the receivers in their own situation of destituteness. Giving “the fish” all
the time does not urge people to be “fishermen” especially when zakat is spread by “flat rate”
basis. Therefore, “reorientation” of priority of zakat usage should be done to its long-term usage.
Firstly, zakat should be distributed as “negative income tax” to maintain incentive of work or to
seek income in the poor circles by their own ways. Secondly, some of collected zakat (as much as
50%) should be used to finance the activity of giving “fishhook” (productive activities) to the groups
of the destitute-poor (Suprayitno 2005).
Furthermore, it is mentioned that the main goal of “giving fishhook activities” is to increase the
abilities of the destitute-poor people to create income and elevate themselves from poverty. For
this goal zakat could be used as financing various productive skill trainings, giving capital aid to
work or giving start-up capitals. Rather than giving consumptive aid to five families in a month, for
instance, it is better that those funds are combined and used in a productive enterprise for those
five families. It is already an example of what is the meaning of “economic development and social
transformation” in Prahalad’s terms (Prahalad 2007).
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
Another thing from this attempt to diminish poverty –meant as an attempt to full out the poor from
their own poverty—is fisabilillah, for the way of Allah. In the warfare, fisabilillah means prioritizing
jihad physically. In the peace, it means ‘all activities useful for the Muslim community (ummah)’ or
‘any attempt to eradicate infidelity and run Allah’s will’. Because that poverty could trap people to
be infidels, pulling out the poor from their poverty is also a fisabilillah enterprise. The usage of
zakat for productive activities could be legitimized here (Suprayitno 2005).
Zakat allocation should not be restricted only for short-term usage. Most Muslim writers are in the
position of emphasizing efforts to help the destitute and poor by giving them means of production
either by money, skills, trainings, and jobs in order that they can elevate their incomes in line with
giving them various short-term consumption to support working, public transports, housings, etc. It
is mentioned that there is no special requirements for distributing zakat by cash, and there is no
requirements that it should be in such consumptive goods as food or that zakat should be in a
direct distribution in the means of goods or services. The only restriction should be known by
everyone is that zakat is performed because one has over condition of minimum grade of being
released (from zakat payment), requiring that those who could afford zakat do not allowed to
receive it. The minimum free from zakat is expressed in the meaning of availability or that the
wealth is belonged more than one year.
Zakat raises the income of the poor. Because of their low income, such supplement of income
would only use for purchasing basic goods and services, so that elevating aggregate demand
for basic goods and services. The increase of this aggregate demand would attract the
increase of investments. On the other hand, zakat aggregately also urge the raise of savings
and investments (Suprayitno 2005).
Besides urging investments and preventing accumulation of wealth, zakat also appeals to activity
of purchasing consumptive goods, whether from the receiver or the giver. Therefore, the stream of
capital from the two channels, i.e. investments and purchasing, would push for creating working
opportunity for millions of people, and in line with that, pioneering the acceleration of income
Zakat is a special “tax” (payment) levied from one’s net wealth, which should be collected by the
state and used for special purposes, especially for various social security programs. Government’s
routine expenses are not to be fulfilled by this zakat fund. Zakat is in all kinds of wealth including
savings which is annually increased, which (if it is counted) since the beginning of the year exceed
the minimum of compulsive wealth to be zakat-ized (nisab). It is levied from the net wealth by the
percentage determined (by Islam) if that wealth has already exceeded the determined minimum
limit, and could be paid in the end of the year.
Zakat as written in the Q.s. Al-Taubah verse 103 contains the meaning that every Muslim who has
already exceed the nisab should compulsively clean their wealth by giving some of their wealth to
those who have the rights. Here, then, according to Al-Shawkani, zakat linguistically has double
meaning of “growth” and “purification” (Al-Syawkani 2007).
These characteristics give an important role to zakat in Islamic System of Macro-economics. It is
levied from net wealth, either to be used in productive activities, stored, or even used in
extravagant life. Hence, zakat could control such following things:
a. Allocation of productive wealth in various alternative usages.
b. Unproductive means of production.
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Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
c. Allocation of income in between the expenses and savings.
d. Allocation of savings in between productive usages and luxury goods, which finally
damaged without any usage.
Zakat renovate the patterns of consumption, production, and distribution in Muslim society. One of
the biggest evil in the system of capitalism is mastery and possession of productive resources
controlled by certain fortunate people, so that ignoring the unfortunate which are many more than
the fortunate one. It affects the difference in the existing income and finally could slower industrial
growth and domestic commerce. For an economic order dominated by monopoly always prevents
the usage of economic resources. It is criticized badly by Prahalad on capitalism. Zakat is a
compulsory tax for Muslim rich circles, aiming at eradicating blatant differences of income and
regaining the consumptive power of the poor. According to the Qur’anic doctrines it is not wrong if
one attempts to gain money, but the duty of Islamic state is how that there is no one of its citizen
ignored to get the simplest, basic needs (Suprayitno 2005).
This goal could be achieved easily by distributing zakat appropriately in the poor and unfortunate
circles. By giving them the power of purchasing, zakat could create a balance between supply
and demand of goods, therefore, easing the ways of production and paving the way of
improvement, elevating redistribution of income and national prosperity. Hence, zakat winning the
rich and the poor as well, the giver as well as the receiver. As mentioned by the Qur’an, “zakat
brings prosperity either for the payer or for the receiver”. If it is exist, “a whole new world
opportunity will open up,” as said by Prahalad.
To reconstruct, zakat is not an aim but a tool to reach the aim itself. So, the essence of zakat is
not in the detail requirements, but in the goal and target being planned. But we should be aware
that the bigger Islamic influence to the people, the bigger the opportunity to collect zakat and that
its distribution could also run efficiently, besides the possibility to avoid the payment would also be
difficult. So, Muslim countries should attempt sincerely to cultivate Islamic spirit in the Muslim
community. Zakat would eradicate the unused savings, prevent wealth accumulation, and appeal
investments. For there is no guarantee that realized savings would be invested. Investments
would only possibly be raised if the opportunity of investments from various grades of risks and a
variety of time limit is available with life and property security, the assurance made to prevent
arbitrary nationalization and asset taking over, a normal grade of tax, and relative stability in
internal and external values in the currency of the country (Suprayitno 2005).
Islamic norms would be considered as giving the positive impact on investments by assuming that
this change would really happen and that appropriate circumstance of investments is really exist.
Profit sharing based on fair dividends between the capital and the entrepreneur would direct the
allocation of resources efficiently. By diminishing one of main resources from uncertainty and
unfairness influencing the decision of investment, the entrepreneur would easily make the
decision. Transforming “a saver to be an entrepreneur” (as in Ingo Karsten’s terms), would bring
business risks distributed evenly, by restoring the investment climate (Sulaiman, 1985).
2. Nisab of Zakat
Nisab (the minimum compulsory measurement) of zakat in economic terms is as follow
Z1 = levy of zakat from the household
Z2 = levy of zakat from each company is 2.5%
= total levy of zakat Z = Z1 + Z2
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Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
= national net of income,
Y = Y1 + Y2. Y1 is net income from the household and Y2 is net income of the company.
N1 = Nisab from the household. It is a function of national income, when N1 depends on the
basic needs and level of price and the proportion is firmed in an income.
N2 = Nisab from the company. It is also a function of national income, when the proportion of N2
is firmed in an income, but its value is coming from the capital labor and the capital
R(Y) = a total income of a company is the function of R(Y) = dY – C(Y)
C(Y) = a total cost of production.
= constant
Z = Z1 + Z2
= t [A.Yt – (N1 (Y1) + (N2 (Y2)) – C (Y2)]
= t [A.Yt – (N1 (Y1) + B. Y2 – N2 (Y2))]
If zakat levied from the net income of the household could be optimal, there would be the following
dZ/d Y1 = 0
= A – N1’
When zakat levied optimally on the net income of a company, there would be the following equals:
dZ/d Y2 = 0
= B – N2’
Therefore it is concluded that
N1’ + N2’ = A + B = constant
The explanation of equals (2) and (3) is the overlap that might happen between N1’ and N2’ (as a
main indicator of difference with the existence of income)
Firstly, the record that Z = a.Y, where ‘a’ is positive and firmed (2.5%). So, by the existence of the
increase of income, the zakat would also raise as big as ‘a’ assuming that the other is firmed, not
as a function of exponent, used to reduce real incomes and expenses. This alternative could be
seen from the fact that the amount of zakat is fixed as 2.5% from the accumulation of wealth and
net income in the period of 1 year.
Secondly, if Y is increased N1 and N2 move against each other. When the level of nisab is its value
as much as the level of net income, if N1 is in the lower level so N2 is in the higher level.
3. Essence of Distribution of Zakat
Zakat in its various form has a function to develop levy of nation’s wealth, for it reproduces all
kinds of existing wealth. Not as in the modern tax, the arrangement of zakat collection is so simple
and it requires no special knowledge whatsoever. The performance of zakat collection as it should
be, economically, could erase the gap of blatant economic wealth, and could also redistribute
evenly, and could help to control the rapidity of inflation. Besides the uncertain development of the
distribution of money in the domestic domain, the lack of goods and the acceleration of the
distribution of money, distribution of wealth unevenly could also bring the rapidity of inflation and
the devastation of market.
In this case, zakat is not a substitution from various models of self-financing made by modern
society to provide social insurance protection for unemployment, accident, aging, and handicap by
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Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
reducing the wages of employees and from the contribution of working. Also, zakat does not
replace the components of government expenses for prosperity and for aiding in the time of
disaster affirmed in the government’s budget. Nevertheless, zakat could be a support or
supplement to reduce government’s burden to create redistribution and diminishing poverty. In
addition, zakat does not prevent the state to adopt fiscal sizes, retributive schemes, and
broadening employment, and creating self-endeavor through soft-loans from the zakat funds itself
(Suprayitno 2005).
Zakat is an independent social security instrument employing the rich having a moral responsibility
to aid the unfortunate and neglected to help themselves by any means of social security schemes,
so that destitution and poverty could be eradicated in the Muslim society.
4. Payment of Zakat
There is a strong relationship between the acceptance and the payment of zakat, but it happens
through changes in the market influencing the income and profitability. However, there is a stable
inclination in all price changes in Islamic economy. Such price movement could influence level or
grade of nisab, and through the ‘zakatable” level could influence net income of the household.
Now we could see how it is solved (Suprayitno 2005):
N1 =
N2 =
B =
P =
I =
Y1 =
Y2 =
Y =
a1 + b1 (p.B)
a2 + b2 (p.B+I)
is the amount of the Basic needs
is the Price of the basic needs
is the production/reduction of other investment and capital labor for
the company where the level of its nisab as much as N
is the net income of the household
is the net income of the company
Y1 + Y2
a1,a2,b1, and b2 is the next coefficient value
N1 = b1 (p.dB/dY)
N2 = b2 (p.dB/dYm + dI/dY)
As in the previous equals that N1+N2 = constant, so
b1 (p.dB/dY) + b2 (p.dB/dY) = constant.
Next, in the determined level of price, when B raise/increase, I would lower or decrease, by an
increase of income and the reverse. Such relationship is similar to those giving earlier between N1
and N2. An increase in demand for basic needs requires the demands for dividend to be money is
higher, and this is in the direction to reinvest is lower than the hold income and a bigger need for
external finance (Rosyidi, 2006).
Now, consider p with different value. p could stabilize the decrease on the side of consumer’s
prosperity of the household. Then, by lower p, dB/dY>0. It is showed by the shift of B-I curve
bending along A1, A2, A3 etc. in the following figure. On the other hand, if p raise/increase dB/dY, it
would profit the producer. It is showed by the shift of B – I curve bending along B1, B2, B3, etc. The
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Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
change of different price would bring an optimal increase along B and I showed by a0, a1, a2, etc.
and b0, b1, b2, etc.
Shifting with level of price, p B B2 a2 a1 b2 b1 A3 B1 A2 a0 b0 A0 Figure-4 Combination B-I by measuring various levels of price
I Now we could see that from various lines by measuring various price changes would be
determined the optimal lines. To prove this, the following Figure-5 shows the relationships of each
B – I curve by a price change in the previous figure (Figure-4) there is a total allocation of zakat
collection between the household (Z1) and the company (Z2), where allocation of these Z1-Z2
should be in line with the curve showed by 0A and 0B, and the like/similar.
The reason of cutting the curve such as (that) is that no one [concerning] merely two sectors
could influence the increase of zakat payment when the price is changed specifically. Such
overlapping dots as a, b, etc. describing an optimal line to the total allocation of zakat between the
household and the company (Suprayitno 2005 dan Sulaiman 1985).
Shifting with
levels of income, Y A B Figure-5. Allocation of optimal zakat between the household and the company (Suprayitno 2005)
5. Goal of Zakat Management: Indonesian Cases (ash-Shawi dan al-Mushlih, 2001)
Zakat would urge investments directly or indirectly. Directly, by enforcing zakat to the wealth, the
saved wealth would be activated or invested. Indirectly, by raising the consumption of basic goods
and services as the effect of the increase of income of the poor because of zakat, the demands of
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Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
basic goods and services would also increase. This increase of goods and services would attract
the production of basic goods and services. Among the goals and targets of zakat are as follow
(Eko Suprayitno and Shalah ash-Shawi & Abdullah al-Mushlih):
a. Renovating the Quality of Life
The main objective of zakat is to renovate the quality of life of the people. There are many
Indonesian people who still under the line of poverty, and because of that there are such serious
problems as education and health, which are hard to be solved. To this, there are two kinds of
activities. Firstly, such activities as motivation by giving knowledge on management (in a simple
way), giving a guidance, training skills on some kinds of “home industry”, etc. Secondly, activities
creating capital matters, either by money as the first capital, injection of capital, or the capital of
goods such as equipments, cattle, etc. In short, the enforcement of zakat is in the frame of
restoring the quality of life of the followings:
1) Small scale farmers and farming workers
In Indonesia, this group is the majority. In order to elevate their quality of life, the enterprise should
be done firstly is giving them the knowledge on “home industry.” It is about enterprise relating
closely to their environment. It means that by the knowledge they are expected to create their own
endeavor to increase their income. Also, there should be capital to initiate their venture such as
money (for enterprise) or cattle (goats, cows or buffaloes, etc.)
2) Fishermen
Most of our fishermen still use traditional equipments and that their quality of life is under the line
of poverty. Even if they use motor-ship, generally they hire it or even they are only as workers at
the ship. Those fishermen should be given the capitals either as equipments (to catch fish) or
helping their marketing.
b. Retailers/Small-scale enterprise managers
In order that retailers or other small-scale industries developed in line with their reasonable needs,
there should be attempts such as: (1) giving them the knowledge on management and guiding
them so that they could manage their endeavors well; and (2) giving them the capital to develop
their endeavors.
c. Education and Scholarship
Some religious scholars (ulama) and Muslim intellectuals suggest zakat as an eternal fund for
scholarship. Usually the condition of Islamic educational institutions such as madrasah (religious
schools) especially the private ones are not good at all. It is because of the lack of financial
support to develop and maintain buildings, to provide qualified teachers, to manage planned
curriculum, etc. Besides, another problem faced by Muslim community is their social life which is
still far from enough, so that their children could not continue their education. These problems
should be answered by certain concepts and programs in enforcing the function of zakat, as being
required by Islamic doctrines. In this case the programs being performed in essence could be
differentiated into two. Firstly, giving aid to the organizations or foundations of education whether it
is formed as money the management of which is released fully to the managers or as educational
equipments urgently needed by them. Such aid could be given incidentally as a plea for self-
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Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
improvement or routinely to develop the quality of education. Secondly, giving scholarship to
certain students, so that they could continue their education as what being termed by the
managers of the Board of Zakat Management (Badan Amil Zakat, BAZ).
d. Solving the Problems of Labor and Unemployment
Another activity by zakat fund is solving the problems of labor and unemployment. Lately, these
problems are hard to be solved. The labor age around 60 millions of people could not be absorbed
by the existing opportunity of work. The targets of this preliminary project are the destitute
(fuqara), that is, those who have not any fixed job to fulfill their own daily needs. It is also
addressed to the drops-out, students who have finished their education or those who have their
own job but their endeavors are stagnant, or collapsed because of the lack of capital support. This
financial support could be given to the individuals or the groups based on their prospective
e. Program of Health Services
The program of health services for the poor and for those who live in the rural areas should be
solved by the enforcement of zakat. As a social concept, zakat could be used as service to the
prosperity of Muslims, including their health. The usage of zakat in this sense could be perceived
as the interpretation of “Fisabilillah” meaning as public interests as understood by most ulama.
f. Orphanage
The efforts to handle such neglected children as orphans had been done either by the government
or private organizations or institutions, in urban or in rural areas. Such endeavors are humanitarian
and become one of Islamic doctrines (to rear and educate the orphans). Here, then, Muslims
should be more responsible for taking care of the orphans, for it is a kind of worship to Allah SWT
(‘ibadah). It could be done individually in every Muslim household or in some organizations which
could gather the orphans in a massive scale. Generally the problems in rearing the orphans are
involving any process of bringing the orphans to be independent, to be useful for the society, the
country, and the religion.
This explanation of zakat in the light of Prahalad’s ideas hopefully could open our horizons. The
present writer surely believes that it is far from being perfect. Nevertheless, the first steps to
synergize ideas or inter-ideas for the sake of economic improvement should be done promptly. In
Islamic economics, or even in Islamic teaching itself, even the first mission of Muhammad
[p.b.u.h.] in the period of Mecca is to free the society from the poverty (Q.S. Al-Balad:6), without
differentiating races, tribes, nations, and even religions. And the Prophet himself reportedly says,
“the best humans are those who are the most they could give benefit to other humans” [khair alnas anfa‘uhum li al-nas].
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)
Abdul Muhsin Sulaiman, Thahir. (1985). Menanggulangi Krisis Ekonomi Secara Islam, translated
into Indonesian by Anshori Umar Sitanggal. Bandung: Al-Ma’arif.
C.K. Prahalad, (2005). The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid. Pennsylvania: Wharton School
Harun Nasution, (1990). Teologi Islam. Jakarta: UI-Press.
Joseph E. Stiglitz, (2000). Economics of the Public Sector. New York/London: W.W. Norton &
Kuncoro, Mudrajad. (2006). Ekonomika Pembangunan. Yogyakarta: UPP-STIM YKPN.
M.L. Jhingan, (2007). The Economics of Development and Planning, translated into Indonesian by
D. Guritno. Jakarta: Rajawali Press.
Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Muhammad Al-Syawkani. (2007 M/1428 H). Fath al-Qadir,. Beyrut: Dar alMa’rifah.
Nasution,Harun. (1995). Islam Rasional. Jakarta: Rajawali Press,
P. Todaro, Michael & C. Smith, Stephen. (2006). Economic Development, translated into
Indonesian by Haris Munandar. Jakarta: Erlangga.
Rosyidi, Suherman. (2006). Pengantar Teori Ekonomi. Jakarta: Rajawali Press,
Shalah ash-Shawi & Abdullah al-Mushlih. (2001). Fikih Ekonomi Keauangan Islam. Jakarta: Darul
Suprayitno, Eko. (2005). Ekonomi Islam. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu.
Wirasasmita, Yuyun. (2010). “Economic Development”, paper presented at DET Programme
seminar of Development Economic, at Padjadjaran University.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World:
The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
Erni Haryanti1
and Education Faculty at UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung
Malay world has been experiencing the conflicting and converging international influences of
globalization and rapid Islamisation in many significant aspects of the countries. One of the issues
is that the impact of the agenda of advancement of women’s life to achieve gender equality
promoted by international agencies. Among other women’s improvement agenda is that woman in
decision making bodies. On the other hand, the growing visible Islamic movement (and/or Islamic
fundamentalism - Islamism) which may significantly grow among Malay societies would
unavoidably create different ideas, attitudes and practices compared to other Muslim world. This
paper explores myriad aspects of women’s empowerment transforming into decision making
bodies in the nuances of an affirmative action a recommendation of series of international
conference on women. Through finding similarities and differences between the two Muslim
majority countries, the support toward Muslim women’s empowerment in decision making bodies
is formally acknowledged in state regulations. Although women of Southeast Asian region are
culturally recognized to have a high status and well engagement with public sphere, in the
implementation of women representing themselves in political sphere has a little difference. In
term of discourses Indonesia has much flourished ideas and closer to the ideas of international
agenda than that of Malaysia. In the overall Malay world would gradually show its openness,
tolerance and positive adaptation as a part of world society, although it cannot avoidably be
departed from international agenda of both carrying Islamic and non-Islamic values.
Keywords: Muslim women in South-east Asia, women in decision making, Affirmative Action
Southeast Asia is located at a very strategic region for most nations that span between the Indian
and Pacific Oceans and range between Asia and Australia. It is no wonder if South-east Asia is
susceptibly affected by many global influences. It is resided by multi-racial and multi-religious
people, but is inherently recognized as peaceful, harmonious and tolerant characters. Recently, it
has been witnessed the emergence of the so-called Islamic fundamentalism. At the same time,
movement of achieving gender equality promoted by the United Nations (UN) also becomes
apparent in the region. Indonesia and Malaysia are among the South-east Asia countries occupied
by Muslims, as majority would inevitably have been shaped by these two different global
influences, although different characteristics may emerge apart from similarities.
As neighbors, these two countries should inevitably have similarities characterized by race and
religion, besides other aspects such as social, economical, political and cultural characters. In
reality, due to globalizing influences and openness attitudes have been experienced within the two
countries since the last two decades there should have been differences of such various dynamic
changes resulted in either positive or negative impacts. A study done by Greg Fealy, for example,
shows that Indonesia and Malaysia’s policies towards Islamic fundamentalism - Islamism - have a
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New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
little difference (Greg Fealy in Nelly Lahoud and Anthony H. Johns, 2005). This kind of attitude
would have been similar to the case of gender equality, such mentioned in the study of Claudia
Derichs and Andrea Fleschenberg (Claudia Derichs and Andrea Fleschenberg, 2010). Thus, this
paper would like to explore the similarities and differences of Indonesia and Malaysia in
confronting and diverging global values in the idea of gender equality with a special reference of
women in decision making bodies through the lens of the fact that these are the most populous
Muslim countries. In this case, there is a question whether “the Western” whom one may regard as
secular and alien to Islamic values, meanwhile Islamic fundamentalism and/or radicalism would be
Islamic, or on the other hand even it is often conflicted to “the established” Islam in the South-east
Asia region.
In this section argued that, in a qualitative study, primary data collection techniques were
observation, in-depth interviews, document study, and the three combined or triangulation. It
should be noted that the technique of collecting data by observation, it is worth noting what is
observed, when interviewed, to whom will conduct the interview (Sugiyono, 2009:147).
Data is the raw material if processed through a series of analyzes can deliver a variety of
information (Usman & Purnomo, 2008:15). The data source of this research is the source of the
data needed for the study. According Suharsimi Arikunto (2006:129) "The data source is the
subject from which the data can be obtained." Based on the data source can be divided into two,
namely primary data and secondary data.
1. Global Religious and Secular Influences
a. Religious Fundamentalism
Islamic fundamentalism also called Jihadism has been a global phenomenon since it becomes so
interesting in most governments and security services around the world after the attack on the
Pentagon, and most importantly on the Twin Towers of the World Trade Centre of New York in 9
November 2001. This world topic has been spreading in countries where Muslims are in Majority.
Subhash Kapila, for example, identifies the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism in South-east
Asia. It first appeared in Kelantan, North Malaysia, and Southern Thailand. Recently, he says that
the entire Malay Northern States are under the political control of Islamic fundamentalist parties.
Clashes with Thai Government forces are reported from Southern Thailand. In Indonesia its
appearance has been recent and more pronounced after the fall of the late President Suharto
(Subhash Kapila, Accessed on 19 October 2011).
However, the term of fundamentalism among most Islamic writers and intellectuals, along with a
number of western scholars are objected. They consider it as either irrelevant to Islam or a
dubious concept alien to the cultural heritage of Muslims. In this case, Youssef M. Soueiri
promotes alternative terms such as Islamism, political Islam, and Islamic Resurgence (Youssef M.
Choueiri, 2010)). In his opinion, “fundamentalism in historical Islam was in its early development
associated with a scholarly and religious activity, undertaken for the purpose of elucidating the
principles and sources of a particular discipline.” However, in modern time, “Islamic
fundamentalism combines political action with an ardent desire to discover the original blueprint of
a pious community and its ideological principles.”
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New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
Nelly Lahoud and Anthony H. Johns write that in general the phenomenon of Islamism emerge
after the attacks of World Trade Centre showing Islam become increasingly concerned to establish
their presence in the world using Islam as their personal, cultural and political identification, and for
some ultimately to deploy Islam as a tool to justify a militant political activism. In this case,
Islamism has been represented to the elevation of a commitment to Islam to the level of an
ideology, and referred to groups who use Islam as a referent to define their political identities. By
defining Islamism like this, however, groups that are included in political parties that profess to be
Islamic parties in their political activities are also Islamism. So, for those who see Islam as a
universalist ideology on the world stage, likewise regard it as a system to put to rights what they
deem as the imbalance and injustice in the world are the extreme manifestation of radical
Islamism. This extreme manifestation approaches Islam according to their aspirations and political
agendas, and use it as a justification for the use of terror as a political weapon (Nelly Lahoud and
Anthony H. Johns, 2005).
This is the reason for Lahoud and Johns become to recognize that Islamism in its manifestation
vary and not all Islamists engage in violence. For them committed radical Islamists are fringe
groups in the world of Islam; it cannot be overemphasized that far from being a movement that
concerns only the West. Islamism as a political current and in all its forms is also recognized as
problematic by Muslims in general and cannot boast an acceptance by the mainstream Muslim
community. As an example in Indonesia, although Islam has had little influence on politics and
society, in wider community most Islamic leaders, such as represented by the two largest Muslim
organisations Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah deny adopting fundamentalism (means
radical Islamism). They prefer to promote a moderate form of Islam and forge national unity. For
them, to develop Islam must be conducted within the corridors of moderation, far from extremism,
either (of the political) left or right, and atheism. Such moderation should come along with national
movement, as Indonesia is not an Islamic based state.
The process of Islamisation in Indonesia evidently shows on the growing popularity of Islamic
attire and devotions, as well as increasing demand both for popular Islamic literature and works of
Islamic learning (Fealy). On the other hand, in Malaysia, as revealed by Fealy, Islam has had a
bigger impact on society and state than on that of any other Southeast Asian nations. From
Malayan independence in 1957, Islam was accorded a privileged position. The Constitution states
that ‘Islam is the religion of the Federation’, though the religious freedom of all citizens is also
guaranteed. Meanwhile, islamisation in Malaysian politics and society is apparent in the growing
centrality of Islamic symbols and language in political discourse, as well as in the more extensive
application of Islamic law.
2. Global Movement on Gender Equality
Islamism like any other religious fundamentalisms has increasingly spread may partly be
perceived to a threat of an increasingly complex globalised world and to the spread of putatively
alien values. It may be aimed at the establishment of a different set of socio-cultural values and
socio-political systems (Derichs and Fleschenberg). This may become to affect Mislms’
acceptance on gender equality. The increased globalisation of social, political and economic
practices, such as the global movement on gender equality in different Muslim countries has led to
arise Muslim’s consciousness on the equal status of Muslim women prescribed in Islam. However,
at the same time it emerge differences among Muslim societies, either of those who endorse and
champion the women’s cause in the global mindset or those who deny any dichotomy between
religious and secular realms.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
Promoted by the United Nations, gender equality has become a worthy goal that lies at the heart
of human rights and central to progress in human development. Firstly it was promulgated by
Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) of the United Nations. In 1975 DAW has started to
hold the World Conference on the International Women’s Year held in Mexico City. Coming along
with this, it recommended making state machineries to promote gender equality. Further, support
of promoting gender equality is followed by subsequent world conferences on women in 1980
(held in Copenhagen) in 1985 (held in Nairobi) and 1995 (held in Beijing). On December 18, 1979
the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) as an international human rights treaty that focuses on
women's rights and women's issues worldwide.
Gender equality as governments’ policy has been embodied in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action
as identified institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women in the twelve critical areas of
concern. These include in the main obstacles to women’s advancement: women and poverty,
education and training of women, women and health, violence against women, women and armed
conflict, women and the economy, women in power and decision-making, institutional mechanisms
for the advancement of women, human rights of women, women and the media, women and the
environment, and the girl child. These twelve critical areas in which women’s status lags behind
show the need to remedy women’s conditions to meet the requirements of gender equality. With
these twelve, the Fourth World Conference on Women produced the message that gender
mainstreaming should be a key strategy to reduce inequalities between women and men that
should be carried out by all Governments and other actors to promote an active and visible policy
of mainstreaming a gender perspective in all policies and programs, so that before decisions are
taken, an analysis is made of the effects on women and men respectively (UNESCO 1995,
Accessed on 6 Apr 2006).
Gender mainstreaming, one of its components includes women in decision making, was defined
by the United Nations Economic and Social Council in 1997 as ‘a strategy for making women’s as
well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation,
monitoring and evaluation of the policies and programs in all political, economic and societal
spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated anymore. The
implementation of gender mainstreaming is measured by its success on the so-called Genderrelated Development Index (GDI) that accounts for the human development impact of existing
gender gaps in the three dimensions: life expectancy at birth, adult literacy rate and mean years of
schooling, and income as measured by real gross domestic product per capita. Among South-east
Asian Nations in 2004 the measurement of GDI has listed Indonesia in rank 90th, which means the
lowest among 4 South-east Asian countries. Meanwhile, Malaysia is on the 52th, Thailand is on
61th, Philippines is on 66th, and Vietnam is on 87th. However, in term of advancing women in
decision making bodies, Indonesia would be a bit more advance to others, as explained below.
3. Muslim Women in Decision Making Bodies
The movement toward gender equality in formal politics has advanced in the latest form of
international convention embodied in The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. It was
adopted unanimously at the Fourth World Conference on Women (4-15 September 1995) by
representatives from 189 countries. The twelve critical areas for women’s advancement have
strengthened the relationship between these areas and the improving women’s political
participation in decision making and women’s advancement in general. A full involvement of
women in decision-making at all levels is intended to play a pivotal role in the general process of
the advancement of women. In other words, there is a close reciprocal relationship between the
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
general advancement of women, including education and formal economic activity, and the
participation of women in decision-making (UN 1992). It is mentioned in the Beijing Declaration
and Platform for Action, paragraph 183:
Women’s equal participation in decision-making is not only a demand for simple justice or
democracy but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into
account. Without the active participation of women and incorporation of women’s perspectives at
all levels of decision-making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved.
The close relationship between the 12 critical areas and women’s advancement in politics has
lead to awareness of the lack of women’s representation in politics among the champions of
gender equality. Although women who constitute half of population in participating election, in their
opinion they are not followed success at the following right, i.e. representing women’s
constituents. Therefore, their endorsement on the Beijing Platform for Action Governments is to
encourage (as written in article 7 of the CEDAW) to give women the right to participate in decision
making and public policy, and to allow them to exercise that right. These are the basic political
rights since it refers to women’s rights to vote and to hold office. CEDAW has provided the basis
for realizing equality between women and men through ensuring women's equal access to, and
equal opportunities in, political and public life, including the right to vote and to stand for election.
State parties have to agree to take all appropriate measures, including legislation and temporary
special measures, so that women can enjoy all their human rights and fundamental freedoms
(ECOSOC, CEDAW, 1979).
A message of CEDAW to ensure women’s right has finally promote a temporary special measure
on the so-called women’s quota. Drude Dahrelup argues that women’s quotas are a possible
method for achieve a dramatic increase in women’s representation (Drude Dahrelup,2002).
Women’s quotas as an affirmative action tool exist to redress the gender inequality that persists in
politics. This also means that women’s quotas aim to achieve political equality and are thus
applied as a temporary measure. The use of quotas will discontinue when the barriers for women’s
entry into politics are removed. Women’s quotas are aimed to achieve fixed outcomes; when
women constitute at least a critical minority of 30 or 40 per cent in politics the quotas should be
phased out.
a. Indonesian Case
In response to the UN’s first Conference on Women, Indonesia’s government supported the UN
women’s year in 1975 and the UN decade for women (1975-1984). For the first time, the
government established the Junior Ministry of Women’s Roles in 1978 with the aim of promoting
women’s roles in the country’s development. In 1983 this junior ministry became the State Ministry
for Women’s Roles. Early in 1980, the government signed the UN Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) that lays the foundation for women’s
equal rights. Furthermore, Indonesia’s government ratified the CEDAW Convention into Law No. 7
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women enacted in 1984. These
endorsements of UN conventions and implementations to improve women’s status have been
pointed to as a source of the women’s movement to demand equal representation in decision
making (Nur Iman Subono). Apart from this, the fall of the New Order has brought a new
formulation of the 1995 GHBN (Broad Outlines of the State Policy). It clearly identifies, for the first
time, gender equality and gender equity as national development objectives. It also re-emphasizes
the need to improve the status and role of women in relation to national life, as well as to bring
about gender equity and equality in national development (Centre for Population and Policy Study
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Gadjah Mada University & The Office of the State Ministry of the Women Empowerment, 2002).
Various approaches to improve women’s lives through national development programs have been
accommodated from WID (Women in Development), GAD (Gender and Development) to Gender
Apart from Indonesia’s Government’s policies, the increasing global definition of women’s issues
in the aftermath of the UN’s declaration of the International Women’s Decade has also
strengthened women’s voices. New Indonesian women’s organizations were also established in
the 1980s. Women’s organizations, such as Yasanti of Yogyakarta and Kalyanamitra of Jakarta
were established to complement the government’s funded women’s organizations such as PKK
and Dharma Wanita whom have been regarded had little awareness on gender issues. They and
other mushrooming women’s organizations claimed themselves operate their programs
independently in helping oppressed people, such as women, labors, farmers, fishermen, those
who gained disadvantages as a result of development progress (Ruth Indiah Rahayu, 1996).
Specific to women’s advancement in politics Indonesia’s Government has enacted the Law No.
12/2003 for the 2004 Election, article (65:1) mentions that all political parties ‘may’ include a
minimum of 30 per cent of women candidates for legislative offices at all levels. Such 30% quota
has been implemented in the 2004 Election which came along with demands of women activists.
The result was that 62 women among 550 members of Parliament (11.3%) were appointed.
Meanwhile, the 1999 Election, the first election at the Reformation era was only promoted 45
women out of 500 members of Parliament (9%). In the following election, again Indonesia’s
Government also has published the Act No. 10/2008 on membership of National and Regional
Legislative; and the Act No. 2/2008 on Political Parties. Both acts have given mandate to political
parties to fulfill 30% quota of women in politics, especially in legislatives. Women representation in
legislatives from time to time has been improving as seen from 1999-2004 (9%), then 2004-2009
(11.3%) to 2009-2014 (17.7%). Moreover, the National Committee of Election 2009-2014 reports
that in the DPD (Regional Representative Council, women constitute 22.7%. As an illustration the
up and down numbers of women’s representation in Indonesia’s Parliament (DPR RI), as follows:
Served Period
1950-1955 (Temporary DPR)
9 (3.8%)
236 (96.2%)
17 (6.3%)
272 (93.7%)
Constituent Assembly: 1956-1959
25 (5.1%)
488 (94.9%)
36 (7.8%)
29 (6.3%)
460 (92.2%)
460 (93.7%)
39 (8.5%)
460 (91.5%)
65 (13%)
62 (12.5%)
500 (87%)
500 (87.5%)
54 (10.8%)
500 (89.2%)
46 (9%)
500 (91%)
Source: DPR Secretariat, 2001. Data formulated by the Division on Women and the Elections, CETRO, 2002.
In global phenomena, quotas as an affirmative action measure have raised resistance, as well
Indonesia. Drude Dahrelup enlists arguments of apposing quotas as follows:
1. Quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity for all, since women are given
2. Quotas are undemocratic, because voters should be able to decide who is elected.
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New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
3. Quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender, not because of their
qualifications and that more qualified candidates are pushed aside.
4. Many women do not want to get elected just because they are women.
5. Introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within the party organization (Drude
The rejection towards women quotas in Indonesia may best represented in the enactment of the
first introduced women’s quota that was included in the 2003 Election Act, although the following
similar Act published in 2008 had found similar resistance with lesser confrontation due to political
atmosphere was more open. Erni Haryanti Kahfi illustrates the journey of women in parliaments
who supported an affirmative action measure in the so-called quotas so that they could help to
achieve approval of Parliament recommendation was finally embedded in the Election Act article
65 enacted in February 2003. The process of enactment took a long journey; the result was still in
a soft measure. The word “may” in the article refers to a soft law as it would not affect penalty for
those who breach the law (Erni Haryanti, Kahfi, 2009). The enactment seems to a win-win solution
as the fact that the executives represented by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the 1999 election
winning party kept questioning about the political capability of women (KOMPAS, 2003). Such
article mentions:
Each participating political party may nominate candidates for national parliament the DPR, the
Provincial DPRD and the Regency/City DPRD, for each electoral district, giving consideration to
representation of women of at least 30 percent (Indonesian version: Setiap Partai Politik peserta
Pemilu dapat mengajukan calon anggota DPR, DPRD Propinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/kota untuk
setiap daerah pemilihan dengan memperhatikan keterwakilan perempuan sekurang-kurangnya
30% (Undang-Undang nomor 12/2003 tentang Pemilihan Umum pasal).
During the battle of making the quotas included in the Election Act, many women members of
Parliaments were either involving in the process or supporting from the outside official meetings,
but they definitely endorsed the cause of a women’s issue. This situation was in contradictory to
those who consider women MPs were tokens of their political parties they represent, and of the
Parliament Office they worked in. More importantly they were some Muslim women figures who
represented Islamic or devout Muslim based parties. Haryanti Kahfi found a senior Muslim woman
MP who had been assumed the Parliament for three election times, she represented a long
Islamic party showed her support to have more women in politics saying that:
Until now this (women’s participation in formal politics) has been a problem of culture, not a
problem of religion. The problem comes from people. People who do not understand this might
have such wrong misperceptions. And these wrong misperceptions may still exist. For example,
based on religious teaching, people can say, “You live as a wife, so what is the purpose of this
life?” The answer is, “Heaven for the afterlife. However, Heaven is not here (in the world of
politics).” But, for sure serving the husband and the child in the household will lead to heaven.
That statement was spoken previously by a representative of party X in there. There is such a
point I have heard. So this discouragement is based on an individual’s religious perceptions.
However, if I look at the Qur’an, there is a specific verse which mentions that whoever does pious
deeds both men and women are both faithful people. Why is this verse not applied here?
Because you (a female) if you want to go somewhere (politics) they are not willing to accept
(Haryanti Kahfi).
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Another young Muslim woman representing an emerging Islamic party said that she believed that
changes in the social and political aspects would affect directly to women’s lives. Therefore in her
view, Muslim women need to involve more in the world of politics.
....changes in the social and political aspects of the country may actually affect a woman’s life,
such as the increased price of oil. When fuel prices increase, women should prepare themselves
earlier as they need to manage their income accurately in order to fit the timetable of having
another income. When the rainy season comes, they should be more aware of the coming flood,
while they understand why they are forbidden to dispose of garbage into rivers to help maintain
the environment. For her this understanding is a minimum; women need to follow things that are
happening in their social environment regardless of how busy they are. It is important to be
involved with the environment and to be concerned about the development of the country. If
necessary she encouraged women to get involved with politics, to prove that they have a shared
concern with the people. Their involvement with politics would work toward the betterment of their
The acknowledgement of Muslim women MPs who endorsed the enactment of the affirmative
action measure above was a little example among many more devout Muslim women who
preferred to agree with the affirmative action measure. It is no wonder if Muslims as Meena
Sharify-Funk say, such is quoted by Derichs and Fleschenberg mentioning that addressing the
peculiar relationship between religiosity, secularity, tradition and modernity with reference to
Muslim communities are floating and overlapping concepts which by no means contradict each
other. Muslims in general do not simply live “in” tradition” or “in modernity”; rather, they dwell “in
between” these two poles, as well as “in between” their secular and religious ideas (Derichs and
Fleschenberg). Thus, it is not surprisingly when the 2003 Election Act applied in the 1999 election
resulted 9% of women in Parliament, in the 2009 election as a result of the enactment of the 2008
Election Act, women number in Parliament increased significantly to become 17,6%.
b. Malaysian Case
In Malaysia, endorsement on improving women’s participation in politics is similar to the
Indonesian case. It importantly endorses the Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action
resulted from the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing in
September 1995. According to Aminah Ahmad, this country has specifically committed itself to
strengthen the implementation of the National Policy on Women in order to: (i) involve more
women in decision-making; (ii) safeguard their rights to health, education, and social well-being;
(iii) remove legal obstacles and discriminatory practices; and (iv) ensure access to and benefits of
development particularly in science and technology (Aminah Ahmad,1998).
The first point of Malaysian Government’s commitment on women in decision making is explained
by Zarizana Abdul Aziz. She says that the government adopted a policy of 30% women in
decision-making levels in the public sector in August 2004 (Zarizana Abdul Aziz, 2008). Prior to
this, the Federal Constitution has acknowledged the rights of Malaysian women as citizens to
participate in the political and public life of the nation are recognized and guaranteed. A specific
article No. 8(1) states “all persons are equal before the law and entitled to equal protection of the
law”. To ensure there would be no laws that discriminate women, Article 8(2) has been reviewed
and amended by the Parliament in August 2001 to include the word “gender” (Usha Devi
Rajaratnam, 2010).
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New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
Furthermore, among Malaysian important figures, gender equity has been actually endorsed to be
implemented. Dato’ Seri Abdullah Badawi who became Prime Minister approved it by espousing
an approach to Islam in October 2003. He focused on 10 fundamental principles, one of which is
the protection of the rights of minority groups and women:
“which is authentic and rooted within the tradition, yet human, just and compassionate” and “where
women will not feel that statements describing Islam as a religion of justice and mercy in reality
only speak to women with exceptions – inadvertently or otherwise… “Women receive a specific
mention because I believe that despite the fact that women in many parts of the world
have become more emancipated, women in many Muslim countries continue to be marginalised
and discriminated against. I find it most lamentable … that [women have not] gained the status
that they are entitled to, in terms of rights, equality and justice” (Zarizana).
Meanwhile, Retired Chief Judge of Malaya, the Honourable Tan Sri Siti Norma Yaakob, in her
opening address delivered at the International Conference on ‘Legislations and Mechanisms to
Promote Gender Equality’, Kuala Lumpur, 28 August 2006 mentioned: “It is my belief that Islam
accords women equal rights with men… like many Muslims, I do not believe that Islam, which
abhors injustices, treats women any less than it treats men. Women, like men are vice-regents on
earth; equal in the eyes of Allah and it is our collective responsibility to ensure that principles of
justice and equality are reflected in our laws”.
More precise endorsement to the improvement of women in decision making is raised by Wan
Azizah: Malaysia, like any other country, needs to have balanced male/female representation in
the public sphere, including politics, so that women can participate in high-level decision-making.
Having women at the highest levels of decision making not only means the articulation of issues
generally perceived to be women’s issues, but ensures that the interests and needs of women,
who are half of the population, are given due weight and consideration. Beyond that, the presence
of women at these levels will mean that women’s perspectives will be easier to hear and more
highly valued in national discussions, in the direction of creating a more just, open, fair and
equitable society (Wan Azizah, 2002).
However, according to Zarizana gender has not been featured prominently in the political scene of
Malaysia, as racial or ethnic politics has been the mainstream of post independence politics. Fifty
years after independence, political parties are still divided along racial/ethnic lines and there has
hardly been any perceptible shift from racial/ethnic politics. This is the reason why gender
discourse has also been complicated by conservative religious interpretations. Coinciding with the
rise of religious revivalism globally, Malay-Muslim politics has resulted in a rise in ideological
political and legal challenges to the legitimacy of women’s claims for equality in the context of
Muslim culture and religion (Zarizana, 2010).
As a matter of fact, Malaysian accession to CEDAW on 5 July 1995 by reservations to certain
articles, such as Article 2 (f), Article 5 (a), Article 7 (b), Article 9 and Article 16 have been
considered showing to its non-conformity with Shariah practiced in Malaysia and the Federal
Constitution(United Nations Treaty Collection). Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh presents the original
reservations read as follows:
The Government of Malaysia declares that Malaysia’s accession is subject to the understanding
that the provisions of the Convention do not conflict with the provisions of the Islamic Shariah law
and the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. With regards thereto, further, the Government of
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New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies
Malaysia does not consider itself bound by the provisions of Articles 2 (f), 5 (a), 7 (b), 9 and 16 of
the aforesaid Convention. In relation to Article 11, Malaysia interprets the provisions of this Article
as a reference to the prohibition of discrimination on the basis of equality between men and
women only’ (Declarations, Reservations and Objections to CEDAW, Division for the
Advancement of Women) (Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh, 2012).
Reservations are declarations made by State Parties to a treaty, and also mean to not accept
certain provisions. Therefore, the non acceptance towards certain articles of the CEDAW has
been regarded as discriminating against Muslim women. Regarding this, Nik Saleh figures out that
there has been a prevalent avoidance of the term feminism in Malaysia. One of the reasons of
Malaysian distancing from feminisms is that feminists’ movements in Malaysia did not engage with
Islam and Islamic intellectuals regarding women’s rights until late 1980s. Feminists’ organisations
were neither incorporate Islamic paradigm in their early generations. This situation continued until
early 1990s when feminists’ projects remained unapproachable and untouched by Muslim
professionals. For Nik Saleh, Shariah is harmonious, therefore, the allegation that Shariah
contradicts with the civil legal system in making women unequal and discriminated is questionable.
She argues that according to Islam and CEDAW, gender equality laws might come first as equal
treatment of women and men, however, if equal treatment brings unequal results, then the laws
should play its role to ensure equal outcomes and remove barriers to advancement of either
women or men. Until recently, she observes that the Women, Family and Community
Development Ministry, established in January 2001, is still studying the necessity to enact a
Gender Equality Act as legal reform proposals.
The alienation of gender equality with its various issues including women in decision making may
refer to Azizah’s acknowledgement that women in decision-making process is far from being
included. Women are under-represented in political institutions, due to numerous challenges
confront women entering politics. She identifies women’s under-representation is caused by
among other things are lack of party support, family support and the "masculine model" of political
life. Malaysian society is still male dominated so that men are threatened by the idea of women
holding senior posts. As the political sphere is compounded by the high premium placed on
political power, this has made some men even less willing to share power with women. The
following table illustrates women’s representation in Malaysian decision making bodies from time
to time (Azizah).
Further, the latest record from Malaysian General Election in 2008, women candidates contested
for the total of the 222 parliamentary seats and 405 state seats were 130 contestants out of which
fewer than 50 were successful (more or less 8% women in decision making positions). This is for
sure still far from the minimum 30% target proposed by Women, Family and Community
Development Ministry in the 9th Malaysia Plan. This number, however, is still considered an
improvement from the total of 80 women candidates that contested in the 2004 General elections
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(Rajaratnam). The persistence of low number of women in decision making is identified that since
Independence Malaysia has generally subscribed to ethnic and religion based politics. Thus, a
new trend would be increasing rejection towards diversity and secularism in favour of state
regulation of behaviour, faith, status and identity, mostly in the name of the religious and ethnic
interests of the majority Muslim Malays (Abdul Azis Zarizana, 2008).
Recently Muslims all around the world, including Malaysia and Indonesia, have brought different
approaches to respond various global movements. Global movement, such as Islamic
fundamentalism gains a little ground among Muslims majority, as evidence shows at a very small
number of people who involve with it, as Muslims in majority do not support violent, radical
characters of Islamic fundamentalism. Another different Islamic movement, i.e. Islamism shows
much ground in South-east Asian Muslim based countries, such as Indonesia and Malaysia.
Islamism has been encouraging Muslims to establish themselves to be a pious Muslim community,
being implemented religious principles in all aspects of Muslims’life. This kind of Islamism which
seems to be more palpable in influencing Muslims’ acceptance toward gender equality movement
that emerges in the two countries.
Both Indonesia and Malaysia have unanimously adopted gender equality notion, a message of the
1995 International Women Conference embodied in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for
action. Coming along with this, both countries have also ratified human (including women) rights
symbolized in CEDAW. Indonesia has been earlier to ratify the CEDAW in the Act No. 7/1984,
while Malaysia embedded it on 5 July 1995 by Reservations. The results are the two countries
implement women’s political rights differently, at the same time the supports gain from
communities variously. In one hand, Indonesia has gained more supports as the table shows on
Women’s Representation in Indonesia’s Parliament (DPR RI) has been increasing significantly. In
another hand, Malaysia has been slowing down, not only in the increased number of women’s
representation in decision making bodies, but gender discourses provide less interest among
Malaysian political actors, scholars and writers.
Finally, Islamism which has been growing significantly in the two countries would increasingly
affect to different interpretation on gender equality notion. Muslims’ understanding on the Islamic
revelation (including the holy Qur’an and The Prophets’ Tradition) has brought some Muslims to
welcome a measure of diversity, while other Muslims demand uniformity. However, since Southeast Asian Muslims are recognized to more peaceful, tolerant and open-minded, such have been
proved by Indonesian and Malaysian endorsements on the two kinds of international gender
equality treaties, gender equality agenda would become more palpable and decisive in the near
future. Malay Muslims as a part of the world community cannot avoidably be departed from
international agenda, but Islamic values would not be wiped out either from every aspects of their
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Abdul Aziz, Zarizana. (2008). “Mechanisms to Promote Gender Equality in Malaysia: The Need for
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International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
Images Of The West In Urban Indonesia:
Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
Melanie V. Nertz1
of Cultural and Social Anthropology, Albert-Ludwig-University, Freiburg, Germany.
Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism is unjustified. In fact, the political change after 1998 and the
increasing influence of religion combined with an intensified process of globalization have led to
socio-cultural vicissitudes inIndonesia beyond which we can only estimate what future patterns of
orientation the population will have. Based on data from informal conversations, interviews and
participant observation, it will be argued that, notwithstanding considerable variations, Muslim
Indonesians uphold not solely negative but ambivalent images of the West and that in comparison
with and opposition to the ‘Self’ or ‘Own’ the West is examined as one of many frames of
reference by which modernity is negotiated and can be put into practice. Many interlocutors
overcame the binary of East and West by envisioning that Indonesia could combine the
advantages of both, the Own and the Foreign in order to step into a desirable future.
Keyword: West, Urban, Modernity, Occidentalisms
Not only the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the USA and postulates like the “clash of civilizations” but also
a general growth of world wide interrelations affecting all aspects of life and society, have
contributed to an increased public interest in how the ‘West’ is perceived by the ‘East’ and in
particular how the ‘West’ is perceived by ‘Islam’. In this context, Indonesia has attracted
international attention due to the Bali bombings in 2002, making the country, which has the world’s
largest Muslim population (and is the largest Muslim-majority democracy), part of the so-called
‘axis of evil’ overnight. Yet, even though a social development in the direction of conservative
interpretations of Islam can be observed, equating Indonesia exclusively with Islamic
fundamentalism and terrorism is unjustified. In fact, the political change after 1998 and the
increasing influence of religion combined with an intensified process of globalization have led to
socio-cultural vicissitudes inIndonesia beyond which we can only estimate what future patterns of
orientation the population will have. Thus recently, especially people in the cities, the main loci of
globalization, have to renegotiate their social status and cultural identity. They are in need of
repositioning the ‘Self’, a process that goes hand in hand with the constitution of differences and
representations of the foreign.
This paper seeks to explore cultural discourses and constructions of the West as the ‘Other’ or
‘Foreign’ among contemporary Muslims in Indonesian urban societies (in particular that of
Makassar, South Sulawesi and Yogyakarta, Central Java where I did anthropological fieldwork for
five and four month. Questions that will be considered in the following are: How do Muslim
Indonesians at the present time position themselves vis-á-vis an imagined West? How is this West
perceived, experienced, interpreted and understood? How are current imaginations of and
attitudes towards the West connected to and articulated in concepts of and performances of
modernity and desirable futures?
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
In contrast to Western media coverage that constantly reproduces the longstanding dichotomy
between Islam and the West and leaves no doubt about Muslim hatred of the West, it is aimed to
show the variety of images of the West that exist among Muslim Indonesians in Makassar and
Yogyakarta that comprised, for instance, NGO-employees, students and university lecturers, hotel
staff, street vendors and Imams and some of them were affiliated with certain Islamic branches,
parties or students associations, while others defined themselves as mere ‘identity card Muslims’
(Muslim KTP).
Based on data from informal conversations, interviews and participant observation, it will be
argued that, notwithstanding considerable variations, Muslim Indonesians uphold not solely
negative but ambivalent images of the West and that in comparison with and oppositionto the ‘Self’
or ‘Own’ the West is examined as one of many frames of reference by which modernity is
negotiated and can be put into practice.
Based on data from informal conversations, interviews and participant observation, it will be
argued that, notwithstanding considerable variations
In this section argued that, in a qualitative study, primary data collection techniques were
observation, in-depth interviews, document study, and the three combined or triangulation. It
should be noted that the technique of collecting data by observation, it is worth noting what is
observed, when interviewed, to whom will conduct the interview.
1. Occidentalisms – Good and bad of ‘the modern West’
A part from locating several Wests, namely the US-American West, the European West, the
Australian West and the Muslim West, Muslim Indonesians spoke rather undifferentiated
about Westerners and the West and expressed an ambivalent attitudeiv that was best summarized
as follows: ‘In my opinion there are good and bad things to say about the West’ (interview, 23
March 2011).v People cited positive and negative aspects of the West, which was first and
foremost considered as a symbol of modernity: ‘If you search for the modern world, go to the
West, to Europe, to America’ (interview, 2 November 2010). The list of shared images and cultural
markers associated with ‘the modern West’ comprised on the positive side: Western discipline,
economic strength and wealth, highranking education systems (and therefore clever Western
people), advanced technology, good quality products, democracy, liberalism (related to human
rights such as religious freedom or gender equality), and individualism (understood as
independency and self-reliance of the subject). Rated negatively were: the remembrance of
colonialism, secularization or rather the loss of religion, materialism (often considered as the new
religion not only of the West but also of Indonesians), individualism (seen as isolation, loneliness,
egoism, selfishness and accompanied by social disintegration and anonymity) and again liberalism
(equated with ‘free sex’vi, indecent female clothing and consume of alcohol and drugs – altogether
things that are seen as crucial indicators of moral decadence).
Thus, from experiences in Western countries, several informants, for instance, greatly admired the
feeling of security, which was ascribed to the rule of law. Having graduated in Europe, one
informant emphasised the harmonious social life over there and told: ‘Life is protected by law;
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
people may do whatever they want as long as it is in accordance with the law’ (interview, 25
October 2010). Another research participant, head of a modernist Islamic boarding school
(pesantren) that has international connections, focused on freedom of expression and more
precisely gender equality when he firstly explained: ‘They [Westerners, M.V.N.] have an opinion
and are allowed to say what they think. I could observe that. There was a married couple who
discussed everything together’ (interview, 2 November 2010).
Furthermore, he remarked that he had been impressed by the religious tolerance shown towards
him when he had been fasting in Ramadan: ‘Thus, what I also experienced was that people
[Westerners, M.V.N.] were very tolerant: at no time when I was fasting, at no time were there any
problems. On the campus, for instance, they [Western students, M.V.N.] apologised when they ate
lunch’ (interview, 2 November 2010). In addition, Muslim Indonesians were generally in favour of
Western behavioural characteristics and ideals such as sense of order, punctuality and thirst for
knowledge that – in their eyes – were put into practice in exemplary fashion by Westerners (and
were seen as cornerstones of the West’s progress in terms of education, technology and
economics). One research participant who had worked in the tourism sector for years (first as a
waiter, later as an operational manager) had observed that guests from the West were always
eager to learn. Pointing to the fact that they would read a lot, he concluded that Westerners are
studious and inquisitive in contrast to Indonesians: We admire the fact that Westerners spend a lot
of time learning. Wherever they are, they will read and read and read. If they go to the bathroom, if
they are on a train or in a restaurant, wherever they are, they will always have a book with them,
either beside them on the table or at least in their bag. I think this is what we should pattern
ourselves on. (Interview, 2 January 2011)
However, some shared negative images of ‘the West’ and of ‘Western modernity’ were put forward
by Muslim Indonesians in Makassar and Yogyakarta as well. They mentioned what they
considered to be the flip side of the coin or a false liberalism that was incompatible with
Indonesian culture: Their doctrine is the idea of freedom. They are free. I mean … they have a free
live. Yes, they live unhampered lives, especially when they come [to Makassar, M.V.N.] in
couples, man and woman. Excuse me, not all are like that, they usually say: free life, free sex,
drinking alcohol … they [Westerners, M.V.N.] call it freedom, liberty … free means they can do
whatever they want. This is true in their countries. However, if they come to Indonesia, they will
have to respect our culture. (Interview, 2 January 2011)
Additionally, the basic characteristic of the Western life-style, namely being materialistic, was seen
as another great shortcoming. It had already led to disorientation among Westerners who do not
know about the real need of humanity, namely spirituality. According to my researchparticipants
this was quite contrary to people in the East and in Indonesia, whose spiritual strength was
praised: Society here [Indonesian society, M.V.N.], societies in the East in general, although their
basic material needs have to be met, have a strong spiritual orientation in life: spirituality is
strong… Looking at the West, how to say, they are disorientated in their lives because they are
already rich in terms of material needs. It is beyond question that this leads to discomfort and
uneasiness because there is a spiritual dimension, a spiritual need that they [Westerners, M.V.N.]
ignore. Yes, it is unfulfilled. Thus, that is not good, there is no balance. (Interview, 11 January
The above cited perfectly shows the interrelatedness of the constitution of ‘Self’ and ‘Other’ and
leads to some necessary theoretical considerations regarding Orientalism and Occidentalism.
Famously criticized by Edward W. Said in 1978 for being reductionist representations of ‘the
Orient’ in order to serve as instrument of colonial domination,vii Orientalism seemed to precede
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
Occidentalism, a term that was only introduced in 1992 by James G. Carrierviii as a synonym for
essentialist images of ‘the West’ (either defined as ‘the projected image of the Western world
enjoyed by representatives of “the Orient”’ix or – less commonly – understood as a Western
projectx). Yet, this does not hold true due to the intersections of both, now and before. Max Deeg
therefore enhanced the concepts by adding the supplementary terms auto-orientalism and autooccidenalism. These terms describe the fact that, while constructing the ‘Other’ we also create an
essentialist image of the ‘Self’.
When people from the East do so, it is referred to as auto-orientalism, and auto-occidentalism
when Westerners do so.
In the case of my Muslim interviewees the mechanism of auto-orientalism was of two kinds. Where
the West was regarded as a shining example, auto-orientalism painted an unfavourable picture of
the ‘Self’, Indonesian government and society. There was widespread negativity – negative self
perception and descriptions – in the accounts of the interlocutors, signifying a discontent with
current cultural, social and political conditions in Indonesia. Participants were particularly
condemning corruption, which is often used as an argument that Indonesia is not yet ready for
democracy. This self-criticism was frequently seen in the context of the religious identity of the
interviewees, as, for instance, a Muslim lecturer at an Islamic and a Christian university stated:
“Islamic values can be found over there [in the West] but not here [in Indonesia]. Although in the
West they do not say they are Muslims, I recognized that they put Islamic values to use.
On the contrary, in Islamic countries, including here [Indonesia] all people say: `I am Muslim´, but I
realized that they are not because they do not promote Islamic values.” (Interview, 11 January
2011). Referring to negative aspects of the West was accompanied by constructions of the ‘Self’
that were mystifying. Accusing the West of being immoral and lacking spiritual guidance,
simultaneously Indonesia or the East was ‘equated with moral values and wisdom’ (interview, 17
February 2011), although in other contexts informants were worried about the fact that Indonesian
youth especially was imitating liberal Western life-style. Thus, working in the tourism sector of
Makassar for years (first as a waiter and more recently employed as the operational manager of a
medium-sized, family-run hotel), one informant reported the following: I observed that when
Westerners come they usually like beer. Once I worked as waiter in a café… they ordered a lot of
beer. Those who come to this café are not only Western tourists, our people [people from
Makassar, M.V.N.] do so as well and are probably influenced by them. Shameless social
intercourse has already been adopted from the West. It is extraordinary how shameless social
intercourse has already entered Indonesian society. (Interview, 2 January 2011)
With respect to her peers, one female employee of a non-governmental organisation in
Yogyakarta also pointed out the increasingly pro-Western attitudes of young Indonesian women in
terms of fashion: When you look at fashion, for example, [young, M.V.N.] people in Indonesia
know quite quickly about fashion in Paris. When hot pants became the latest trend five years ago,
you could not see women wearing them in public in Yogya [Yogyakarta, M.V.N.], but now [you
can, M.V.N.]. That means with Western influence you now see a lot [of hot pants on the streets,
M.V.N.]. (Interview, 18 September 2010).And last but not least, a member of the Islamic Students
Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, HMI) in Yogyakarta remarked the already destructive
impact that Western materialism had taken on Indonesian society: Slametan are vanishing,
[because] we are already pragmatic [in the sense of materialistic], consumerism has grasped us
[in Indonesia], that is the influence from the West, culture is changing very much, Ramadan also.
When this major religious holiday comes, you have to buy new clothes [now]. (Interview, 23 March
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
2. Pathways to Alternative Modernities – Modifying the Western Draft by Filtering
Does modernisation have to mean Westernizing Indonesia? xiv As shown above, informants of
mine for the most part had clear ideas of ‘the West’ and its conditions of modernity. Judging some
aspects positively and others negatively, revealed that Muslim Indonesians were notcompletely
convinced of what the West provides as a model of a modern nation and society.Thus, being
aware of what in their eyes are the pros and cons of Western modernity andfacing Western
inflows into their own society resulted in a so-called practice of ‘filtering’.More precisely, this meant
identifying good and bad about Western life-style, values and concepts and filtering out what was
considered unsuitable for Indonesian culture and Muslim religious understandings:Everyone has
certain characteristics: one of them is culture. We havealso special characteristics due to our
culture. Thus, we should have a filter in order that we do not adopt things that are not appropriate
with our culture, yes? So, there is a filter, [and] what fits will be adopted. (Interview, 18 February
Interestingly, the practice of filtering was as valid for global or foreign influences from theWest as
for inflows from the ‘Islamic East’, but that is another matter.However, dealing with the process of
globalisation, and especially with circulating ideas and images of ‘the West’, was not just a matter
of sorting out the negative things. Once they were clear about this, people turned out to be busy
learning how to incorporate what were acknowledged as positive examples or useful knowledge
from the West in terms of modernisation. Concerning education, for instance, lively discussions
were, and still are, held in Muslim academic circles on how to benefit from Western science. There
was no doubt about the need to learn from the West in terms of scientific culture. Yet, how to do
so was a matter of debate. Muslim intellectuals and students were divided over this issue. Some
thought of an explicit model of how to create and guarantee a ‘synergy of religion and sciences’
(interview,25 January 2011), while others were in favour of the immediate introduction of Western
sciences: Knowledge cannot be changed, whether it is a communist, an atheist, a religious
person, someone from the West or someone from the East who discovers it. It is not necessary to
Islamise knowledge. […] We can adopt [Western, M.V.N.] knowledge immediately. What is global
is [Western, M.V.N.] knowledge and methodology, these are very beneficial. (Interview, 4 January
The admiration for Western methodological strength has even gone so far as to set a new trend.
Studying Islamic sciences has thus recently shifted from universities in the Middle East to
institutions in the West:The right methods to do research, the West has an advantage in this case.
[…] Students of Islamic sciences are sent over there. […] In the Middle East they do not know
enough about the right methodology. How to read the holy texts like the Quran, you have to use
the right methods; Westerners know how to do it. (Interview, 4 January 2011)
Anyway, it was widely stressed that sciences generated in the West lacked the guidance of moral
values to ensure an ethically responsible application – the latter being a task Islam could perform.
The final aim was often to modernise by ‘becoming more Western than the West’ (interview, 25
March 2011), as one member of the Muhammadiyah Students’ Association (Ikatan Mahasiswa
Muhammadiyah, IMM) in Yogyakarta emphasised. Acquiring secular Western sciences and
combining them with respect for Islamic norms would advance the East, in particular Indonesia, to
a leading position. In terms of consumerism, practice was much less complex. Despite the danger
of material hedonism, spending the weekends in shopping malls and eating at Pizza Hut,
Kentucky Fried Chicken or MacDonald’s were popular leisure activities among middle- and upperclass Muslim Indonesians in Makassar and Yogyakarta. Being aware of their Western origins,
some informants loved to go to these fast-food chains because ‘it is modern, it is its modernity;
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
eating in the Western Kentucky means being modern’ (interview, 2 November 2010), as well as
showing one can afford it. Others said that they just liked the food.
However, none of them had any doubts about whether or not the food was in conformity with
Islamic food rules and purity requirements due to the halal labelxx from the Council of Indonesian
Ulama (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI).
Dealing with Occidentalism or rather Occidentalisms in contemporary Indonesia, it is striking that
perceptions and images of the West did not differ significantly when comparing the selected
research sites, Makassar and Yogyakarta. Something that can be ascribed to thesimilar sources
from where the informants derive their knowledge of the West: first andforemost from the media,
but also from contacts with foreign tourists and/or from travelling or staying abroad or from working
relations with Westerners. What was revealed is a common tendency towards the ambivalence
and ambiguity for which the West stands in the eyes of the research participants (apart from a few
who looked on the West solely negatively and were only mentioned in passing in this paper).
The West is seen as a shining example on the one hand and is considered a source of danger on
the other. This conflicting attitude towards the West is most obvious with regard to moral
orientations, or rather the ideals of social behaviour. It manifests it self when the West is labelled
both ‘indecent’ with respect to sexual liberalism and ‘more Islamic’ in terms of respecting human
rights. Efforts to put into practice what is considered favourable concerning the West finally result
in more or less elaborate modifications of Western life-style or concepts and demonstrate the
important role that the active individual plays. Moreover, it is now clear that othering concurrently
leads to definition of not one but various Selves and does not necessarily have to result in cultural
dissociation: there is also the possibility of cultural appropriation. People create their own paths to
an alternative modernity out of a pool of possible references, one of which is especially the West.
The process of negotiation shows that, despite the presence of negative opinions of the West, the
majority of Muslim Indonesians in my research sites are not engaged by a general antagonism
towards the West. They do not oppose everything that comes from the West but refer to it as
example of modernity, though not its sole and undisputed model. What is remarkably is that in
their evaluations many interlocutors overcame the binary of East and West by envisioning that
Indonesia could combine the advantages of both, the Own and the Foreign in order to step into a
desirable future.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity
Carrier, J. G. (1992), ‘Occidentalism. The world turned upside-down’, American Ethnologist 19(2),
pp. 195-212.
Deeg, Max (2003), ‘Wer eine kennt, kennt keine… – Zur Notwendigkeit der Religionsgeschichte’,
in Religion im Spiegelkabinett. Asiatische Religionsgeschichte im Spannungsfeld zwischen
Orientalismus und Okzidentalismus, ed. Peter Schalk (Uppsala: Uppsala University Press),
p. 31.
E. W. Said, (1978), Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books. study-islam.html).
Pye, Michael (2003), ‘Overcoming Westernism: The end of Orientalism and Occidentalism’, in
Religion im Spiegelkabinett. Asiatische Religionsgeschichte im Spannungsfeld zwischen
Orientalismus und Okzidentalismus, ed. Peter Schalk (Uppsala: Uppsala University Press).
Samuel P. Huntington. (1996). The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. New
York: Simon & Schuster.
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫)‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965‬‬
‫‪And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫‪Mustafa Bahjat‬‬
‫‪Sally Bin Saleh‬‬
‫‪of Malaya‬‬
‫‪of Malaya‬‬
‫‪Wan Ismail Shaikh Abdul Qadir was one of the Ulema, he known to struggle in spreading Islamic‬‬
‫‪Aqedah and development in the Patani region in particular and generally in Malay region, this‬‬
‫‪study will provide an overview of his life and contribution to science, and also the study of the‬‬
‫أألمان ي ‪struggle to spread knowledge in the Islamic faith. One of the relics of his work is "Bakurah‬‬
‫‪for the Layman Patani" is the greatest work of his in the Islamic Aqedah Science until recently‬‬
‫‪used as a guide and reference in the study of science aqidah in the Malay region.‬‬
‫‪Keyword:Islamic Aqidah; Malay Region; Aqidah Science‬‬
‫ا‪ .‬مقدمة‬
‫كحوؿ ا‪ٝ‬تو إىل السلطاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل شاه يف‬
‫كانت فطاين(الذم اعتنق الدين اإلسالمي ا‪ٟ‬تنيف‪ّ ،‬‬
‫‪ )Antira Ahmad Fathy,‬منطقة إسالمية مستقلة يقطنها ا‪١‬تسلموف من العنصر ا‪١‬تاليوم‪ ،‬ك٭تكموف أنفسهم‬
‫بأنفسهم ٖتت ظل اإلسالـ‪ ،‬كدخلت الثقافة اإلسالمية بالد فطاين بدخوؿ اإلسالـ‪ ،‬كانتشرت ا‪١‬تساجد يف‬
‫أرجاء البالد‪ ،‬كأسهمت ا‪١‬تساجد يف فطاين إسهامان عظيمان يف نشر العلوـ اإلسالمية كثقافتها‪ ،‬ككانت اإلطار‬
‫األساسي لنشر العقيدة اإلسالمية بُت الشعب‪ .‬كمن ا‪١‬تسلم بو أف تاريخ التعليم يف العامل اإلسالمي على‬
‫كجو العموـ كيف فطاين على كجو ا‪٠‬تصوص كاف منذ البداية قد ارتبط ارتباطان كثيقان با‪١‬تسجد ألف الدراسات‬
‫آنذاؾ كانت دينية خالصة تعٌت بشرح كتوضيح تعاليم اإلسالـ كأحكامو‪ ،‬كقد أ‪ٚ‬تعت ا‪١‬تصادر كا‪١‬تراجع على‬
‫أف ا‪١‬تسجد أىم مكاف لنشر العلوـ كالثقافة اإلسالمية إىل جانب كونو مكانان للعبادة كداران لالحتكاـ كملتقى‬
‫٘تثلت ‪.(Chapakia,‬‬
‫للتشاكر‪ ،‬كإىل جانب ا‪١‬تسجد كحلقاتو يف فطاين‪ ،‬كانت الدراسة ٕترم يف أماكن أخرل يف‬
‫أكون‪ :‬يف كتاتيب األطفاؿ‪ ،‬كىذه الكتاتيب كانت تقوـ يف الغالب ّتوار ا‪١‬تسجد‪ ،‬كقد أسهمت إسهامان‬
‫معينان كىامان يف إعداد ذكم ا‪١‬تؤىالت الدينية‪ ،‬كىذا النوع من التعليم ٮتصص لألطفاؿ الذين يبدأكف‬
‫دراستهم من تعلم ا‪ٟ‬تركؼ العربية قراءة ككتابة حىت ٯتكنهم تالكة القرآف بالعربية بلغة صحيحة‪ ،‬كأيضان تعلم‬
‫ا‪ٟ‬تركؼ ا‪ٞ‬تاكية‪ ،‬كفضالن عن ذلك يدرسوف األحكاـ اإلسالمية األساسية‪.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫ثانيان‪ :‬دكر الشيوخ كالعلماء‪ ،‬كيأٌب بعد ذلك دكر الشيوخ كالعلماء حيث كانوا ‪٬‬تعلوف بيوت سكنهم أماكن‬
‫للتدريس‪ ،‬يقصدىم العامة كا‪٠‬تاصة‪ .‬كىكذا كانت الدكر من جهة كالكتاتيب كحلقات ا‪١‬تساجد من جهة‬
‫أخرل ا‪١‬تؤسسات األكىل عند ا‪١‬تسلمُت يف فطاين لنشر العلم كا‪١‬تعرفة‪.‬‬
‫كأيضان ‪٦‬تا ‪٬‬تدر اإلشارة ىنا إىل أف فطاين تعد من أشهر مراكز الثقافة كالعلم يف منطقة جنوب شرؽ آسيا‪،‬‬
‫ككانت ملتقى العلماء كالطالب كمهد ا‪١‬تدارس‪ ،‬حيث نشأت فيها مراكز علمية عرفت لدل سكاف ىذه‬
‫البالد بػ "فندكؽ" من أجل زرع ا‪١‬تفاىيم اإلسالمية كا‪ٟ‬تماسة الدينية‪ ،‬يقصدىا الطالب من الدكؿ اجملاكرة ‪٢‬تا‬
‫من كلنتاف كتر‪٧‬تانو كقدح كفاىانج كغَتىا من ماليزيا اوٖتادية كمن ‪ٚ‬تفا كغَتىا‪ .‬كيف ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة إف نظاـ‬
‫"فندكؽ" التعليمي قد أسهم مسا‪٫‬تة كبَتة ناجحة يف خدمة اإلسالـ كا‪١‬تسلمُت كىو أصبح سائدان يف دكؿ‬
‫ا‪١‬تاليو كويزاؿ باقيان فيها إىل يومنا ىذا‪ .‬كىومشعل العلم ا‪ٟ‬تقيقي يف البالد‪ ،‬كٯتكننا أف نقوؿ‪ :‬لوو ىذه‬
‫ا‪١‬تدارس (فندكؽ فطاين) ‪١‬تا كجد فيها أم أثر علمي يذكر‪ ،‬ألنو عن طريقها خرج علماء كفقهاء كدعاة كأئمة‬
‫عم ا‪ٞ‬تهل كاألمية‬
‫كخطباء كأساتذة كتبوا كألفوا كدرسوا ّتهودىم ك‪ٛ‬تلوا مشعل العلم يف بالدىم يف كقت ّ‬
‫أرجاء منطقتها‪ .‬كيرل الدكتور عبد الغٍت يعقوب يف مقالتو ‪ :‬من معامل التاريخ السياسي كالعلمي اإلسالمي يف‬
‫فطاين دار السالـ‪ ،‬أف أسباب شهرة فطاين ٔتهمتها العلمية كا‪ٟ‬تضارية كالفكرية لقياـ ديارىا على ثالثة‬
‫‪ -1‬علماء تقليديُت بقوا يف البالد حيث أنشأكا ا‪١‬تدارس كا‪١‬تراكز العلمية على الطراز القدمي‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬علماء ىاجركا بعقو‪٢‬تم ا‪١‬تستنَتة إىل مكة ا‪١‬تكرمة حيث تربوا كترعرعوا فيها كألفوا الكتب الدينية ٍب‬
‫أرسلوا إىل أىليهم يف أكطاهنم بتلك ا‪١‬تؤلفات العلمية الثمينة‪ ،‬كقد أثرت ىذه الكتب العلمية يف عقوؿ‬
‫الفطانيُت كمن جاكرىم من ا‪١‬تاليويُت فكريان كثقافيان‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬علماء حصلوا على الدرجات العلمية من ا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية يف العامل اإلسالمي‪ٍ ،‬ب رجعوا إىل قراىم‬
‫كفتحوا ا‪١‬تدارس الدينية ا‪ٟ‬تديث )عبد الغنً ٌعقوب‪.)2006 ,‬‬
‫ب‪ .‬المبحث األول‪ :‬دراسة حياة الشيخ وان إسماعيل بن وان عبد القادر الفطاني‬
‫‪ .1‬اسمو ونسبو ومولده‬
‫إف فطاين قد أ‪٧‬تبت رجاون يندر مثلهم يف الذكاء كخصوبة الفكر كاوبتكار العلمي ككثرة ا‪١‬تؤلفات كاونتاج‪،‬‬
‫كمن ا‪ٞ‬تفاء أف تبقى ىذه ا‪١‬تنطقة الغنية برجا‪٢‬تا كأعما‪٢‬تا كماضيها كحاضرىا ‪٣‬تهولة عند أصدقائها يف ا‪٠‬تارج‬
‫مطمورة يف صفحات التاريخ‪ ،‬كمن أشهر ىؤوء العلماء الذين كانت ‪٢‬تم ا‪١‬تسا‪٫‬تة الكبَتة يف نشر العلوـ‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫الدينية كخصوصان علم العقيدة يف فطاين كاألثر العظيم يف إرساء دعائم اإلسالـ هبذا ا‪ٞ‬تزء من العامل‬
‫اإلسالمي‪ :‬الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن كاف عبد القادر ر‪ٛ‬تهما اهلل‬
‫فا‪ٝ‬تو الكامل‪ :‬ىو الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن كاف عبد القادر( الشٌخ وان عبد القادر ‪ )1985‬بن كاف‬
‫مصطفى الفطاين(الشٌخ وان مصطفى‪ ,‬جد وان إسماعٌل‪ ,‬ت ‪1863‬م )‪ ،‬كىو ا‪١‬تعركؼ بفأدا عيل‪،‬‬
‫كلد ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل يف قرية بندانج دايا فطاين دار السالـ سنة ‪ 1300‬ىػ ا‪١‬توافق ‪1882‬ـ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬أسرتو‬
‫نشأ الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل يف بيئة علمية صا‪ٟ‬تة‪ ،‬كأسرة الشيخ أسرة دين كفضل خَت‪ ،‬كبيتو بيت علم‬
‫كصالح‪ ،‬فحببتو أسرتو العلم كالعلماء‪ ،‬كدفعتو بو إىل ِحلَق العلم‪ ،‬كهبذه العناية الفائقة من األسرة ك‪١‬تا كاف لو‬
‫عقل كذاكرة قوية استطاع أف ‪٬‬تمع علمان عزيزان كتتلمذ على عشرات الشيوخ‪ ،‬كهبذا تكونت شخصيتو‬
‫كيف ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة إف أسرة الشيخ من األسر اليت خرج منها كثَت من العلماء كالفقهاء‪ ،‬كخاصة أسرتو من جهة‬
‫األب‪ ،‬فكاف ‪ٞ‬تده ‪ -‬الشيخ كاف مصطفى‪ -‬أربعة أكود‪ ،‬كىم‪ :‬الشيخ كاف ‪٤‬تمد زين (ت ‪1908‬ـ)‪ ،‬كالشيخ‬
‫عبد اللطيف‪ ،‬كالشيخ عبد القادر (كالده) كالشيخ داكد (ت ‪1936‬ـ)‪ ،‬ككلهم من العلماء ا‪١‬تشهورين‬
‫(‪.)2002,Ahmad Fathy‬‬
‫كو نبالغ إذا قلنا‪ :‬إف الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل قد توافرت فيو أمور أساسية يف تعلمو كطلبو للعلم كىي‬
‫اليت أدت إىل تفوقو على غَته من الطالب يف زمانو‪ ،‬كىذه األمور ىي البيت ك‪٣‬تتمع بلده‪ ،‬كمواىبو الذاتية‪،‬‬
‫أما البيت فقد نشأ يف أسرة علم كفضل‪ ،‬كترعرع يف بيت العلم‪ ،‬ك‪٤‬تراب العبادة كالتقول كمشعل النور‪ ،‬كأما‬
‫بلده الذم نشأ فيها فهو فطاين دار السالـ‪ ،‬كىي من أشهر مراكز الثقافة كالعلم يف منطقة جنوب شرؽ‬
‫آسيا‪ ،‬كأشهر ملتقى للعلماء كالطالب‪ ،‬كأما مواىب الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل فقد منحو اهلل تعاىل مواىب كاسعة‪،‬‬
‫فقد ظهرت عليو النجابة كالتفتح كالذكاء منذ حداثتو‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬نشأتو الشخصية والعلمية‬
‫عاش الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل من سنة ‪1882‬ـ‪1965 -‬ـ‪ ،‬فكاف عمره عند كفاتو ثالثة ك‪ٙ‬تانُت عامان‪،‬‬
‫قضى منها ثالث عشر سنة يف مسقط رأسو‪ ،‬كيف ا‪١‬ترحلة األكىل ‪ٟ‬تياتو العلمية تلقى الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل العلوـ‬
‫األساسية من العلوـ الدينية كالعلوـ العربية كالقرآف الكرمي كٕتويده يف فندكؽ بندنج دايا (مدرسة كالده‪ ،‬كىي‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫أقدـ ا‪١‬تؤسسات التعليمية التقليدية كأشهرىا يف ذلك الوقت)‪ ،‬كترىب فيها على يد كالده الذم كاف يعد من‬
‫أحد العلماء البارزين يف ا‪١‬تنطقة‪ ،‬كأيضان على يد الشيخ عبد الصمد بن ‪٤‬تمد ‪ٝ‬تاف النويف الفطاين‪ ،‬كقد‬
‫سا‪٫‬تا مسا‪٫‬تة فعالة يف تكوين شخصية الشيخ علميان كثقافيان‪ ،‬كو شك أف ىذا العلم كىذه الصفات اليت‬
‫اتصف هبا كالده كشيخو كأسرتو كاف ‪٢‬تا أثر قوم يف توجيو الشيخ كتنشئتو النشأة الطيبة‪ ،‬كخاصة يف مرحلة‬
‫قبل البلوغ‪.‬‬
‫كيف سنة ‪1895‬ـ‪ ،‬رحل الشيخ كاف عبد القادر إىل مكة ا‪١‬تكرمة ألداء العمرة كا‪ٟ‬تج‪ ،‬كأخذ ك َلده كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل‬
‫عميو الشيخ‬
‫معو كىو ابن ثالثة عشر عامان‪ ،‬كبعد اونتهاء من أدائهما‪ ،‬ترؾ الشيخ كلده ليبقى ٔتكة مع ّ‬
‫‪٤‬تمد زين كالشيخ داكد ر‪ٛ‬تهما اهلل اللذين اٗتذا مكة مكاف إقامتهما‪ ،‬كيف مكة بدأ الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل‬
‫يتلقى العلوـ كأخذىا من العلماء ا‪١‬تاليويُت الذين استوطنوا مكة من أجل التعمق العلمي كالتفقو يف الدين‪،‬‬
‫ككذلك حضر حلقات العلماء العرب ٔتكة ا‪١‬تكرمة‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬شيوخو‬
‫أفاد أصحاب الًتاجم بأف الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل تتلمذ على كثَت من الشيوخ كالعلماء من فطاين كالعرب ٔتكة‬
‫ا‪١‬تكرمة‪ ،‬كقرأ على عدد منهم‪ ،‬كمن أشهرىم ‪.(Abdullah dan Fathy, 1996) ,‬‬
‫ أبوه الشيخ كاف عبد القادر (صاحب فندكؽ بندنج دايا) أخذ عنو الشيخ العلوـ الدينية األساسية‪.‬‬‫ الشيخ عبد الصمد بن ‪٤‬تمد ‪ٝ‬تاف النويف الفطاين‪ ،‬أخذ عنو الشيخ العلوـ الدينية األساسية‪.‬‬‫ الشيخ كاف ‪٤‬تمد زين الفطاين (عمو)‬‫ الشيخ فأجيك داكد (عمو ككالد زكجتو)‬‫ الشيخ كاف أ‪ٛ‬تد بن ‪٤‬تمد زين (ابن عمو)‬‫ الشيخ نوح بن عبد اجمليد‬‫ الشيخ ‪٥‬تتار عطارد بوكور‬‫ كغَتىم من ا‪١‬تشايخ الفضالء‪ ،‬أخذ عنهم العلوـ الدينية األساسية منها‪ :‬القرآف الكرمي كٕتويده‪ ،‬كالفقو‬‫الشافعي‪ ،‬كعلم أصوؿ الدين‪ ،‬كالنحو كالصرؼ كغَتىا‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬وفاتو‬
‫كبعد ىذه الرحلة العلمية الطويلة‪ ،‬انتقل الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل إىل ر‪ٛ‬تة اهلل يف ‪ 3‬نوفمرب ‪1965‬ـ ٔتكة ا‪١‬تكرمة‪.‬‬
‫ج‪ .‬المبحث الثاني‪ :‬مكانتو العلمية وجهوده في العلوم الشريعة (العقيدة)‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫يف ىذا ا‪١‬تبحث‪ ،‬نود أف نشَت إىل جهود الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل يف تدريس العلوـ الدينية كتصنيف‬
‫ا‪١‬تؤلفات كالكتب اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كنذكر فضلو حيث اجتهد يف طلب العلم كالثقافة العربية كاإلسالمية‪ٍ ،‬ب كرس‬
‫حياتو لنشر الثقافة اإلسالمية كعلومها‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬جهوده في التدريس والتعليم‬
‫اختار الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل مكة ا‪١‬تكرمة مكاف إقامتو ‪ -‬كما فعل ذلك عماه الشيخ كاف ‪٤‬تمد زين‬
‫كالشيخ كاف داكد ر‪ٛ‬تهما اهلل‪ -‬كمارس ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل اوشتغاؿ يف حياتو بالعلم‪ ،‬كبعد ٖتصيل الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل‬
‫على العلوـ األساسية من العلوـ الدينية كالعلوـ العربية‪ ،‬بدأ نشاطو يف التدريس‪ ،‬كعمره حينئذ ثالثوف سنة‪،‬‬
‫ككاف ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل يهتم اىتمامان كبَتان بالتدريس كالًتبية كالوعظ‪ ،‬ككانت مواظبتو على التدريس كالوعظ كالًتبية‬
‫عامالن مؤثران يف التالميذ كمان ككيفان‪ ،‬كاعًتؼ كثَت من العلماء ا‪١‬تاليويُت بأف الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل كاف عا‪١‬تان كبَتان‬
‫يف ‪٣‬تاوت العلم ا‪١‬تختلفة من الفقو كالتفسَت كالتصوؼ كالعلوـ العربية كا‪١‬تنطق كالفلسفة كعلم أصوؿ الدين‬
‫كاف ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل ينظم جل أكقاتو ‪-‬يف النهار كالليل‪ -‬للتدريس يف ‪٣‬تاوت علمية ‪٥‬تتلفة‪ ،‬يف أصوؿ الدين‪،‬‬
‫كالفقو اإلسالمي‪ ،‬كالتصوؼ‪ ،‬كالتفسَت‪ ،‬كقواعد اللغة العربية‪ ،‬كغَتىا‪ ،‬فأما ‪٣‬تاؿ علم العقيدة فقد ناؿ اسم‬
‫يدرس كتب العقيدة ا‪١‬تتعددة سواء كانت‬
‫الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل شهرة كذيوعان كبَتين لدل ا‪ٞ‬تميع‪ ،‬ككاف ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل ّ‬
‫باللغة ا‪١‬تاليوية كالعربية‪ ،‬كمن أىم كتب العقيدة باللغة ا‪١‬تاليوية اليت استخدمها الشيخ مواد علمية لتدريس‬
‫طالبو ىي‪ :‬كتاب فريدة الفرائد للشيخ كاف أ‪ٛ‬تد بن ‪٤‬تمد زين الفطاين (ت ‪1325‬ىػ)‪ ،‬ككتاب سراج ا‪٢‬تدل‬
‫للشيخ زين الدين سومباكا‪ ،‬كباكورة األماين (رسالتو)‪ ،‬كأما كتب العقيدة باللغة العربية فهي‪ :‬منت السنوسية‬
‫للشيخ السنوسي (ت ‪895‬ىػ)‪ ،‬ا‪ٟ‬تاشية على شرح السنوسي ‪١‬تقدمة أـ الرباىُت للشيخ ‪٤‬تمد بن الدسوقي‬
‫(ت‪1230‬ىػ)‪ ،‬منت جوىرة التوحيد للشيخ إبراىيم بن حسن اللقاين (ت ‪1041‬ىػ)‪ٖ ،‬تفة ا‪١‬تريد على جوىرة‬
‫التوحيد للشيخ إبراىيم بن ‪٤‬تمد الباجورم (ت‪1277‬ىػ)‪.‬‬
‫يدرس كتاب فتح الوىاب بشرح منهج الطالب للشيخ أيب ٭تِت زكريا‬
‫كيف ‪٣‬تاؿ الفقو اإلسالمي فكاف ّ‬
‫األنصارم (ت ‪926‬ىػ)‪ ،‬ككتاب اإلقناع يف حل ألفاظ أيب شجاع للشيخ ‪٤‬تمد الشربيٍت ا‪٠‬تطيب (ت‬
‫‪977‬ىػ)‪ ،‬ككتاب احمللي ‪ٞ‬تالؿ الدين عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن بن أيب بكر السيوطي (ت ‪911‬ىػ)‪ .‬كيف ‪٣‬تاؿ التفسَت فكاف‬
‫يدرس تفسَت ا‪ٞ‬تاللُت لإلمامُت ا‪ٞ‬تليلُت جالؿ الدين ‪٤‬تمد بن أ‪ٛ‬تد احمللي (ت ‪864‬ىػ)‪ ،‬كجالؿ الدين عبد‬
‫الر‪ٛ‬تن بن أيب بكر السيوطي (ت ‪911‬ىػ)‪ ،‬كيف التصوؼ فكاف يدرس كتاب منهاج العابدين إىل جنة رب‬
‫العا‪١‬تُت للشيخ داكد بن عبد اهلل الفطاين (ت ‪1263‬ىػ)‪ ،‬كما كاف يدرس طالبو قواعد اللغة العربية مثل‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫حاشية على شرح الفاكهي لقطر الندل للشيخ ياسُت بن زين الدين الشافعي (ت ‪1651‬ـ)‪ ،‬كشرح ابن‬
‫عقيل على األلفية وبن مالك للشيخ هباء الدين عبد اهلل بن عقيل العقيلي ا‪٢‬تمداين ا‪١‬تصرم (ت ‪769‬ىػ)‪،‬‬
‫كحاشية الصبياف كغَت‪٫‬تا‪ ،‬كلذلك انتفع بو طالب كثَتكف جاءكا من ‪٥‬تتلف البلداف كخصوصان الطالب من‬
‫بالد ا‪١‬تاليو مثل فطاين‪ ،‬كماليزيا (كخاصة كلنتاف‪ ،‬كتر‪٧‬تكانو‪ ،‬كقدح‪ ،‬كنكرم ‪ٝ‬تبيلن كبَتؽ كغَتىا)‪ ،‬كىؤوء‬
‫تأثركا بشخصيتو كمواىبو ككاظبوا الطلب عليو فأخذكا علومو الوافرة‪ ،‬كما كانوا أحد العوامل القوية يف شهرة‬
‫الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل كنشر علمو‪ .‬كمن أشهر تالمذتو الذم كانت ‪٢‬تم القدـ العالية يف نشر العلوـ اإلسالمية‬
‫يف فطاين كاألثر العظيم يف إرساء دعائم اإلسالـ هبذا ا‪ٞ‬تزء من العامل اإلسالمي ىم‪:‬‬
‫الشيخ عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن داو صاحب فندكؽ داو (فطاين)(الشٌخ عبد الرحمن بن محمد‬
‫الشيخ حسن صاحب فندكؽ مككوؿ)‪,(Fathy, 1996‬‬
‫الشيخ أ‪ٛ‬تد بن عبد الوىاب صاحب فندكؽ فوساف‪(Fathy, 1996) ,‬‬
‫الشيخ عبد القادر كاغو صاحب فندكؽ سالبودم سكم)‪),(Fathy, 1996‬‬
‫الشيخ عبد اهلل بن ‪٤‬تمد صاحل بن كاف عبد القادر صاحب فندكؽ بندنج كبوف‬
‫الشيخ عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن صغَت صاحب فندكؽ كواو بركاس‪ ،‬فناريق‬
‫الشيخ نيك مت صاحب فندكؽ جوميل‪ ،‬تلوبن‬
‫الشيخ عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن بن عبد اللطيف‪ ،‬صاحب فندكؽ برأكؿ‬
‫الشيخ نيك عبد اهلل بن أ‪ٛ‬تد صاحب فندكؽ نيبونج بارك‬
‫الشيخ يوسف مؤسس فندكؽ ماليو بانكوؾ جاو‬
‫الشيخ عبد الرشيد صاحب فندكؽ سسايف‪ ،‬سايبورم‬
‫الشيخ حسن صاحب فندكؽ لوبوؽ توؾ فينج‪ ،‬جرينجا‬
‫كغَتىم كثَت‬
‫‪ .2‬ومن أشهر تالمذتو خارج فطاني‬
‫الشيخ عبد الرحيم إدريس الكلنتاين ا‪١‬تكي‬
‫الشيخ عبد القادر ا‪١‬تنديلي ا‪١‬تكي‬
‫الشيخ ‪٤‬تمد نور إبراىيم مفيت كلنتاف سابقان (كلنتاف)‬
‫الشيخ عبد اهلل (فندكؽ لوبوؽ تافو‪ ،‬كلنتاف)‬
‫الشيخ عبد اهلل (فندكؽ وٌب فاسَت ماس‪ ،‬كلنتاف)‬
‫الشيخ كاف يوسف جيك تغو (كمونينج‪ ،‬ماجنج‪ ،‬كلنتاف)‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫الشيخ عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن بن سليماف (فندكؽ سو‪٧‬تام دكرياف‪ ،‬كواوكرام‪ ،‬كلنتاف)‬
‫الشيخ أكانج ‪١‬تبور (كلنتاف)‬
‫الشيخ داكد كنتينج (كلنتاف)‬
‫الشيخ إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل أ‪ٛ‬تد إماـ مسجد كوية نكرم ‪ٝ‬تبيلن (نكرم ‪ٝ‬تبيلن)‬
‫الشيخ ‪٤‬تمد بن يوسف (نكرم ‪ٝ‬تبيلن)‬
‫الشيخ زكريا بن أ‪ٛ‬تد كاف بسر (قدح)‬
‫الشيخ ‪٤‬تمد زىدم (فندكؽ ونام‪ ،‬قدح)‬
‫الشيخ كاف عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن لونج (تر‪٧‬تكانو)‬
‫الشيخ عبد اهلل (كواو إيبام تر‪٧‬تكانو)‬
‫كغَتىم كثَت‬
‫كىنا ٯتكننا أف نلخص القوؿ بأننا و نبالغ إذا قلنا‪ :‬إف الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل ‪٦‬تن أسهم إسهامان كبَتان‬
‫كخرجت حلقتو العلمية ٔتكة ا‪١‬تكرمة كثَتان من‬
‫يف نشر العلوـ الدينية يف فطاين خاصة كبالد ا‪١‬تاليو عامة‪ّ ،‬‬
‫طالب العلم‪ ،‬كذلك ألف كثَتان منهم قد أقاموا كفتحوا كأسسوا مؤسسات دينية كمراكز علمية يف فطاين دار‬
‫السالـ‪ ،‬كما جاكرىا من البلداف‪ .‬كجديد بالذكر ىنا أيضان إىل أف يف ا‪١‬تنتصف الثاين من القرف التاسع عشر‬
‫ا‪١‬تيالدم كأكائل القرف العشرين‪ ،‬كصل نظاـ فندكؽ (ا‪١‬تدارس التقليدية) يف فطاين دار السالـ إىل عصره‬
‫الذىيب حيث ظهر يف ىذه ا‪ٟ‬تقبة كثَت من العلماء الذين كاصلوا دراستهم ٔتكة ا‪١‬تكرمة‪ ،‬كبعد ما حصلوا‬
‫على قسط من العلم‪ ،‬رجعوا إىل البالد (فطاين) فبدأك بفتح ا‪١‬تدارس كتعليم الناس أمور دينهم كغرس بذكر‬
‫حب الدين يف نفوسهم‪ ،‬كىذا يعٍت أنو من خالؿ ىذه ا‪ٟ‬تقبة بدأت الصورة تتضح أكثر كأكثر عن كجود‬
‫فندكؽ (ا‪١‬تدارس التقليدية) يف فطاين دار السالـ‪ ،‬كمن أشهر ىذه ا‪١‬تؤسسات كأكربىا‪ :‬فندكؽ داو‬
‫)‪ ،(Pondok Dala‬فندكؽ سالبودم سكم )‪(Pondok Sela Budi Sekam‬فندكؽ فوساف )‪،(Pondok Posan‬‬
‫فندكؽ بندنج بادنج )‪ ،(Pondok Bendang Badang‬فندكؽ مككوؿ )‪ ،(Pondok Makngul‬ك‪٦‬تا و نستطيع‬
‫أف ننساه بأف أكثر شيوخ ىذه ا‪١‬تؤسسات الدينية كانوا ‪٦‬تن درسوا كتتلمذكا على يد الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ٔتكة‬
‫‪ .3‬جهوده في التصنيف والتأليف‬
‫قدر اهلل تعاىل ألرض فطاين أف ٗترج عددان من العلماء الذين كثرت مؤلفاهتم كانتشرت يف دكؿ عديدة من‬
‫أرخبيل ا‪١‬تاليو‪ ،‬ك‪٦‬تا يدؿ على األثر الفعاؿ ‪٢‬تم يف نشر الثقافة اإلسالمية يف بالدىم تأليفهم ‪ -‬بعد ما‬
‫كصلوا إىل درجة عالية من العلوـ كالثقافة‪ -‬كتبان إسالمية باللغة العربية كا‪١‬تاليوية‪ ،‬كلكن مل يقتصر أثرىم على‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫التأليف فقط بل أقدموا على تر‪ٚ‬تة أمهات الكتب العربية اإلسالمية إىل اللغة ا‪١‬تاليوية اليت ٖتول بُت جنباهتا‬
‫العلوـ اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كمن ا‪١‬تسلم بو أف الكتابة كالتأليف كالًت‪ٚ‬تة مهمة جدان للدولة على مدل عناية ا‪١‬تسلمُت‬
‫بالعلوـ اإلسالمية كاللغة العربية‪ .‬كىذا كاضح جلي إذا درسنا تاريخ الدعوة اإلسالمية يف فطاين كمسا‪٫‬تة‬
‫(الجامعة اإلسالمٌة العالمٌة‬
‫علمائها يف نشرىا‪ ،‬حيث يبدأ من الشيخ داكد بن عبد اهلل الفطاين‬
‫مالٌزٌا‪ ،‬ط‪2003 ،1‬م)كزمالئو من العلماء يف عصره كبعده مثل الشيخ كاف أ‪ٛ‬تد بن ‪٤‬تمد زين الفطاين‬
‫(‪ ، )Shaghir, 2005‬كبذلك فإف فطاين تقدـ مسا‪٫‬تة كبَتة يف الدعوة اإلسالمية كنشر العلوـ اإلسالمية‪،‬‬
‫كىي ٗترج كثَتان من العلماء كا‪١‬تؤلفُت يف العلوـ ا‪١‬تختلفة؛ يف أصوؿ الدين‪ ،‬كالفقو كالتصوؼ كاللغة العربية‬
‫كغَتىا‪ ،‬كمؤلفاهتم أصبحت فيما بعد مقرران دراسيان كمادة أساسية كمرجعان مهمان يف ا‪١‬تدارس التقليدية‬
‫(فندكؽ) منذ القرف التاسع عشر ا‪١‬تيالدم إىل يومنا ىذا‪.‬‬
‫علماء فطاين كثَتكف‪ ،‬منهم من أعطي القدرة على التأليف كالكتابة‪ ،‬فًتؾ لنا مؤلفاتو‪ ،‬كمنهم من مل ‪٬‬تد‬
‫القدرة على التأليف فمعظمهم أفٌت عمره يف التدريس كالتعليم كالًتبية كالدعوة يف ا‪١‬تدارس الدينية اليت‬
‫أسسوىا كأيضان يف ا‪١‬تساجد ( المرجع السابق)‪ .‬كمن أبرز علمائها الذين كاف ‪٢‬تم جهد يف نشر العلوـ‬
‫اإلسالمية كخصوصان علم العقيدة اإلسالمية‪ :‬الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين‪ ،‬حيث كاف لو يف‬
‫‪٣‬تاؿ العقيدة اإلسالمية جهد مشكور ‪١‬تا كاف لو من أثر عظيم كفعاؿ يف نشرىا على نظاؽ كاسع بفطاين‬
‫كما جاكرىا من البلداف ٔتصنفاتو‪ ،‬كاليت لقيت شهرة منقطعة النظَت يف حياتو كبعد موتو حيث أقبل عليها‬
‫طلبة العلم دراسة كتدريسان‪ .‬كيف ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة كاف ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل نشيطان يف التدريس كالتعليم أكثر من تأليف الكتب‬
‫كالرسائل‪ ،‬كمعٌت ذلك أنو من العلماء الذين يفضلوف تأليف الرجاؿ أكثر من تأليف الكتب كالرسائل‪ ،‬كعلى‬
‫أية حاؿ حاكؿ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل أف يؤلف بعض الرسائل كخصوصان يف ‪٣‬تاؿ علم العقيدة اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كمن أشهر‬
‫ا ‪ -‬باكورة األماني إلشارة عوام أىل الفطاني‬
‫أ‪٧‬تز الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين تأليف ىذه الرسالة ليلة السبت ‪ 14‬رجب ‪ 1336‬ىجرية‪،‬‬
‫ٔتكة ا‪١‬تكرمة‪( ،‬يف ‪ 10‬صفحات)‪ ،‬كىي أىم مؤلفاتو‪ ،‬كقد طبعت يف مطبعة اإلخواف بسنغافورة سنة ‪1918‬ـ‪،‬‬
‫كتبحث ىذه الرسالة يف مسائل صفات اهلل ‪-‬أك ما اشتهر يف اصطالح الفطانيُت بدراسة الصفات‬
‫العشرين‪ -‬كمسائل صفات األنبياء كا‪١‬ترسلُت‪ .‬كأما ‪٤‬تتوياهتا فقد ّبُت فيها الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل عدة أمور أساسية‬
‫يف التوحيد ( إسماعٌل بن وان عبد القادر ‪ ،)2000‬منها ما يتعلق باإل‪٢‬تيات كىي بياف ما ‪٬‬تب هلل‬
‫تعاىل من الصفات اليت ‪٬‬تب على كل مكلف أف يعرفها كيعتقدىا على كجو التفصيل‪ ،‬كىي عشركف صفة‪:‬‬
‫الوجود‪ ،‬القدـ‪ ،‬البقاء‪ ،‬ا‪١‬تخالفة للحوادث‪ ،‬القياـ بنفسو‪ ،‬الوحدانية‪ ،‬القدرة‪ ،‬اإلرادة‪ ،‬العلم‪ ،‬ا‪ٟ‬تياة‪ ،‬السمع‪،‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫البصر‪ ،‬الكالـ‪ ،‬كونو تعاىل قادران‪ ،‬كونو تعاىل مريدان‪ ،‬كونو تعاىل عا‪١‬تان‪ ،‬كونو تعاىل ‪ٝ‬تيعان‪ ،‬كونو تعاىل بصَتان‪،‬‬
‫كونو تعاىل حيان‪ ،‬كونو تعاىل متكلمان‪ .‬كما يستحيل عليو من الصفات اليت ‪٬‬تب على كل مكلف أف يعرفها‬
‫كيعتقدىا بالتفصيل كىي أضداد الصفات الواجبة لو تعاىل‪ :‬العدـ‪ ،‬ا‪ٟ‬تدكث‪ ،‬الفناء‪ ،‬ا‪١‬تماثلة للحوادث‪ ،‬أو‬
‫يكوف قائمان بنفسو‪ ،‬أو يكوف كاحدان‪ ،‬أف يكوف عاجزان عن ‪٦‬تكن ما‪ ،‬أف يوجد شيئان من العامل مع اإلكراه‪،‬‬
‫ا‪ٞ‬تهل‪ ،‬ا‪١‬توت‪ ،‬الصمم‪ ،‬العمى‪ ،‬البكم‪ ،‬كونو تعاىل عاجزان‪ ،‬أك مكرىان أك جاىالن أك ميتان أك أصم أك أعمى أك‬
‫أبكم‪ .‬كما ‪٬‬توز يف حقو تعاىل كيقصد بو ما يصح يف العقل كجوده كعدمو ٔتعٌت أف اهلل تعاىل فعل كل ‪٦‬تكن‬
‫كتركو‪ ،‬فال ‪٬‬تب عليو شيء من ا‪١‬تمكنات كما و يستحيل‪.‬‬
‫كمنها ما يتعلق بالنبوات كىي بياف ما ‪٬‬تب للرسل من الصفات اليت ‪٬‬تب على كل مكلف أف يعرفها‬
‫كيعتقدىا بالتفصيل كىي أربع صفات‪ :‬الصدؽ‪ ،‬األمانة‪ ،‬التبليغ‪ ،‬الفطانة‪ .‬كما يستحيل عليهم من الصفات‬
‫كىي ضد الصفات الواجبة‪ :‬الكذب‪ ،‬ا‪٠‬تيانة‪ ،‬الكتماف‪ ،‬البالىة‪ .‬كما ‪٬‬توز يف حقهم كىو الصفات اليت و‬
‫‪٬‬تب عند العقل ثبوهتا ‪٢‬تم كو نفيها عنهم‪ ،‬بل يصح عندىم كجودىا ‪٢‬تم فيجوز عقالن كشرعان يف حقهم‬
‫كأما منهج الشيخ يف كتابة ىذه الرسالة فهو يتمثل يف األمور اآلتية‪:‬‬
‫ تعريف الصفات الواجبة هلل عز كجل‪ ،‬كاوستدوؿ على كجوب اتصافو عز كجل هبذه الصفات‪ ،‬كبياف‬‫ما يستحيل يف حقو عز كجل تفصيالن‪ ،‬كبياف ما ‪٬‬توز يف حقو‪ ،‬مع ذكر الدليل على ذلك‪.‬‬
‫ تعريف الصفات الواجبة للرسل‪ ،‬كاوستدوؿ على كجوب اتصافهم هبذه الصفات‪ ،‬كذكر ما يستحيل‬‫فيهم من الصفات‪ ،‬كتوضيح معٌت الصفة ا‪ٞ‬تائزة يف حقهم‪.‬‬
‫تعد ىذه الرسالة من ا‪١‬تقررات الدراسية األساسية يف ا‪ٟ‬تلقات العلمية با‪١‬تؤسسات التعليمية التقليدية (نظاـ‬
‫الشٌخ عبد الكرٌم بن حسب هللا‬
‫فندكؽ) كأيضان ا‪١‬تساجد يف جنوب تايالند حىت يومنا ىذا (‬
‫‪,2008‬عبد الرحمن ‪ ،)2009‬قاؿ األستاذ أ‪ٛ‬تد فتحي يف مقالتو إسهامات علماء فطاين يف الًتبية‬
‫اإلسالمية‪ :‬إف دراسة علم العقيدة اإلسالمية يف ا‪١‬تؤسسات التعليمية التقليدية (نظاـ فندكؽ) يف الغالب أف‬
‫يبدأ الشيخ (‪ )Tuan Guru/Tok Guru‬بقراءة رسالة باكورة األماين للشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل الفطاين‪ٍ،‬ب رسالة فريدة‬
‫الفرائد يف علم العقائد للشيخ كاف أ‪ٛ‬تد الفطاين‪ٍ ،‬ب كتاب الدر الثمُت يف عقائد ا‪١‬تؤمنُت للشيخ داكد بن‬
‫عبد اهلل الفطاين‪ٍ ،‬ب كتاب عقيدة الناجُت يف أصوؿ الدين للشيخ زين العابدين بن ‪٤‬تمد الفطاين( الشٌخ‬
‫عبد الكرٌم بن حسب هللا ‪ .)2008‬كيف ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة أف ىذا الًتتيب كضعو أكثر شيوخ فندكؽ يف فطاين‬
‫(الشٌخ عبد الكرٌم بن حسب هللا ‪.)2008‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫ب‪ .‬تبصرة األداني بألحان باكورة األماني‬
‫كىي شرح رسالة الباكورة‪ ،‬كفقد أ‪٧‬تز الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل شرحها يف يوـ ا‪٠‬تميس ‪٤ 25‬ترـ ‪1358‬ىػ‪،‬‬
‫ٔتكة ا‪١‬تكرمة (يف ‪ 30‬صفحة)‪ ،‬كطبعت ىذه الرسالة يف مطبعة فطاين فريس‪ ،‬بفطاين دار السالـ سنة‬
‫‪1382‬ىػ‪ ،‬كقد ّبُت الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل سبب تأليف ىذا الشرح يف مقدمتو حيث قاؿ‪ :‬طلبٍت بعض أخواين أف‬
‫أكتب ‪٢‬تم ما يتعلق بالصفات العشرين اليت ‪٬‬تب على ا‪١‬تكلف أف يعرفها كيعتقدىا على كجو التفصيل‪،‬‬
‫ك‪ٝ‬تّى ىذا الشرح بتبصرة األداني بألحان باكورة األماني (إسماعٌل بن عبد القادر الفطانً ‪.)1382‬‬
‫ج‪ .‬إيضاح المرام لتحقيق سبل السالم‬
‫مل ‪٧‬تد ىذه الرسالة‪ ،‬كلكن ‪٧‬تد شرحها لتلميذه الشيخ عبد القادر بن إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل السنوم الفطاين‪ ،‬كىو‬
‫مصباح الغالـ كقد انتهى منو يوـ ا‪ٞ‬تمعة ‪ 3‬ربيع الثاين ‪ 1367‬ىجرية‪ ،‬قاؿ الشيخ عبد القادر يف مقدمة‬
‫أدرسهم رسالة إيضاح ا‪١‬تراـ لتحقيق سبل‬
‫كتابو‪ :‬أما بعد ففي سنة ‪1367‬ىػ‪ ،‬قد طلبٍت بعض إخواين أف ّ‬
‫السالـ لشيخي الكبَت احملقق ا‪١‬تدقق الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين‪ ،‬فقمت بشرح ىذه الرسالة‬
‫ك‪ٝ‬تيتُها‪ :‬مصباح الغالـ بشرح إيضاح ا‪١‬تراـ ( عبد القادر بن إسماعٌل السنوي الفطانً ‪ .)1369‬كنظران‬
‫إىل رسالة مصباح الغالـ ‪٧‬تد أهنا ٖتتوم أىم أصوؿ العقيدة اإلسالمية من معرفة صفات اهلل الواجبة لو‬
‫تفصيالن‪ ،‬كالصفات ا‪١‬تستحيلة عليو كالصفة ا‪ٞ‬تائزة يف حقو‪ ،‬كأيضان معرفة صفات األنبياء كا‪١‬ترسلُت‪.‬‬
‫كقيل إف الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل قاـ بشرح رسالة فريدة الفرائد يف علم العقائد للشيخ كاف أ‪ٛ‬تد بن ‪٤‬تمد زين‬
‫الفطاين (ابن عمو) )‪ ، (Fathy‬ككاف الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تو إىل جانب علمو بأصوؿ الدين كالعقيدة‬
‫اإلسالمية عا‪١‬تان كماىران بقواعد اللغة العربية‪ ،‬كقد علّق فقد علّق ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل على كتاب أبنية األ‪ٝ‬تاء كاألفعاؿ‪،‬‬
‫كالرسالة الفطانية يف علم النحو كا‪١‬تنظومة الفطانية يف القواعد النحوية للمؤلف ا‪١‬تذكور ( أحمد بن محمد‬
‫زٌن الفطانً)‪.‬‬
‫ه‪ .‬الخاتمة‬
‫فإف الباحث يف هناية ىذه الورقة ا‪١‬تتواضعة يشكر اهلل تعاىل على ما أنعم عليو بإكما‪٢‬تا‪ ،‬كىنا يذكر أىم‬
‫النتائج اليت توصل إليها من خالؿ ْتثو عن حياة الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل الفطاين‪ ،‬كدراسة جهوده يف العلوـ‬
‫الشرعية (العقيدة)‪ ،‬من أ‪٫‬تها‪:‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫كلد الشيخ يف قرية بندنج دايا‪ ،‬فطاين‪ ،‬كنشأ يف بيئة علمية صا‪ٟ‬تة‪ ،‬كدرس العلوـ الدينية عن كالده‬
‫كشيوخو يف القرية‪ٍ ،‬ب انتقل مع أسرتو إىل مكة ا‪١‬تكرمة‪ ،‬كتفرغ لطلب العلم كأخذ العلوـ اإلسالمية‬
‫كالعربية عن علماء فطاين كعلماء العرب ا‪١‬توجودين ىناؾ‪.‬‬
‫كبعد ٖتصيل العلوـ‪ ،‬مارس الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل يف حياتو اوشتغاؿ بالعلم يف ‪٣‬تاؿ التدريس كالتعليم‪،‬‬
‫كاتنفع بو طالب كثَتكف‪ ،‬كعكف على التأليف كالتصنيف‪ ،‬ككاف ٭تتل مكانة علمية كاجتماعية‬
‫مرموقة بُت علماء عصره كلدل طالب العلم كخصوصان الطالب من جنوب شرؽ آسيا ألنو شيخ‬
‫مشهور يعقد ا‪ٟ‬تلقة العلمية يف بيتو كا‪١‬تسجد ا‪ٟ‬تراـ ٔتكة ا‪١‬تكرمة‪.‬‬
‫كاف ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل يساىم مسا‪٫‬تة كبَتة يف نشر العلوـ الدينية كالثقافة اإلسالمية يف فطاين كما جاكرىا‪،‬‬
‫ألف كثَتان من تالمذتو قد فتحوا كأسسوا مؤسسات دينية كمراكز علمية‪ ،‬كخاصة يف أكاخر القرف‬
‫التاسع عشر كبداية القرف العشرين ا‪١‬تيالدم‪ ،‬يف حُت كصل نظاـ فندكؽ يف فطاين إىل عصره الذىيب‪.‬‬
‫خلف الشيخ ر‪ٛ‬تو اهلل لطالب العلم كالعلماء تراثان علميان كخاصة يف ‪٣‬تاؿ علم العقيدة اإلسالمية‪،‬‬
‫كرسالة باكورة األماين إلشارة عواـ أىل الفطاين‪ ،‬كتبصرة األداين بأ‪ٟ‬تاف باكورة األماين‪ ،‬كإيضاح ا‪١‬تراـ‬
‫لتحقيق سبل السالـ أىم رسائلو العقدية‪.‬‬
‫كأخَتان ندعو اهلل أف يرحم الشيخ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل ر‪ٛ‬تة كاسعة ‪ ،‬ك‪٬‬تزيو عن ا‪١‬تسلمُت خَت ا‪ٞ‬تزاء‪ ،‬ك٭تشرنا كإياه‬
‫مع الذين أنعم اهلل عليهم من النبيُت كالصديقُت كالشهداء كالصا‪ٟ‬تُت كحسن أكلئك رفيقان‪ ،‬كصلى اهلل على‬
‫نبينا ‪٤‬تمد كعلى آلو كصحبو أ‪ٚ‬تعُت‪ ،‬سبحاف ربك رب العزة عما يصفوف كسالـ على ا‪١‬ترسلُت كا‪ٟ‬تمد هلل‬
‫رب العا‪١‬تُت‪.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith‬‬
‫المصادر والمراجع‬
‫ ماىامأ صارم يوركه‪ ،‬أىمية اللغة العربية في نشر الدعوة اإلسالمية في جنوب تايالند ‪ْ ،‬تث‬‫تكميلي لنيل درجة ا‪١‬تاجستَت (كلية معارؼ الوحي كالعلوـ اإلنسانية‪ ،‬ا‪ٞ‬تامعة اإلسالمية العا‪١‬تية‪،‬‬
‫ماليزيا‪2000 ،‬ـ)‬
‫ عدد من ا‪١‬تؤلفُت‪ ،‬دراسة عن نخبة المفكرين الماليويين ‪( ،‬ا‪ٞ‬تامعة اإلسالمية العا‪١‬تية ماليزيا‪ ،‬ط ‪،1‬‬‫‪2003‬ـ)‪.‬‬
‫ عبد الغٍت يعقوب‪ ،‬من معالم التاريخ السياسي والعلمي اإلسالمي في فطاني دار السالم ‪٣ ،‬تلة‬‫التجديد (ا‪ٞ‬تامعة اإلسالمية العا‪١‬تية‪ ،‬ماليزيا‪ ،‬العدد ‪ ،20‬السنة العاشرة‪2006 ،‬ـ)‪.‬‬
‫ عبد القادر بن إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل السنوم الفطاين‪ ،‬مصباح الغالم بشرح إيضاح المرام لتحقيق سبل السالم‬‫(د‪،‬ـ‪ :‬ط‪1369 ،4‬ىػ)‪.‬‬
‫ كاف أ‪ٛ‬تد بن ‪٤‬تمد زين الفطاين‪ ،‬كتاب أبنية األسماء واألفعال (ويليو الرسالة الفطانية في علم‬‫النحو)‪( ،‬كوتا هبارك‪ :‬مطبعة ‪٣‬تلس أككاـ إسالـ كلنتاف‪ ،‬ط‪ ،3‬د‪.‬ت)‬
‫ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن كاف عبد القادر‪ ،‬باكورة األماني إلشارة عوام أىل الفطاني (كواو ‪١‬تبور‪ :‬ا‪٠‬تزانة‬‫الفطانية‪ ،‬د‪.‬ط‪2000 ،‬ـ)‪.‬‬
‫ كاف إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين‪ ،‬تبصرة األداني بألحان باكورة األماني (فطاين‪ :‬مطبعة فطاين‬‫فريس‪ ،‬د‪.‬ط‪1382 ،‬ىػ)‪.‬‬
‫ مقابلة شخصية مع الشيخ عبد الكرمي بن حسب اهلل (شيخ ا‪١‬تدرسة اإلٯتانية الدالوية الفطانية حاليان)‬‫يف بيتو‪ ،‬تاريخ ‪ 1‬ديسمرب ‪2008‬ـ‪.‬‬
‫ مقابلة شخصية مع الشيخ إ‪ٝ‬تاعيل بن حاج عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن (شيخ مدرسة معيار العلوـ حاليان) يف بيتو‪،‬‬‫تاريخ ‪ 23‬إبريل ‪2009‬ـ‪.‬‬
‫‪Ahmad Fathy,2002,UlamaBesar Dari Patani, (Bangi: UniversitiKebangsaanMalaysia).‬‬
‫‪Ahmad Fathy, PengatarSejarahFatani, (KotaBharu: PustakaAman Press).‬‬
‫‪Ahmad Fathy, 2008,SumbanganUlamaPatani di dalamPendidikan Islam (Kertaskerjadibentang di‬‬
‫‪Universiti Islam Yala).‬‬
‫‪Ahmad Fathy, 1996, MajalahPengasuh, Bil 541.‬‬
‫‪Ahmad Omar Chapakia, 2000, Politik Thai Dan Masyarakat Islam Di Selatan Thailand, (Pustaka‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965)And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith
Ismail CheDaud,Tokoh- TokohUlamaSemenanjungMelayu(2),
AdatIstiadatMelayu Kelantan)
(MajlisUgama Islam Dan
Wan Mohd. Shaghir, 2005,Sheikh Ahmad Al-FathaniPemikirAgungMelayudan Islam, (Kuala
Lumpur: KhazanahFathaniyah, Cetakan1, jilid2)
WanMohdShaghir Abdullah, 2005,WacanaSyeikh Ahmad Al- Fahani, PemikirAgungMelayudan
Islam(PersatuanPengkajianKhazanahKlasik Nusantara).
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia
Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago:
Model in Indonesia
Mansur Tamam
Khaldun University, Bogor, Indonesia
Liberalism means here Orientalist attempt to attract even Islam conformity with the principles of
Western liberalism in form and substance. Hence Zhardha in the Islamic world have to do
Orientalism, which under his leadership became the U.S. currently wants Islam that corresponds
to the values of modernity and secularism and Western liberalism. And this phenomenon coincides
appearance in the Islamic world with its appearance Malay archipelago and Indonesia to face
particular Alholanda since colonial days, and then taking this trend develops even have an
influence on contemporary history in these islands. So this includes talking on two things:
Orientalist role for the emergence of liberalism in the Islamic world, and its influence in the Malay
Keywords:Liberalism, Islamic, liberal Orientalist, Secularism, Malay, Indonesia.
‫تفاىيم الليربالية لإلسالـ يف العامل اإلسالمي لو صلة قوية باوستشراؽ‬١‫افًتض الباحث أف انتشار ا‬
‫ لقد عرب إدكارد سعيد‬،‫ ألف اوستشراؽ جزء من العقلية الغربية خصوصا فيما يتعلق بالشرؽ‬:‫أكو‬
‫تفهوـ‬١‫ كأف الشرؽ يف ا‬.)1(»‫تفاىيم الغربية للشرؽ‬١‫ «اوستشراؽ ا‬:‫) على ذلك يف عنواف كتابو‬2003-1935(
.‫ كالعقلية الغربية بالتحديد ىي الليربالية‬،‫اوستشراقي ىو اإلسالـ على كجو التحديد‬
‫ ألف الغرب الغالب يفرض مفاىيمو على الشرؽ‬،‫تيمنة الغربية كتأثَتىا على الشرؽ‬٢‫ يتعلق با‬:‫ثانيا‬
‫ كيًتتب‬.)2(»‫تغلوب مولع أبدا باوقتداء بالغالب‬١‫تيمنة ألف «ا‬٢‫ كالشرؽ بدكره و يشعر أحيانا هبذه ا‬،‫تغلوب‬١‫ا‬
.‫تاكلة تربير الليربالية بالنصوص اإلسالمية‬٤‫تبادئ الليربالية على اإلسالـ ك‬١‫على ذلك تطبيق ا‬
)* ‫تركز الدراسي للشرؽ األكسط‬١‫ كا‬،‫تاضر بالدراسات العليا ّتامعة ابن خلدكف بوجور‬٤ ،‫الدكتوراة يف العقيدة كالفلسفة ّتامعة األزىر بالقاىرة‬
.‫جامعة إندكنيسيا ّتاكرتا‬-‫الدراسات العليا‬-‫كاإلسالـ‬
( ) .2006 ،1 .‫ ط‬،‫ رؤية للنشر كالتوزيع‬:‫ القاىرة‬،‫تمد عناين‬٤ .‫ د‬:‫تًتجم‬١‫ ا‬،‫ االستشراق المفاىيم الغربية للشرق‬،‫ادكارد سعيد‬
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫أكو‪ :‬اوستشراؽ كأىم ‪ٝ‬تاتو‪:‬‬
‫كبناء على ذلك فإف ا‪ٟ‬تاجة ماسة إىل معرفة مفهوـ اوستشراؽ كأىم ‪ٝ‬تاتو‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬مفهوـ اوستشراؽ‪:‬‬
‫يعٌت «الدراسات الغربية ا‪١‬تتعلقة بالشرؽ اإلسالمي يف لغاتو كآدابو كتارٮتو ‪Orientalism‬اوستشراؽ‬
‫كعقائده كتشريعاتو كحضارتو بوجو عاـ»(‪ .)3‬كرغم أف اللفظ يشَت إىل عالقة الدراسة ّتوانب الشرؽ عامة‬
‫إو أف التطبيق اإلجرائي كالشائع يف كتابات ا‪١‬تستشرقُت ا‪١‬تعنيُت تتصل تلك الدراسة بالشرؽ اإلسالمي‬
‫‪ .2‬أىم ‪ٝ‬تات اوستشراؽ‪:‬‬
‫ا‪١‬تفهوـ البسيط لالستشراؽ ىو أنو «مبحث أكادٯتي»(‪ ،)4‬ألف اإل‪٧‬تازات اوستشراقية تلبس ثوبا‬
‫علميا أكادٯتيا‪ ،‬لذلك احتل كثَت من ا‪١‬تستشرقُت مراكز علمية مرموقة يف ا‪ٞ‬تامعات الغربية‪ .‬كمع ذلك فإف‬
‫أغلب ‪ٝ‬تاتو كأ‪٫‬تها ثالثة كىي‪ :‬قياس اإلسالـ با‪١‬تسيحية‪ ،‬كأنو معرفة سياسية‪ ،‬كدراسة غَت موضوعية‪.‬‬
‫أ‪ .‬قياس اإلسالـ با‪١‬تسيحية‪:‬‬
‫ىناؾ ما يسمي بأكىاـ ا‪ٞ‬تنس أك القبيلة‪ ،‬مفادىا أف الناس «ميالوف بالطبع إىل تعميم بعض‬
‫ا‪ٟ‬تاوت دكف اولتفات إىل ا‪ٟ‬تاوت ا‪١‬تعارضة ‪٢‬تا‪ ،‬كإىل ٖتويل ا‪١‬تماثلة إىل تشابو كتواطؤ‪ ،‬كإىل أف يفرض يف‬
‫الطبيعة من النظاـ كاوطراد أكثر ‪٦‬تا ىو متحقق فيها»(‪ٔ ،)5‬تعٌت آخر أف الفرد يف حالة قصوره ا‪١‬تعريف و‬
‫يستطيع أف يتجاكز حدكد ٕتربتو ا‪٠‬تاصة‪.‬‬
‫كيف ىذا الصدد كاف ا‪١‬تستشرقوف ‪٤‬تصورين بتجارهبم ا‪٠‬تاصة مع الدين ا‪١‬تسيحي فينظركف إىل‬
‫اإلسالـ مثل نظرهتم إىل ا‪١‬تسيحية ‪ٚ‬تلة كتفصيال ك‪ٞ‬تأكا إىل القياس أك التشبيو‪ .‬كافًتضوا أف ‪٤‬تمدا لإلسالـ‬
‫مثل ا‪١‬تسيح للمسيحية‪ ،‬كاطلقوا على اإلسالـ اسم «احملمدية» إيهاما أف ا‪١‬تسلمُت يأ‪٢‬توف ‪٤‬تمدا كما أهنم‬
‫مقدمة ابن خلدون‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،147‬بَتكت‪ :‬دار القلم‪ ،‬ط‪(2 ) .1984 ،5.‬‬
‫‪٤‬تمود ‪ٛ‬تدم زقزكؽ‪ ،‬االستشراق والخلفية الفكرية للصراع الحضاري‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،18‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار ا‪١‬تعارؼ‪ ،‬د‪.‬ت‪(3 ) .‬‬
‫) إدكارد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق‪ ،‬ص ‪(4.44‬‬
‫يوسف كراـ‪ ،‬تاريخ الفلسفة الحديثة‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،47‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار ا‪١‬تعارؼ‪ ،‬ط‪ ،5.‬دت‪.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫يأ‪٢‬توف ا‪١‬تسيح(‪ ، )6‬كأطلقوا على العلماء اسم رجاؿ الدين‪ ،‬كعلى الدكلة اإلسالمية اسم ا‪ٟ‬تكومة الدينية‪.‬‬
‫كعلى أثره «نشأت صورة مسيحية لإلسالـ»(‪ )7‬كىي صورة ك‪٫‬تية ألقاىا ا‪١‬تستشرقوف على اإلسالـ‪.‬‬
‫ب‪ .‬معرفة سياسية‪:‬‬
‫ا‪١‬تعرفة صنفاف‪ :‬معرفة ْتتة كمعرفة سياسية‪ ،‬كاوستشراؽ ىو معرفة سياسية‪ .‬لقد صور ادكارد سعيد‬
‫أف ا‪١‬تعرفة عن الشاعر شيكسبَت ىي معرفة ْتتة‪ ،‬لكن ا‪١‬تعرفة عن الصُت ا‪١‬تعاصرة ىي معرفة سياسية‪ .‬ألف‬
‫األكؿ ‪٣‬تاؿ العلوـ اإلنسانية الذم ينفي كجود أم طابع سياسي يف ىذا اجملاؿ‪ ،‬كليس ‪٢‬تا تأثَت سياسي‬
‫مباشر‪ .‬بالعكس فإف الباحث ا‪١‬تتخصص يف اوقتصاد الصيٍت مثال يعمل يف ‪٣‬تاؿ مشحوف إىل أقصى درجة‪،‬‬
‫كا‪ٟ‬تكومة تبدم اىتماما كبَتا بو‪ ،‬كما أف ما ينتهي إليو من دراسات أك مقًتحات قد يستعملها را‪ٝ‬تو‬
‫السياسات‪ ،‬كمسئولو ا‪ٟ‬تكومة كاوقتصاديوف العاملوف با‪١‬تؤسسات‪ ،‬كخرباء اوستخبارات(‪ ،)8‬كقس على‬
‫ذلك معرفة الغربيُت عن الشرؽ اإلسالمي‪.‬‬
‫ذلك ألف عالقة الغربيُت بالشرؽ اإلسالمي تتسم بالعداكة كالكراىية‪ .‬حيث ىناؾ ثالثة عوامل على‬
‫األقل جعلت من تفهم الغربيُت للعرب كاإلسالـ مسألة مشبعة بالدووت السياسية العالية النَتة‪.‬‬
‫األكؿ‪ :‬ىو تاريخ التعصب الشائع يف الغرب ضد العرب كاإلسالـ‪ ،‬الذم يتجلى كاضحا يف تاريخ‬
‫كالثاين‪ :‬ىو الصراع بُت العرب كالصهيونية اإلسرائيلية‪ ،‬كتأثَت ذلك الصراع يف اليهود األمريكيُت كيف‬
‫الثقافة ا‪١‬تتحررة كيف السكاف بصفة عامة‪.‬‬
‫كالثالث‪ :‬ىو اونعداـ شبو التاـ ألم موقف ثقايف يتيح للفرد التعاطف مع العرب أك اإلسالـ‪ ،‬أك‬
‫مناقشة أيهما مناقشة غَت انفعالية‪.‬‬
‫كىذا ا‪ٞ‬تو ا‪١‬تعادم لإلسالـ جعل اىتماـ الغربيُت بالشرؽ اإلسالمي تلوف باللوف السياسي‪ .‬قاؿ‬
‫أدكارد سعيد‪« :‬إف اوىتماـ األكركيب‪ٍ ،‬ب اوىتماـ األمريكي‪ ،‬بالشرؽ كاف اىتماما سياسيا‪..‬من احملاؿ إنكار‬
‫راجع‪ :‬مورس بوكام‪ ،‬التوراة واألناجيل والقرآن الكريم بمقياس العلم الحديث‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،19‬تر‪ٚ‬تةعلى ا‪ٞ‬توىرم‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬مكتبة القرآف‪(6 ) ،‬‬
‫إدكراد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق‪ ،‬ص ‪.126‬‬
‫راجع‪ :‬إدكارد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق‪ ،‬ص ‪( ) .54‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫تأثر الدارس األكركيب أك األمريكي للشرؽ بالظركؼ الرئيسة لواقعو الراىن‪ :‬أم أنو يتصدم للشرؽ باعتباره‬
‫أكركبيا أك أمريكيا أكو‪ ،‬كباعتباره فردا ثانيا‪..‬بأنو ينتمي إىل دكلة ذات مصاحل ‪٤‬تددة يف الشرؽ»(‪.)9‬‬
‫كإذا كاف األمر كذلك فإف اوستشراؽ يف هناية األمر رؤية سياسية للواقع‪.‬‬
‫ج‪ .‬دراسات غَت موضوعية‪:‬‬
‫إذا كصف اوستشراؽ با‪١‬تعرفة السياسية فإنو و يرتكز على ا‪١‬توضوعية بل أصبح جزءا من النفعية‬
‫الربا‪ٚ‬تاتية الغربية اليت أصبح معيار الصحة كالبطالف ىو نفعو أك مدافعتو للمصاحل الغربية ٕتاه الشرؽ‬
‫اإلسالمي أك و‪ .‬كعلى ىذا فإف الدراسات اوستشراقية بعيدة كل البعد عن ا‪١‬توضوعية أك ا‪١‬تنهجية على‬
‫الرغم من أف ا‪١‬تستشرقُت أنفسهم يدعوف موضوعيتها بشكل ‪٦‬تتاز‪.‬‬
‫ذلك ألهنم يطبقوف منهجا مقلوبا‪ .‬ألف البحث العلمي يشًتط فيو توافر النزاىة كاألمانة‬
‫كا‪١‬توضوعية‪ ،‬كىي التجرد عن ا‪٢‬توم كالتعصب كالغركر كالبعد عن التجريح‪ٍ ،‬ب التمتع با‪ٟ‬تيدة التامة كاوعتماد‬
‫على ا‪١‬تصادر األصلية مع القدرة على فهمها كاستخالص ما فيها‪ .‬كالعكس من ذلك فإف ا‪١‬تستشرقُت‬
‫يضعوف يف أذىاهنم فكرة معينة يريدكف تصيد األدلة إلثباهتا‪ ،‬كحُت يبحثوف عن ىذه األدلة و هتمهم‬
‫صحتها ٔتقدار ما يهمهم إمكاف اوستفادة منها لدعم آرائهم الشخصية(‪ .)10‬كما أف دراساهتم تتسم بسوء‬
‫الظن كالفهم لكل ما يتصل باإلسالـ يف أىدافو كمقاصده‪ ،‬فيحرفوف النصوص يف كثَت من األحياف ٖتريفا‬
‫مقصودا‪ ،‬كعدـ ا‪١‬توضوعية يف ا‪١‬تصادر اليت ينقلوف منها(‪.)11‬‬
‫كإذا كاف األمر كذلك فإف اإلنتاج اوستشراقي رغم أنو قد كصل إىل كمية ىائلة من ا‪١‬تؤلفات فإهنا‬
‫و تعٌت ضخامة اوستشراؽ كعظمتو من زاكية ا‪١‬توضوعية‪ ،‬أم و يعٌت أهنم أدركوا حقيقة اإلسالـ‪ ،‬بل‬
‫العكس أف تلك الضخامة كانت بسبب بعدىم عن حقيقتو‪ ،‬إذ «أف ا‪ٞ‬تهل الغريب ىو الذم ازداد يف النهاية‬
‫تنقيحا كبعدا عن البساطة‪ ،‬و أف قدرا ما من ا‪١‬تعرفة اإل‪٬‬تابية الغربية قد ازداد حجما كدقة‪ .‬فاألكاذيب ‪٢‬تا‬
‫منطقها ا‪٠‬تاص كجدليتها ا‪٠‬تاصة»(‪.)12‬‬
‫كعلى ىذا علق الدكتور موريس بوكام (‪ )1998-1920‬بقولو‪« :‬إف كثَتا من ا‪١‬تسيحيُت الذين تربوا‬
‫منذ زمن طويل يف ظل ركح عدائي مسرفة‪..‬ىم أعداء كل تأمل‪ ،‬أك فحص‪ ،‬أك دراسة أك اطالع على‬
‫إدكارد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق‪ ،‬ص ‪.57‬‬
‫راجع‪ :‬مصطفي السباعي‪ ،‬االستشراق والمستشرقون ما لهم وما عليهم‪ ،‬ص‪ ،53‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار السالـ‪ ،‬ط‪( ) .1998 ،1‬‬
‫راجع‪ :‬مطفي السباعي‪ ،‬السنة ومكانتها في التشريع اإلسالمي‪ ،‬ص‪ ،178‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار السالـ‪ ،‬ط‪(11 ) .2006 ،3‬‬
‫إدكارد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق‪ ،‬ص ‪(12) .128‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫حقائق اإلسالـ كعقائده دكف ٖتريف أك تزييف أك تشويو‪ .‬إهنم بذلك يظلوف يف جهل مطبق ٭توؿ بينهم‬
‫كبُت فهم حقائق اإلسالـ‪ ،‬كبالتايل تظل مفاىيمو عن اإلسالـ مفاىيم غَت صحيحة كغَت مطابقة للحقائق‬
‫دكف ريب يف ذلك»(‪.)13‬‬
‫صحيح أف ىناؾ فريقا من ا‪١‬تستشرقُت التزـ يف دراستو لإلسالـ با‪١‬توضوعية كالنزاىة العلمية كأنصف‬
‫اإلسالـ كا‪١‬تسلمُت‪ ،‬كقد أدل األمر ببعضهم إىل اعتناؽ اإلسالـ‪ .‬كلكنهم لألسف الشديد نفر قليل جدا‬
‫أقبلوا على اوستشراؽ بدافع من حب اوطالع على حضارات األمم كأدياهنا كثقافتها كلغاهتا‪ ،‬كىم غالبا و‬
‫يتلقوف التمويل من ا‪ٟ‬تكومة اوستعمارية‪ .‬كمع ذلك فإف أكرب شر٭تة من ا‪١‬تستشرقُت ‪٬‬تركف كراء سراب‬
‫٭تسبو الظمآف ماء حىت إذا جاءه مل ‪٬‬تده شيئا‪.‬‬
‫ثانيا‪ :‬الدكافع اوستشراقية كزعامتها‪:‬‬
‫كإذا كاف األمر كذلك فلماذا أنفق ا‪١‬تستشرقوف كل إمكانياهتم للحصوؿ على نتائج غَت موضوعية عن‬
‫اإلسالـ؟ و بد أف يكوف ىناؾ دكافع ملحة ٖتثهم على فعل شيء غَت معركؼ‪ ،‬يتزعمهم أصحاب ا‪١‬تصاحل‪.‬‬
‫كباوطالع على ا‪١‬تصادر اوستشراقية تبُت أىم ىذه الدكافع ىي الدافع الديٍت أك التنصَتم كالدافع السياسي‬
‫أك اوستعمارم‪ ،‬ككانت زعماء ا‪ٟ‬تركة اوستشراقية ىي الدكؿ التبشَتية كاوستعمارية‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬الدافع الديٍت كالسياسي‪:‬‬
‫الدافع الديٍت كاف لتحقيق الزعامة للمسيحية كاونتصار لكل ما ىو مسيحي‪ ،‬كتبلور ىذا الباعث‬
‫يف حركة التنصَت‪ .‬كأما الدافع السياسي فألف الصليبيُت بعد أف ىزموا يف ا‪ٟ‬تركب الصليبية أرادكا العودة إىل‬
‫احتالؿ بالد ا‪١‬تسلمُت من جديد فإتهوا لدراسة ىذه البالد يف كل شؤكهنا بغية التعرؼ على مواطن القوة‬
‫فيها فيضعفوىا‪ ،‬كإىل مواطن الضعف فيغتنموىا‪ .‬كمن ٍب فإنو يهدؼ إىل إضعاؼ ا‪١‬تقاكمة الركحية كا‪١‬تعنوية‬
‫يف نفوس ا‪١‬تسلمُت كبث الوىن كاورتباؾ يف تفكَتىم(‪ ،)14‬لذلك يسمي بالدافع اوستعمارم‪.‬‬
‫كمن ٍب فإف لالستشراؽ جناحُت ك‪٫‬تا التنصَت كاوستعمار‪ .‬حيث قدـ ا‪١‬تستشرقوف نتائج دراساهتم‬
‫ككصاياىم للمبشرين بغية ٖتقيق األىداؼ التبشَتية‪ ،‬كللدكائر اوستعمارية بغية ٖتقيق األىداؼ اوستعمارية‪.‬‬
‫موريس بوكام‪ ،‬التوراه واألناجيل والقرآن‪ ،‬ص ‪(13) .22‬‬
‫راجع‪ :‬عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن ا‪١‬تيداين‪ ،‬أجنحة المكر الثالثة وخوافيها‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،129‬دمشق‪ :‬دار القلم‪ ،‬ط‪(14) .2000 ،8.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫كإذا كاف األمر كذلك فإف «القيمة الكربم لالستشراؽ تكمن يف كونو دليال على السيطرة األكركبية‬
‫األمريكية على الشرؽ أكثر من كونو دليال صادقا حوؿ الشرؽ كىو ما يزعمو اوستشراؽ يف صورتو‬
‫األكادٯتية أك البحثية»(‪.)15‬‬
‫‪ .2‬الزعامة األمريكية لالستشراؽ‪:‬‬
‫يدكر اوستشراؽ مع اوستعمار حيث دار‪ .‬لذلك كاف لو جذكر أكركبية متينة‪ ،‬لكن ٖتولت زعامتو‬
‫بتحوؿ الزعامة اوستعمارية‪« :‬منذ بداية القرف التاسع عشر حىت هناية ا‪ٟ‬ترب العا‪١‬تية الثانية كانت لفرنسا‬
‫كبريطانيا السيطرة على الشرؽ كاوستشراؽ‪ ،‬كأما منذ انتهاء ىذه ا‪ٟ‬ترب فأمريكا ىي اليت تسيطر على الشرؽ‬
‫كتتبع يف ذلك ا‪١‬تنهج الذم كانت تتبعو فرنسا كبريطانيا ذات يوـ»(‪.)16‬‬
‫‪ .3‬اإلسالـ الذم تريده أمريكا‪:‬‬
‫السؤاؿ ا‪١‬تلح الذم يفرض نفسو ىو‪ :‬ما اإلسالـ النموذجي الذم تريده أمريكا؟ يف ‪ٜ‬تسينات القرف‬
‫العشرين أجاب سيد قطب (‪ )1966-1906‬عن ىذا السؤاؿ بقولو‪:‬‬
‫«اإلسالـ الذم يريده األمريكاف‪ ،‬كحلفاؤىم يف الشرؽ ليس ىو اإلسالـ الذم يقاكـ اوستعمار‪،‬‬
‫كليس ىو اإلسالـ الذم يقاكـ الطغياف‪..‬األمريكاف كحلفائهم إذف يريدكف للشرؽ «إسالما أمريكانيا»‪٬ ،‬توز‬
‫أف يستفىت يف منع ا‪ٟ‬تمل‪ ،‬ك‪٬‬توز أف يستفىت يف نواقض الوضوء‪ ،‬كلكنو و يستفىت أبدا يف أكضاعنا‬
‫اوجتماعية أك اوقتصادية أك نظامنا ا‪١‬تايل‪ ،‬كو يستفىت أبدا يف أكضاعنا السياسية كالقومية‪ ،‬كفيما يربطنا‬
‫باوستعمار من صالت‪ .‬فا‪ٟ‬تكم باإلسالـ‪ ،‬كالتشريع باإلسالـ‪ ،‬كاونتصار لإلسالـ و ‪٬‬توز أف ٯتسها قلم‪،‬‬
‫كو حديث‪ ،‬كو استفتاء يف مذىب األمريكاف»(‪.)17‬‬
‫كظلت أمريكا ٖتارب ‪٠‬تلق ىذا «اإلسالـ ا‪ٞ‬تديد» حىت قيل‪« :‬إف حربا داخل اإلسالـ ىي ضركرية‬
‫لتحويلو إىل إسال‪٤‬تداثي‪..‬ليربايل‪..‬علماين‪..‬كإف ا‪٢‬تدؼ من ىذه ا‪ٟ‬ترب داخل اإلسالـ ىو ٖتويل التعليم‬
‫إدكارد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق‪ ،‬ص ‪(15) .50‬‬
‫إدكارد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق‪ ،‬ص ‪(16) .47‬‬
‫جابر قميحة‪ ،‬سيد قطب واإلسالم األمريكاني‪ ،‬صحيفة آفاؽ عربية‪ ،‬يف ‪2001-12-27‬؛ نقال عن ‪٥‬تطوطة كتاب سيد قطب‪:‬‬
‫أمريكا من الداخل‪ ،‬الىت نشرىا سيد قطب يف ‪٣‬تلة الرسالة األسبوعية سنة ‪.1952 ،1951‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫اإلسالمي كا‪٠‬تطاب الديٍت اإلسالمي إىل طريق «أتاتورؾ» (‪ )1938-1881‬الذم أجرب تركيا بإصرار شديد‬
‫على أف هتجر ماضيها!»(‪.)18‬‬
‫كىذا اإلسالـ ا‪ٞ‬تديد ىو ما يسمي عندىم باإلسالـ ا‪١‬تعتدؿ يف مقابل ما ‪ٝ‬توه اإلسالمي أك‬
‫األمريكية بقو‪٢‬تا‪« :‬إف )‪(Research And Development Corporation‬ا‪١‬تتطرؼ‪ .‬كقد عرفت مؤسسة راند‬
‫تعريفا أضيق كأكثر فائدة ‪١‬تن ىو اإلسالمي ىو‪ :‬كل من يرفض الفصل بُت السلطة الدينية كسلطة الدكلة‪،‬‬
‫كيسعى اإلسالمي إىل إقامة شكل من أشكاؿ الدكلة اإلسالمية‪ ،‬أك على األقل يدعو إىل اوعًتاؼ بالشريعة‬
‫كأساس للتشريع»(‪.)19‬‬
‫معٌت ذلك أف اإلسالـ الذم تريده أمريكا ىو اإلسالـ الذم يتطابق مع قيم ا‪ٟ‬تداثة كالعلمانية‬
‫كالليربالية الغربية‪ ،‬حىت يتم كبت مقاكمة السياسة اوستعمارية كإسكاهتا‪.‬‬
‫ثالثا‪ :‬الليربالية يف العامل اإلسالمي‪:‬‬
‫كفيما يلي كاقع بلورة ىذا النموذج يف العامل اإلسالـ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬التغريب أياـ ا‪٠‬تالفة العثمانية‪:‬‬
‫سجل السلطاف عبد ا‪ٟ‬تميد الثاين(‪)1918-1842‬يف مذكراتو السياسية عن التحرؾ اإلنكليزم يف‬
‫بث بذكر نزعة التغريب يف األقطار اإلسالمية‪ ،‬ا‪١‬تتمثل يف النزعة القومية‪« :‬علينا أف نعًتؼ كبكل أسف‪،‬‬
‫بأف اإلنكليز استطاعوا بدعاياهتم ا‪١‬تسمومة أف يبثوا بذكر القومية كالعصبية يف بالدنا‪ ،‬كقد ٖترؾ القوميوف يف‬
‫ا‪ٞ‬تزيرة العربية كيف ألبانيا‪ ،‬كظهرت يف سورية بوادر ٖترؾ ‪٦‬تاثل»(‪.)20‬‬
‫كبعد فًتة تبٌت بعض ا‪١‬تسلمُت ىذه الفكرة كفضلوىا على اإلسالـ‪«:‬يبذؿ اإلنكليز كل جهد ‪٦‬تكن‬
‫يف سبيل اإلساءة إىل ‪ٝ‬تعتنا يف مصر‪ ،‬كىا ىم خدعوا ا‪١‬تصريُت بأفكارىم لدرجة أف البعض منهم يؤمن اآلف‬
‫بأف طريق اإلنكليز ىو السبيل إىل األمن كالنجاة‪ ،‬كيفضل القومية على الدين(»‪ .)21‬معٌت ذلك أف التغريب يف‬
‫صحيفة الحياة‪ ،‬لندف‪ ،‬يف ‪ ،2003-10-17‬وصحيفة األىرام‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ ،‬يف ‪(18) .2003-10-18‬‬
‫‪(19) Angel Rabasa And Others, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 75, Pittsburgh: Rand‬‬
‫‪Corporation, 2007‬‬
‫عبد ا‪ٟ‬تميد ين عبد اجمليد‪ ،‬مذكراتي السياسية‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،177‬بَتكت‪ :‬مؤسسة الرسالة‪ ،‬ط‪)20( .1406‬‬
‫عبد ا‪ٟ‬تميد‪ ،‬مذكراتي السياسية‪ ،‬ص ‪(21( .133‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫ا‪١‬تخططات الغربية يقصد منو الكيد على األمة اإلسالمية كفقا ‪١‬تطتلباهتم الزمانية كا‪١‬تكانية‪ ،‬كأف بث النزعة‬
‫القومية يف ذلك الزماف يقصد منها تفكيك كحدة دكلة ا‪٠‬تالفة‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬نبذة عن ا‪ٟ‬تركة الليربالية يف العامل اإلسالمي‪:‬‬
‫كٔتثابة التأريخ عن ا‪ٟ‬تركة الليربالية يف العامل اإلسالمي فقد قدـ ألربت حبيب ا‪ٟ‬توراين (‪-1915‬‬
‫‪)1993‬تصنيفا ‪٢‬تذه ا‪ٟ‬تركة ككاف مرجعا لليرباليُت‪ ،‬كىو يف نفس الوقت موضع تساؤؿ عند اإلسالميُت‪.‬‬
‫أ‪ .‬الفًتة األكىل (ما بُت ‪:)1870-1830‬‬
‫كىي فًتة رأل فيها ‪٩‬تبة من ا‪١‬تفكرين كأصحاب السلطة أف الصناعة كا‪١‬تؤسسات السياسية األكركبية‬
‫ا‪ٟ‬تديثة ليست خطرا على ا‪١‬تسلمُت‪ ،‬كعلى ا‪١‬تسلمُت أف يقتبسوىا كينتفعوىا دكف أم ا‪ٟ‬تاؽ باألذل على‬
‫ا‪٢‬توية الدينية كا‪ٟ‬تضارية لألمة(‪ .)22‬كبالتايل بدأت تنظر إىل العامل الغريب كحل وستدراؾ ٗتلفهم ا‪ٟ‬تضارم‪.‬‬
‫كبدأت ىذه الفًتة بسفر الطهطاكم (‪)1873-1801‬إىل بارس‪ ،‬كالذم ألف مذكراتو عن النظاـ اوجتماعي‬
‫يف بارس «تلخيص اإلبريز إىل تلخيص بارس»‪ ،‬كاألمَت شكيب أرسالف (‪ )1946-1869‬الذم ألف كتابو‬
‫«‪١‬تاذا تأخر ا‪١‬تسلموف ك‪١‬تاذا تقدـ غَتىم؟»‪.‬‬
‫ب‪ .‬الفًتة الثانية (ما بُت ‪:)1900-1870‬‬
‫يف ىذه الفًتة أصبح الغرب عدكا ك‪٪‬توذجا يف نفس الوقت‪ ،‬لسيطرتو على الدكؿ اإلسالمية من مصر‬
‫كا‪ٞ‬تزائر كتونس كامتد تأثَته السياسي إىل أرجاء ا‪٠‬تالفة العثمانية‪ .‬كدكر ا‪١‬تفكرين الليربليُت يف ىذه ا‪ٟ‬تقبة ىو‬
‫إرشاد اجملتمع بأف تأثَت ا‪ٟ‬تضارة الغربية على حياهتم و ‪٬‬تعلهم يفتقدكف قيمهم ا‪١‬توركثة‪ .‬لذلك قدموا فهما‬
‫جديدا لإلسالـ ليتمشى مع ا‪ٟ‬تياة ا‪ٟ‬تديثة‪ .‬كمن رموز ىذا ا‪ٞ‬تيل عند حوراين ىو ‪ٚ‬تاؿ الدين األفغاين‬
‫(‪)1897-1838‬ك‪٤‬تمد عبده (‪ ،)1905-1849‬كالسيد ‪٤‬تمد رشيد رضا(‪.)23()1935-1865‬‬
‫ج‪ .‬الفًتة الثالثة (ما بُت ‪:)1939-1900‬‬
‫تعترب ىذه الفًتة قمة للتيار الليربايل يف الشرؽ األكسط كيف مصر بالتحديد‪ ،‬كىي فًتة مواجهة عنيفة‬
‫بُت إتاىُت‪ :‬األكؿ يريد أف ينشئ اجملتمع على أساس إسالمي كلذلك ‪ٝ‬تاه ا‪ٟ‬توراين باوٕتاه األصويل‪.‬‬
‫‪(22) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939, Indonesian‬‬
‫‪Edition,translated by Suparno, Dahrits Setiawan, p. xxix-xxx, Bandung: Mizan, 2004.‬‬
‫‪(23) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxx.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫كاآلخر ذك اوٕتاه الليربايل الذم يريد أف ‪٬‬تعل اإلسالـ أساسا للحياة الفردية دكف أف يتدخل يف شئوف‬
‫اجملتمع كالدكلة‪ ،‬كأف يكوف ا‪١‬تسيطر يف اجملاؿ الثاين ىو النظاـ العلماين‪ .‬كتبلور ىذا اوٕتاه على يد طو‬
‫حسُت (‪)1973-1889‬الذم كصفو ا‪ٟ‬توراين بأف «أفكاره أكثر منطقيا يف جعل القيم اإلسالمية لتكوف مقبولة‬
‫يف الفكر كالنفوس‪ ،‬كيف إ‪ٟ‬تاحو على ضركرة جعل ا‪١‬تسلمُت يف ركب ا‪ٟ‬تضارة الغربية»(‪.)24‬‬
‫ككاف متحمسا ألف يلتزـ ا‪١‬تصريوف بالقيم الغربية اليت كانت يف رأيو سلما يؤىلهم إىل سلك األمم‬
‫الراقية‪ ،‬كقاؿ‪« :‬السبيل إىل ذلك كاحدة فذة ليس ‪٢‬تا تعدد‪..‬كىي أف نسَت سَت األكركبيُت كنسلك طريقهم‪،‬‬
‫لنكوف ‪٢‬تم أندادا‪ ،‬كلنكوف ‪٢‬تم شركاء يف ا‪ٟ‬تضارة‪ :‬خَتىا كشرىا‪ ،‬حلوىا كمرىا‪ ،‬ما ٭تب منها كما يكره‪ ،‬كما‬
‫٭تمد منها كما يعاب»(‪ .)25‬كما رأم أف اوستقالؿ العقلي كالنفسي و يكوف إو باوستقالؿ العلمي‬
‫كاألديب كالفٍت‪ ،‬كيتحقق ذلك بأف «نتعلم كما يتعلم األكركيب‪..‬كلنشعر كما يشعر األكركيب‪ ،‬كلنحكم كما‬
‫٭تكم األكركيب‪ٍ ،‬ب لنعمل كما يعمل األكركيب‪ ،‬كنصرؼ ا‪ٟ‬تياة كما يصرفها»(‪.)26‬‬
‫د‪ .‬الفًتة ما بعد ا‪ٟ‬ترب العا‪١‬تية الثانية حىت اآلف‪:‬‬
‫يسمي الليرباليوف ىذه الفًتة بالليرباليُت ا‪ٞ‬تدد‪ ،‬حيث إهنم يسَتكف على ‪٪‬تط قدمائهم يف الدفاع عن‬
‫ا‪١‬تصاحل الغربية يف األمة اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كيفكركف بطريقتهم‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬غموض التصنيف الليبَتايل عند ا‪ٟ‬توراين‪:‬‬
‫بعد عرض موجز تلك األدكار رأل الباحث أف ىناؾ غموضا يف تصنيف ا‪ٟ‬توراين لليربالية‪ .‬كاألمر‬
‫يثَت قلقا شديدا حُت بوأ ا‪ٟ‬توراين األمَت شكيب أرسالف‪ ،‬كاألفغاين‪ ،‬ك‪٤‬تمد عبده‪ ،‬كرشيد رضا ‪-‬كىم فحوؿ‬
‫من الركاد ا‪١‬تتحمسُت باإلسالـ‪ ،‬كأبلوا بالء حسنا لنهضة األمة اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كىم ا‪١‬تتضرركف يف سبيل ذلك‬
‫باضطهاد ا‪١‬تستعمرين عليهم‪ -‬من الليرباليُت كيف صف كاحد مع طو حسُت ا‪١‬تمايل لالستعمار‪ .‬مع أف البوف‬
‫شاسع بال شك بُت اوٕتاه ا‪١‬تمايل لالستعمار كبُت مقاكمو(‪.)27‬‬
‫‪(24)Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxxi.‬‬
‫طو حسُت‪ ،‬مستقبل الثقافة في مصر‪ ،‬ج‪ ،1‬ص ‪ ،45‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار ا‪١‬تعارؼ‪(25) .1938 ،‬‬
‫طو حسُت‪ ،‬مستقبل الثقافة في مصر‪ ،‬ج‪ ،1‬ص ‪(26 ) .50-49‬‬
‫راجع‪٤ :‬تمد البهي‪ ،‬الفكر اإلسالمي الحديث وصلتو باالستعمار الغربي‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬مكتبة كىبة‪ ،‬ط‪(27) .2005 ،14 .‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫كيف ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة أف ا‪ٟ‬توراين متناقض إذ كضع لنفسو معايَت لوصف مفكر ليربايل‪ .‬كتلك ا‪١‬تعايَت ىي «أف‬
‫يتكيف أم مفكر مع التطورات الغربية ٔتحاكلتو لتغيَت اجملتمع عن طريق تغيَت النظاـ اوعتقادم كالقيمي اليت‬
‫ٗتصهم‪ ،‬لتعطي ىذه العقيدة كالقيم بعد تغيَت‪٫‬تا شرعية قبوؿ األفكار كا‪١‬تؤسسات األكركبية ا‪ٟ‬تديثة»(‪.)28‬‬
‫كىذه ا‪١‬تعايَت يف رأم الباحث كاضحة ٘تاما‪ ،‬كإذا التزـ ا‪ٟ‬توراين هبا فإنو لن يدخل أحدا إىل زمرة‬
‫الليرباليُت إو من اتصف بالتحرر من العقيدة كا‪٠‬تصائص اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كبذلك لن يكوف الليرباليوف إو‬
‫ملحدين أك ارتيابيُت‪ .‬كمن ٍب فإف تناقضو كاضح حينما كصف األمَت أرسالف‪ ،‬كاألفغاين‪ ،‬كعبده كرشيد رضا‬
‫بأهنم ليرباليوف مع أف التزامهم بالعقيدة كالشريعة اإلسالمية أمر و شك فيو‪.‬‬
‫كالقوؿ بأف كصف الليربالية و يطلق إو من يتحرر من العقيدة كا‪٠‬تصائص اإلسالمية ليس بدعا من‬
‫الباحث‪ ،‬بل صفة كصفها اللورد كركمر‪ ،‬كىو من أكرب رائد يف تغريب مصر كالعامل العريب‪،‬على ىؤوء‬
‫الليرباليُت إذ قاؿ‪« :‬إف اجملتمع ا‪١‬تصرم يف مرحلة اونتقاؿ كالتطور السريع‪ ،‬ككانت النتيجة الطبيعية أف‬
‫كجدت ‪ٚ‬تاعة من أفرادىم «مسلموف» كلكنهم متجردكف عن العقيدة اإلسالمية كا‪٠‬تصائص اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كإف‬
‫كانوا «غربيُت» فإهنم و ٭تملوف القوة ا‪١‬تعنوية‪ ،‬كالثقة بأنفسهم‪ ،‬كإف ا‪١‬تصرم الذم خضع للتأثَت الغريب‪ ،‬فإنو‬
‫كإف كاف ٭تمل اوسم اإلسالمي لكنو يف ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة ملحد كارتيايب‪ ،‬كالفجوة بينو كبُت عامل أزىرم و تقل عن‬
‫الفجوة بُت عامل أزىرم كبُت أكركيب»(‪.)29‬‬
‫لذلك فإف تصنيف ا‪ٟ‬توراين لليرباليُت يثَت شكا كاضطرابا كاضحا‪ ،‬كقد عرب ىو نفسو صراحة أنو‬
‫شك يف ىذا التصنيف(‪ )30‬أك كاف لونا من التساىل(‪ .)31‬إذ أصبح ا‪١‬تعيار ىو اإلقباؿ على التأثَت األكركيب‪،‬‬
‫دكف أف يفرؽ بُت أف يكوف الفكر توفيقيا فيكوف ٕتديدا إسالميا أـ تغريبيا؟ كقد جعل اثنُت يف كاد كاحد‪.‬‬
‫ا‪١‬تطلب الثاين‪ :‬النفوذ الليربايل يف إندكنيسيا‬
‫بكورة الظاىرة الليربالية بإندكنيسيا كانت موجودة منذ عصر اوحتالؿ ا‪٢‬تولندم‪ ،‬الذم تزامن مع‬
‫ظهورىا يف العامل اإلسالمي‪ٍ ،‬ب تتطور تلك الظاىرة مع مركر تأثَت الثقافة الغربية يف البالد‪.‬‬
‫أكو‪ :‬عهد اوستعمار‪:‬‬
‫‪(28) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxvii.‬‬
‫‪)29) The Earl of Cromer, Modern Egypt, Vol. II, p. 228-229, New York: Macmillan,‬‬
‫‪( ) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxxv.‬‬
‫‪(31) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxvi.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫اختلف ا‪١‬تؤرخوف يف دخوؿ اإلسالـ إىل األرخبيل ا‪١‬تاليوية‪ ،‬فمنهم من أرجعو إىل منتصف القرف‬
‫الثامن للهجرة أك القرف الرابع عشر للميالد (‪ ،)32‬كمنهم من أرجعو إىل القرف السابع للميالد (‪ )33‬أم أياـ‬
‫ا‪٠‬تلفاء الراشدين‪ .‬كمهما يكوف فإف عدد ا‪١‬تسلمُت يف زيادة مستمرة منذ دخوؿ اإلسالـ يف ىذه ا‪١‬تنطقة حىت‬
‫تعترب إندكنيسيا حاليا أكرب دكلة مسلمة يف العامل من حيث الكثافة السكانية‪.‬‬
‫ككاف من أبرز ا‪١‬تواقف اوستعمارية إزاء األمة اإلسالمية فيما يتعلق بالفكر اإلسالمي ما يلي‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬الغزك الفكرم‪:‬‬
‫و بد من توضيح مفهوـ الغزك الفكرم قبل ذكر ا‪ٟ‬تقائق التارٮتية اليت ر‪ٝ‬تها اوستعمار‪.‬‬
‫أ‪ .‬مفهوـ الغزك الفكرم‪:‬‬
‫الفكر عامة يتعلق بأحد أمرين‪ :‬يتعلق أكو «ٔتشًتؾ إنساين عاـ» كيتعلق ثانيا «ٓتصوصية‬
‫حضارية»‪ .‬فما يتعلق باألمر األكؿ فإنو و ٮتتص ْتضارة بذاهتا‪ ،‬أك قومية بعينها‪ ،‬أك أىل ديانة دكف غَتىا‪،‬‬
‫فهو كا‪١‬تاء كا‪٢‬تواء‪ ،‬٭تتاجو كل نفس‪ ،‬كينهض ٔتهمة اإلحياء لدل الناس ‪ٚ‬تيعا‪ .‬كينطبق ىذا الفكر يف العلوـ‬
‫ا‪١‬تتصفة با‪ٟ‬تياد‪ ،‬مثل الرياضيات بفركعها‪ ،‬كالكيمياء‪ ،‬كالطبيعة‪ ،‬كالطب كا‪ٞ‬تيولوجيا اليت مل ٮتتلف مناىجها‬
‫كحقائقها كقوانينها باختالؼ ا‪ٟ‬تضارات(‪.)34‬‬
‫كفيما يتعلق باألمر الثاين فإف الفكر يتمايز بتمايز ا‪ٟ‬تضارات‪ .‬فالنفس اإلنسانية اليت تتميز مكوناهتا‬
‫كطبائعها كمفاتيح عوا‪١‬تها بتميز ا‪١‬تذاىب كالبيئات كا‪١‬تعتقدات‪ ،‬و بد كأف تتمايز علومها‪ :‬سياسية كاجتماعية‬
‫كفلسفة تبعا لتمايز مادة ىذه العلوـ(‪ .)35‬لذلك ليس كل فكر ‪٤‬تايدا الذم ليس لديو حدكد حضارية‪،‬‬
‫كلكن كل حضارة ‪٢‬تا ‪ٝ‬تاهتا كخصائصها ٗتتلف بُت حضارة كأخرل ألهنا ٘تثل بطاقاهتا الشخصية‪.‬‬
‫راجع‪ :‬األمَت شكيب أرسالف‪ ،‬اإلسالـ يف جاكاه كما جاكرىا‪ ،‬إضافة لكتاب‬
‫حاضر العالم اإلسالمي للوترب ستودارد‪ ،‬ج ‪ ،1‬ص )‪(32‬‬
‫‪ ،338‬بَتكت‪ :‬دار الفكر‪ ،‬د‪.‬ت‪.‬‬
‫‪) ( See: Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad‬‬
‫‪(, p. 23-50,‬شبكات علماء الشرؽ األكسط كا‪ٞ‬تزر اإلندكنيسية يف القرف السابع عشر كالثامن عشر) ‪XVII dan XVIII‬‬
‫‪Bandung: Mizan, 1995.‬‬
‫راجع‪٤ :‬تمد عمارة‪ ،‬الغزو الفكري وىم أم حقيقة؟‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،18-17‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار الشركؽ‪ ،‬ط‪(34) .2006 ،3‬‬
‫راجع‪٤ :‬تمد عمارة‪ ،‬الغزو الفكري‪ ،‬ص ‪(35 ) .18‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫كمن ٍب فإف الغزك الفكرم ىو‪ :‬الضغوط من حضارة إىل أخرل ببعض األفكار اليت تتنافر مع‬
‫ىويتها ا‪ٟ‬تضارية(‪.)36‬‬
‫ب‪ .‬الغزك الفكرم ا‪٢‬تووندم‪:‬‬
‫صاحب الريادة يف الغزك الفكرم ا‪٢‬تووندم كاف على أيدل سنوؾ ىورخركنيو(‪ )1936-1857‬ا‪١‬تستشار‬
‫ا‪ٟ‬تكومي يف ا‪١‬تسائل اإلسالمية كالعربية‪ .‬كا‪١‬تشركع على عاتقو ىو تغيَت أفكار ا‪١‬تسلمُت كمعتقداهتم بأفكار‬
‫كمعتقدات غربية تناقض ىويتهم اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كل ذلك إلضعاؼ ا‪١‬تسلمُت كإلثبات أقداـ ا‪١‬تستعمرين على‬
‫رؤكس ا‪١‬تواطنُت‪.‬‬
‫أراد سنوؾ أف يصبح اإلسالـ «دين ا‪١‬تسجد» مثل كوف ا‪١‬تسيحية دين الكنيسة‪ ،‬كأف ‪٬‬تعل اإلسالـ دينا‬
‫فرديا ركحانيا كأف يًتكوا ا‪ٞ‬توانب األخرل من الدكلة(‪.)37‬‬
‫كما أراد أف ٭توؿ الشعب اإلندكنيسي إىل كطنيُت ىوونديُت بشرط تركهم عرل اإلسالـ من فكرة اوٖتاد‬
‫اإلسالمي كسائر تعاليم اإلسالـ‪ .‬كقاؿ سنوؾ‪« :‬إف اإلسالـ كالنصرانية ٯتكنهما اوجتماع‪ ،‬كاحتماؿ أحد‪٫‬تا‬
‫اآلخر يف ‪٦‬تارسة ا‪ٟ‬تياة الوطنية على شرط رفع فكرة اوٖتاد اإلسالمي‪ .‬كلقد رأينا مقدار مساعدة األحواؿ‬
‫لنا يف ٖتقيق مشركع إدخاؿ ا‪١‬تسلمُت ا‪ٞ‬تاكيُت يف األمة ا‪٢‬تووندية بدكف إثارة ا‪١‬تسألة الدينية‪ .‬كلعمرم أف‬
‫كثَتين منا ٯتكنهم أف يأخذكا دركسا من التساىل الديٍت عن أكلئك األىايل»(‪.)38‬‬
‫كشدد سنوؾ على ضركرة اٗتاذ ا‪ٟ‬تكومة إجراءات ‪٦‬تكنة لتحويل اإلندكنيسُت إىل الثقافة الغربية حىت تتغلب‬
‫على أثر الدين يف نفوسهم‪« :‬إف سالمة ا‪١‬تستعمرات ا‪٢‬تووندية متوقفة على نشر ا‪١‬تدنية الغربية كالثقافة‬
‫ا‪٢‬تووندية يف مسلمي تلك ا‪ٞ‬تزائر إىل أف يصَتكا يف ىذا الباب كا‪٢‬توونديُت أنفسهم‪..‬فال ٯتنع اختالفهم يف‬
‫ىناؾ من ينكر كجود الغزك الفكرم‪ ،‬معتربين ا‪ٟ‬تديث عنو ‪٣‬ترد كىم من األكىاـ‪ .‬حجتهم أف العامل بفضل ثورة اوتصاؿ أصبح كطنان‬
‫كاحدان ‪ٟ‬تضارة كاحدة‪ ،‬يسموهنا‪ :‬حضارة العصر أك ا‪ٟ‬تضارة العا‪١‬تية أك ا‪ٟ‬تضارة اإلنسانية) كيتصوركف األمم‪ ،‬كالشعوب‪ ،‬كالقوميات‪٣ ،‬ترد‬
‫درجات كمستويات يف البناء الواحد‪٢ ،‬تذه ا‪ٟ‬تضارة الواحدة‪ .‬كبالتايل فليس يف ىذا التصور حدكد ٘تيز أكطانان متعددة‪ٟ ،‬تضارات متميزة‪.‬‬
‫كمن ٍب فإف عبور الفكر للحدكد ليس فيو عندىم شبهة غزك كو أثر عدكاف‪ .‬فاستبعدكا مقولة الغزك الفكرم من ميادين الفكر كالثقافة‪،‬‬
‫كاستبدا‪٢‬تا ٔتقولة حوار الثقافات‪ .‬لكن تعدد ا‪ٟ‬تضارات أمر كاقع و ٯتكن إنكاره‪ ،‬كأف مقولة حوار الثقافات إف ىي إو اوعًتاؼ بذلك‪.‬‬
‫فالتعددية و الواحدية‪ ،‬ىي ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة ا‪١‬تمثلة للواقع ا‪ٟ‬تضارم الذم نعيش عليو‪ .‬كمن ٍب فإف ىناؾ حاوت لتعدم ا‪ٟ‬تدكد ا‪ٟ‬تضارية‪٘ ،‬تثل‬
‫غزكان فكريا و شك فيو‪.‬‬
‫‪)37) Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia, Indonesia Edition (Pergumulan‬‬
‫‪Islam di Indonesia 1945-1970), p. 16, translated by: Safroedin Bahar, Jakarta: Grafiti,‬‬
‫نقال عن األمَت شكيب‪ ،‬حاضر العالم اإلسالمي‪ ،‬ج‪ ،1‬ص ‪) ( .345-344‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫الدين مع مسلمي ا‪ٞ‬تاكل كسومطرة أف يكوف ىؤوء يف يوـ من األياـ كطنيُت ىوونديُت‪ ،‬كذلك ْتمل ىؤوء‬
‫على الثقافة ا‪٢‬تووندية اليت تتغلب يف نفوسهم على أثر الدين»(‪.)39‬‬
‫كرأم سنوؾ أف طريقة أكثر فعالية لفرض الثقافة الغربية على الشعب ك‪٤‬تو أثر الدين يف نفوس ا‪١‬تسلمُت ىي‬
‫عن طريق الًتبية كالتعليم على النمط ا‪٢‬تووندم‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬التعليم ا‪١‬تدين الغريب‪:‬‬
‫قررت ا‪ٟ‬تكومة ا‪٢‬تووندية على إعطاء التعليم ألبناء الشعب بعد أف كاف ‪٤‬تركما عنو‪ ،‬كيسمي ىذا القرار‬
‫للشعب ا‪١‬تستعمر‪ .‬كىي أف ا‪ٟ‬تكومة اوستعمارية ‪٢‬تا مسئولية )‪«(ethical policy‬بالسياسة األخالقية»‬
‫أخالقية لتنمية رخاء الشعب ا‪١‬تستعمر‪ ،‬بعد أف استنزفت كل موارده الطبيعية كالبشرية لصاحل الدكلة‬
‫ا‪١‬تستعمرة‪ ،‬كمن بنود ىذه السياسة ىي تطوير الًتبية كالتعليم‪.‬‬
‫لقد كاف الشعب طواؿ قركف ثالثة على جهل مطبق يف أمور دنياىم‪ ،‬كليس بينهم يف تلك ا‪١‬تدة ا‪١‬تديدة‬
‫مؤسسات تعليمية غَت ا‪١‬تعاىد اإلسالمية(الباسنًتين) ٖتت إدارة ا‪١‬تشايخ‪ ،‬حيث تلقى الطلبة علوما إسالمية‬
‫ْتتة بشكل تقليدم كٖتت مراقبة شديدة من جهة األمن ا‪ٟ‬تكومي‪ ،‬حىت و ٯتس التعليم ‪٣‬تاو سياسيا كي‬
‫و يكوف مصدرا للقلق على ا‪ٟ‬تكومة ا‪١‬تستعمرة‪.‬‬
‫لكن ىذه السياسة كانت ٔتثابة سالح ذم حدين‪ ،‬إهنا أدت أكو إىل تنمية الكفاءة البشرية‪ ،‬أهنا ثانيا أداة‬
‫للحكومة ا‪١‬تستعمرة لعملية التحوؿ الثقايف كا‪١‬تعنوم للشعب‪ .‬كعلى ىذه ا‪١‬تهمة أرسلت ا‪ٟ‬تكومة بعض أبناء‬
‫الشعب للبعثة الدراسية إىل ا‪١‬تدارس كا‪ٞ‬تامعات يف ىولنده‪« :‬أف ا‪١‬توظفُت ا‪٢‬تولنديُت يف ا‪١‬تناطق اإلندكنيسية‬
‫أخذكا بعض شباب من أصحاب ا‪١‬تواىب ليدرسوا يف ا‪ٞ‬تامعات ا‪٢‬تولندية‪ ،‬حرصا منهم على إعطاء التعليم‬
‫العايل رغبة منهم يف نشر الثقافية الغربية يف أكساط ا‪ٞ‬تيل ا‪ٞ‬تديد أصحاب ا‪١‬تواىب العالية»(‪ .)40‬كاستمرت‬
‫البعثات كازداد عدد الدارسُت يف تلك ا‪ٞ‬تامعات كأصبح بعضهم موظفُت يف النظاـ اوستعمارم‪ ،‬كأصبح‬
‫البعض اآلخر رمزا للمقاكمة حىت استقالؿ البالد سنة ‪.1945‬‬
‫‪ .3‬الصراع بُت اإلسالميُت كالعلمانيُت‪:‬‬
‫نقال عن ا‪١‬تصدر السابق‪ ،‬ج‪ ،1‬ص ‪)39( .342‬‬
‫‪)40( Harry A. Poeze, Indonesian at Leiden University, in Indonesian and Islamic Studies, p. 34,‬‬
‫‪Zaini Muchtarom, Jacob Vredenbregt, E. Van Donzel (ed.), Jakarta: Indonesian Netherlands‬‬
‫‪Cooperation in Islamic Studies (INIS), 1990.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫ىناؾ صراع بُت اإلسالميُت كالعلمانيُت من أياـ اوستعمار‪ ،‬كو تزاؿ ىذه ا‪١‬تواجهة قائمة بُت اإلسالميُت‬
‫كالليرباليُت حىت اليوـ‪.‬‬
‫كالشعب أياـ اوستعمار ثالث فئات‪ :‬النبالء‪ ،‬كالوطنيوف العلمانيوف‪ ،‬كالوطنيوف‬
‫تكوف النبالء من األشراؼ كا‪١‬تلوؾ كرؤساء القبائل الذين كاف ‪٢‬تم حظ ثقة ا‪ٟ‬تكومة ا‪٢‬تووندية‪ .‬كسبب نيل‬
‫ىذه الثقة ألف بعدىم عن اإلسالـ جعلهم غَت آهبُت بظركؼ الشعب‪ ،‬كىم انتهازيوف كمستعدكف للخضوع‬
‫ٖتت أكامر حكومية على حساب إخواهنم من الشعب‪ ،‬خيانة للمصاحل الوطنية‪ .‬لذلك اعتمدت عليهم‬
‫ا‪ٟ‬تكومة يف أكثر فًتة اوحتالؿ ٘تتد ثالثة قركف كنصف قرف من الزمن‪ .‬كانتهت ىذه ا‪١‬تكانة مع ‪٣‬تيئ‬
‫اوستعمار الياباين (مارس ‪.)42()1942‬‬
‫كاإلسالميوف نافسوا العلمانيُت خاصة يف عهد اوستعمار الياباين الذم امتد ثالث سنوات كنصف‪ ،‬كأخذكا‬
‫مكانة ىامة يف ىذا العهد‪ ،‬حيث ا‪٨‬تازت الياباف إىل الفئة الدينية رغبة منها يف ا‪١‬تساندة كا‪١‬تواجهة ضد‬
‫التحالف الغريب يف ا‪ٟ‬ترب العا‪١‬تية الثانية‪ ،‬إدراكا منها أف ا‪١‬تسلمُت أكرب شر٭تة يف اجملتمع اإلندكنيسي‪:‬‬
‫«اليابانيوف نظركا إىل اإلسالـ أنو أىم كسيلة لنيل التعاطف من الشعب اإلندكنيسي‪ ،‬كلتكوف ىذه العاطفة‬
‫راسخة يف نفوسهم‪ .‬كهبذا ا‪١‬تنطق ا‪٨‬تاز اليابانيوف إىل ا‪١‬تسيحية يف الفلبُت كسيلة للتأليف األيدكلوجي»(‪.)43‬‬
‫ثانيا‪ :‬سوكارنو بُت السلفية اإلصالحية كالتحديث اإلسالمي‪:‬‬
‫اإلشارة إىل اوٕتاه الفكرم للرئيس سوكارنو ستكشف ا‪ٞ‬تذكر الليربالية يف فًتة ما بعد اوستقالؿ‪ ،‬ألنو كاف‬
‫أبرز شخصية سياسية كفكرية يف نفس الوقت‪ ،‬حيث مقاوتو ا‪١‬تدكنة يف كتابو «ٖتت راية الثورة» أبدت‬
‫اىتمامو البالغ باإلسالـ‪ .‬ذلك أف ‪ٙ‬تة إتاىُت للتجديد اإلسالمي يف ىذه الفًتة‪ :‬السلفي اإلصالحي‪،‬‬
‫كالتحديث اإلسالمي‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ا‪١‬تدرسة السلفية التجديدية‪:‬‬
‫‪)41( See: Boland, B.J, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia (1945-1972), Indoenesian‬‬
‫‪Edition (Pergumulan Islam di Indonesia 1945-1972, p. 9, Jakarta: Grafiti, 1985.‬‬
‫‪)42( See: Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia, p. 9-10.‬‬
‫‪)43( Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia, p11.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫يف فًتة ا‪٠‬تمسينات من القرف العشرين ساد التخلف يف ‪ٚ‬تيع ‪٣‬تاوت ا‪ٟ‬تياة بإندكنيسيا‪ ،‬خصوصا كأهنا‬
‫حديث العهد باوستقالؿ‪ ،‬باوضافة إىل عجز غالبية ا‪١‬تسلمُت على تلبية حاجة العصر كمتطلباتو من‬
‫ا‪١‬تنظور اإلسالمي‪ .‬كمع ذلك كاف التخلف يف ىذه الفًتة حاؿ العامل اإلسالمي ‪ٚ‬تيعا‪ ،‬فكاف ا‪١‬تسلموف يف‬
‫كل األقطار مهتمُت بالرجوع إىل حقيقة اإلسالـ ا‪١‬تتضمنة يف القرآف كالسنة ‪١‬تواجهة ىذا التخلف ا‪ٟ‬تضارم‪.‬‬
‫تأثر ا‪١‬تسلموف بإندكنيسيا با‪ٟ‬تركات التجديدية ا‪١‬توجودة يف الشرؽ األكسط بفضل ا‪ٟ‬تجاج كالطلبة الذين‬
‫رجعوا من دراستهم ٔتكة أك القاىرة‪ .‬كدخلت السلفية التجديدية يف أكؿ مرة بإندكنيسيا منذ ‪ 1802‬مع‬
‫كصوؿ بعض ا‪ٟ‬تجاج من مكة ا‪١‬تكرمة(‪ ،)44‬كاعتربت ىذه الدعوة كبادرة أكىل ‪ٟ‬تركة اإلصالح اإلسالمي يف‬
‫البالد‪ .‬كعلى غرارىا تبلورت حركة اإلصالح كأخذت مكانة بارزة يف ا‪٠‬تريطة الفكرية بقياـ ‪ٚ‬تعيات دينية‬
‫كاجتماعية يف مطلع القرف العشرين‪.‬‬
‫كيعترب قياـ «‪ٚ‬تعية خَتية» سنة ‪ 1905‬يف جزيرة جاكل أكؿ ىذه ا‪ٞ‬تمعيات على اإلطالؽ‪ ،‬كمن دائرهتا‬
‫سطع الشيخ أ‪ٛ‬تد دىالف (‪ )1923-1868‬ا‪١‬تؤسس ‪ٞ‬تمعية احملمدية (‪ )1912‬بيوجياكرتا‪ .‬كقامت بعد سنتُت‬
‫(‪ٚ )1914‬تيعة اإلسالـ كاإلرشاد ّتاكرتا‪ٍ ،‬ب ‪ٚ‬تعية اوٖتاد اإلسالمي (‪ )1923‬بباندكنج‪ .‬كل ىذه ا‪ٞ‬تمعيات‬
‫تعترب حركات إسالمية للمدرسة السلفية اإلصالحية اليت ترمي إىل التجديد اإلسالمي على هنج سلف األمة‬
‫بالرجوع إىل القرآف كالسنة كنبذ كل أنواع البدع كا‪٠‬ترافات‪ ،‬كفتح باب اوجتهاد كنبذ التقليد األعمى‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬التحديث اإلسالمي لسوكارنو‪:‬‬
‫أما اوٕتاه األخر من التجديد فإنو حاكؿ على مسايرة ا‪ٟ‬تياة العصرية‪ ،‬كاألخذ بالصاحل من منظور النظاـ‬
‫ا‪ٟ‬تديث رغم تناقضو أحيانا مع التعاليم اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كيسمي ىذا اوٕتاه ْتركة التحديث اإلسالمي‪ ،‬ككاف‬
‫سوكارنو أبرز شخصية ‪٢‬تذا اوٕتاه‪.‬‬
‫مقاوت ا‪١‬تنشورة يف راية اإلسالـ رأم ضركرة ٕتديد مفهوـ اإلسالـ‪ ،‬كيقصد بو تفكيك مفاىيم‬
‫كيف احدل‬
‫ا‪١‬تسلمُت يف دينهم فقاؿ سوكارنو‪« :‬كل شيء متغَت كما قاؿ ىرقلطس‪ ،‬معٌت ذلك أنو ما من شيء إو أنو‬
‫جار كمتغَت كمتجدد‪ ،‬ككذلك ا‪ٟ‬تاؿ بنسبة مفاىيم ا‪١‬تبادئ الدينية‪ .‬نعم‪ ،‬األصوؿ و تتغَت‪ ،‬كالدين و يتغَت‪،‬‬
‫كاإلسالـ ا‪ٟ‬تقيقي و يتغَت‪ ،‬ككلمات اهلل كسنة نبيو × و تتغَتاف‪ ،‬كلكن الفهم اإلنساين ‪٢‬تذه األشياء يتغَت‪.‬‬
‫جاء ا‪ٟ‬تاج مسكُت كزمالئو ا‪١‬تعركفوف «بالنمور التسعة» كىم متأثركف بدعوة ‪٤‬تمد بن عبد الوىاب‪ ،‬كأخذكا ينشركف ىذه الدعوة ا‪ٞ‬تديدة ْتماسة أدت (‪)44‬‬
‫إىل مواجهة عسكرية مع أصحاب التقاليد ا‪١‬تتأثرين با‪٢‬تندكسية كالبوذية كالذين يتعاكنوف مع ا‪ٟ‬تكومة ا‪٢‬تووندية‪ .‬كرغم أهنم غلبوا يف ىذه ا‪١‬تعركة الدموية‬
‫مدة ‪ 15‬سنة ( ‪ )1837-1822‬إو أف آثارىم باقية‪ ،‬كتعليمهم مستمر‪ ،‬كتولدت من ىذه ا‪ٟ‬تركة الدعوية علماء كثَتة‪ .‬راجع‪:‬‬
‫نهضة العالم‬
‫اإلسالمي بإندونيسيا‪ ،‬ملحق تر‪ٚ‬تة إندكنيسية لكتاب حاضر العامل اإلسالمي للرتركؼ ستودارد‪ ،‬ص ‪.304-303‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫إنو يتطلب ضركرة كجود نقد ىذا ا‪١‬تفهوـ بصفة دائمة‪ ،‬كحقيقة ىذا النقد ىي اوجتهاد أك البحوث الذم‬
‫‪)45( .‬أدل بنا إىل التقدـ»‬
‫العبارة بأف «كل شيء متغَت» ىي مفتاح اوٕتاه الفكرم لسوكارنو كىو نفس اوٕتاه الليربايل حاليا‪ .‬كبرغم‬
‫قولو بأف « األصوؿ و تتغَت‪ ،‬كالدين و يتغَت‪ ،‬كاإلسالـ ا‪ٟ‬تقيقي و يتغَت‪ ،‬ككلمات اهلل كسنة نبيو و‬
‫تتغَتاف»‪ ،‬فإف ىذه ا‪١‬تقولة أصبحت كلمات خطابية إذ علق أف «الفهم اإلنساين ‪٢‬تذه األشياء يتغَت»‪ ،‬كىو‬
‫يقصد أف كل ما يفهمو الناس يف األصوؿ كالفركع متغَت‪ .‬كٔتقتضاه ‪٬‬توز يف رأيو أف ٮتتلف ا‪١‬تسلموف يف‬
‫فهم كل ما يتعلق بدينهم‪.‬‬
‫كرأل أف اختالؼ الظركؼ كا‪١‬تالبسات بُت قطر كآخر يؤدم إىل اوختالؼ الفكرم‪ ،‬من أجل ذلك فإف‬
‫الفكر اإلسالمي يف تركيا قد ٮتتلف عما ىو يف مصر أك يف ا‪٢‬تند‪ .‬لذلك دافع عن شرعية الفصل بُت‬
‫اإلسالـ كالدكلة يف تركيا‪ ،‬لظركفها الثقافية كالسياسية‪ ،‬كقاؿ‪« :‬يف سنة ‪ً 1928‬ب ‪٤‬تو الكلمات ا‪١‬توجودة يف‬
‫الدستور اليت نصت أف اإلسالـ دين الدكلة‪ ،‬كأصبح الدين فيما بعد أمورا شخصية‪ .‬إنو مل ٯتح اإلسالـ من‬
‫أرض تركيا‪ ،‬لكن اإلسالـ فوض إىل تركيُت أنفسهم كليس إىل الدكلة‪ .‬كمن ا‪٠‬تطأ أف نزعم أف تركيا ضد‬
‫‪ )46( .‬الدين كاإلسالـ‪ ،‬كمن ا‪٠‬تطأ أف نسول بُت تركيا كركسيا مثال»‬
‫كىذا التربير إف دؿ على شيء فإنو يدؿ على قناعتو الفكرية بالعلمانية‪ ،‬كإو فكيف يقاؿ بأف ما حدث‬
‫بًتكيا يف تلك الفًتة ليس ضد اإلسالـ‪ ،‬كقد أصبحت الدكلة علمانية‪ ،‬كأف الدين شخصية و دخل لو يف‬
‫السياسة كاإلدارة‪ ،‬كألغيت احملاكم الشرعية كالقانوف اإلسالمي‪ ،‬كصدؽ القانوف ا‪١‬تدين السوسرم‪ ،‬كالقانوف‬
‫ا‪ٞ‬تنائي اإليطايل‪ ،‬كالقانوف التجارم األ‪١‬تاين‪ ،‬كمنع التعليم الديٍت‪ ،‬كعطل مراكزه‪ ،‬كمنع ا‪ٟ‬تجاب‪ ،‬كألغى‬
‫ا‪ٟ‬تركؼ العربية كأبد‪٢‬تا با‪ٟ‬تركؼ الالتينية‪ ،‬كمنع اآلذاف بالعربية كجعلو بالًتكية‪ ،‬كغَت اللباس كألزـ لبس القبعة‪.‬‬
‫إف ما حدث يف تركيا «قد حطم األساس الديٍت‪ ،‬كغَت كجهة نظر الشعب الًتكي كا‪ٟ‬تكومة الًتكية»(‪.)47‬‬
‫لقد أصبحت تركيا غَت إسالمية‪ ،‬حيث أسقطت كل ما يتعلق باإلسالـ كحاربت كل ا‪١‬تعامل اإلسالمية‪.‬‬
‫كالغريب أنو كصف ما فعلو أتاتورؾ بأنو دفاع عن كرامة اإلسالـ‪ ،‬كما أنو ىيئ لو أرضا خصبا يف أرض‬
‫تركيا‪ ،‬كمن ٍب فإنو ‪٪‬توذج صاحل للتطبيق يف كل األقطار اإلسالمية‪ ،‬فقاؿ‪« :‬تدىور تأثَت اإلسالـ على شعب‬
‫تركيا ليس لعدـ تدخل ا‪ٟ‬تكومة بل العكس لتدخل ا‪ٟ‬تكومة على األمور اإلسالمية‪..‬ىذا التدخل أدل إىل‬
‫‪ٖ(, vol. 1, p. 370.‬تت راية الثورة) ‪(45( Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi‬‬
‫‪ٖ(, vol. 1, p. 377.‬تت راية الثورة) ‪(46( Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi‬‬
‫أبو ا‪ٟ‬تسن الندكم‪ ،‬الصراع بين الفكرة اإلسالمية والفكرة الغربية في األقطار اإلسالمية‪،‬‬
‫ص ‪ ،71‬كويت‪ :‬دار القلم‪ ،‬ط ‪(47) ،6‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫«تقييد أيدم اإلسالـ كأرجلو» بالسالسيل السياسية‪ .‬لذلك فإف إدارة ا‪ٟ‬تكومة للشئوف اإلسالمية أدت إىل‬
‫فقد خصوبة اإلسالـ بًتكيا‪..‬كىذا قانوف مطرد ينطبق على كل بقعة األرض‪ ،‬مفاده‪ :‬إذا تدخلت ا‪ٟ‬تكومة‬
‫‪ )48(.‬على الشئوف الدينية يصبح ىذا التدخل عائقا كبَتا يصعب استئصالو»‬
‫فكما أثٌت على علمنة تركيافإنو قدر رسالة علي عبد الرازؽ (‪« )1966-1888‬اإلسالـ كأصوؿ ا‪ٟ‬تكم» بأف‬
‫أطركحاتو أكثر حداثة‪ ،‬كما أعجب بالسيد أ‪ٛ‬تد خاف (‪)1889-1817‬كا‪ٟ‬تركة األ‪ٛ‬تدية با‪٢‬تند‪ْ ،‬تجة أف‬
‫أفكارىا كحركاهتا يعترباف أىم عنصر يف ٖتديث اإلسالـ كأصبحت الدعوة اإلسالمية مقبولة يف دائرة ا‪١‬تثقفُت‬
‫‪ ،‬رغم كضوح او‪٨‬تراؼ يف نظر كبار اجملددين مثل األفغاين ك‪٤‬تمد عبده(‪)49(.)50‬األكركبيُت‬
‫ثالثا‪ :‬السياسة العامة للنظاـ ا‪ٞ‬تديد‪:‬‬
‫شهدت إندكنيسيا أسود تارٮتها بالثورة الدموية للحزب الشيوعي اإلندكنيسي (‪ 30‬سبتمبَت ‪ )1965‬حيث‬
‫سعى لتغيَت أيدكلوجية الدكلة أدت إىل سقوط نظاـ سوكارنو‪ٍ ،‬ب استويل سوىرتو رئيسا للجمهورية‪ .‬ككرثت‬
‫ىذه ا‪ٟ‬تكومة ا‪ٞ‬تديدة عداء سوكارنو لإلسالميُت‪ ،‬كًب يف عهدىا هتميش اإلسالـ من ا‪ٟ‬تياة العامة‪ ،‬كمل يهدأ‬
‫ىذا العداء إو يف آخر مرحلتها‪ .‬ك٘تحورت السياسة العامة للنظاـ سوىارتو يف ثالثة خطوط رئيسة كىي‬
‫النمو اوقتصادم‪ ،‬كاوستقرار السياسي‪ ،‬كانتشار كعي ا‪ٞ‬تمهور يف أيدكلوجية البانساسيال (ا‪١‬تبادئ ا‪٠‬تمسة)‬
‫كالدستور ‪ 1945‬كىي األيدكلوجية الوحيدة اليت أرادىا النظاـ ا‪ٟ‬تاكم‪.‬‬
‫من أجل ىذه احملاكر الثالثة حارب سوىرتو كل ا‪ٟ‬تركات كاوٕتاىات اإلسالمية‪ .‬علة ذلك خشيتو على أف‬
‫يظهر اإلسالـ قوة جديدة يف ا‪١‬تسرح السياسي بعد حل ا‪ٟ‬تزب الشيوعي‪ .‬لقد عرب سومًتك (‪)1998-1927‬‬
‫عن ىذه ا‪١‬تخاكؼ بقولو‪« :‬بعد أف استويل النظاـ ا‪ٞ‬تديد على السلطة‪..‬أدرؾ النظاـ أف الفرصة سا‪٨‬تة لعودة‬
‫النفوذ السياسي لإلسالـ‪ .‬ألف سقوط ا‪ٟ‬تزب الشيوعي كحل أيدكلوجيتو قد يساعداف اإلسالميُت لذلك‬
‫النفوذ‪ ..‬كمع كعي القوات الربية بأف اإلسالميُت لديهم الطاقة إلحداث التطرؼ فإف السياسة العامة‬
‫للعسكريُت ىي إسقاط القوة ا‪١‬تتطرفة للحزب الشيوعي‪ ،‬كإضعاؼ جناح سوكارنو‪ ،‬مع ا‪ٟ‬تذر الشديد على‬
‫طلوع ا‪ٞ‬تناح اإلسالمي»(‪.)51‬‬
‫‪ٖ(, vol. 1, p. 378.‬تت راية الثورة) ‪(48( Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi‬‬
‫‪ٖ(, vol. 1, p. 388-389.‬تت راية الثورة) ‪(49( See: Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi‬‬
‫راجع‪ :‬اآلثار الكاملة العروة الوثقى للسيد ‪ٚ‬تاؿ الدين األفغاين كالشيخ ‪٤‬تمد عبده‪ ،‬ج ‪ ،1‬ص ‪ ،433-431‬إعداد كتقدمي‪ :‬سيد‬
‫ىادم خسرك شاىي‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬مكتبة الشركؽ الدكلية‪ ،‬ط ‪.2002 ،1‬‬
‫‪( , p. 46,‬سومًتك كأحداث ‪ 15‬يناير ‪( ) Heru Cahyono, Soemitro dan Peristiwa 15 Januari 1974 )1974‬‬
‫‪Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1998.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫مع ىذا التوافق بُت ا‪ٟ‬تاكم كالقوات الربية على ‪٤‬تاربة اإلسالميُت صار النفوذ السياسي للعلمانيُت‬
‫كا‪١‬تسيحيُت ىو ا‪١‬تهيمن على األكضاع كلها يف البالد‪ .‬كقد نشط النظاـ طواؿ عشرين عاما (‪)1987-1967‬‬
‫‪١‬تنع الظهور األيدكلوجي لإلسالـ‪ ،‬كجاىد لتهميش ا‪١‬تسلمُت من السياسة‪ ،‬كإقامة ا‪ٟ‬تياة العلمانية يف شىت‬
‫ا‪١‬تيادين‪ ،‬كل ذلك خوفا من اإلسالـ كىو ا‪١‬تعركؼ بإسالموفوبيا‪.‬‬
‫كىذه السياسة العامة ‪٢‬تا انعكاساهتا بالضركرة يف سياسة كزراء الدكلة ك‪ٚ‬تيع ا‪١‬تؤسسات ا‪ٟ‬تكومية الواردة‬
‫ٖتتها‪ ،‬كهبذا الصدد كزارة الشئوف الدينية كا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية النظامية‪« .‬ألف تلك ا‪ٞ‬تامعات كىي من‬
‫ا‪١‬تؤسسات ا‪ٟ‬تكومية تأثرت بشكل مباشر باوٕتاه السياسي للحكومة‪ .‬ألف قيادة تلك ا‪ٞ‬تامعات كلوف‬
‫سياساهتا تتعلق بوزير للشئوف الدينية»(‪.)52‬‬
‫(كىي حزب النظاـ ا‪ٟ‬تاكم يف اونتخابات العامة عاـ ‪Golkar ،1971‬لذلك بعد أف فازت «الفئة ا‪١‬تشتغلة»)‬
‫كاف أكيل برا‪٣‬تو تغيَت سياسة ىذه الوزارة‪ .‬كًب ىذا التغيَت يف ثالثة خطوط رئيسة كىي‪ :‬تغيَت الوظائف حىت‬
‫تتناسب مع السياسة العامة اليت رآىا؛ كتعيُت الشخصيات من غَت فئة تقليدية كانوا من ا‪٢‬تامشيُت يف عهد‬
‫سوكارنو؛ كتعيُت ا‪٠‬تر‪٬‬تُت من ا‪ٞ‬تامعات الغربية لووية كظائف اسًتاتيجية يف الوزارة(‪ .)53‬ككاف أىم فًتة ‪٢‬تذا‬
‫التاريخ فًتة كزارة الدكتور عبد ا‪١‬تعطي علي (‪ )1978-1971‬ككزارة منور الشاذيل (‪.)1993-1983‬‬
‫كيف عهد‪٫‬تا ًب تغيَت إتاه النظاـ التعليمي للجامعات اإلسالمية النظامية بإندكنيسيا على درب ا‪ٞ‬تامعات‬
‫الغربية‪ .‬لقد تغَتت ا‪ٞ‬تامعة من كوهنا مؤسسة دعوية كتعليمية إسالمية إىل كوهنا مؤسسة علمية ْتتة ٔتعيارىا‬
‫التارٮتية كالتجريبية‪ .‬كيف كتاب «ا‪ٞ‬تامعة اإلسالمية النظامية كالتحديث اإلسالمي بإندكنيسيا» ناقش مؤلفو قضية‬
‫العالقة بُت الدكر الدعوم كالعلمي للجامعة‪ .‬مبدئيا افًتض أف و يتناقض ىاتاف الوظيفتاف ككانتا معا يف اوٕتاه‬
‫التعليمي‪ ،‬كاألمثل أف تكوف مادة الدعوة حقيقة علمية‪ .‬لكنو يربر ميل ا‪ٞ‬تامعة إىل كوهنا مؤسسة علمية كخلعت‬
‫عن كصفها مؤسسة دعوية‪ ،‬ألف الوظيفة العلمية يف رأيو أجل من الدكر الدعوم‪ ،‬كمن غَت وئق ‪ٞ‬تامعة راقية‪،‬‬
‫الدكر‪ )54‬ا‪١‬تنطلق من ا‪ٞ‬تانب العقيدم األيدكلوجي‪.‬‬
‫حسب رأيو‪ ،‬أف تلعب ىذا‬
‫(ا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية النظامية‪(52) Fuad Jabali, Jamhari (ed.), Jamhari, IAIN dan Modernisasi Islam di Indonesia‬‬
‫‪ , p. 16, Jakarta : Logos, 2002.‬كٖتديث اإلسالـ بإندكنيسيا)‬
‫‪ (, p. 18.‬ا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية النظامية كٖتديث اإلسالـ بإندكنيسيا) ‪(53) See: Fuad Jabali, IAIN‬‬
‫‪ (, p. x.‬ا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية النظامية كٖتديث اإلسالـ بإندكنيسيا) ‪)54( See: Fuad Jabali, IAIN‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫كالفرؽ بينهما أف الدكر الدعوم‪ ،‬يف نظر مؤلفو‪ ،‬أيدكلوجي بالدرجة األكيل‪ ،‬ألف الدعوة دائما تنطلق من‬
‫الدعول ْتقيقة اإلسالـ كببطالف غَته من األدياف‪ ،‬كىي تتنايف مع الصفة العلمية‪ ،‬ألف الوصف العلمي‬
‫يتطلب عدـ التحيز إىل عقيدة ما‪ ،‬كما ينبغى أف يتحرر من ا‪١‬تعيار العقائدم حىت و تكوف النتيجة مقيدة‬
‫باألفكار ا‪١‬تسبقة‪ .‬كلذلك يعدلوف ا‪١‬تناىج الدراسية من ا‪١‬تعيارية ّتعل نصوص القرآف كالسنة مرجعا يف‬
‫الدراسة إىل أف تكوف ٕتريبية كتارٮتية(‪ )55‬باوعتماد على نظريات العلوـ اوجتماعية الغربية‪.‬‬
‫كعلى غراره تغَت النموذج التعليمي من الشرؽ األكسط كبالذات جامعة األزىر إىل ا‪ٞ‬تامعات األكركبية‪ ،‬حيث‬
‫قاؿ أحد ا‪١‬تفكرين‪« :‬قبلة ا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية النظامية بإندكنيسيا قد تغَتت‪ .‬كقد بدأ ىذا التغيَت بإرساؿ‬
‫ا‪١‬تدرسُت ‪١‬تواصلة دراستهم‪ ،‬و إىل الشرؽ األكسط كلكن إىل ا‪ٞ‬تامعات يف األمريكا الشمالية‪ ،‬كإىل أكركبا‬
‫كأسًتاليا‪ .‬كىذا القرار ليس صدفة‪ ،‬كىو ‪٥‬تطط ٗتطيطا دقيقا من كبار رجاؿ ا‪ٟ‬تكومة بوزارة الشئوف‬
‫الدينية»(‪ .)56‬ىذا كقد مضت ىذه النقلة منذ أربعة عقود‪.‬‬
‫رابعا‪ :‬الليربالية يف خطاب ا‪١‬تثقفُت‪:‬‬
‫سجل جريج بارتوف أف بوادر النفوذ الليربايل لدل ا‪١‬تثقفُت بإندكنيسيا ترجع إىل ا‪ٟ‬تركة الطالبية «إٖتاد الطلبة‬
‫اإلسالمية» الذم إتو ‪٨‬تو الفكر ا‪ٟ‬تداثي منذ أكاخر عقد الستينات للقرف العشرين‪ ،‬كجذب ا‪١‬تثقفُت ا‪ٞ‬تدد‬
‫من ذكم ا‪٠‬تلفية التقليدية‪ .‬كأصبح اوٕتاه بارزا يف عهد رئاسة نور خالص ماجد (‪٢ )2005-1939‬تذا‬
‫اوٖتاد‪ .‬فكاف لو دكر بارز لنشر اوٕتاه الليربايل‪ ،‬كىو من طليعة ىذه القافلة ك‪٤‬ترؾ ‪٢‬تا‪ .‬كلقد سجل بارتوف أف‬
‫ا‪١‬تؤسسُت ‪٢‬تذا اوٕتاه بإندكنيسيا أربعة شخصيات فكرية كىم‪ :‬نور خالص ماجد‪ ،‬كعبد الر‪ٛ‬تن (كاحد‬
‫اىب‪ .)1973-1942‬كقد كصف بارتوف بأف ىؤوء األربعة مؤسسوف للحركة‬
‫‪ ، )2009‬كجوىاف أفندم‪ ،‬كأ‪ٛ‬تد ك (‬
‫‪)57( .‬الليربالية كىم رموز الليربالية لدل ا‪١‬تثقفُت‬
‫‪(,p.‬الدراسات الدينية‪ :‬معيارية أـ تارٮتية؟)?‪)55( See: Amin Abdullah, Studi Agama : Normativitas atau Historisitas‬‬
‫‪22, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2004.‬‬
‫‪ Dekontruksi Islam Madzhab Ngaliyan:Pergulatan Pemikiran Anak‬مقدمة أيب حفس لكتاب‬
‫‪Muda Semarang‬‬
‫(‪ٝ‬تارانج‪(, :‬مذىب جالياف يف التفكيك اإلسالمي‪ :‬ا‪٠‬تطاب الفكرم الديٍت ‪ٞ‬تيل جديد ٔتدينة ‪ٝ‬تارنج)‬
‫رسائل‪.)2005 ،‬‬
‫‪( ( Greg Barton, The Emergence of Neo Modernism, p. 84.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫ىذا كقد كرث جيل عن جيل‪ ،‬فهناؾ مؤسس‪ ،‬فا‪١‬تواصل‪ ،‬فجيل جديد‪ .‬كقد كاف ا‪ٞ‬تيل ا‪ٞ‬تديد أكثر جرأة‬
‫يف أطركحاهتم الفكرية‪ ،‬ككثقوا شبكات عريضة ‪ٝ‬توىا «شبكات اإلسالـ الليربايل» كىي ٔتثابة مظلة عقدية‬
‫بُت معتنقي اوٕتاه يف أ‪٨‬تاء البالد‪.‬‬
‫كاف اوٕتاه العاـ لإلسالـ الليربايل كما كصفوه ألنفسهم ىو‪ :‬فتح باب اوجتهاد يف ‪ٚ‬تيع اجملاوت‪ ،‬كالًتكيز‬
‫على ركح التدين كليس على ا‪١‬تعاين ا‪ٟ‬ترفية من النصوص‪ ،‬كاعتناؽ ا‪ٟ‬تقيقة النسبية ا‪١‬تتفتحة كا‪١‬تتعددة‪ ،‬كالتحيز‬
‫إىل األقلية ا‪١‬تستضعفة‪ ،‬كإعالء ا‪ٟ‬ترية الدينية كالعقدية‪ ،‬كالفصل بُت السلطة الدنياكية كاألخركية كبُت السلطة‬
‫الدينية كالسياسية(‪.)58‬‬
‫كقد ‪٣‬تدت مؤسسة راند ىذه ا‪١‬تنظمة بأهنا حسب قو‪٢‬تا‪« :‬أكثر ا‪١‬تنظمات ا‪١‬تسلمة ٖتررا بدكف خجل يف‬
‫‪ 2001‬بواسطة‬
‫إندكنيسيا (كرٔتا يف كلجنوب شرؽ آسيا) ىي شبكات اإلسالـ الليربايل‪ ،‬كاليت أنشأت يف‬
‫شبابا‪١‬تسلمُت ا‪١‬تثقفُت كا‪١‬تتحررين‪ ،‬للتصدم على التأثَت ا‪١‬تتصاعد للحركة ا‪ٞ‬تهادية كالتطرؼ اإلسالمي‬
‫‪ ،‬أك ٔتعٌت أدؽ إهنا للتصدل على الصحوة اإلسالمية يف ىذا البلد‪.‬‬
‫خامسا‪ :‬الليربالية اإلندكنيسية يف ا‪١‬تشركع الغريب‪:‬‬
‫‪Building‬أصدرت مؤسسة راند يف هناية مارس ‪ 2007‬تقريرا بعنواف «بناء شبكات مسلمة معتدلة»‬
‫كىو تقرير متمم لسلسلة التقارير اليت بدأ ىذا ا‪١‬تركز الفكرم يف إصدارىا ‪Moderate Muslim Networks‬‬
‫لتحديد اإلطارات الفكرية للمواجهة مع العامل اإلسالمي فيما بعد أحداث سبتمبَت(‪.)60‬‬
‫‪ .1‬إندكنيسيا كنموذج للمشركع الليربايل‪:‬‬
‫ىذا التقرير كصف ا‪ٟ‬تالة الليربالية يف جنوب شرؽ آسيا ‪-‬كبا‪٠‬تصوص يف إندكنيسيا‪ -‬بأهنا متميزة؛ حيث‬
‫أكد على أ‪٫‬تية اوستفادة من التجربة اإلندكنيسية يف إشاعة الليربالية ٖتت مظلة اوعتداؿ‪ٔ ،‬تفهومو‬
‫كمواصفاتو األمريكية بطبيعة ا‪ٟ‬تاؿ‪ .‬كرأل التقرير أف إندكنيسيا أكثر خصبة من باقي الدكؿ يف جنوب شرؽ‬
‫آسيا؛ ألف كال من باكستاف كماليزيا ٯتثالف التيار األصويل من الناحية الفكرية‪ ،‬كإف كانت ماليزيا أقل تطرفا‬
‫كلكنها يف رأيو تتأثر بدرجة أكرب باألزىر كبعلماء العامل العريب‪.‬‬
‫‪‬راجع‪ :‬التعريف باإلسالـ الليربايل يف ا‪١‬توقع‪)58( :‬‬
‫‪(59( Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 105.‬‬
‫يف ٖتليل ىذا التقرير راجع‪ :‬د‪ .‬باسم خفاجي‪ ،‬استراتيجية غربية الحتواء اإلسالم قراءة في تقرير راند ‪ ،2007‬القاىرة‪ :‬ا‪١‬تركز العريب )‪(60‬‬
‫للدراسات اإلنسانية‪.2007 ،‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫كقاؿ التقرير‪ « :‬كا‪٠‬تالصة أف جنوب شرؽ آسيا لديو ا‪١‬تؤسسات التعليمية اإلسالمية ا‪١‬تتطورة‪ ،‬كٯتكن أف‬
‫يكوف مصدرا مهما يف ا‪ٟ‬ترب الدائرة حوؿ األفكار يف العامل اإلسالمي‪ ،‬ككذلك ا‪ٞ‬تهود ا‪١‬تتعلقة ببناء‬
‫شبكات مسلمة معتدلة كما يقًتح التقرير‪ .‬كسوؼ تساىم ىذه ا‪١‬تؤسسة يف بقاء اجملتمعات ا‪١‬تسلمة يف‬
‫جنوب شرؽ آسيا ملتزمة بالقيم ا‪١‬تعتدلة كالشا‪٥‬تة رغم تعرضو للهجوـ من األفكار ا‪١‬تتطرفة من الشرؽ‬
‫األكسط‪ ،‬كىذه ا‪١‬تؤسسات ٯتكن أيضا أف تستخدـ كلَبِنات يف شبكة ا‪١‬تؤسسات التعليمية اإلسالمية‬
‫كيف سبيل ذلك رصد التقرير عددا من ا‪ٞ‬تمعيات اليت كانت أكثر خصبة لبناء ا‪١‬تفاىيم الليربالية اإلسالمية‬
‫مثل ‪ٚ‬تعية هنضة العلماء كا‪ٞ‬تمعية احملمدية ككذلك عدد من ا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية كيف مقدمتها ا‪ٞ‬تامعة‬
‫اإلسالمية النظامية ّتاكرتا‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬إندكنيسيا كبوابة وحتواء العامل اإلسالمي‪:‬‬
‫كأكثر من ذلك كصف التقرير بأف إندكنيسيا ‪٪‬توذج ىاـ؛ ألف الليرباليُت يف نظرتو قادركف على صياغة أجندة‬
‫للحركة الفكرية كاإلعالمية حىت ٗتدـ ا‪١‬تعتدلُت‪ .‬كرأل أف الًتكيز على منطقة الشرؽ األكسط ىو اسًتاتيجي‬
‫غَت صحيح؛ ألف العامل العريب يعترب مركز قوة التيار احملافظة‪ ،‬كأف األنسب للمشركع األمريكي أف يركز على‬
‫األطراؼ‪ ،‬كليس على ا‪١‬تركز‪ .‬فقاؿ التقرير‪« :‬رغم أف الكثَت من ا‪١‬تبادرات الغربية للتفاعل مع ا‪١‬تسلمُت تركز‬
‫على منطقة الشرؽ األكسط‪ ،‬فإننا نرل أف الشرؽ األكسط كٖتديدا العامل العريب‪ ،‬ٯتثل أرضا أقل خصوبة‬
‫‪ )62(.‬للشبكات ا‪١‬تعتدلة كبناء ا‪١‬تؤسسات مقارنة ٔتناطق أخرل من العامل اإلسالمي»‬
‫كعلى ىذا فإف بناء مشركع الشبكات ا‪١‬تسلمة ا‪١‬تتعدلة يعتمد على ‪٤‬تورين‪ :‬األكؿ ىو التعاكف مع ا‪١‬تعتدلُت‬
‫من العلمانيُت يف دكؿ األطراؼ‪ ،‬أك الدكؿ اليت ٯتكن العمل فيها ْترية‪ ،‬كالثاين ىو عكس مسار األفكار‬
‫ْتيث تكوف من األطراؼ ‪٨‬تو ا‪١‬تركز‪ .‬قاؿ التقرير‪« :‬إف الدافع األساسي لتصورنا يعتمد على ‪٤‬تورين‪ :‬األكؿ‬
‫ىو العمل مع ا‪١‬تسلمُت ا‪١‬تعتدلُت يف الدكؿ اليت تكوف الظركؼ فيها متواتية كإ‪٬‬تابية لتطوير شبكات مسلمة‬
‫معتدلة فعالة كمؤسسات من أجل تقوية ىذه اجملتمعات يف مواجهة تدفق التفسَتات السلفية ا‪١‬تتطرفة‬
‫‪(61( Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 109.‬‬
‫‪(62( Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 85.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫لإلسالـ كالنابعة من الشرؽ األكسط‪ .‬احملور الثاين‪ :‬ىو إ‪٬‬تاد قنوات تواصل إعالمية تشجع نشر التفسَتات‬
‫‪ )63(.‬ا‪١‬تعتدلة كالعامة لإلسالـ إىل منطقة الشرؽ األكسط من ا‪١‬تسلمُت ا‪١‬تعتدلُت يف ا‪١‬تناطق األخرل»‬
‫كىذا يعٌت أف إندكنيسيا ٘تثل بوابة طرفية لبناء شبكات ليربالية مسلمة يف العامل اإلسالمي؛ حيث يسَت ىذا‬
‫ا‪١‬تشركع بالتدرج من الطرؼ إىل ا‪١‬تركز كىو العامل العريب‪ .‬كقد ًب مؤخرا إنشاء مؤسسة أمريكية جديدة إ‪ٝ‬تها‬
‫كيعٌت الليربالية للجميع هبدؼ تر‪ٚ‬تة كتب كمقاوت التيار التحررم الذم يتزعمو ‪«Libforall‬لبفوراؿ»‬
‫‪٣‬تموعة من ا‪١‬تفكرين اإلندكنيسيُت إىل العربية كاإل‪٧‬تليزية‪ ،‬كإتاحتها على اإلنًتنت‪ ،‬ككذلك توصيلها يف شكل‬
‫كتب للمهتمُت‪« :‬عندما يتم نشر األفكار ا‪١‬تعتدلة‪ ،‬فإف من ا‪١‬تهم أف يقدـ ا‪١‬تفكركف ا‪١‬تسلموف من الغرب‬
‫كمن جنوب شرؽ آسيا إىل باقى مناطق العامل اإلسالمي‪ ،‬كأف يتم تر‪ٚ‬تة أعما‪٢‬تم الفكرية إىل كل من‬
‫‪)64(.‬اإل‪٧‬تليزية كالعربية»‬
‫‪٦‬تا سبق كصل الباحث إىل أبرز النتائج التالية‪:‬‬
‫ظهور النظرة الليربالية لإلسالـ يف العامل اإلسالمي لو عالقة باوستشراؽ‪ ،‬ككاف لو حافز ديٍت يتبلور يف‬
‫حركة التنصَت‪ ،‬كحافز سياسي يتبلور يف اوستعمار‪ .‬كألف اوستشراؽ يدكر مع اوستعمار فإف زعامتو‬
‫ٖتولت بعد ا‪ٟ‬ترب العا‪١‬تية الثانية إىل الوويات ا‪١‬تتحدة‪ ،‬بعد أف كانت يف أيدل فرنسا كبريطانيا‪ .‬كأمريكا‬
‫هبذه الزعامة تريد إسالما يتطابق مع قيم ا‪ٟ‬تداثة كالعلمانية كالليربالية الغربية‪ .‬كالرجل الليربايل و يطلق إو‬
‫على من ٖترر من العقيدة كا‪٠‬تصائص اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كبذلك و تكوف إو ملحدة أك ارتيابية‪.‬‬
‫انعكاس ىذا اوٕتاه يف إندكنيسيا بدأ منذ عهد اوستعمار ا‪٢‬تووندم حيث سعت يف تغريب الشعب‬
‫بالغزك الفكرم‪ .‬كيف عهد النظاـ سوكارنو كاف ىناؾ احتكاؾ بُت السلفية اإلصالحية اليت ترمي إىل‬
‫التجديد اإلسالمي على هنج سلف األمة‪ ،‬كالتحديث اإلسالمي بقيادة سوكارنو الذم أصر على‬
‫مسايرة األمة با‪ٟ‬تياة العصرية رغم تناقضها أحيانا بالقيم اإلسالمية‪ .‬ككرث النظاـ سوىرتو عداء سوكارنو‬
‫لإلسالميُت‪ ،‬كازداد يف عهده النفوذ العلماين كا‪١‬تسيحي يف مؤسسات الدكلة‪ .‬كًب يف ىذه الفًتة تغيَت‬
‫النموذج التعليمي يف ا‪ٞ‬تامعات اإلسالمية النظامية من جامعات الشرؽ األكسط إىل ا‪ٞ‬تامعات الغربية‪.‬‬
‫كيف دائرة ا‪١‬تثقفُت كاف لنور خالص ماجد دكر بارز يف ا‪١‬تضمار الليربايل‪ ،‬كتعترب شبكات اإلسالـ‬
‫الليربايل أىم منظمة ليربالية يف جنوب شرؽ آسيا كلديها شجاعة كربل لتفكيك الثوابت اإلسالمية‪ ،‬كيف‬
‫‪(63( Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 85.‬‬
‫‪(64( Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 88.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia
‫ كأصبحت إندكنيسيا يف نظرىا بوابة طرفية للسَت‬،‫تازات ثقافية‬٧‫تم إ‬٢ ‫نظر مؤسسة راند األمريكية كاف‬
.‫تو احتواء اإلسالـ‬٨ ‫الغريب‬
)* ،‫تاضر بالدراسات العليا ّتامعة ابن خلدكف بوجور‬٤ ،‫الدكتوراة يف العقيدة كالفلسفة ّتامعة األزىر بالقاىرة‬
.‫جامعة إندكنيسيا ّتاكرتا‬-‫الدراسات العليا‬-‫تركز الدراسي للشرؽ األكسط كاإلسالـ‬١‫كا‬
Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939, Indonesian Edition,translated by
Suparno, Dahrits Setiawan, Bandung: Mizan, 2004.
Amin Abdullah, Studi Agama : Normativitas atau Historisitas?
)‫تارٮتية؟‬,Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2004.
‫ معيارية أـ‬:‫(الدراسات الدينية‬
Angel Rabasa And Others, Building Moderate Muslim Network, Pittsburgh: Rand Corporation,
Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII dan
)‫تزر اإلندكنيسية يف القرف السابع عشر كالثامن عشر‬ٞ‫(شبكات علماء الشرؽ األكسط كا‬, p.
23-50, Bandung: Mizan, 1995.
Boland, B.J, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia (1945-1972), Indoenesian Edition
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.2003 ،6‫ ط‬،‫ دار القلم‬:‫ كويت‬،
International Journal of Nusantara Islam
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫ابن خلدون ‪ ،‬مقدمة ابن خلدون‪ ،‬بَتكت‪ :‬دار القلم‪ ،‬ط‪.1984 ،5.‬‬
‫أبو ا‪ٟ‬تسن الندكم‪ ،‬الصراع بين الفكرة اإلسالمية والفكرة الغربية في األقطار اإلسالمي‬
‫‪Dekontruksi Islam Madzhab Ngaliyan:Pergulatan Pemikiran Anak Muda‬أيب حفس مقدمة لكتاب‬
‫(مذىب جالياف يف التفكيك اإلسالمي‪ :‬ا‪٠‬تطاب الفكرم الديٍت ‪ٞ‬تيل جديد ٔتدينة‬
‫(‪ٝ‬تارانج‪ :‬رسائل‪ٝ,.)2005 ،‬تارنج)‬
‫ادكارد سعيد‪ ،‬االستشراق المفاىيم الغربية للشرق ‪ ،‬ا‪١‬تًتجم‪ :‬د‪٤ .‬تمد عناين‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬رؤية للنشر كالتوزيع‪،‬‬
‫ط‪.2006 ،1.‬‬
‫األمَت شكيب أرسالن‪ ،‬اإلسالم في جاواه وما جاورىا ‪ ،‬إضافة لكتاب حاضر العامل اإلسالمي للوترب‬
‫ستودارد‪ ،‬ج‪ ،1‬بَتكت‪ :‬دار الفكر‪ ،‬د‪.‬ت‪.‬‬
‫باسم خفاجي‪ ،‬استراتيجية غربية الحتواء اإلسالم قراءة في تقرير راند ‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬ا‪١‬تركز العريب للدراسات‬
‫اإلنسانية‪.2007 ،‬‬
‫جابر قميحة‪ ،‬سيد قطب واإلسالم األمريكاني ‪ ،‬صحيفة آفاؽ عربية‪ ،‬يف ‪2001-12-27‬؛ نقال عن‬
‫‪٥‬تطوطة كتاب سيد قطب ‪ :‬أمريكا من الداخل ‪ ،‬الىت نشرىا سيد قطب يف ‪٣‬تلة الرسالة األسبوعية‬
‫سنة ‪.1952 ،1951‬‬
‫السيد ‪ٚ‬تاؿ الدين األفغاين كالشيخ ‪٤‬تمد عبده ‪ ،‬اآلثار الكاملة العروة الوثقى ‪ ، ،‬إعداد كتقدمي‪ :‬سيد‬
‫ىادم خسرك شاىي‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬مكتبة الشركؽ الدكلية‪ ،‬ط‪.2002 ،1‬‬
‫طو حسُت‪ ،‬مستقبل الثقافة في مصر‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار‬
‫ا‪١‬تعارؼ‪.1938 ،‬‬
‫عبد ا‪ٟ‬تميد ين عبد اجمليد‪ ،‬مذكراتي السياسية‪ ،‬بَتكت‪ :‬مؤسسة الرسالة‪ ،‬ط‪.1406‬‬
‫عبد الر‪ٛ‬تن ا‪١‬تيداين‪ ،‬أجنحة المكر الثالثة وخوافيها‪ ،‬دمشق‪ :‬دار القلم‪ ،‬ط‪.2000 ،8.‬‬
‫‪٤‬تمد البهي‪ ،‬الفكر اإلسالمي الحديث وصلتو باالستعمار الغربي‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬مكتبة كىبة‪ ،‬ط‪.2005 ،14 .‬‬
‫‪٤‬تمد عمارة‪ ،‬الغزو الفكري وىم أم حقيقة؟‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار الشركؽ‪،‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬
‫‪Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia‬‬
‫‪٤‬تمود ‪ٛ‬تدم زقزكؽ‪ ،‬االستشراق والخلفية الفكرية للصراع الحضاري‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار ا‪١‬تعارؼ‪ ،‬د‪.‬ت‪.‬‬
‫مصطفي السباعي‪ ،‬االستشراق والمستشرقون ما لهم وما عليهم‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار السالـ‪ ،‬ط‪.1998 ،1‬‬
‫مورس بوكام‪ ،‬التوراة واألناجيل والقرآن الكريم بمقياس العلم الحديث ‪ ،‬تر‪ٚ‬تةعلى ا‪ٞ‬توىرم‪ ،‬القاىرة‪:‬‬
‫مكتبة القرآف‪ ،‬د‪.‬ت‪..‬‬
‫يوسف كراـ‪ ،‬تاريخ الفلسفة الحديثة‪ ،‬القاىرة‪ :‬دار ا‪١‬تعارؼ‪ ،‬ط‪ ،5.‬دت‪.‬‬
‫‪International Journal of Nusantara Islam‬‬