The Fourth
Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
of National Human Rights Institutions
Migrant Workers’ Human Rights
The Hague Peace Palace . The Hague . The Netherlands
Edited by: Mu’ayyad Mehyar
11-13 March 2009
1
2
Table of Contents
Foreword
Welcome Speech
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
6
11
Welcome Speech
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
The National Centre for Human Rights - Jordan
17
Welcome Speech
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba
The Advisory Council on Human Rights - Morocco
21
Keynote Speech
Mr. Sayed Torbey
Representative of the Secretary General of the Arab League - Egypt
27
Keynote Speech
Mr. Morten Kjærum
The EU Agency for Fundamental Rights - Austria
33
Keynote Speech
Mr. Arjan Hamburger
Human Rights Ambassador - The Netherlands
37
The Regional Perspectives
Mr. Rainer Münz
The Erste Group Bank AG - Switzerland
45
Mr. Azfar Khan
ILO Arab World - Lebanon
51
Mr. Patrick Taran
ILO Europe - Switzerland
71
Mr. Frans Bouwen
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration - The Netherlands
103
The National Perspectives
Morocco
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba
The Advisory Council on Human Rights - Morocco
113
Saudi Arabia
Mr. Salah Al-Sharekh
The Human Rights Commission of Saudi Arabia - Saudi Arabia
127
3
Sweden
Mr. Yamam Al-Zubaidi
The Equality Ombudsman - Sweden
133
France
Ms. Souhila Zitouni
The National Consultative Commission of Human Rights - France
139
Germany
Ms. Petra Folmar-Otto
The German Institute for Human Rights - Germany
149
Bahrain
Mr. Nabeel Rajab
The Bahraini Centre for Human Rights (NGO) - Bahrain
157
Annex I: The Wheel of Diversity
Ms. Susanne Nour
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
167
Annex II
Structure and Functionality of the Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
Mr. Mu’ayyad Mehyar
The Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
171
Annex III
Memorandum concerning the position of domestic workers in the United Arab Emirates
and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and their legal systems
Ms. Antoinette Vlieger
University of Amsterdam - The Netherlands
Bridging the Gulf Project
179
Annex IV
Workshop One Report
187
Annex V
Workshop Two Report
191
Annex VI
The Hague Statement on Migrant Workers’ Human Rights
195
Annex VII
The Field Visit to the Permanent Court of Arbitration
A Presentation on the Court's Systems and Procedure
Aloysius Llamzon
The Permanent Court of Arbitration - The Hague - The Netherlands
201
Annex VIII
List of Participants
213
Annex VIIII
Agenda
223
4
This publication enfolds the speeches, presentations and papers of the Fourth
Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue Meeting comprised of 14 National
Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) from 14 countries; seven from Europe and
seven from the Arab World, who jointly have gone through an open dialogue at
the Hague Peace Palace in the city of Justice and Peace; The Hague - The
Netherlands on March 11-13, 2009 to discuss Migrant Workers’ Human Rights
following up on the Third High-Level Dialogue meeting on Migration and Human
Rights that was held in Rabat - Morocco in May 2008.
Migration is considered one of the defining global issues of the early twenty-first
century. Currently about 192 million people live in a country which was not their
place of birth. We have to realize that increasing economic disparities between
countries produce much of the present international migration. More and more
people are on the move today than at any other point in human history. At the
same time, a lack of gainful employment, decent work, human security as well
as individual freedoms – and the presence of gender and other discrimination
as well as the varying degrees of development of judicial and democratic
institutions explain why many of the 192 million people are vulnerable and many
of them see that their rights are violated.
If we recall commitments three and four from Copenhagen Declaration of the
World Summit for Social Development in 1995, we will see that nations and
states committed themselves to ensure that migrant workers benefit from the
protections provided by relevant national and international instruments, take
concrete and effective measures against the exploitation of migrant workers,
and encourage all countries to consider the ratification and full implementation
of the relevant international instruments on migrant workers. We commit
ourselves to promoting social integration by fostering societies that are based
on non-discrimination, tolerance, respect for diversity, equality of opportunity,
and participation of all people. To this end we will formulate or strengthen
measures to ensure respect for and protection of the human rights of migrants,
migrant workers and their families, to eliminate the increasing acts of racism
and xenophobia in sectors of many societies, and to promote greater harmony
and tolerance in all societies. Moreover, if we recall paras 63 and 77 of
Copenhagen Programme of Action of the World Summit for Social Development
we will see that nations and states have expressed the need for intensified
international cooperation and national attention to the situation of migrant
workers and their families; including equality of opportunity and treatment in
respect of religious practices, working conditions, social security, participation in
trade unions and access to health, education, cultural and other social services,
equal access to the judicial system and equal treatment before the law,
safeguarding the basic human rights of undocumented migrants and preventing
their exploitation.
6
The working papers of the Fourth Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue were
presented in plenary sessions by key experts from esteemed organizations
working in the field of migration, labour rights and human rights including UN
and EU agencies’ representatives. Further, country profiles and reports were
presented by representatives of the participating NHRIs in Europe as well as
the Arab World. Afterwards, participants have formed themselves into two
working groups to discuss how they followed up on recommendations from the
Third High-Level Meeting that was held in Rabat - Morocco in May 2008 and
then each working group presented its report before the plenary followed by
open discussions among all participants. Finally participants adopted a number
of recommendations, through which they emphasized that NHRIs should
actively encourage the development of a right-based approach to migrant
workers human rights – especially to the most vulnerable of migrants, including
women, children, unregistered and domestic workers. Human rights should
become an integral part of any migration-related policy or procedure including
the observance of international human rights norms with focus on equality and
non discrimination, standard setting and accountability. Also they recommended
that NHRIs should actively encourage the use of bilateral agreements,
cooperation and action plans between sending and receiving countries to
promote and protect migrant workers rights. Further, they recommended that
NHRIs should review labour laws and labour contracts in their respective
countries with a view to promoting their conformity with international human
rights standards which should be incorporated into their national laws.
Moreover, NHRIs should strive to establish monitoring and reporting
mechanisms as well as observatory bodies to ensure the gathering of
information, statistics, research, and studies. Furthermore, NHRI’s should
establish communication channels and easy access to advice on complaints
and legal aid (for instance anonymous gender-balanced hotlines, web or
mobile-phone services). NHRIs should establish or promote the establishment
of databases and collect information on migration and migrant workers to be
disaggregated by e.g. sex, geographic origin, age, and ethnicity; with a view to
identifying discrimination on those bases. Participants in the Dialogue have also
recommended that NHRIs should pursue the issue of migrant workers
representation in society. Providing ‘voice’ to migrant workers is necessary to
enhance their social and economic position as well as their protection. Most
importantly, participants have recommended that for the next dialogue meeting
it is expected that NHRIs prepare a written report on how they follow-up on the
recommendations of the former dialogue meeting to be submitted ahead of the
next dialogue meeting. They have also agreed to have a permanent agenda
item in all future dialogue meetings, which relates to NHRIs’ follow-up on how
they mainstreamed the dialogue meetings’ recommendations into national
action plans and work. They have finally announced the Establishment of a new
working group on migration and human rights in addition to the formerly
established ones on Access to information and Counterterrorism.
7
We hope that this publication will contribute to the ongoing discourse on
migration and human rights and we hope that it will be of considerable service
to professionals working in the field of migration and human rights and we wish
that NHRIs who are partners to this dialogue process, shall embark on a
process to continue on taking this further and establish a dialogue in their
respective countries and transform regional recommendations of the ArabEuropean Human Rights Dialogue into national action plans and work.
Jonas Christoffersen
Executive Director
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
8
10
Welcome Speech
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen
Executive Director
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Denmark
Jonas Christoffersen is the Executive Director of the Danish Institute for Human
Rights. He is former associate professor in human rights and has specialized in
national and international human rights. Since 1996 he has been teaching
international law, European law and human rights. Jonas Christoffersen was
temporarily appointed judge at the High Court of Eastern Denmark from 20062007, and he has previously worked as a Legal Clerk at the Danish Supreme
Court and is a lawyer admitted to high Court.
11
Honourable Ambassadors residing at The Hague,
the City of Peace and Justice,
Distinguished Speakers at the Fourth Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue,
Esteemed UN and EU Agencies’ Delegates and Representatives,
Fellow Delegates and Partners from National Human Rights Institutions across
Europe and the Arab World; members of the Arab-European Human Rights
Dialogue Network,
Esteemed organizations and observing members of the Arab-European Human
Rights Dialogue Network,
Distinguished guests,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Dear friends,
It is with great pleasure that I welcome you all to our Fourth Arab-European
Human Rights Dialogue meeting on Migrant Workers’ Human Rights, held at
the magnificent premises of The Hague Peace Palace, at the city of Peace and
Justice.
National Human Rights Institutions have been working in partnership to prepare
the ground for a common platform for an Arab-European dialogue since 2006.
This led, in March 2007, to The First Preparatory Meeting of the Arab-European
Human Rights Dialogue on 'Access to Information and Civil Society
Development', and to the First High-Level Dialogue Meeting, in April 2007 on
'Human Rights and International Terrorism'.
Both meetings took place in Amman - Jordan, and were attended by senior
personnel from the relevant National Human Rights Institutions. At the April
2007 meeting, it was suggested that a Second High-Level Dialogue Meeting
should be planned to focus on 'Discrimination'. This meeting was held in
Copenhagen - Denmark in October 2007.
The Third High-Level Dialogue Meeting on 'Migration and Human Rights' was
12
held in Rabat - Morocco in May 2008. Participants actively engaged in
discussions of current challenges, such as the problem of implementing human
rights standards aimed at protecting the rights of migrants. Participants agreed
in Morocco that there should be a further discussion on migration and human
rights, concentrating on 'Migrant Workers' Human Rights'. This led to a decision
to hold this Fourth High-Level Dialogue Meeting.
At the high-level dialogue meetings, delegates have presented diverse
perspectives on important human rights issues. In addition, the participating
National Human Rights Institutions have made presentations analyzing
structural and legislative human rights challenges in their home countries.
In responding to presentations, other National Human Rights Institutions have
shared their experiences and ideas, generating many valuable
recommendations for a follow-up process.
So, this is what the dialogue process offers: it offers an intense collective inquiry
not only into the content of what each of us say, think and feel, but also into the
underlying motivations, assumptions and beliefs that lead us to so do.
At the same time, the dialogue offers to build the capacity of National Human
Rights Institutions through improved research and preparation of the ArabEuropean Human Rights Dialogue meetings, through working groups, through
projects, actions, networks, training and seminars and not least through followup activities.
But why migrant workers’ human rights – one might ask?
First, migration is considered one of the defining global issues of the early
twenty-first century. Currently about 192 million people live in a country which
was not their place of birth.
We have to realize that increasing economic disparities between countries
produce much of the present international migration. More and more people are
on the move today than at any other point in human history.
At the same time, a lack of gainful employment, decent work, human security as
well as individual freedoms – and the presence of gender and other
13
discrimination as well as the varying degrees of development of judicial and
democratic institutions explain why many of the 192 million people are
vulnerable and many of them see that their rights are violated.
Secondly, I would like to recall with you commitments three and four from
Copenhagen Declaration of the World Summit for Social Development in 1995,
and I quote:
“We will ensure that migrant workers benefit from the protections provided by
relevant national and international instruments, take concrete and effective
measures against the exploitation of migrant workers, and encourage all
countries to consider the ratification and full implementation of the relevant
international instruments on migrant workers. We commit ourselves to
promoting social integration by fostering societies that are based on nondiscrimination, tolerance, respect for diversity, equality of opportunity, and
participation of all people. To this end we will formulate or strengthen measures
to ensure respect for and protection of the human rights of migrants, migrant
workers and their families, to eliminate the increasing acts of racism and
xenophobia in sectors of many societies, and to promote greater harmony and
tolerance in all societies."
I would also like to recall paras 63 and 77 of Copenhagen Programme of Action
of the World Summit for Social Development, and I quote:
"There is need for intensified international cooperation and national attention to
the situation of migrant workers and their families; including equality of
opportunity and treatment in respect of religious practices, working conditions,
social security, participation in trade unions and access to health, education,
cultural and other social services, equal access to the judicial system and equal
treatment before the law, safeguarding the basic human rights of
undocumented migrants and preventing their exploitation."
And finally I would like to remind myself and you with major conclusions from
Rabat Declaration following the Third-High Level Dialogue Meeting in Morocco
in May 2008, and I quote:
x
“NHRIs should hold state authorities and governments accountable for
grave human rights violations, including threats to life, physical integrity and
human dignity of migrants while they are attempting to cross borders or
while at the hands of the authorities.
14
x
Strengthen cooperation between NHRIs to ensure the promotion and
protection of all human rights of migrants and refugees, in particular the
right not to be discriminated against, the right to equal opportunities, access
to family reunification, the right to health services, social security, access to
justice, education, work and training, and the right to be protected against
exploitation.
x
NHRIs should monitor and report about the situation of migrants and
examine the cases of human rights violations and make recommendations
to provide remedies for victims.
x
NHRIs should organize public awareness and opinion campaigns to foster a
conducive environment for an inclusive society recognizing the value of
migrants and refugees”.
The question that I would like to raise here, is how States, UN agencies, EU
agencies, National Human Rights Institutions, Civil Society Organizations,
Media, research and Academia, have followed up on these recommendations
and conclusions?
And what role can National Human Rights Institutions embark on to streamline
these recommendations into national action plans?
Another question to be asked is how rights-based approaches to migration
policy should be developed, using the Convention on Migrant Workers and
other human rights norms and labour standards as tools for policy making.
The work that we have already done in the framework of these meetings and,
more specifically, in the declaration that you produced in Rabat dialogue
meeting, and the once we will produce in the coming three days is a kind of
guarantee that commitment has been built among National Human Rights
Institutions, who are members of the dialogue network, towards promoting and
protecting migrant workers’ human rights. For this I would like to express my
deepest gratitude to our main partners in the Dialogue Secretariat; the
Moroccan Advisory Council on Human Rights and the Jordanian National
Centre for Human Rights, who are continuously providing tireless efforts to
make this process effective and concrete. I would also like to thank all other
NHRIs, members of the Dialogue Network, from both the Arab World and
Europe, for their effective participation and contribution and not the least I would
like to express my thanks and appreciation to all the speakers, all observing
15
members; UN Agencies, EU Agencies, Equality Treatment Bodies, Research
tanks, Academia, civil society, private sector and media. And finally a special
gratitude should be conveyed to the donors of this dialogue meeting: the Dutch
and the Danish Ministries of Foreign Affairs.
Bearing all these thoughts in mind, I would like once more to welcome you and
wish you a fruitful collaboration in the framework of this dialogue meeting and in
the subsequent working groups meetings throughout the Dialogue meeting and
all through the following activities afterwards, with a remarkable launching base,
that is here, at the Hague Peace Palace, in The Hague – the City of Peace and
Justice.
16
Welcome Speech
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights
Jordan
Muhyieddeen Touq received his master’s degree in educational psychology
from Ball State University in 1970. Since then, Touq received his Ph.D. in
educational psychology and taught in the United States. Later he served as
professor, department chair, dean and president at five universities in Jordan.
He is a member of the Economic Advisory Council for King Abdullah II and is a
member of the Royal Commission on Human Rights in Jordan. Touq serves on
many professional organizations such as the American Psychological
Association, the World Council on Curriculum and Instruction, and the National
Taskforce for Children in Jordan.
17
Ladies and gentlemen,
Peace and God's mercy and blessings be upon you,
Allow me at the beginning to express my extreme delight about the convening
of the fourth meeting of the Arab-European dialogue in the city of The Hague /
Netherlands. The convening of this meeting in the city of law has sincere
connotations and genuine and firm desire not only for the continuation of this
dialogue, but also, for the promotion of awareness about the rights of migrant
workers and the dealing with the violations they are subject to. Furthermore, the
continuation of our meetings ascertain the faith of all partners on both sides of
the Mediterranean and beyond in the importance of human rights issues and in
exerting the efforts to promote and protect them as well as extending bridges of
cooperation and dialogue between everybody to reach a common
understanding about the main problematic issues and develop appropriate
solutions for them.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The principles of the international customs of human rights and the pledges
made by the Member States of the United Nations, both in its charter or
charters of human rights, oblige the States to work individually and collectively
to raise the living standards and prepare the conditions for progress and
development in the economic, social and cultural fields as an entrenchment of
the principle of human dignity inherent in all human beings without
discrimination by race, sex, language, religion or belief.
You are also aware that the respect of the right to work, and the provision of
appropriate conditions in the work environment, have become an integral part of
the current and future course of human societies, and tomorrow they will
become a fundamental criterion of the progress of nations and human societies,
and this right has become a priority for the interested and concerned people,
whether they are policy makers, planners, legislators and executers, and the
task of promoting this right became a joint responsibility of the governments, the
private sector and civil society alike. However, in spite of all this attention, the
practical reality emphasizes the existence of numerous violations of the workers
rights in general and the migrant workers in particular, in most of the Arab and
European States if not in all of them, even if these violations varied in
magnitude.
Despite the considerable efforts made by the bodies of the United Nations and
the International Labour Organization to promote and protect the rights of
18
workers by providing them in the International Bill of Human Rights and the
conventions of the International Labour Organization, the International
Convention for the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their
Family members for the year 1990 is the most prominent international effort to
promote and protect the rights of migrant migrants, as it is considered as a
comprehensive overview of the rights of this category. It covered the right to
obtain a fair and adequate pay, non-discrimination and equality before the law,
legal protection, the prohibition of forced labour, protection from arbitrary
actions, work in safe conditions, setting appropriate work hours, the right to rest,
no-sexual harassment, the right to form trade unions, religious belief, and
freedom of opinion and expression. It is unfortunate that many of the States
have not ratified this Convention, and many of the States that have ratified it,
did not provide the migrant workers with the required protection nor the
necessary remedies, despite the significant contribution of this category of
workers in the economic growth of their countries of origin or in the economic
development of the countries receiving them.
This Convention on one hand, and the practical realities of these workers on the
other hand, have ascertained that the promotion and protection of the rights
contained in the Convention need further activation of their protection
mechanisms, which requires the cooperation of everyone, both at the national,
regional or international levels. My country, Jordan, is an exporter and importer
of labour and shares with the developing and advanced countries the
phenomena of which suffer the expatriate Jordanian workers and the foreign
workers in Jordan. This embodies the necessity to work at all levels, bilateral,
regional and international.
I am hopeful that this meeting will constitute an effective contribution in this
regard and will set off the alarm concerning the violations which the migrant
workers are subject to. Some of these violations are considered a blatant
violation to human rights, such as human trafficking in all its forms and
manifestations, and the growing phenomenon of discrimination and hatred
towards migrant workers.
Today’s meeting, which is an extension of the previous meeting in Rabat
reflects a genuine expression of our recognition of the importance of this
subject, and I hope that it will be an expression of good faith by everybody to
state the magnitude of the problems experienced by migrant workers, and an
opportunity to exchange expertise and experiences and try to find real solutions
to these problems.
Finally, I hope that this meeting is an expression of the central role that could be
played by national institutions for the promotion of the rights of migrant workers
and the reduction of violations against them.
19
I look forward with you to the working papers which will be presented by
specialists and professionals in this domain, and the serious debate and
dialogue during the next three days, hoping to be able to identify gaps and
challenges facing this group of workers and reaching findings and
recommendations that would help to develop concepts and work plans to put an
end to such violations in future.
In conclusion, I would like to express my deepest thanks and gratitude to the
Danish Institute for Human Rights, and the hosts for their hospitality and
organization, and my gratitude goes to all the brothers and sisters, wishing you
all success in the activities of this meeting, and at the same time, hoping that
we shall endeavour to stay in touch with each other to serve the process of
dissemination, protection and promotion of human rights around the world.
20
Welcome Speech
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba
Secretary General
The Moroccan Advisory Council on Human Rights
Morocco
Mahjoub El Haiba was a member of the national commission for equity and
reconciliation. He holds a Ph.D. in Political and Science and from 1997-2000
served as the Vice Chair of the Casablanca School of Law. Mr. El Haiba has
served as counsel with the United Nations Program for the Environment and as
a founding member of the Moroccan Organization for Human Rights (OMDH).
21
Ladies and gentlemen,
I am pleased to extend a word of welcome to all the participants in the activities
of the Fourth Arab-European meeting of the National Human Rights Institutions,
on behalf of the Advisory Council on Human Rights in the Kingdom of Morocco,
which is the foundation that worked on supporting and engaging in this forum
and the course of the dialogue between the national institutions of the European
and Arab regions. It is my pleasure to participate in this fourth meeting held in
this State, the Netherlands, this city, The Hague, the historical capital of the
international law with its various branches, and in this historic palace, which
includes legal and judicial institutions of a particular historical weight and
contribution in the codification and the progressive development of international
law. I had the chance to join the pioneers of the Academy of International Law
and the Centre for studies and research in international law and international
relations, I also had the opportunity to visit several times, the Peace Palace
Library, which contains valuable treasures of various references in international
law and international relations. With regards to the issue we are gathering
around today, and to the city and the place which host us, we must recall that
the expression the international migration law "Droit international des
migrations", in the French language had been used in the twenties of the last
century in a lesson at the Hague Academy of International Law by the jurist
1
Louise Alvarez on international migrations and their regulations.
In this regard, this jurist has previously noted that the international migration law
is considered then as one of the most vital branches in terms of the
development of its rules on an ongoing basis. The duty of keeping the memory
requires from us, more than ever, to evoke such outstanding contributions in
addressing the phenomenon of migration and the major problems it raised and
still does on the international community with all its components and actors at
all political, economic, civil, intellectual, and cultural levels. As national
institutions for human rights, in the two regions, we should employ these
contributions as well as others for the development of a genuine human rights
approach to address the issues of immigration and all the migrant’s human
rights violations associated to it, regardless of his legal status in the country of
destination or transit.
Ladies and gentlemen,
We dwelled during the third meeting of this Arab-European forum the general
and particular problems of migration and human rights, and the basis of which
the Rabat Declaration was issued, which includes a series of specific and
practical recommendations. Today, we have all been wondering about the
1. Louis ALVAREZ, «Les migrations internationales et leur réglementation», in RCADI, 1927, VT20
22
follow-up on their implementation, promoting them and enhancing their
contents; both, individually, each institution at the national level; or collectively,
in the international forums, gatherings, and in the regional networks of the
national institutions for human rights. If we were to discuss that topic during this
fourth meeting by focusing on "The rights of migrant workers", we should evoke
the contents and recommendations of the mentioned Rabat Declaration, to
achieve a progress, not only in the formulation of recommendations on the
issue of this meeting, but in order to work all of us on the development of the
appropriate organizational formula between the institutions of the region to
ensure following-up the implementation of the recommendations. Regarding
today’s topic, we should be reminded that, in spite that the major countries
receiving migrant workers have not yet ratified the International Convention on
the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their
Families, the Committee on the Protection of their rights and which was
established under the mentioned Convention, has, for sometime, proceeded in
looking into the reports submitted by the States parties under article 74 of the
Convention, and the issuance of final remarks and recommendations, and the
expression of major concerns regarding the situation of migrant workers in
some States Parties. We must note the role played by this Committee in
creating of a new dynamic, not only at the level of the United Nations human
rights system, and treaties’ instruments, but also at the level of increasing the
awareness about the Convention and urging its ratification by many recipient
countries. The committee, at this level, plays the role of advocating for the
effective implementation of the convention’s requirements, and we, as
institutions, should intensify our presence during the sessions of the Committee
to present our recommendations and work on making the committee take them
into account in its work.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The implementation of the mentioned Convention faces a number of
challenges, including in particular the non-ratification by most of the recipient
and residence countries, especially the European ones. The convention is also
threatened by the growing hostile tendencies and the spreading of negative
values represented in the rejection and hatred of foreigners and migrants in
many countries of residence. In addition to the decrease in employment
opportunities in the receiving countries, and the impact of unemployment which
affects the status of the workers and their families, on one hand, and the
increasing poverty in the countries of origin, and what it entails in an increasing
demand for illegal immigration. There is no need to recall the consequences of
the global economic crisis, which inevitably will be reflected on the situation of
migrant workers in all parts of the world. In all cases, the growing disparity in the
phenomena of inequality, the lack of equal opportunities and the difficulty of
assimilation for the migrant workers in the countries of residence, and the
increasing manifestations of the illegal immigrants living in inhumane conditions
are factors threatening the protection of the rights of the displaced workers, this
23
vulnerable category, which has a strong contribution in the economies of the
world, and in the exchange of knowledge and values through the history of
human civilization, and here lies the irony.
Ladies and gentlemen,
If we cherish this dialogue between the institutions of both regions, and
appraise the discussion and calm dialogue it raises about the issues of common
concern, we call on the wide engagement in enhancing and institutionalizing it.
The best ways to do so will be by encouraging and assisting in the creation and
strengthening of national institutions in accordance with the Paris Principles, by
maintaining the pace of organizing the sessions of this dialogue, and by
focusing on the issues of common concern, particularly those associated with
the values and principles of cultural influence on the course of human rights in
our regions and in the planet. We also should work on developing a follow-up
mechanism between the dialogue meetings, and coordinating with the regional
networks of national institutions. In conclusion, we thank the host country, the
Netherlands and the beautiful city, The Hague, and all the national institutions
from both regions and all their partners that contributed in the preparation of this
meeting, wishing us all success in our work, and thank you for listening.
24
Keynote Speech
Mr. Sayed Torbey
Representative of the Secretary General
The Arab League
Egypt
Sayed Torbey was born in Lebanon in 1950. He graduated in literature in 1973
from The Lebanese University of Beirut; he worked in the field of education and
journalism. In 1980 he joined the Arab League and was posted in Bonn,
Brussels and in Tunis and Cairo as member of the Cabinet of the Secretary
General. In 2005, he was nominated as Director of the Dialogue of Civilizations
and in late 2006 Deputy Head of the Arab League Mission in Brussels.
27
Mr. Chairman of the session, Moncer Rouissi,
Head of the Higher Committee for Human Rights and Basic Liberties in Tunisia,
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen,
Executive Director of the Danish Institute for Human Rights,
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq,
General Commissioner of the National Centre for Human Rights in Jordan,
Mrs. Anastasia Kreikly,
President of the European Agency for Human Rights,
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba,
Secretary General of the Advisory Council on Human Rights in Morocco,
Dear participants and guests,
Allow me at the outset to express my deep appreciation for inviting the Arab
League to this important meeting, which your active organization has always
organized and followed-up. I also want to express my personal happiness for
being amongst you today in this wonderful location, The Peace Palace; AlSalam Palace in The Hague, which selection as a venue for this conference has
more than a meaning and a connotation.
I seize this opportunity to extend to you the apologies of His Excellency the
Secretary General Amr Moussa for not being able to attend this meeting in spite
of his extreme interest in it, and his full appreciation of your efforts. However,
the competing events in the Arab region and the coinciding of all of this with the
strenuous preparations for the forthcoming Arab summit in Doha, prevented him
from being with us. The Arab league mission in Brussels was very keen to be
with you in this concluding session, where it was not possible for us to be
present at the beginning of the conference as we would have wished because
of some communication difficulties. This may symbolize the complicated
situations of the Arab migrants.
The subject of the migrant workers rights may appear to be a traditional subject,
since it is as old as the Euro-Arab relations. However, the living reality and the
constant developments in the Arab and European societies as well as the
economic events and the social and cultural effects they produce, make of it a
constantly contemporary subject, as well as a critical one.
The wisdom of organizers of this encounter, the accuracy of their senses as
well as their deep knowledge of the reality of things led to the inclusion of this
subject in the human rights perspective, to be indulged in research and scrutiny,
and to include all of the effects of the presence of the migrant labour in Europe
in its legal dimensions encompassing all the cultural and sometimes political life
28
of man. I am certain that the submitted studies and researches regarding
different aspects of these rights in the Arab and European countries are very
beneficial in identifying the loopholes and drafting the suitable solutions for
overcoming them.
The issue of the situations and rights of the Arab migrants abroad has become
a work concern for the Arab League. I will not present the accomplishments,
because what is required is to accomplish more achievements and bigger ones.
I will only mention the establishment of departments at the secretariat of the
Arab League for the civil society, the civilizations dialogue and the Arab
expatriates, the appointment of November 22 as the Day of the Arab Expatriate,
the assignment of several departments, centres and missions to follow-up on
the situations of the migrants, in addition to the cooperation with the
international organizations such as the IOM and the Arab Expatriates
Organizations across the world.
Numerous conferences, encounters and activities have been organized to
connect the migrants especially the young ones with the Arab World, as well as
the different categories such as the intellectuals, the scientists, engineers,
doctors and others. Several activities and encounters have been organized as
well, the last being in February, where a meeting was held for the Ministers of
Labour, migration and Arab expatriates. The Secretary General of the Arab
League has ascertained to the Arab League that the migration of the Arab youth
abroad is no longer a phenomenon, but a reality which area and geographical
scope extends with time, and that the rate of the Arab migrants amounts to
nearly 12 percent of the Arab world population, i.e. more than 36 million
persons, including more than one million scientists and highly efficient people.
It appeared in the same meeting that the Arab migrants have been suffering
since September 11, 2001 from discriminatory practices and that they are either
accused or stranded.
His Excellency the Secretary General of the Arab league has recommended the
necessity to form a council for the ministers of migration and Arab expatriates
like the other specialized ministerial councils in order to follow-up the activity of
the Arab migration abroad.
Dr. Ahmad Lakman, the Director General of the Arab Labour Organization, has
warned that the last European policies regarding migration tended towards a
new option based on selectiveness, which is a serious policy for the future of
the technical labour force in the Arab world.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Regarding the mutual importance for both the Arab and European worlds, I
mention the following quick remarks:
29
Regarding Europe
The Arab World was throughout history a strategic region in the world history. It
influenced and was affected by the subsequent civilizations at both banks of the
Mediterranean. It constitutes today am important significance from several
aspects, some of which can be mentioned as examples:
1. Europe is today in need of population vitality in the Arab world, since
statistics indicate that Europe will lose nearly 60 million working citizens till
the year 2050.
2. Also, Europe needs to give more concern to the Arab economic
development, since Europe the "elderly" will include the income earners and
the retired more than businessmen and producers. This means it will
undergo a slow economic growth and an increase in unemployment. It is
thus in dire need for an alternative economy.
3. Europe constantly needs the Arab world markets. Statistics also indicate
that the number of population of the south Mediterranean will increase to
vary between 400 and 450 million people during the next 20 years (which
was mentioned by the UN Development Report since 2002). This means
that the Arab world needs to cover its market at the time there is a surplus
in the European market. France was presented as an example for this
influence. It appeared through the latest studies in France that if the
economic and commercial links between France and the countries of the
Arab Maghreb were as strong as the ones that linked Japan to China, the
rate of economic growth in France would annually increase by 0.75% and
would increase in the Arab Maghreb by 0.6%.
Regarding the Arab World
The Arab world needs in general and the south Mediterranean in particular a
strong Europe, because it will confront shocks for which it will need a European
cooperation in the light of the conditions of the dialogue and the joint historical
and cultural relations. These shocks include:
1. An economic shock. There is a project for adopting the free market in the
Middle East region, maybe that would be quite soon, in 2010, which is a
date that is suitable to the adherence of China to the WTO. This requires
the necessity of adapting 30-50% of the local institutions with the new
reality.
2. A political and social shock, since this incident and the developments
impose quick changes, such as the respect of people, properties,
transparency, the respect of the rule of law, providing initiatives for the
private sector and the combating of all forms of corruption by cementing the
rules of good governance.
30
3. The promising vision that emanated from the last summit of Kuwait for the
Arab world, especially what concerns the reduction of unemployment and
poverty to half during the next decade, and its coinciding with a terrible
world economic crisis which effects have touched all countries and all
productive and services sectors.
All of this asserts the joint need between the north Mediterranean and its south
for both parties to be winners. This mutual need means the necessity of building
a supported development without the need to revert to the dominance mentality
and approximate the overtaking of the southern wealth, a development that
would allow the south Mediterranean to guaranty the right of man in it to fulfil his
economic and social needs, and lead to a halt of the random collective
migration movement and its replacement with a new method agreed upon
between the south and the north to exchange knowledge.
Within this perspective, we could dialogue about the new policy of Europe
towards its neighbours in the south, which suggests in the years 2030-2040 an
economic merger through:
x
x
x
x
Freedom of people
Freedom of goods
Freedom of capitals
Freedom of services
It is important to also recall the importance of the movement of the civil society
in a merged intellectual, cultural and social movement that creates a coherent
and organized sphere in which experiences and thoughts of the intellectuals are
submitted as well as the experiences of businessmen from both sides. It can be
in the form of a centre for a Euro-Mediterranean dialogue, or like the one your
esteemed institution conducts, to include politicians, university people and
businessmen to open a wider horizon for a longer and more comprehensive
cooperation.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would like finally to state some concluding remarks which inclusion in the
recommendations is emphasized, particularly the necessity to work according to
them:
1. Immigrants in Europe do not constitute a threat to them and are not
marginal nor an emergency after the increase of their numbers and the
improved integration of their second and third generations in the economic,
social and political life in the European countries. Even though these countries
are not immigrant countries such as the United States, South America, Australia
and Canada, however, we notice an increased tendency to integrate as it
happened to the Arab migrants in these countries. This trend should be
supported and encouraged; it is a rich source of communication for civilizations.
31
2. Immigration is a comprehensive and multi-faceted issue as you know. It has
different reasons politically, economically, and socially, and personal and
family motives, tendencies of aspirations, science and culture. It also
includes several segments, where politics merges with economics, and
human rights with security, in addition to the geo-strategic data for
countries, groups and parties that intersect with the individual options and
personal courses, it appears difficult to draw ready programs and plans or
give lessons, and it is imperative to pave the way for the sufferings of the
individuals and the experiences of the societies and the civil society
institutions.
3. Work is a humanitarian and a civilized value that should be provided
sufficiently and justly. It is the duty of the countries exporting and receiving
labour. In conclusion, one must assert the rights of Arab workers and their
equality to national workers particularly in retirement and health care, the
prevention of discrimination, xenophobia and linking foreigners to terrorism,
and the elimination of all forms of exploitation particularly the one that
includes the illegal migrants that are so badly exploited due to their weak
legal status.
4. Immigrants are in the midst of a course of aspirations and dreams,
production, efforts and constructions. There are side courses and failures
sometimes, as in every group, but the vast majority works seriously and
with dignity to assert its presence and rights. This trend and perseverance
for constructive and positive cooperation should be ascertained to
accomplish the joint benefit.
Thank you for listening.
32
Keynote Speech
Mr. Morten Kjærum
Executive Director
EU Agency for Fundamental Rights
Austria
Morten Kjærum is the Director of the European Union Agency for Fundamental
Rights (FRA) in Vienna. He was the founding Director of the Danish Institute for
Human Rights (DIHR), Denmark’s national human rights institution, and
developed it within 17 years from a small organisation to a large internationally
recognized institution. He started his career in the non-governmental sector, at
the Danish Refugee Council. Mr. Kjærum was a member (2002-2008) of the
United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD)
and was a member of the EU network of independent experts responsible for
monitoring compliance with the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (2002-2006).
Mr. Kjærum has been involved since 1991 in human rights capacity building
projects with governments and national institutions in all parts of the world.
From 1986 until today, he has written extensively on issues related to a number
of human rights issues and in particular refugee law, the prohibition against
racial discrimination, and the role of national human rights institutions. Morten
Kjærum holds a Master of Law from the University of Aarhus, Denmark, and is a
Danish national.
33
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to begin by giving my thanks to the Advisory Council on Human
Rights in Morocco, the National Centre for Human Rights in Jordan and the
Danish Institute for Human Rights in Copenhagen for organising this conference
which will facilitate our common goal of protecting and promoting human rights.
We are all well aware that the current economic crisis places great pressure on
the labour market. Unemployment continues to rise as sectors of the economy
cut back on production or simply collapse. In Europe governments and
employers are tending towards the protection of their national workforce at the
expense of migrant workers.
In Spain during the boom years of economic development the agricultural sector
depended heavily upon workers from other EU States and outside the EU. Now
the national workforce is returning to harvesting olives and strawberries
because their jobs as masons, painters and carpenters have dried up as the
construction industry grinds to a halt. Some evidence suggests that in parts of
Spain the agricultural sector is only hiring around a tenth of non-nationals
compared to previous years. In northern Europe the crisis has not yet reached
this stage but there are signs that things are taking a similar direction. February
saw strikes and demonstrations by national workers at twenty oil refineries and
power plants across the UK in protest at the employment of workers from other
EU countries. The UK has already suspended the entry of non-skilled workers
from outside the EU through its points-based immigration system and has
announced new rules in relation to skilled migrants. Employers will now be
obliged to advertise jobs to national and EU workers before being able to offer
such posts to third country nationals.
We face a time of hardship that many have compared to the Great Depression
of the 1930s. In responding to these difficulties we must remain true to our
fundamental values, particularly the central importance of the dignity of the
human person. The European Union cannot be founded on respect for human
rights for some but not for others. However, the guarantee of fundamental rights
depends on certain economic realities. We rely on the state to provide for us
when we are not in a position to provide for ourselves: through disability, old
age or unemployment. We also rely on the market to produce the conditions
that allow us to provide for our own economic security through employment and
access to the goods and services we need day to day.
The economic reality facing us is alarming. Governments have injected
resources in support of failing financial institutions. Many have introduced short
term tax cuts to stimulate trade and public spending. These factors combine to
create a significant increase in government deficits. The average government
deficit across the EU is expected to rise from an average of 2% of GDP in 2008
to 4.5% in 2009, and further worsen in 2010.
34
Thus the current level of public expenditure cannot be sustained in the long-run.
In recent years governments across the EU have, on average, spent over a
quarter of GDP on social protection. In order to service their deficits, they may
be tempted to weaken the social safety net provided by the welfare state. This
will expose the poorest and most vulnerable elements of society to daily
hardship. The right to live a dignified life is gravely threatened for those
individuals and families facing difficulty in paying for their housing, heating and
food costs. For those having to deal with this practical uncertainty and insecurity
over day-to-day living, pronouncements about fundamental rights can begin to
sound like high-minded rhetoric.
At the same time the number of people who will come to depend upon the help
of the state is increasing. Unemployment is expected to rise to an average of
9.5% in the EU by 2010 which is an increase of 2.5% from its low point in 2008.
As workers lose their jobs they themselves and their households will be looking
to the state to provide a level of support. We cannot lose sight of the fact that at
this time the guarantees of fundamental rights must be rigorously applied.
Governments must resist the temptation to contract the role of the state in
providing for those who are unable to provide for themselves.
The rise in unemployment is significant not only because it places greater
pressure on the state in assisting the jobless. It was recently estimated that
there are currently around 20 million third country nationals of working age
residing across the EU. This number represents 6% of the total EU population
of working age. Non-EU workers, particularly more recent migrants are overrepresented in positions of unskilled labour, namely construction, services,
agriculture and domestic service. This is due to the shortage of low-skilled
labour supply within the EU population. As the level of education and training
across the EU rises, such jobs have become less attractive for EU citizens. If
we look to the long-term it is clear that labour provided by foreign workers will
remain important for the recovery and future prosperity of our economies.
It is understandable that governments may wish to prioritise their own citizens’
access to the job market. But specific targeting of foreign workers will not
resolve our problems. Job cuts may be inevitable, but they should be applied in
a non-discriminatory manner. Furthermore we should not forget that very
recently the call in Europe was for greater immigration in order to resolve the
problem of declining populations and ageing workforces. This issue will not
disappear as a result of the current economic difficulties.
We must also ask ourselves what will become of those foreign workers who
lose their jobs. It cannot be assumed that all those who fall victim to
unemployment will return to their countries of origin. If this group is
disproportionately targeted we risk injecting large numbers into the unregulated
market. Those who do not return face exploitation by working illegally, without
the protection accorded by national labour standards. This occurs not only
within traditional industries such as agriculture and manufacturing, but also
through illegal activities such as begging and prostitution.
35
At the same time we see the tightening of immigration controls as well as efforts
to expel individuals already resident in our borders. For example, in Spain
where it is alleged that national authorities have introduced police quotas for the
arrest of undocumented migrants as well as financial incentives to encourage
voluntary return. All this exists against a backdrop of increasing nationalist
sentiment which capitalises on rising unemployment to target minority groups as
scapegoats for the current difficulties. Europe must not turn its back on the
workforce from which it has benefitted so much during its years of prosperity.
Research suggests that on balance immigrant labour puts far more into national
economies than it takes out. More importantly, Europe must not deny
individuals their fundamental rights which derive not from their nationality or
racial or ethnic origin, but from their nature as human beings.
The loss of jobs by workers from outside the EU will result in further hardship for
their dependents abroad, often in developing countries, which are already hard
hit by the economic crisis. Remittances are an important source of revenue for
poorer countries. According to a recent global study migrants sent over $300
billion in remittances in 2006, which exceeds aid and foreign direct investment
combined. Many families in developing countries depend on this income from
relatives in developed states, which is now in decline. Falls in this income may
in fact stimulate greater movements of populations towards the EU who may
feel they have no choice but to take their chances abroad. This in turn feeds the
work of smugglers and traffickers exposing more individuals to abuse and
exploitation.
What course, then, should we steer through this storm? Should we declare a
survival of the fittest, and leave the vulnerable without protection? Should we
throw over-board those who have helped bring us prosperity? Should we lock
ourselves inside until fair weather comes? If we follow our values the answer is
clear. We must resist the temptation to cut back on social assistance to the
needy. We must resist the temptation to discriminate against non-EU nationals.
Job losses may be inevitable but we do have a choice about how to distribute
what work there is and how to treat those non-EU nationals who form part of our
workforce. We cannot simply turn away from our olive groves and our refineries
and power plants those who have contributed to our past economic strength.
We will only fuel an unregulated job market and increase the suffering of
dependents abroad. We must find a solution based on equality and respect for
human dignity. Bound together by our common humanity we must uphold the
protection of fundamental rights to emerge with strength into a shared future.
36
Keynote Speech
Mr. Arjan Hamburger
Human Rights Ambassador
The Netherlands
Arjan Hamburger is currently the Human Rights Ambassador for the
government of the Netherlands. From 2002 to 2007 he served as the Deputy
Permanent Representative at the Netherlands Mission to the United Nations in
New York.
37
Good morning Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
Welcome to the Netherlands, and, in particular, welcome to the city of The
Hague, the city that hosts a substantial number of key international legal
institutions (such as this International Court of Justice and the International
Criminal Court) and a city that has the drive to be the international city of justice;
an appropriate location for a discussion on human rights and an appropriate
location for a dialogue between Arab and European countries.
We are certainly happy to see many human rights institutions from both the
Arab and the EU region present here. I must confess that, while the
Netherlands has many human rights bodies, we are still in the process of
establishing our own National Human Rights Institute, but we are confident that
we will realize that in the near future.
Let me start by thanking the organisers of this fourth session of the ArabEuropean Dialogue – the Danish Institute for Human Rights, the Advisory
Council on Human Rights in Morocco, and the National Centre for Human
Rights in Jordan – for convening this meeting on migrant’s human rights.
It is a meeting about a topical, critical issue: not only from a human rights point
of view, but also from a social/societal point of view, from an economic point of
view, from a political point of view. A sensitive issue of much debate, sometimes
politicised or even polarised: nationally, regionally, internationally.
The current global economic and financial crisis adds a new dimension, and I
am sure that the implications of that crisis on migration and human rights will
come up during this meeting. I am also sure that particular attention will then be
given to the position of vulnerable migrants. Mr. Kjærum of the Fundamental
Rights Agency just gave us a brief description of what is going on in the
European Union.
International migration is a fact, crisis or not. Just look at the demographic
trends in Europe. It is also a phenomenon that is always changing and adapting
to the existing economic and social situation. Managing international migration,
with its pluses and minuses, and with full respect of migrants’ rights, is an
extremely important, challenging and complex task.
Let me say a few words on our Dutch human rights policy. But before doing so,
let me first of all emphasize that protection and promotion of human rights
should be an essential task of every society: be they developed, transitional or
developing; modern or traditional; market-oriented or state-oriented. Human
rights are about the dignity of every individual; human rights are about the
protection of an individual against the overwhelming power of the state or other
powerful entities; and human rights are about honouring the international
commitments that our governments have undertaken. Human rights are for
everyone, always, everywhere. That, in our view, is a universal commitment.
38
Human rights take an essential place in Dutch internal and external policies.
We know that we are not perfect in this country and that there are also human
rights problems in the Netherlands that need and can be solved; for instance, in
the area of immigration and integration policies, or in the area of asylum
procedures, or in the area of discrimination. We take serious criticism seriously.
And we do receive serious criticism, both from international sources and from
domestic organisations such as the many NGOs in our country. But I can
assure you that we do make every effort to meet the international standards
and, I would say, generally we do meet those standards.
Our Dutch foreign policy aims at promoting security and stability, justice and
rule of law, and social and economic development in the world. These are quite
ambitious goals, and we need to make choices and define priorities in order to
achieve them. But on one thing I can be sure and clear: “human rights” is a
priority in the Dutch foreign policy. Not only for reasons of solidarity, but also
because we know that global respect for human rights contributes to global
stability and development and that is in our own interest too.
The Netherlands’ Minister of Foreign Affairs therefore launched in 2007 a
comprehensive Human Rights Strategy, called “Human Dignity for All”.
It spells out some of the main areas that in our view require extra emphasis,
such as abolishing the death penalty, eliminating torture, promotion of human
rights of children, women, and people with a different sexual orientation,
freedom of expression, religion and media, promoting social and economic
rights, protection of human rights defenders, and fight against impunity.
We aim to promote this through dialogue (both multilateral and bilateral) and
through support to concrete programmes and projects. A special human rights
fund was established to this effect.
While human rights are a priority in our foreign policy, the Human Rights
Strategy does not include a separate section on the relationship between
human rights and migration. But this by no means implies that migrants, and
even more so vulnerable migrants (often, but not exclusively, women) do not
get our full attention.
For us, an effective human rights policy essentially aims at all groups and all
individuals. States have the duty to protect individuals, including migrants.
It is clear that human rights and migration are closely related in many ways.
Human rights violations, for instance, can be part of the reason to leave
countries of origin.
There are also positive links: for instance, respect for human rights of those
migrants that contribute to a “brain gain” – either in their country of origin or in
39
their country of destination – can only strengthen the development benefits of
migration.
The Netherlands applauds that human rights are high on the agenda of
international meetings on migration, as was the case during the Global Forum
on Migration and Development in October 2008.
At the Global Forum, our stakes were:
1) The rights of legal and illegal migrants should in all cases be respected.
2) Human rights apply to everybody, regardless of his or her legal residency.
3) Respect for human rights should never be made conditional of the
economic productivity of the migrant. On the contrary, we believe that
respect for human rights will have a positive effect on economic productivity
of migrant workers.
In international dialogues member states of the European Union are sometimes
confronted with criticism from developing countries over their migration policies.
In principle, nothing is wrong with that: policies can always improve and
criticism can be very useful to stay focused on reforms for the better.
We are often blamed for not ratifying the Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.
Let me briefly explain why the Netherlands, like all other EU member states,
has not ratified it.
First and foremost, the Dutch government believes that the Convention as it
stands goes far beyond the national law as it would grant more rights to
illegal/irregular immigrants to social welfare provisions than the national law
does.
Secondly, in our view, the norms set out in other human rights conventions
cover protection of the rights of migrants, which in our view made a separate
convention for this specific group less necessary. We’d better focus on the
implementation of these existing norms, for instance the implementation of the
United Nations Conventions on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and
Discrimination against Women.
But let me underline that, although we have not ratified the convention, this in
no way implies that we consider the protection of rights of migrant workers as
less fundamental. We recognize that their human rights and labour rights need
to be protected.
I would note, just by way of one example, that irregular migrants are entitled to
health care in the Netherlands if treatment is medically required. The Dutch
Parliament recently adopted legislative reform to secure financing of care for
undocumented migrants.
40
Also, in stimulating integration, the Dutch government is constantly and
consistently working to improve the situation of migrants in areas such as
housing, education, labour market etcetera. We are certainly not there yet, but it
would only be fair to also recognize the substantial progress that is being made.
It would be a good idea – time permitting – if you could meet with the mayor of
Rotterdam, a city with a major migrant population, or with the Secretary of State
of Justice, who handles many migrant issues, to discuss what works and what
does not. By the way, the mayor was born in Morocco and the State Secretary
is of Turkish descent. Or discuss the situation of with one of the key nongovernmental organisations in the area of migration and integration, such as
Forum.
I would also add that all European countries have a functioning judicial
mechanism which can be used in case a person is restricted in his or her rights.
I emphasize the crucial role of European Court of Human Rights,
notwithstanding the criticism on the Court in one of the two documents for this
meeting. The role of the Court can be described as that of a watchdog. If it finds
that human rights of a person were violated it can effectively force a member
state to take appropriate steps towards providing the necessary protection.
Courts usually represent instances of “last resort”, but I want to emphasize that
the judiciary system is in place.
In a way I find it somewhat ironic that the criticism for not ratifying the
Convention often comes from countries where abuse of migrant workers
unfortunately is abundant, countries that often have not ratified the Convention
themselves. Reports on situations of physical or psychological abuse of migrant
workers (for instance domestic workers or construction workers), exploitation,
dire living and working conditions, absence of any protection are well-known.
Some of the constraints in Arab countries are spelled out in some detail in one
of the documents for this meeting. I take it that you, as experts on human rights
and migration, are more aware of them than anybody else. I am convinced that
our dialogue will be open enough to do some introspection. Meanwhile, it is
good to note that several of the Arab governments recognize the problems and
are taking steps.
We do not need a blame game, finger-pointing, or confrontation. That will not
facilitate any solution. We should accept that there are different perspectives
and points of views, for instance on the rights-based approach or on procedures
with regard to illegal, irregular migrants. What we do need most of all is an
honest and constructive analysis of the situation, its root causes, its effects on
different societies, current and potential trends, and a search for responses and
effective solutions. That is where we count on you.
That will require, as the Global Forum in Manila discussed, that we take into
account the full cycle of migration: the decision to leave, the preparation
(including recruitment processes), the travel, the stay in the country of
41
destination, the possible return. In many respects this is a joint effort, with many
common but also with many specific, domestic responsibilities.
In conclusion: The adequate way to overcome a deadlock can only be achieved
through dialogue. We must help each other and work together in order to move
forward and achieve real progress through a common, operational strategy.
Addressing the issue is not enough. We need to look for do-able, concrete
steps, based on common analysis. A constructive, neither offensive nor
defensive, dialogue should have a direct impact on the lives of migrants, should
fulfil expectations and lead to actual progress.
I am confident that this meeting will contribute to that.
42
Mapping Gaps, Opportunities, Challenges and Systems in Regional Contexts.
44
Mr. Rainer Münz
Head of Research and Development
The Erste Group Bank AG
Switzerland
… on Global Migration Flows, Implications for Europe and the Mediterranean
Region
Rainer Münz is Head of Research and Development at Erste Group Bank AG
and Senior Fellow at the Hamburg Institute of International Economics (HWWI).
He is an expert on population change, international migration and demographic
aging, their economic impact and their implications for social security. Until
1992 he was director of the Institute of Demography at the Austrian Academy of
Science. Between 1992 and 2003 he was head of the Department of
Demography at Humboldt University, Berlin.
45
46
Between 1750 and 1960 Europe was the prime source region of world migration
sending some 70 million people overseas. This was part of Europe’s colonial
expansion. But it also gave Europe the opportunity to “export” population growth
and reduce unemployment as well as potential unrest. Total emigration
amounted to the equivalent of one third of total population growth during that
historical period. During the same time – at least until World War II – emigration
from the Middle East and North Africa was rather small.
th
The second half of the 20 century brought dramatic change and even reversal
of these patterns. Over the last 50 years all countries of Western Europe
gradually became destinations for international migrants. Several of the new EU
member states in Central Europe and the Mediterranean also follow that
pattern.
While the general pattern in Europe switched from overseas emigration to
immigration and intra-European mobility, the Maghreb countries and Turkey
became prime source countries of immigration to Europe. Migration from these
two geographically opposite Mediterranean regions to Western Europe
continues to date.
th
In the course of the 20 century – particularly since the 1960s – the commodity
rich Gulf countries and Libya also have become prime destinations of
international migration – attracting migrants from the eastern Mediterranean as
well as from South Asia, Southeast Asia and various parts of Europe.
There are, however, clear differences: large-scale Mediterranean migration to
Europe started in the late colonial era and continues to date. Regular labour
migration and post-colonial “return” migration was followed by family reunion,
refugee flows and the inflow of irregular labour. Today several countries of
Western Europe are home or host to considerable groups of people of
Mediterranean origin or background. A growing proportion of these people has
either become citizens of their new home countries or was already born there.
Despite their status as long-term immigrants or naturalized citizens many
migrants of Maghreb or Turkish origin as well as their children are not fully
integrated; some are even marginalized. As a result employment rates among
both groups are below average while unemployment is higher. This is
particularly true for women with Maghreb or Turkish background. In both
Mediterranean migrant groups the share of adults with lower skills is much
higher than among natives of the respective European destination countries
while the share of those with high skills is lower. Furthermore many migrants
47
are employed below their skill levels – a situation that clearly contributes to
“brain waste”.
Migration to the Gulf States and Libya is different. Employment rates of
immigrants are high. The majority of them, however, are not entitled to bring
their family members along and to acquire long-term resident status in their host
countries. And in most cases naturalization is not offered by the receiving
countries. As a result the Gulf States encounter much more circular migration
than most countries of Western Europe.
Today the European Union has about 500 million inhabitants. According to
medium-term population projections, total population in EU27 will continue to
increase at a reduced pace. In 2035 it will reach a historical maximum of 520
million. During the following period we expect a subsequent decline to 515
million in 2050, with most EU member states facing demographic ageing and a
decrease of native populations. The projection assumes continuing net gains
from migration in the order of 50 million people during the period 2009-2050.
In the absence of mass migration to Europe, EU27’s total population would
already start to decline after the year 2010. By 2050 – without immigration – this
number of people in Europe would have dropped to 443 million. Under this both
unrealistic and unwelcome scenario, Europe’s working age population (age 1565) would shrink from 342 million (2008) to 248 million people (2050).
During the same analyzed period, in Mediterranean and neighbouring countries
of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA14) the number of people between
ages 15 and 64 will almost double: from 195 million in 2000 to 289 million by
2025 and to 365 million by 2050. In Turkey the respective age group would
increase from 49 million (2008) to 67 million people (2050).
The most obvious conclusion is: there is plenty of room for socio-economic
cooperation between Europe, North Africa and the Middle East. Managed
migration and the systematic development of skills for the benefit of both
sending and receiving societies and the migrants themselves should be an
integral part of this cooperation.
48
Two regional position papers presenting the regional legislation and setting the
regional landscape to protect migrant workers’ rights:
Paper 1: Migrant Workers’ Rights in Arab States
Mr. Azfar Khan
Senior Economist and Migration Specialist
ILO - Arab World
Lebanon
Paper 2: Migrant Workers Rights in Europe - Issues and Challenges
Mr. Patrick Taran
Senior Migration Specialist
ILO - Europe
Switzerland
49
50
Paper 1
Migrant Workers’ Rights in Arab States
Mr. Azfar Khan
Senior Economist and Migration Specialist
ILO - Arab World
Lebanon
Azfar Khan has been working as the Senior Migration Policy Specialist in the
ILO's International Migration Programme since June 2006. Before taking up his
current position, he worked as Development Economist in the organization's
InFocus Programme on Socio-Economic Security. He joined the ILO in 1995 as
a Specialist on Migration, Urbanisation and Population Distribution and later
took on the Population and Poverty portfolio in the ILO's Labour and Population
Programme. Prior to his ILO tenure, he worked as a Senior Lecturer in
Economics and Development Studies at the Institute of Social Studies (ISS) in
The Hague, the Netherlands and was also the Convenor of the UNFPA's Global
Programme of Training in Population and Development, which was based at the
ISS. He did his under-graduate and post-graduate studies at McGill University
in Montreal, Canada and obtained a doctorate at the Institute of Development
Studies at the University of Sussex in the U.K.
51
I. Introduction: A Historical Perspective
Labour mobility in the Arab World is long standing and is characterized by
changing patterns of migration. Two systems of migration can be identified: the
first being between the countries of Asia, the Levant and the Gulf Cooperative
Council (GCC) States (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the
United Arab Emirates/UAE) and the second, between the Maghreb countries
and Europe. These two systems entail differing migration and policy dynamics.
For the purpose of addressing the situation of migrant workers rights in the Arab
World, this paper will focus on the situation in countries which may be described
essentially as countries of destination, which include the GCC States, Jordan
and Lebanon.
The GCC states were the first to attract foreign workers. The oil price hike of
October 1973 signalled not only an economic boom in these states, but in a
significant way it also became a major determinant of the fortunes of some
South Asian countries. The growth and development of the capital-rich but
labour deficient states was critically tied to labour requirements, which prior to
the price rise had been met by the neighbouring and the relatively capital-poor
Arab countries of the Levantine, South Yemen, Egypt and the Sudan.
Commensurate with the tremendous increase in their revenues and the new
found affluence, the massive investment outlays subsequently undertaken by
the oil producing economies invited an equally massive migration of labour from
the South Asian states simply because the demand for labour far outstripped
2
the ability of the poorer Arab states to supply it.
Two phases of these movements are noted. The first, of course, is identified
with the initial oil price increases in the 1970s. Thereafter, in the period
beginning in the mid 1980 there was a lull in the movements of workers to the
GCC states consequent upon a slowdown in economic activity. This was then
followed by another boom in the 1990s, which invited labour not just from South
Asian region but also from eastern Asian countries like Indonesia and the
Philippines. This second boom, having gone on for a better part of more than a
decade, is now on the wane given the cutbacks in investment with the onset of
the financial crisis.
The demand for workers in the destination countries emphasised three aspects
of labour supply from South and East Asia. Firstly, the movements to the GCC
economies were `contract migrations' – i.e. where employment (and hence,
migration) was regulated by the provision of work visas/vouchers – and thus,
had a semblance of `organisation' about them. The contracts were of short
2. In considering the ratio of citizens to migrants, one finds that, except in the case of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Oman,
the expatriates significantly outnumbered the indigenous population (in the UAE more than 80% of the population are
foreigners). This is even more revealing when one compares the home workers with the guest labour force; 70% of the
labour in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Council States were expatriates. In the labour markets of all countries, except Oman,
the guest workers are in the majority.
52
duration (never more than three years) and there was no free labour market in
operation in the oil-producing states. At the expiration of their contracts, the
workers were required to return home. Secondly, the labour supply from the
Asian countries serviced predominantly the low and semi-skilled jobs related to
`construction' and ‘service sector’ activities. Thirdly, the movements which in the
first phase were largely gender specific, in that they were mainly confined to
males also included a significant number of female migrant workers in the
second phase.
According to the most recent available statistics the GCC countries were
identified as among the top 20 destinations for migrant workers. In recent years,
Lebanon and Jordan have also acquired importance as countries attracting
foreign workers. Labour migration to these countries, particularly in Jordan, is
also long standing with a significant presence of Egyptian and Syrian workers
being noted in the agriculture and construction sectors but in recent years it has
taken on a somewhat different orientation with the setting up of the Free Trade
Zones (called the Qualified Industrial Zones) and the involvement of workers
from the South and East Asian countries. Moreover, both in Lebanon and
Jordan female labour migration, mainly originating from the Asian continent, has
also become important with women taking up most of the jobs in domestic
service.
These movements have been problematic in the sense that the countries of the
region have been criticised by western Governments and autonomous bodies
3
for not doing enough to protect the rights of the migrant workers. In particular,
reference is made to the low level of protection offered to the low-skilled, and
vulnerable, workers in the construction and services sectors, and there has also
been criticism with regards to those – mainly women – working as domestics.
In the wake of these criticisms some Governments – the UAE, Bahrain and
Jordan – requested the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) assistance
with a view to examining the legal and administrative mechanisms for migration
management presently in place, assessing their efficacy in dealing with the
problems, identifying their limitations and suggesting ways and means for
overcoming the shortcomings and strengthening and improving institutional
capacity.
II. The International Legal Framework for Migrant Workers’ Rights
What essentially are migrant workers rights that need to be protected? Migrant
workers have human and labour rights, as contained in International Labour
Conventions adopted by the tripartite members of the ILO, and they are entitled
3. To give two examples, in Jordan the criticism came from an investigative report by the US based National Labour
Committee, which surveyed the Qualified Industrial Zones (QIZ) in the country and did not as such look at the state of
migrant workers at large, although the findings were projected as a case in point for all migrants working in the country. In
the UAE Human Rights Watch (2006), Building Towers, Cheating Workers: Exploitation of Migrant Construction Workers
in the United Arab Emirates, November 2006, and U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
2005 are important mentions.
53
to these rights because they are workers. As early as 1919, the ILO recognized
in the Preamble to its Constitution the need to protect workers employed in
countries other than their own. By ratifying ILO Conventions, member States
agree to implement their provisions in national law and policy.
There is also a group of principles and rights at works in eight fundamental
conventions which should be respected, promoted and realized by all ILO
member States in accordance with the Constitution, by the very fact that they
are members of the ILO, even if they have not ratified those conventions. This is
the purpose of the 1998 ILO Declaration of Fundamental Principles and Rights
at Work and the Follow-up. The eight conventions ensure protection to all
workers, including migrant workers, and also promote their contribution to
4
development.
In addition to these are the two ILO Conventions dealing specifically with labour
migration: Convention 97 / Migration for Employment (1949) and Convention
143 / Migrant Workers, Supplementary Provisions (1975). Both these
Conventions and their accompanying Recommendations5 provide a framework
for the basic components of a comprehensive labour migration policy and the
protection of migrant workers, the development of their potential, and measures
to facilitate as well as to control migration movements. More specifically, they
contain provisions to regulate the conditions in which migration for employment
occurs, to control irregular migration and labour trafficking, and to detect the
informal employment of migrants in order to prevent and eliminate abuse.
Minimum standards of protection are provided for all migrant workers,
independent of their migration status.
The two Conventions also define parameters for recruitment and contract
conditions, participation of migrants in job training and promotion, family
reunification, and appeals against unjustified termination of employment or
expulsion. Most importantly, the two Conventions provide for policies to promote
equality of treatment and opportunity in employment and occupation between
migrant workers in regular status and nationals in the areas of access to
employment, remuneration, social security, trade union rights, cultural rights
6
and individual freedoms, employment taxes, and access to legal proceedings.
Yet another instrument is the 1990 United Nations Convention on the Rights of
4. Eight Fundamental Conventions: Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise
Convention, 1948 (No.87); Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention, 1949 (No.98);
Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No.29); Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No.105);
Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No.100); Discrimination (Employment and Occupation)
Convention, 1958 (No.111); Minimum Age Convention, 1973 (No.138); and Worst Forms of Child
Labour Convention, 1999 (No.182).
5. Website- http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/
6. OSCE, IOM, ILO “Handbook on Establishing Effective Labour Migration Policies in Countries of
Origin and Destination.”- Convention No.143, Article 14 (a) permits limited restrictions on equality of
opportunity in access to employment. http://www.osce.org/item/19187.htmlȱȱ
54
All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, which reaffirms basic
human rights and “embodies them in an instrument applicable to migrant
workers and their families”. The goal of the Convention is to guarantee a basic
level of rights from migrants and their families in both regular and irregular
situations [Martin and Abimourched, 2008]. The Convention also includes
additional rights applicable only to regular migrant workers.
Most countries in the Arab World have ratified the eight fundamental
Conventions; however, none are parties to Conventions 97 and 143. They have
also not ratified the UN Convention on migrant workers.
III. Migrant Workers in the Arab World: Rights in Practice
The level of protection and rights enjoyed by migrant workers depends upon a
number of factors, including skill-level, sex, nationality, and occupation.
Migrants in low-skilled occupations tend to experience frequent violations of
their rights and have a limited ability to negotiate for better treatment. The rest
of this paper will elaborate on these violations and the legal and practical
limitations confronting foreign workers in Arab countries. In this section we will
focus on the common infringement of rights foreign workers experience in Arab
countries, while section IV highlights both the obstacles to reform and recent
positive developments. The final section (section V), provides some guidelines
for discussion and recommendations.
In many countries, migrants employed in agriculture and as domestic workers
are in a more vulnerable position because they are often excluded from the
provisions of labour laws. Women migrants may experience greater limitations
because of their concentration in service sector jobs, such as domestic work.
However, all migrants in the private sector, with the exception of domestic and
agricultural workers, are covered by national labour regulations. Issues of
enforcement and immigration regulations limit workers’ mobility and contribute
to their vulnerability.
In the GCC countries, the sponsorship system, known as "kafala", ties the
worker to a single sponsor (or "kafeel") for the duration of their contract. Once
the employment relationship is terminated; the "kafeel" is responsible for the
repatriation of worker(s). The "kafeel" can be a public authority, a private
undertaking or an individual. A worker who does not obtain his, or her,
employer’s consent to release him, or her, from his, or her, employment
contract is automatically rendered irregular; in other words, migrants who are in
violation of the destination country’s immigration laws. Migrant domestic
workers may especially have trouble transferring to another employer, since it is
more difficult to prove contract violations -because of their isolation in the
employer’s home and their exclusion from labour laws- and some countries
apply different regulations to foreign domestic workers. For example in Kuwait,
the standardized domestic labour contract introduced a total ban on transfer of
sponsorship [HRW, 2007: 117].
55
The sponsorship system may hide trafficking practices because the "kafeel"
assumes control over “the worker’s freedom of movement, labour, and judicial
action” [Calandruccio, 2005: 278-279]. As one observer noted, the complete
dependence of expatriate workers on "kafeels" has barred them from the
possibility of using the labour law’s provision to defend their legitimate rights
[Longva, 1997]. "Kafeels" may obtain visas for more workers than they actually
need, selling these extra visas to potential migrants and/or farming out the
workers to different contractors.
However, the problem is not just in the destination country, but is also quite
pronounced in the source countries as well where widespread irregularities in
recruitment are noted in the work of the labour contractors who remain out of
reach. The monitoring of employment agencies in the source countries is also
fairly casually undertaken; as a result recruiters bypass standard procedures
and often charge very high fees to the workers that are subsequently deducted
from their salaries. This often obliges workers to work under the most
debilitating of circumstances until the debt is repaid. Contracts signed before
departures are often substituted by less favourable ones on arrival in the
destination countries. Reports of the use of violence against workers by their
agents are frequent. The lack of regulation of recruitment practices can give rise
to situations of debt bondage and trafficking. It has already led to an increase in
undocumented migrants who prefer to use their social networks to secure jobs
rather than the services of agents.
In the destination countries, however, a number of rights and protection issues
may be identified as constituting an infringement of economic and political rights
of the migrant workers. Some of the important ones, and the most often cited, in
this regard are: retention of passports, overwork, non-payment or
underpayment of wages, salary deductions, physical, verbal and sexual abuse,
limited ability to organize, and other problems. The problems emanating from
these issues are described in some detail below.
a. Retention of Passports
Employers often/usually take possession of migrant workers’ passports to
prevent workers from leaving; this practice makes workers “more vulnerable to
forced labour” [Lyle, 2005:40]. While labour legislations in all the Arab countries
of destination forbid the retention of the passport and other identity documents,
the practice is common place. While legislations and the labour codes
recognize foreign workers’ right to complain and recover their passports,
workers are aware that such a move would be considered as a hostile
challenge by employers, which may result in punishments, reduction in wages,
non-renewal of contracts, mistreatment and false accusations. Recruitment
agents for foreign workers often encourage employers to confiscate their
employees’ passports, despite the illegality of such an action. In effect, passport
retention can be a tool to hold workers in exploitative and/or difficult work
conditions. In this regard, countries having ratified the ILO Convention on
Forced Labour should ensure that the directives of the instrument are met.
56
b. Non-payment and Underpayment of Wages, Salary Deductions and
Delay in Payment
In low-skilled jobs in the private sector, wages vary according to whether
workers are employed by large or small enterprises. In any event, the wages
are generally low. In large enterprises, monthly wages can reach US$ 250. In
small enterprises, they can barely reach US$ 150. Because of debts incurred to
access jobs in a GCC country, low levels of wages, compounded by delays or
outright failure to pay them, has lead to a number of migrant workers taking
extreme measures [Al Najjar, forthcoming]. Live-in domestic workers’ wages
range from US$ 100 to US$ 300 per month, depending on the nationality, level
of experience, and length of stay with the employing family [Chammartin, 2004:
19]. In some countries, salary deductions – full or partial deduction of the
monthly salary by employers – are required for a period of three months up to
one year to cover the costs incurred by employers and recruitment agents in
bringing the worker to the destination country. In addition to salary deductions,
migrants are often already in debt to finance their migration. These deductions
are an added burden. Certain "kafeels" may also deduct from wages medical
insurance payments, administrative expenses for the issuance of working and
residence permits or even the costs of clothes, food or lodging.
In some cases, terms of employment and salary amounts agreed upon in the
country of origin are not honoured upon the worker’s arrival; two contracts are
made out for the worker, one for official procedures and another for practical
implementation, with a lower wage, higher salary deduction, or different terms of
employment. Workers who face this situation upon their arrival are forced to
accept it, having borne costs of finding a job and travel. This practice is
facilitated by the absence of set minimum wages and the absence of a universal
contract and its implementation. In the UAE, even though the 1980 labour law
envisaged the enactment of a minimum wage law, the government has as yet,
not implemented this regulation [Samir, forthcoming].
Wages can be delayed for weeks or months and in all cases few or no
advances are made in the first weeks of employment to help workers in the
private sector meet their basic necessities. There are multiple examples of
protests by migrant workers in different Arab countries over delays in the
payment of wages. Protests are also often waged against deficient working and
living conditions [Fares, 2007; Al Najjar, forthcoming]. In some cases, "kafeels"
exchange passports for declarations by workers that they have received all their
7
dues, especially the end of service payments and wage arrears [Fares, 2007].
7. The characteristics and comments on the kafeel system here quoted are from a paper on its operation in Kuwait.
However, they are considered applicable mutatis mutandi to all GCC countries.
ȱ
57
c. Adverse Working and Living Conditions
Of late there has been a higher intensity of industrial action in many of the
destination countries where the working conditions have been highlighted as a
primary concern. Much of the attention is directed towards better and fair
remuneration, but the general working and living conditions have also been
raised as serious issues to be tackled. The issue of wages has been discussed
above and the section below deals with the pertinent concerns around
occupational safety and health and the compromising of rights in the workplace.
The work of low and semi-skilled workers is often quite hazardous and this is no
more clearly visible than in the construction sector. Not only do the workers
have to work on difficult construction sites, which represent their own danger,
but they also have to do so in sweltering heat and humid conditions, in
temperatures which are well above 32 degrees centigrade for almost six months
of the year. In this regard, heat related illnesses, heat stroke and dehydration
are the major afflictions of construction workers. In illustrating the extent of the
problem, the magazine Construction Week, for example, reported that 5,000
construction workers were brought into the Accident and Emergency
department of the Rashid Hospital in Dubai for treatment, just in the months of
July and August 2004. In the wake of construction boom in the GCC States, the
numbers of work-related accidents have become a serious problem. These are
further compounded by the fact, that many of the low-skilled workers lack basic
literacy and are not made aware of the dangers of work and quite frequently the
safety regulations fail to meet compliance. Often this results in fatalities. The
situation is also to be noted in the QIZs in Jordan, where the workers are not
well advised. On closer examination it seems that regulations concerning OSH
are in place, but incidences of injuries are being under-reported and regulations
are not being complied with.
Despite the presence of employment contracts and labour regulations, it is
noted that low-skilled workers are made to work in arduous conditions for longer
hours than envisaged by the law, sometimes without overtime payments. They
may be deprived of weekly rests, annual leaves or two-yearly home leaves with
paid flight tickets to countries of origin. In the Gulf region, foreign construction
workers employed by subcontracting companies often work for more than 48
hours per week (the legal maximum working hours) with no overtime [Al Najjar,
2008]. In many instances in the Qualified Industrial Zones (QIZs) in Jordan,
workers are forced to work for 90 to 100 hours a week with little or no overtime
pay. The National Labour Committee’s interviews with workers at the Atateks
Garment factory in Jordan found that workers averaged 94.5 hours a week,
one-third of their wages were withheld and the majority did not have their
passports or residency permits [National Labour Committee, 2006].
Domestic workers often work an average of 101 to 108 hours with few rest
8
periods and no days off [Chammartin, 2004: 19]. While these workers’
8. Findings based on an ILO survey of migrant domestic workers in Kuwait.
58
employment contracts often state that workers are entitled to a weekly rest day,
there are no provisions regarding maximum work hours and overtime pay, thus
domestics are legally excluded from these labour entitlements.
The living conditions of migrant workers in Arab countries depend upon the type
of occupation and their immigration status (regular or irregular workers) in
relation to suitability of accommodation and work-sites and the entitlements
workers receive (such as food and hygiene products). Low-skilled migrant
workers in the Gulf region, including Arabs, live in collective households, either
at their workplaces, in old houses abandoned by their former national dwellers
or in specific quarters, which are often locked on them, within or at the outskirts
of cities. The density of inhabitants is high in these lodgings, which lack comfort
and safety. Workplaces of these workers often lack safety and proper health
conditions. Workers may lose their lives because of the collapse of buildings,
fires or work accidents [Al Najjar, forthcoming]. In Kuwait, it was estimated that
35 per cent of migrants lived in such conditions, but the percentage might be
9
higher in other GCC countries. While migrants are double the native population
in Kuwait, in one of these living zones they were estimated to be 65 times the
Kuwaiti inhabitants. In these zones, cleanliness is found wanting and living
conditions are particularly gruelling in the summer months [Fares, 2007; Al
Najjar, forthcoming].
Live-in migrant domestic workers are dependent upon their employers to
provide decent living and working conditions. While contracts often stipulate that
migrants should be provided with suitable accommodation, meals, clothing, and
medical care, lack of enforcement and oversight means that employers may not
provide their employees with their own bedroom, adequate meals, medical care,
or personal products [Al Najjar, 2008]. These conditions, along with other
violations, spur migrant workers to run away; an action that often leaves the
worker in an irregular status. Low-skilled migrant workers in irregular situations
may be more inclined to accept unsafe and unsanitary living and working
conditions because of fear of detection.
d. Physical, Verbal, and Sexual Abuse
The lack of social and, in some cases, legal protection leaves migrant workers
vulnerable to physical, verbal and sexual abuse. In Jordan, cases of physical
and sexual abuse have been reported in the QIZs. The National Labour
Committee reported that a number of workers were beaten after they demanded
their back wages and shorter workdays [National Labour Committee, 2006].
Although female workers were reluctant to discuss experiences of sexual
harassment or abuse, cases of such abuse have been documented.
Migrant domestic workers may be especially vulnerable to these types of abuse,
since they are excluded from the provisions of the labour law and are often
9. Calculated on basis of data on main characteristics of the population at 30.06.06, in Fares, 2007.
59
isolated in the homes of their employers. In an ILO study of migrant domestic
workers in the UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Lebanon, many of the women migrant
domestic workers interviewed reported experiencing physical and verbal abuse
and feeling vulnerable to sexual abuse by their male employers, sons of the
employing family or other men visiting [Chammartin, 2004: 20].10 Migrant
domestic workers reported similar experiences in Jordan.11 A Human Rights
Watch report on Sri Lankan domestic workers in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,
Lebanon, and the UAE produced similar findings; of the 100 women
interviewed, 20 reported experiencing physical abuse and 13 reported
experiencing sexual abuse [HRW, 2007].
e. Limited Ability to Organize
In general, both national and migrant workers confront difficulties in participating
in collective bargaining and trade unions. However, there is a growing
awareness of the importance of collective organization and action. Migrant
workers covered by national labour laws are now able to join trade unions in
Jordan and the GCC countries, albeit with varying restrictions and residence
requirements. Domestic workers, whether national or foreign, do not enjoy this
possibility, and in some countries, migrant workers as foreigners are prohibited
from organizing for political reasons. For example, in Jordan a foreign national
can only establish a social organization.
f.
Other Problems
Since workers are tied to their "kafeel", they often accept poor working
conditions and labour violations in order to preserve their regular status.
Deportation is a threat hanging over large groups of foreign workers. A simple
traffic contravention, a claim by the employer that a worker has fled or an
unproven accusation are potential grounds for a deportation decision. In many
cases, irregular migrants may also be fined for working without the proper
12
In some countries, running away from the "kafeel" is
documentation.
considered an immigration violation. According to one source, the Bahraini
parliament is considering new penalties for runaways and individuals who
employ or shelter them [Shah, 2006: 6]. Unscrupulous employers, wishing to
avoid paying unpaid wages, seek deportation decisions [Fares, 2007].
The non-renewal of the residency permit is also a major issue. After the first
year of employment, employers will usually forego renewal of the residency
permits of their employees, allowing workers to become irregular and thus
subject to imprisonment and/or deportation. Since the sponsorship system
10. Over 50 per cent of interviewees reported such treatment in Kuwait.
11. Martin and Abimourched, 2008.
12. In Bahrain, the maximum penalty is a fine of 100BD, while in Jordan, overstay fees can amount to large sums since a
fine of 1.5JDs per day for each day without a valid permit.
60
prevents workers from switching employers without permission of the employer,
many workers who run away become irregular, working without an employment
contract and their passport or residency permit. In Jordan, factory owners will
sometimes flee the country or sell the factory to another individual in order to
avoid paying wages and/or overstay fees of employees [AFL-CIO, 2006: 12]. In
one case, 300 workers were left stranded without their salaries, return tickets,
accommodation, and employment after their employer sold the factory. These
workers filed a case against the employer, but the judge ruled against them
because of their irregular status.
IV. Challenges and Opportunities in Promoting Migrant Workers’ Rights
While low-skilled migrant workers in the Arab region face many infringements of
their rights, Governments in the region of have expressed a concern for migrant
workers’ rights and the violations that occur, and have started to pay greater
attention to their situations. They have introduced special regulations targeting
the particularly vulnerable workers (construction workers, service sector
workers and domestic workers), recruitment agencies, and employers of
migrants in the private sector. Here are a few examples:
ƒ
Recently the UAE Cabinet issued a decision that all categories of workers
can transfer sponsorship, but under certain conditions. Sponsorship may be
transferred with the approval of the Minister of Labour and Social Affairs or
anyone acting on his behalf, provided the worker meets these conditions.
The approval of the existing and new sponsors is a must, but there are
circumstances where the approval of the existing sponsor may not be
necessary.
ƒ
In some GCC countries, it was recently made mandatory for all companies
to pay wages to their employees by electronic banking which would help the
Government monitor the situation. This is likely to work towards a timely
payment of salaries, but more importantly will also act as a check on the
withholding of wages. It has been decreed that companies failing to comply
with these measures will be dealt with severely, including suspension of
employment visas. In Jordan, the Government is taking action to do the
same and a motion has tabled before the Cabinet.
ƒ
In 2003, the Jordanian government approved the Special Working Contract
for Non-Jordanian Domestic Workers, making it the primary document
governing the relationship between employer/sponsor, agent, and worker
(ILO, 2008).
ƒ
Similarly, Kuwait and the UAE introduced a standard contract for domestic
workers in 2006 and 2007, respectively.
ƒ
A number of Arab governments have recognized to varying degrees
migrants’ right to union representation.
61
ƒ
In 2007, the Bahraini Labour Market Regulatory Authority (LMRA) brought
together migrant workers, employers, and consular representatives in order
to register foreign workers in the country and inform workers and employers
of their responsibilities.13
ƒ
The hosting of the “Abu Dhabi Dialogue”, a regional consultation between
Asian destination countries and the Colombo Process countries, that took
place in January 2008. Following this, the UAE Government – along with
the Governments of India and the Philippines – initiated a pilot project for
the protection of rights in recruitment.
Besides these, a number of national campaigns have taken place in Lebanon,
Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, with the involvement of the ILO, UNIFEM, Human
Rights Watch and local partners. In 2006, UNIFEM jointly with the Jordanian
Ministry of Labour launched a media campaign to raise awareness of violations
of migrant domestic workers’ rights and to promote better treatment. In 2008,
Human Rights Watch similarly launched a campaign in Lebanon to raise
awareness of abuse of foreign domestic workers in Lebanon. The ILO has
initiated a number of activities to promote the rights of migrant workers,
including funding of two documentary films on the situation of migrant domestic
workers in Lebanon, a workshop on the rights of migrants that brought together
trade unions from Arab countries and countries of origin, and is currently
undertaking a survey of the living and working conditions of migrant workers in
GCC countries.
National human rights advocacy groups, migrant worker centres, and NGOs
often provide vital legal assistance and guidance to migrants in exploitative
situations. For example, In Lebanon, a number of religious organization offer
assistance to migrant workers, these include: Caritas Migrant Centre, the AfroAsian Migrant Centre, and the Laksehta Centre [Jureidini, 2002]. The Lebanese
Bar Association also established a Legal Aid programme to provide migrants
with lawyers free of charge [ibid]. In Jordan, Caritas also runs a Migrant Centre,
offering migrants legal assistance and advice. Other national organizations,
often jointly Government and Civil Society organizations, such as the National
Centre for Human Rights provide migrant workers with legal assistance and
advice and assistance to embassies in cases of trafficking and allegations of
abuse. Both the UAE and Saudi governments operate shelters for runaway
14
migrant domestic workers [HRW, 2007]. These organizations have direct
contact with migrant populations, but operate with varying degrees of
effectiveness in different countries.
Despite growing awareness, a number of major challenges need to be
13. Based on an interview with Daniel Cork, Solidarity Centre, June 18, 2008. According to Cork, this new registration
process occurred after the amnesty program and was observed by labour union members from source countries of foreign
workers in the country. He described the process as “very humane.”
14. It should be noted that shelters are often overcrowded and migrants taking refuge in these shelters may be forced to
settle for less favourable rulings in disputes with their employers.
62
addressed, namely: 1) a lack of policy coherence in many Arab States; 2)
limited enforcement of labour regulations and; 3) exclusion of certain types of
occupations from the provisions of national labour laws.
1) Policy Coherence
The "kafala" system as an immigration and work authorization system gives
raise to contradictory regulations. While "kafeels" are required to obtain work
and residency permits and to renew these documents for their employees,
foreign workers are also liable for their immigration status. Workers who
become irregular because of their employers’ oversight still face imprisonment,
penalties and possible deportation. Concomitantly, the absence of coherence
can be seen in foreign workers’ limited ability to seek legal assistance for
violations of their labour and human rights, despite the presence of regulations
for their protection. The inflexibility of the "kafala" system in effect criminalizes
foreign workers who run away from abusive and/or exploitative "kafeels". The
dual purposes of the "kafala" system also create confusion as to which
Government ministry/department is the lead. For example, the non-renewal of
the residency and work permits is at once a contractual and an immigration
violation, and simultaneously, the responsibility of both the "kafeel" and the
foreign employee.
This is an institutional problem and suggests a need for a coordinated
response. This is necessary because policy coherence requires that policies
and programmes do not conflict, either directly or through unintended
consequences. Employing migrants involves many government line
departments, and therefore to achieve policy coherence it is necessary to bring
the various functions together under a coordinating body. Policy coherence also
ensures that migration policies meet foreseeable long-term requirements and
remain in place regardless of changes in the executive.
2) Limited Enforcement
In many cases, limited enforcement and few penalties against unscrupulous
"kafeels" and recruitment agencies contributes to migrant workers’ vulnerability.
Migrants who have experienced exploitative working conditions and abuse may
be reluctant to pursue legal action because of fears of deportation, counteraccusations by their "kafeels", and a general distrust of local authorities. A
Human Rights Watch report found that authorities in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,
Lebanon, and the UAE failed to investigate and prosecute cases of abuse
reported by Sri Lankan domestic workers (HRW, 2007: 118). In some cases,
local authorities returned domestic workers seeking assistance back to their
employers (HRW, 2007). Recruitment agents who violate regulations or provide
false information may continue to operate, despite stricter registration
regulations and higher penalties. In the case of sexual abuse or rape, women
migrant workers may be reluctant to seek legal assistance because of the high
costs of legal representation, the length of time required to pursue a case, the
63
possibility of a counter change, and the desire of some women to return home
as soon as possible (Jureidini, 2002; HRW, 2007).
Monitoring and enforcement of regulations incipiently requires good labour
administration procedures, which need to be developed along with mechanisms
for their implementation. Labour inspection plays a critical role in the monitoring
and evaluation process concerning migrant workers employment and the
conditions of work. Without a proper labour inspection mechanism the legal and
administrative capacity to manage migration is rendered ineffective and social
protection of migrants delivered inadequately. The labour administration and
inspection capacity in the GCC countries, Jordan and Lebanon is quite weak
and needs to be improved.
3) Exclusion of Certain Categories of Workers
One major challenge is how to include domestic and other excluded categories
of workers under the protection of national labour laws. The treatment of
domestic work as informal and a private matter contributes to workers’
vulnerability and exploitation. Migrant domestic workers whose labour rights are
denied (non-payment of wages, overwork, etc.) only have recourse to civil law,
which does not carry the same level of penalties as labour law [Al Najjar, 2008].
V. Towards a Common Strategy for the Promotion of Migrants’ Rights:
Discussion Framework and Recommendations
The ILO believes that the creation of decent work, where labour rights are
exercised, social protection is provided and social dialogue is practiced should
create the conditions for a positive international cooperation in labour migration,
which would meet the interests of countries of origin and destination, as well as
those of migrant workers themselves. Failure to respect migrant workers’ rights
has a negative impact on development, which is considered as economic
growth, social advancement and greater political participation in countries of
origin, sustenance of economic growth in countries of destination, and human
capital formation of migrant workers.
A framework for attending to the various issues surrounding labour migration is
needed. The ILO Multilateral Framework offers guidance towards rights-based
and effective labour migration policies. The Framework, which epitomizes the
Decent Work rights-based approach, is a set of non-binding principles and
guidelines. While recognizing the sovereign right of states to determine their
own migration policies, the objective of the Framework is to assist member
States to develop more effective labour migration policies. It is the only
comprehensive collection of principles and guidelines on migration policy and
management, which is also firmly grounded in international instruments and
best practices. It recognizes the crucial role of social dialogue and value of
social partners’ participation in migration policy formulation and implementation.
These international instruments form a strong base for the promotion of migrant
64
workers’ labour and human rights. Arab countries, while not signatories to the
Convention on Migrant Workers or the ILO Conventions relating to migration,
are signatories to a number of ILO and International Conventions – such as the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
and are therefore, bound to honour their commitments.
To promote a common strategy during the Dialogue Meeting participants should
first address the following issues and the questions that they raise:
ƒ
Suggestions of alternative temporary worker programmes that takes into
consideration Arab countries’ immigration concerns and safeguards
migrants’ rights.
This issue raises a number of questions. First, what role would recruitment
agencies play in this alternative programme? What guarantees would need to
be put in place to ensure the effective matching of labour needs to potential
migrants? How would this alternative programme guarantee migrant workers’
basic rights?
ƒ
Development of a plan of action to include domestic and agricultural
workers under national labour regulations.
This is a part of achieving policy coherence. Governments are often reluctant to
legislate on matters considered private. How would domestic workers be
incorporated into national labour laws? Since domestic work occurs within
private households, what oversight mechanisms would need to be put in place
to ensure compliance with labour regulations?
ƒ Streamlining of Government ministries/departments responsible for foreign
workers.
Often immigration and the Ministries of Labour in Arab countries are responsible
for migrant workers, but in some other migration is handled through another line
department, which begs the question as to which Ministry should be considered
the lead agency? Does a special migration department need to be developed or
would a coordinating capacity suffice? How would enforcement of immigration
regulations and protection of migrants be coordinated among the various
Government agencies? What kind of training for capacity development would
need to be implemented?
ƒ
Dissemination of information on the rights and responsibilities of employers
and foreign workers.
Often, migrants’ rights are affected because they do not understand the
stipulations of their contracts and are not aware of the laws. How can this be
improved? What kind of programme(s) is/are needed? How could a
Government – of both the countries of origin and destination – buy-in be
achieved?
65
ƒ
Strengthening the role of worker associations and NGOs in improving the
protection of migrant workers’ rights.
How can local trade unions incorporate the concerns of migrant workers in their
negotiations with employers? How can trade union and migrant worker
organizations in both the destination and origin countries work together to
promote protection of workers?
ƒ
Promoting bilateral and multilateral agreements between the Governments
and the Social Partners in countries of origin and destination.
Migration is best managed when the sending and receiving countries agree to
cooperate in organising the migration process from recruitment to return. Two
ways may be considered:
ƒ
Framework agreement, which implies establishing a broad understanding
under which the two governments pledge to cooperate without specifying
procedures, other than possible references to favourable treatment; and
ƒ
Operational bilateral recruitment agreement, which is essentially an
elaborate version of a framework agreement. Such an agreement lays
down, article by article, how to regulate the flow of workers and how to treat
migrant workers.
Furthermore, what ways can be devised to promote bilateral agreements
between workers’ and employers’ organisations in origin and destination
countries providing for the exchange of information and transfer of
membership? How can we develop a broad base for dialogue and ensure the
participation of employers’ and workers’ organisations in relevant international,
regional and national forums, including through the establishment of tripartite
consultative procedures to enable the better protection of migrant workers’
rights?
VI. Conclusions and Key Recommendations
x
Efforts should be made to advance the ratification of ILO Convention 97
(Migration for Employment, 1949) and Convention 143 (Migrant Workers Supplementary Provisions - 1975) and the United Nations’ Migrant Workers
Convention. These Conventions form a fundamental charter of rights.
Respecting migrants’ rights is part and parcel of any strategy for realising
the development potential of migration. Migrant workers can best make their
contribution to the origin and destination countries when they enjoy decent
working conditions, and when their fundamental human and labour rights
are respected in the host countries.
It is recognized that this goal requires a commitment to adopt national
policies aimed at equal treatment of migrant workers with nationals, in
national labour laws, access to social protection services, combating the
66
exploitation of migrants and the promotion of basic human rights for all. In
this regard, the Arab destination countries should be assisted in improving
their policies and legislation, to promote a rights-based approach.
x
A reform of the labour law towards international harmonisation needs to
take place to better protect the rights of workers and the interests of the
employers. In approaching the issue, the Governments of the concerned
Arab States (GCC States, Jordan and Lebanon) could base their
assessment on the following concerns: what are the forms and sources of
insecurity of expatriate workers?; what are the concerns of the employers?;
what are the interests that the workers and the employers respectively,
want to protect and promote?; what mechanisms do, or could, best
represent the interests of the employers and workers?; and which of those
offers the prospect of promoting development?
x
Institutional protection of migrant workers is made a priority. Action needs to
be taken to revise national labour regulations to incorporate all workers –
such as domestic and agricultural workers – and to institute individual
labour contracts which go beyond the present and make explicit reference
to all minimum standards which apply, with respect to minimum wage,
safety and health and representation.
x
Workers’ representation should be promoted. In the governance of social
policy, particularly in schemes of social protection, the voice of migrants is
not heard or taken into account. Unless that is changed, the social and
economic position of migrants will always be fragile or ignored. Migrant
workers in most countries lack unions, organizations and institutions to give
them an effective voice in labour markets and in the development,
implementation and evaluation of social policy. Without a ‘voice’ the
interests of migrant workers cannot be safeguarded effectively.
x
Encouraging Social Dialogue. A tripartite consultative mechanism needs to
be instituted drawing upon representation from the government, workers’
groups and employers. The mandate of the tripartite body would include,
workplace productivity improvements, securing a safe working environment,
and just workplace agreements. The results of the consultations should
then be considered by the respective Ministries as collective agreements
and implemented as appropriate. Moreover, local partners (NGOs, migrant
organizations, trade union, etc.) should also be engaged to promote migrant
workers’ rights, provide assistance to migrants, and raise awareness of both
employers and foreign workers.
x
Promote regional and international dialogues and agreements on migrant
workers’ basic rights. Capacity building, awareness raising and technical
assistance are means of action that the ILO applies in all areas of activity.
Tripartite meetings and seminars are essential opportunities for raising
awareness of constituents and stakeholders to issues of concern in labour
67
migration and at the same time, for building their capacities to address
these issues.
x
Promote Bilateral and Multilateral Agreements. Elaborating institutional
mechanisms within and between concerned countries is warranted. The
roles of source and host countries Governments need to be identified to
better protect migrant workers and indeed, to mainstream migration
considerations into strategic development frameworks.
68
References
AFL-CIO. (2006)
Request By the American Federation of Labour and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFLCIO) and the National Textile Association (NTA) to the United States to Invoke Consultations
under the United States-Jordan Free Trade Agreement to Address Jordan’s Violations of the
Agreement’s Labour Rights Provisions, 21 September, available at:
http://www.aflcio.org/issues/jobseconomy/globaleconomy/upload/Jordan_FTA_Complaint.pdf.
Al Najjar, Baqer. (forthcoming study)
Low-skilled Labour in countries of the GCC.
Geneva, ILO.
Foreign Labour in the GCC countries (2008)
Low-wage workers, Paper prepared for the Gulf Forum on Temporary Contractual Labour, Abu
Dhabi, 23-24 January.
Awad, Ibrahim. (2007)
Migration and Human Security in the Arab Region, Paper prepared for the Human Development
Report for the Arab Region 2008-2009, December.
Calandruccio, Guisippi. (2005)
“A Review of Recent Research on Human Trafficking the Middle East”, International Migration 43,
1/2: 267-299.
Chammartin, Gloria Moreno-Fontes. (2004)
“Women Migrant Workers’ Protection in Arab League States”, in Esim, Simel and Monica Smith
(eds): Gender and Migration in the Arab World: the Case of Domestic Workers. Beirut, ILO.
Fares, Amine. (2007)
“The ‘kafeel’ system and the labour market in Kuwait”, ILO (in Arabic, unpublished paper).
Fay Lyle (ed). (2005)
Justice for All: the Struggle for Worker Rights in Jordan, Washington, D.C., American Centre for
International Labour Solidarity.
Human Rights Watch. (2006)
Building Towers, Cheating Workers: Exploitation of Migrant Construction Workers in the United
Arab Emirates, Vol. 18, no. 8(E), New York, HRW.
Exported and Exposed (2007)
Abuses against Sri Lankan Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Lebanon, and the United
Arab Emirates, Vol.19, no.16 (C), New York, HRW.
ILO (2006)
The ILO Multilateral Framework on Labour Migration: Non-binding principles and Guidelines for a
rights-based approach to Labour Migration, Geneva, ILO.
69
Jureidini, Ray (June 2002)
Women Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon,
International Migration Papers, no. 48, Geneva, ILO.
Longva, A.N. (1997)
Walls built on sand: migration, exclusion and society in Kuwait, Boulder, Westview Press.
Martin, Susan F. and Rola Abimourched. (2008)
Promoting the Rights of Migrants, Paper prepared for Roundtable 1.1 for the Civil Society Days of
the Global Forum on Migration and Development, Manila, October.
National Labour Committee. (2006)
Update to on the Situation in Jordan - September 2006:
the State of Jordan’s Garment Factories, available at:
http://www.nlcnet.org/live/article.php?id=136.
OSCE, IOM, and ILO. (2007)
Handbook on establishing effective labour migration policies, Mediterranean edition, Geneva.
Samir, A. (forthcoming study)
Migration in Arab Countries.
Shah, Nasra M. (2006)
Restrictive Labour Immigration Policies in the Oil-Rich Gulf:
Effectiveness and Implications for Sending Asian Countries, Paper prepared for the UN Expert
Group Meeting on International Migration and Development in the Arab Region, Beirut, 15-17
May.
U.S. Department of State. (2005)
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, available at:
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/.
70
Paper 2
Migrant Workers Rights in Europe
Issues and Challenges
Mr. Patrick Taran
Senior Migration Specialist
ILO - Europe
Switzerland
Mr. Taran is Senior Migration Specialist with the International Labour Office
(ILO) in Geneva. He is responsible for labour migration cooperation projects in
Africa, Europe and CIS countries, for an ILO program to combat discrimination
against migrant workers, and for ILO activities on protection of rights and dignity
of migrants. He currently oversees national discrimination research studies in
European countries and a project developing practical support materials on
integration for employers and trade unions. Previous posts include serving as
Program Officer for the joint UN inter-agency International Migration Policy
Program and Secretary for Migration at the World Council of Churches; he cofounded and formerly directed Migrants Rights International (MRI) an
independent international human rights monitoring body based in Geneva. His
university degree is in the fields of social work and Latin American studies. He
has authored many articles and publications in the fields of migration and
human rights.
71
I. Issues and Challenges
Migration today and contention over protection of the human and labour rights
of migrant workers has become cutting edge issues of politics, governance, and
social cohesion across Europe. Migration concerns are often headline news,
and the subject of innumerable news reports, conferences, and
pronouncements by politicians across the partisan spectrum.
Migration and the protection of migrant workers’ rights have also become a
cutting edge of contention between capital and labour. The treatment of migrant
workers is a central and significant arena of dispute and redefinition between
labour and capital in the level of protection and regulation of conditions of
employment and work, in the distribution of benefits deriving from economic
activity, and in the extent working people – foreign workers in particular – can
organize to articulate and defend their interests.
What makes this an issue of human rights? Certainly, the widespread and
visible abuse of migrants, of foreign workers across Europe as well as
elsewhere. This is only exacerbated by the global economic and financial crisis
that has also become a crisis of employment in many countries.
This report includes:
15
1) A brief overview of some important challenges and issues in protection of
migrant workers’ rights.
2) Some contextual words on the role and importance of labour migration
today.
3) A summary of relevant international and European normative instruments
applying.
4) An introduction to the policy agenda required to give effect to protection of
migrant workers.
5) A review of implementation and lacuna in implementation of relevant norms
and policy.
6) Lines of action to improve the protection of rights and dignity of migrants in
Europe.
The Europe referred to in this paper corresponds to the membership of the
Council of Europe, the 47 countries from Iceland to the Caucasus countries.
15. This paper draws on the just-published book co-authored and edited by this writer: Economic Migration, Social
Cohesion and Development: Towards an Integrated Approach. Council of Europe. Strasbourg. 2009. See web listing:
http://book.coe.int/EN/ficheouvrage.php?PAGEID=36&lang=EN&produit_aliasid=2402
72
However, some specific references are made to the European Union with its 27
member States (all of which are also members of the Council of Europe).
This report complements the report covering migrant worker protection issues in
Arab countries prepared for this Dialogue by ILO Senior Economist Azfar Khan.
As either article may be used separately, there is some overlap in explanation
of international normative and policy frameworks.
A few recent headlines suggest the more dramatic challenges for protection of
migrant workers across Europe:16
Migrants in Russia Beaten, Exploited, Rights Report Finds
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 10 February 2009 17
Migrants face ‘growing hostility’
BBC News, 19 March 2009 18
Xenophobia Threatens Italy, President Warns
New York Times, 14 May 2009 19
PM condemns Romanian hate attacks
BBC News, 17 June 2009 20
These and other news stories indicate that one of the most immediate
protection challenges is an increasing intensity of xenophobic violence targeting
migrants and immigrant communities. However, many migrant workers continue
to face discrimination and abuse on a daily basis. These concern often
situations that do not make headlines but do reflect non-respect of human and
labour rights.
Workplace Protection Issues
A passage from the Conclusions adopted following the General Discussion on a
Fair Deal for Migrant Workers in a Global Economy at the 2004 International
Labour Conference offers a brief snapshot of the protection issues faced
generally by migrant workers, in Europe as elsewhere.
Despite the positive experiences of migrant workers, a significant number face
16. Examples cited solely for purposes of illustrating situations found throughout Europe
17. http://www.rferl.org/content/Migrants_In_Russia_Beaten_Exploited_Rights_Report_Finds/1490601.html
18. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/7953764.stm
19. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/15/world/europe/15iht-italy.html?_r=2&partner=TOPIXNEWS&ei=5099
20. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/8104287.stm
73
undue hardships and abuse in the form of low wages, poor working conditions,
virtual absence of social protection, denial of freedom of association and
workers’ rights, discrimination and xenophobia, as well as social exclusion.21
Underpayment or non-payment of wages, physical abuse, sexual harassment
and violence against women workers, denial and repression of freedom of
association and trade union rights are widespread situations.
Many immigrant workers more commonly face atypical employment and
problems in gaining entry to the professions or in taking up self-employment
and they are barred from most public-service jobs. Employment conditions for
immigrants are often less favourable than local people's and they are likelier to
be in temporary employment. There are disproportionately large numbers of
them in vulnerable employment sectors and in undeclared and unskilled
employment. The larger proportion of immigrants in atypical employment –
temporary employment, part-time employment and so on – means that those
immigrants are more often exposed to discrimination and exploitation. In Spain,
for example, almost 56% of immigrants are in temporary work, 25% more than
22
for the indigenous population. Immigrant workers, forced to take atypical jobs
that suffer from the flexibility imposed by economic change, are not covered by
regulations ensuring adequate protection. They suffer from financial insecurity,
are ill-protected and receive no income when they are in between jobs.
In OECD countries (apart from Poland, Hungary and the United States) the
unemployment level for immigrants is higher than for the indigenous population.
In Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands and Switzerland the proportion of
immigrants among the unemployed is twice their proportion in the active
population.23 Immigrants are relatively more liable to suffer long-term
unemployment than the indigenous population. In Finland, the Czech Republic,
the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland the gap exceeds 10 percentage
points. In Belgium over 17% of immigrants are looking for work, and nearly 60%
of these have been doing so for over a year.
Discrimination
Significant and pervasive discrimination against immigrants and persons of
immigrant origins in access to employment, housing, and public services has
been amply documented across Europe. The ILO supervisory bodies have also
increasingly noted the need to take adequate and effective measures to
address discriminatory law and practices against male and female migrant in
21. ILO (2004) Conclusions on a Fair Deal for Migrant Workers in the Global Economy, International Labour Conference,
92nd Session, Geneva. 2004
22. OECD (2007a): Gaining from Migration: Towards a New Mobility System, Jeff Dayton-Johnson, Louka T. Katseli,
Gregory Maniatis, Rainer Mumz and Demetrios Papademetriou (Development Centre).
23. Ibid.
74
employment and occupation24 Migrants also face obstacles to obtaining access
to education and training and limited opportunities for taking part in civic life.
For many immigrants, the combination of these factors adds up to exclusion
that precludes possibilities for integration.
Large scale situation testing carried out in nine European countries under ILO
auspices has shown discriminatory behaviour by employers and labour market
gatekeepers against immigrant and immigrant origin applicants to be significant
and pervasive. These studies showed that young applicants of migrant origin
had to make four to five times as many attempts as persons of national
backgrounds with equivalent skills, education and experience in order to obtain
positive responses in seeking employment. Results of the most recent study are
similar to previous testing: in nine out of ten cases the choice between equally
25
qualified candidates was made before the employer had seen either one.
Somewhat higher discrimination rates were detected in the services sector than
in other sectors, and in small and medium-sized enterprises than in bigger
ones.26 This testing done under ILO auspices is to date the only
methodologically consistent, statistically significant research on actual
behaviour in labour markets.
Health and Safety
Serious abuses represented by absences of health and safety protections are
sufficiently widespread that they don’t make headlines. For example,
occupational accident rates are about twice as high for migrant workers as for
native workers in Europe.27
Migrant workers generally face increased levels of precariousness and higher
risk of adverse health outcomes.28 Migrant workers tend to be employed in high24. See, for example, recent comments by the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and
Recommendations with respect to application of the Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No.
111): Observations on France, RCE, 2008, pages 366-367; The Netherlands, RCE, 2008, pages 396-397, and RCE,
2009, pages 402-403; Israel, RCE, 2009, page 388; Spain, RCE, 2009, page 415; the Migration for Employment
(Revised) Convention, 1949 (No. 97): Observations on France, RCE, 2009, pages 641-642; Israel, RCE, 2009, page 642643; Slovenia, RCE, page.647-648; and the Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions), 1975 (No. 143): Italy, RCE,
2009, page 644-645 and Slovenia, RCE, 2009, page 648.
25. Cediey, E.; and Foroni, F. (2007): Les discriminations à raison de “l’origine” dans les embauches en France. Une
enquête nationale par tests de discrimination selon la méthode de BIT, (ILO, Geneva)
26. Zegers De Beijl, R. (2000): Documenting discrimination against migrant workers in the labour market. A comparative
study of four European countries (Geneva, ILO).
Country discrimination testing studies can be downloaded from: www.ilo.org/migrant/publ/imp-list.htm
See list in Bibliography at: ILO (1995-2008) International Migration Papers (Situation Testing)
27. Braunschweig, S; Carballo, M (2001): Health and human rights of migrants (Geneva, World Health Organization and
International Centre for Migration and Health).
28. ILO (2003): ILO standards-related activities in the area of occupational safety and health: An in-depth study for
discussion with a view to the elaboration of a plan of action for such activities, Report VI, International Labour Conference,
91st Session. (Geneva)
75
risk and hazardous sectors, such as agriculture, mining, construction and
informal sector work; sectors where inspection and enforcement of
Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) standards are weak or non-existent.
Furthermore, language and cultural barriers require specific OSH
communication, instructions and training approaches. Thirdly, many of these
workers overwork and/or suffer from poor general health and are therefore
particularly prone to occupational injuries and work-related diseases. Migrants,
particularly those in irregular situations, often accept dangerous working
conditions for fear of bringing attention to themselves and losing their jobs or
being deported.
Temporary workers, and in particular migrants in an irregular status, are often
unable to access social security benefits such as health insurance and
employment injury coverage. In addition, they tend to resist seeking medical
treatment because of the cost, inability to take time off work, lack of childcare,
and problems of transportation. Many are unfamiliar with the local health-care
systems and may have linguistic or cultural difficulties in communicating their
problems. These problems are compounded for migrants in irregular status and
trafficked persons. In a number of countries, there is also stereotyping of
migrant workers as a “threat” to public health and as disease carriers without
any solid evidence. This leads to further discrimination.
Freedom of Association
Migrant workers’ rights to organise and protect their interests are still far from
fully respected in European countries. One of the most effective ways of
preventing migrant workers from being exploited is to recognise their right to
join a trade union without hindrance. Trade union rights comprise freedom of
association and collective bargaining, and are recognised universally in the core
international human rights instruments. Permanent migrant workers are more
often able to exercise these rights than temporary workers or, in particular,
migrant workers in irregular status. But legal restrictions based on nationality
may make it more difficult for migrant workers to act as trade union officials, to
be active as members of an organisation, or to form their own unions. For
example, restrictions on union membership and on taking leadership positions
remain in effect in several countries in Europe. Workers in an irregular situation
are generally not in a position to demand any rights, given their precarious
position. The ILO supervisory bodies have made it clear that the right to
freedom of association and the right to organize and bargain collectively should
29
apply to all workers, including migrant workers, without distinction.
II. Role and Importance of Migration for Europe
Some contextual background may help understand the challenges of obtaining
protection of migrant workers rights in Europe. These address the significance
29. With respect to principles relating to freedom of association, see ILO. 2006, Digest of Decisions and principles of the
Freedom of Association Committee of the Governing Body of the ILO, Geneva, paragraphs 209 to 215.
76
of migration in a globalized economy, its importance to Europe, and some
underlying issues at stake for law and policy. What happens in law and policy is
derived to a large degree from this context and its interpretation.
Migration today is essentially a labour issue. It serves as an instrument to adjust
the skills, age and sectoral composition of national and regional labour markets.
Migration provides responses to fast-changing needs for skills and personnel
resulting from technological advances, changes in market conditions and
industrial transformations. In countries of aging populations, migration offers a
potential to replenish declining work forces as well as to inject younger workers,
increasing dynamism, innovation and mobility in work forces.
ILO estimates that 95 to 100 million of the total 200 million people living outside
their countries of birth or citizenship are economically active, engaged in the
world of work. This involves most working-age adults, taking into account that
the migrant population includes children and aged dependents. In Western
European countries, the foreign born proportion of the work force is ten percent
or more, nearly 15% in Ireland, 25% in Switzerland and some 40% in
Luxembourg.
Already some time ago, the International Labour Office ran a simulation using
the methodology its actuarial section used over the last ten years to predict
– quite accurately – the future performance of social security systems. This
simulation carried forward calculations to the year 2050 based on presumed
continuity of current trends in population aging and decline, retirement age,
female workforce participation rates, immigration numbers, and modest
economic growth and productivity rates. The simulation outcome suggested that
some 40 years from now, the standard of living of Western Europe, as
measured by per capita income of gross national product, may be 78% of what
30
it is today. That is to say, 22% lower.
As the recently issued annual OECD report on migration trends highlights,
Europe’s need for low and medium skilled migrants are as critical as for high
skilled.
Due to economic, demographic and technological changes, increasing numbers
of jobs in industrialized economies simply cannot be filled by native-born
workers. Ageing of native work forces combined with declining populations is
an important factor. Latvia and Lithuania have already seen reductions of
population since 1989 – including of working age adults. Fertility rates in Spain
31
and in the Ukraine are currently far below replacement. Rates in most of the
European Union countries are at or below replacement. France is one of the
30. ILO. Towards a Fair Deal for Migrant Workers in the Global Economy. International Labour Conference 92nd Session
June 2004. Report VI. P. 37-38. Available on line at:
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/relm/ilc/ilc92/pdf/rep-vi.pdf
31. For example, the UN Population Division World Population Report shows fertility rates in Spain at 1.29 in 2000-2005
and averaging slightly higher at 1.43 over the period 2005-2010
77
few exceptions.
The current projection for the European Union region is that while today the
average social security dependency is 2 retired persons for seven economically
active, the ratio will rise to 4 per 7 by 2050: meaning either twice the
contributions per working person or halving the income for retirees. The
European Commission itself made a projection that the EU will need an annual
influx of some 700,000 immigrants by 2050.
At lower skilled levels, migrants are too often perceived as exploitable and
expendable, a source of cheap, docile and flexible labour, apt for the 3D – dirty,
dangerous and degrading – jobs nationals are unavailable for and/or unwilling
to take. The vulnerability of migrant workers makes them attractive for some
employers, because they can be underpaid, provided with little or no workplace
safety and health protections, hired and dismissed on a moments notice, and
union organizing can be impossible.
ILO has estimated that, globally, some ten to twenty percent of international
migrant workers are in irregular situations, without legal authorization or
undocumented. A newly established on-line database project on irregular
migration in the European Union provides detailed estimates indicating that
migrants in irregular situations number between 2.8 and 6 million, giving a
32
range of 11% to 23% of total stocks. Migrants in irregular situations are even
more vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. However, the presence of migrants
in irregular situations appears to have been tolerated by authorities in certain
circumstances in some countries. This appears to coincide with the fact that
absence of legal recognition heightens the exploitability and lowers the costs of
migrant labour, in some cases allowing marginally competitive economic activity
to remain in business.
The flow of low-skilled migrants is channelled by clandestine means precisely
because of the non-existence of legal migration categories that would allow for
their legal entry in destination countries. Once they are in host countries, they
remain confined to jobs in unstructured or informal sectors, in irregular work and
33
under exploitative conditions of employment. In contrast, ILO research
underlines that legal labour migration channels contribute to both reducing
trafficking and the smuggling of migrants.
III. The Normative Framework
Historical experience shows that regulation providing protection for migrant
32. CLANDESTINO Undocumented Migration: Counting the Uncountable. Data and Trends across Europe. Research
project funded by the European Commission, DG RTD, FP6, 2007-2009. See websites: http://clandestino.eliamep.gr
(country reports and research briefs), and http://irregular-migration.hwwi.net (database).
33. Abella, M.I., "Mondialisation, marchés du travail et mobilité", in Migrations et avenir, CIEMI, Paris, Vol. 14, No. 79,
January-February 2002.
78
workers cannot be left alone to market mechanisms. As a consequence,
specific international and European legal instruments have been elaborated to
set minimum standards relating to the protection of migrants, their families, and
refugees as well as for international co-operation on migration. International
law has established three fundamental notions that characterize protection for
migrants, particularly migrant workers and members of their families:
x
Equality of opportunity and treatment between regular migrant workers and
nationals in the realm of employment and occupation.
x
Core universal human rights apply to all human beings, including all
migrants, regardless of status.
x
A broad array of international labour standards providing for protection in
treatment and conditions at work (including occupational safety and health,
maximum hours of work, minimum remuneration, non-discrimination,
freedom of association, and maternity leave) apply to all workers.
Five branches of international law directly set standards providing for protection
of rights of migrant workers:
1) International Human Rights law, notably the eight United Nations
Conventions relating to human rights, comprising the two Covenants
respectively on Political and Civil rights and on Economic social and
Cultural Rights, along with the six international conventions addressing
specific groups and situations: victims of racial discrimination, victims of
torture, women, children, migrant workers, and disabilities.
2) International Labour Standards, in effect all of them, except where -rarelyforeign workers are exempted.
3) Refugee and asylum law, namely the 1951 Convention and the 1967
Protocol on the Status of Refugees.
4) Consular Relations, namely the Vienna Convention on the subject of
protection of foreign nationals through access to representatives of their
governments.
5) International Criminal Law, particularly the Protocols on Trafficking in
persons and smuggling of migrants of the International Convention on
Transnational Organized Crime.
Particularly important among these are International Human Rights Instruments
and International Labour Standards, both of which may be considered human
rights law.
79
International Human Rights Instruments
International Human Rights Conventions provide a broad and ample normative
framework for the protection of migrants. The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights of 1948 laid out a comprehensive set of universal human rights
principles. The two major International Covenants elaborated these principles
into binding normative standards on political and civil rights, and economic,
social and cultural rights in 1966.34 These Covenants, together with the UDHR,
are often referred to as the "International Bill of Human Rights", and are
applicable to all human beings. Specific conventions subsequently explicitly
extended the application of universal rights to victims of racial discrimination,
women, children, and migrants: Convention for the Elimination of Racism and
Racial Discrimination (CERD), Convention Against Torture (CAT), Convention
for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Convention
on the Rights of the Child (CRC), and the Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICRMW).35
These instruments – the two Covenants plus the five Conventions cited above –
have been characterised as the seven fundamental human rights instruments
that define basic, universal human rights and ensure their explicit extension to
vulnerable groups world-wide.36 It has been noted that more than ample human
rights protection for all migrants would be assured by full implementation of the
two Covenants and the CERD, CAT, CEDAW and CRC in countries concerned.
Most European states have ratified these six instruments.
International Labour Standards
The protection of the human rights of migrant workers and the promotion of their
equal treatment and opportunity are enshrined in the ILO Constitution (1919),
Declaration of Philadelphia (1944), the Declaration of Fundamental Principles
and Rights at Work (1998), and relevant international labour conventions and
recommendations. The ILO Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair
Globalization (2008) reaffirms the role of ILS, the importance of freedom of
association are a core enabling right, and it states that gender and nondiscrimination should be cross-cutting in all ILO action.
Some principles and rights at work that derive from the ILO Constitution and
34. See, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession
by General Assembly resolution 2200 A (XXI) of 16 December 1966, entered into force on 23 March 1976 and
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, adopted and opened for signature, ratification and
accession by General Assembly resolution 2200 A (XXI) of 16 December 1966, entered into force on 3 January 1976.
35. Texts and status of ratifications of these conventions are available on the website of the Office of the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights, at: www.unhchr.ch.
36. Noted in UN General Assembly: Status of the UN Convention on migrants rights, Report of the Secretary General,
55th Session of the UN General Assembly, Doc. A/55/205, July 2000.
80
37
that have been expressed in eight ILO Conventions are deemed to be
fundamental for the protection of human rights for all workers, including migrant
workers, by the ILO and its member States. They concern freedom of
association and the right to collective bargaining, freedom from forced labour
and child labour and non-discrimination in employment and occupation.
Moreover, following the adoption of the 1998 ILO Declaration on Fundamental
Principles and Rights at Work, all members, even if they have not ratified the
Conventions in question, have an obligation arising from the very fact of their
membership of the Organization, to respect and to promote and to realize in
good faith and in accordance with the Constitution, the principles concerning the
fundamental rights which are the subject of those Conventions (ILO, 1998:
para.2).
Migrant workers’ rights are not only a matter of fundamental rights found in the eight
core ILO Conventions. The International Labour Standards in the areas of
occupational safety and health, conditions of work, protection of wages and labour
inspection, employment policy, maternity protection, the regulation of private and
public employment agencies, as well as those covering sectors employing a large
number of migrant workers have been identified by ILO as equally important to the
promotion of decent work of all migrant workers.
The ILO instruments that promote equality of treatment between migrant
workers and nationals in the field of social security are also particularly relevant.
ILO social security standards define personal scope of coverage irrespective of
nationality, almost all contain similar clauses on equality of treatment between
nationals and foreign workers in the host country, and the majority also contains
special non-discrimination clauses.38 The ILO also adopted several
complementary standards that deal specifically with the protection of migrant
workers’ social security rights.39
International jurisprudence has amply reinforced the application of International
Labour Standards to policy and practice regarding employment dimensions of
migration. Decisions and opinions of the ILO Committee of Experts on the
Application of Conventions and Recommendations have repeatedly
underscored the applicability to all migrant workers of International Labour
37. The Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention, 1948, (No. 87), the Right to
Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention, 1949 (No. 98), the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29), the
Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957, (No. 105), the Equal Remuneration Convention ,1951 (No.100), the
Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No. 111), the Minimum Age Convention, 1973 (No. 138),
and the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention, 1999 (No. 182).
38. The Social Security (Minimum Standards) Convention, 1952 (No. 102), the Employment Injury Benefits Convention,
1964 (No. 121); the Invalidity, Old-Age and Survivors’ Benefits Convention, 1967 (No. 128), the Medical and Sickness
Benefits Convention, 1969 (No. 130), Employment Promotion and Protection against Unemployment Convention, 1988
(No. 168), and the Maternity Protection Convention, 2000 (No. 183).
39. The Equality of Treatment (Accident Compensation) Convention, 1925 (No. 19); the Equality of Treatment (Social
Security) Convention, 1962 (No. 118); and the Maintenance of Social Security Rights Conventio, 1982 (No. 157).
81
Standards covering conditions at work, occupational safety and health,
maximum hours of work, minimum remuneration, non-discrimination, freedom of
association, collective bargaining, and maternity leave, among others. The ILO
Committee on Freedom of Association supervising the core ILO Conventions on
freedom of association and collective bargaining has specifically ruled that all
migrant workers regardless of status are entitled to protection and expression of
basic association and representation rights.40 The ILO Convention on
Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) (No. 111) of 1958 has been
frequently referred to in upholding equality of treatment and non-discrimination
for migrant workers and workers of immigrant origin; an example is cited below.
An International Charter on Migrants Rights
Three international Conventions on migrant workers can be considered as an
“international charter” for their protection providing a normative framework
covering their treatment and related inter-state co-operation. They are the
Migration for Employment (Revised) Convention, 1949 (No. 97), the ILO Migrant
Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention 1975 (No. 143), and the 1990
International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers
and Members of their Families (ICRMW).
These conventions lay out a comprehensive agenda for national policy and for
consultation and co-operation among States on labour migration policy
formulation, exchange of information, providing information to migrants, and,
where necessary, facilitating their orderly return and reintegration. The 1990
International Convention establishes that migrant workers are more than
labourers or economic entities; they are social entities with families. It reinforces
the principles in ILO migrant worker Conventions on equality of opportunity and
treatment with nationals of states of employment in a number of legal, political,
economic, social and cultural areas. ILO Convention No. 143 and the 1990
Convention explicitly address unauthorised or clandestine movements of
migrant workers, and provide for resolving irregular situations, in particular
through international co-operation.
These Conventions resolved the lacuna of protection for non-national migrant
workers and members of their families in irregular status and in informal work by
providing norms for national legislation of receiving states and their own states
of origin, including minimum protections for unauthorised migrant workers. The
extensive, detailed and complementary text contained in these instruments
provides specific normative language that can be incorporated directly into
national legislation, reducing ambiguities in interpretation and implementation
across diverse political, legal and cultural contexts.
Twenty Council of Europe member countries have ratified at least one of the
three migrant worker instruments: nineteen have ratified one or both of the ILO
40. See Fifth Edition of the ‘Digest of decisions and principles of the Freedom of Association Committee of the Governing
Body of the ILO’ (2006), paragraphs 209 to 215.
82
instruments; four have ratified the 1990 International Convention and two others
have signed it, the preliminary step to ratification.41 A list of ratifications of
relevant Conventions by European countries is provided in the end of this
paper.
Eleven members States of the EU have ratified one or both of the ILO
Conventions on migrant workers, among them most of the larger migrant
destination countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands,
Norway, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom.
Other Relevant International Law
The 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on the Status of Refugees provide
essential standards regarding recognition, protection of and assistance to
refugees and asylum seekers. The Convention defines who is a refugee, sets
out rights of individuals granted asylum, delineates the responsibility of States
to non-refoulement and provides other provisions such as regarding refugee
travel documents. Original geographical and time limits in the Convention were
superseded by the 1967 Protocol.
The refugee instruments have particular relevance for an integrated migration
policy given that migratory movements today often comprise mixed flows,
including some individuals who merit refugee protection. At the same time,
recognised refugees and asylum seekers usually enter the world of work once
resettled or granted status, meaning they seek and obtain employment and
many eventually integrate in resettlement or asylum countries.
Two Protocols on trafficking and smuggling to the International Convention
Against Transnational Organized Crime provide specific definitions and
measures to combat trafficking and criminalise smuggling. The Palermo
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocols on
Combating Trafficking in Persons and against Smuggling of Migrants were
adopted in December 2000 in the spirit of the fight against organised crime. The
main provisions of the Convention and Protocols provide for criminalising
offences committed by organised groups, cracking down on the proceeds of
crime, speeding up and widening the reaches of extradition of members of
criminal groups and tightening law-enforcement co-operation to seek out and
prosecute suspects.
These instruments clarify distinctions between smuggling of migrants across
borders and trafficking in persons – the latter by definition comprising deception,
coercion and exploitation. The trafficking protocol in particular provides for an
approach of prevention, prosecution of traffickers, and, notably, some
protections for victims of trafficking.
41. Montenegro and Serbia.
83
European Instruments: Council of Europe
The Council of Europe has a number of instruments in the field of migration
covering general human rights as well as more specific agreements relating to
migrants and migrant workers. The European Convention on the Protection of
Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) (Council of Europe, 1950)
has the broadest application in that it applies to all persons within the
jurisdiction of States parties, including migrant workers and regardless of their
legal status. While there are no specific provisions on migrant workers in the
ECHR, migrants have obtained remedies from the European Court of Human
Rights under its case law in protection of their right to respect for family life and
42
the non-discrimination principle.
The European Social Charter (1961) and its Additional Protocol (1988), as well
as the Revised European Social Charter (Council of Europe, 1996), in addition
to being firmly based on the non-discrimination principle, include a number of
provisions relating to individuals living and working in countries of which they
are not nationals, covering the right to engage in a gainful occupation in another
Contracting Party’s territory, provision of information to migrant workers,
facilitation of the migration process, equality of treatment of nationals and nonnationals in employment, the right to family reunification, and guarantees
against expulsion, etc. These instruments, at the outset apply to foreigners only
in so far as they are nationals of other Parties lawfully resident or working
regularly within the territory of the Party concerned. However, in its case law the
43
European Committee of Social Rights has extended the personal scope of the
Charter to cover all foreigners present in the territory under certain
circumstances, notably where the right to life and human dignity are at stake.
Thus in its 2004 decision on the merits in the collective complaint International
Federation of Human Rights Leagues (FIDH) v. France the Committee held that
“legislation or practice which denies entitlement to medical assistance to foreign
nationals, within the territory of a State Party, even if they are there illegally, is
contrary to the Charter”.44
The European Convention on the Legal Status of Migrant Workers (Council of
Europe, 1977) includes provisions relating to the main aspects of the legal
status of migrant workers coming from Contracting parties, and especially to
recruitment, medical examinations and vocational tests, travel, residence and
work permits, family reunion, housing, conditions of work, transfer of savings,
42. Regarding the strengthening of the principle of non-discrimination, see: Protocol No. 12 to the Convention for the
Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ETS No. 177), open for signature on 4 November 2000, not yet
entered into force.
43. In order to monitor States’ compliance with their obligations there are two procedures, the reporting procedure and the
collective complaints procedure. In both procedures, an independent body, the European Committee of Social Rights, is
responsible for making the legal assessment of whether the situation is in conformity with the Charter.
44. International Federation of Human Rights Leagues (FIDH) v. France, Complaint No. 14/2003, decision on the merits,
of 5 September 2003.
84
social security, social and medical assistance, expiry of the contract of
employment, dismissal and re-employment, and preparation for return to the
country of origin. Eleven Council of Europe member states have now ratified
this Convention.
European Union
At present, the EU acquits of legal guidance on migration matters includes a
number of European Council Directives with binding application on member
States, and other Council documents and Communications that may be
considered prescriptive. Relevant Directives and other documents determine
45
the right of family reunification for third country nationals; define rules for the
admission of third country nationals who are long-term residents;46 provide
frameworks for the integration of third-country nationals;47 regulate financial and
technical assistance for third-countries in the areas of migration and asylum;48
and stipulate rules on non-discrimination on the grounds of racial and ethnic
origin.49 Two particularly relevant Directives enhancing the protection of migrant
and immigrant origin workers against discrimination are the ‘Racial
Equality Directive’ 50 and the ‘Employment Equality Directive’.51
Regarding the EU framework, differences exist in terms of rights and benefits
granted to migrant workers coming from within the EU, from future accession
countries, and migrant workers coming from third countries. The Treaty
Establishing the European Community (EC Treaty) provides for freedom of
movement for workers from EU member states, although transitional
arrangements are in place limiting this freedom for nationals from certain new
member states. The Treaty prohibits any discrimination based on nationality
between these workers as regards employment, remuneration and other
conditions of work and employment, including social security. The EC Treaty
also invites the EU Council of Ministers to take measures necessary to ensure
equality of treatment and opportunity between men and women and to combat
discrimination based on, inter alia, race, ethnic origin, religion or belief, and
45. The Council Directive 2003/86/EC of 22 September 2003 on the right to family reunification entitles immigrant family
members to the same status as their sponsor, including in terms of access to the labour market.
46. The Council Directive 2003/109/EC of 25 November 2003 on the status of third-country nationals who are long-term
residents ensures their access to employment on equal terms with the nationals.
47. See for instance the Common Basic Principles on Integration (CBPs) of 2004 and the Common Agenda for Integration
of 2005.
48. The Global Approach to Migration (GAM) was adopted in 2005 by the European Council. Initially GAM focused on
migration originating from and transiting through Africa and the Mediterranean, but in 2007 it was extended to the Eastern
and South-Eastern regions neighbouring the EU. See COM (2007) 247 final, 16 May 2007.
49. See the Framework Strategy for Non-Discrimination and Equal Opportunities, COM (2005) 224 final, 1 June 2005.
50. Council Directive 2000/43/EC, 29 June 2000.
51. Council Directive 2000/78/EC, 27 November 2000.
85
sexual orientation. It affords migrant workers from EU member states a set of
social rights unequalled in other regions of the world. Furthermore, the Council
is also empowered to take measures in the field of asylum, immigration and
safeguarding of the rights of nationals of third countries, although the measures
adopted to date on legal migration, have afforded third-country nationals lesser
rights than those granted EU citizens.
Although not a legally binding instrument, the EU Charter of Fundamental
Rights, adopted in 2000 is a major point of reference in this context as most of
its provisions are applicable to all persons irrespective of their nationality. It
sets out in a single text, for the first time in EU history, the whole range of civil,
political, economic and social rights of EU citizens and all persons resident in
the European Union.
IV. Realizing Rights: A Policy Agenda
Promoting migrant workers’ rights – along with an enabling policy environment –
is only viable and effective when based on a firm foundation of legal norms, and
thus operates under the rule of law. International standards set parameters for
the protection of migrant workers and the preservation of States’ interests. They
provide an essential framework for national legislation, policy and practice as
well as for co-operation within States and between States across the migration
process.
The foundation for measures to ensure adequate protection for migrant workers
is articulated in the international labour norms referred to earlier. However,
realizing rights and dignity and obtaining decent work for migrant workers
require a comprehensive set of actions to achieve.
Protection of migrant workers in destination countries is best secured by
adoption of international norms into legislation of those countries, including
labour code, employment legislation, and other rules concerned with the
regulation and protection of foreigners. Ratification of the relevant international
standards is, of course, the essential and verifiable step. However, even if
countries concerned are not yet prepared to adopt in full international
standards, they can – and do – utilize these as a model for the development of
national legislation.
Realizing migrants rights requires, however, considerably more than adopting
legislation. In fact, implementation of norms and legislation requires a
comprehensive policy and practical agenda. Policy needs to cover
administration of immigration, legal protection measures, labour market
regulation, labour inspection, social security, and much more. In short, an array
of measures are needed to prevent abusive practices and promote decent and
productive work for women and men migrants in conditions of freedom, equity,
security, and human dignity.
86
Policy Lines
The International Labour Office has developed useful guidance for all those
involved in the development, strengthening, implementation and evaluation of
national and international labour migration policies and practices. This guidance
for the implementation of international norms is contained in the ILO Multilateral
Framework on Labour Migration: Non-binding principles and guidelines for a
rights-based approach to labour migration.52 While the ILO Conventions and
Recommendations provide the international framework of minimum standards,
the ILO Multilateral Framework is a guide to implementation formulated in
accordance with the principles and rights embodied in these standards. It
reaffirms their importance in terms of guidance for policy and legislation.
The Framework – and other international guidance – highlights that policy
should recognise the similarities and differences in the migration experiences of
different categories of women and men and should aim to eradicate all forms of
discrimination. It highlights that policies, legislation and programmes should
also consider the fact that women migrants often find themselves in irregular
situations, in unregulated sectors of the economy, or as victims of traffickers or
smugglers and subject to many forms of violence and abuse.
The social and labour conditions of migrant workers and the degree of migrants’
integration determine the levels and degree of economic and social
contributions they make to social and economic welfare in host countries and to
their countries of origin. Specifically, the conditions of migrant workers directly
affect both their abilities to remit part of their earnings and to acquire skills and
knowledge which will be useful on their return or during permanent settlement
elsewhere. Thus, these conditions have a direct bearing on the level and nature
of migrant contributions to social welfare, human capital formation, and
development, especially in their countries of origin. For example, the
substantially reduced earnings of exploited migrants or earnings which deported
migrants are unable to obtain prior to departure are economic resources not
only stolen from the affected workers, but in effect expropriated from the
countries of origin to which a significant part would have been remitted.
Migration policies and practices have to respond to measured and legitimate
needs, which also take into account domestic labour concerns. Regular
migration measures must rely on labour market assessments to identify and
respond to current and emerging needs for workers, both high and low-skilled.
Policy and practice will need to address such areas as awareness raising,
supervision of recruitment, administration of admissions, training of public
service and law enforcement officials, recognition of equivalent educational
qualifications, provision of social and health services, labour inspection, rights
restoration and recovery for victims of trafficking, as well as many other areas.
52. ILO Multilateral Framework on Labour Migration: Non-binding principles and guidelines for a rights-based approach to
labour migration, Geneva, International Labour Office, 2006.
87
Migration policy can only be credible and sustainable to the extent it takes into
account the interests, concerns and experience of the most directly affected
stakeholders. Key stakeholders are the several ministries and agencies within
government with responsibility for migration concerns, including particularly
ministries responsible for labour and employment. Consultation and policymaking must also take into account the other main stakeholders: employers’
organisations and businesses that provide employment; workers’ organisations
representing the interests of both migrant and national workers; civil society
bodies; and certainly men and women migrants.
Enforcement of Labour Protections
Equality of opportunity and treatment in employment for migrant workers
lawfully in the country is a central premise of international standards reflected in
national law in many countries. Tolerance of inequalities in treatment between
national and foreign workers will encourage exploitation of foreign workers and
facilitate substitution of national workers by less protected non-national workers.
This will contribute to expanding dual labour markets and informal employment,
lowering of wages and conditions of work generally. And ultimately, it will
provoke conflict between national and foreign workers and their respective
communities.
x
Rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining as articulated in
ILO Conventions Nos. 87 and 98 are fundamental rights which all countries
are expected to uphold as per the 1998 Declaration on Fundamental
Principles and Rights at Work. Both instruments have been ratified by
nearly all countries in the Council of Europe region. Freedom of association
has been reaffirmed as a core enabling right in the 2008 Declaration on
Social Justice for a Fair Globalization, which highlights this right as
particularly important to the attainment of the four strategic objectives of the
53
ILO.
Preventing exploitation of migrants requires enforcement of clear national
minimum labour and human rights standards for protection of workers, whether
nationals or migrants. As noted above, International Labour Standards on
forced labour and child labour, freedom of association and non-discrimination,
occupational safety and health, and the protection of wages provide minimum
international norms for national legislation. A necessary complement is
monitoring and inspection, particularly in such areas as agriculture,
construction, domestic work, the sex industry, where migrants tend to be
concentrated.
Labour Inspection is a key means of monitoring and enforcing equality of
treatment and decent work conditions for migrant workers. Labour inspection is
53. See text of Declaration at:
http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---cabinet/documents/publication/wcms_099766.pdf
88
a supervisory tool for application of labour standards. Absence of labour
inspection in sectors and workplaces attracting migrant workers is associated
with higher incidences of exploitation and abuse, as well as employment of
undeclared workers. ILO Conventions Nos. 81 and 129 provide the basic
normative guidance for national law and policy; these norms generally apply to
all workers, national and foreign.
Practical elements and management tools to extend labour inspection to
migrant workers include:
x
Reference in national legislation providing for inspection of all workers.
x
Obtaining labour force and employment information to determine where
migrants are employed and relevant data regarding compliance issues.
x
Ensuring capacity, abilities and specialised approaches to extend labour
inspection to work sites, places and sectors where migrant workers are
commonly employed.
x
Establishment of a specialised inspection unit and/or specialised training to
labour inspectors to ensure competency to address specific issues of
migrant workers.
x
Ensuring coordinated, coherent and integrated approaches with other
aspect of labour migration policy and practice.
Labour inspection must remain separate and distinct from immigration
54
enforcement. Linking them in practice will undermine the effectiveness of both.
Using labour inspection to seek unauthorised workers will only drive the latter
further into clandestine situations, benefiting only unscrupulous employers who
can thus continue to exploit migrants in vulnerable and unprotected situations.
Social Cohesion
Social cohesion in destination countries will be facilitated considerably when
discrimination against migrant workers and their families is eliminated.
Moreover, appropriate measures assisting the integration of migrants in society
and providing possibilities for family reunification play an important role in
preventing the marginalisation of migrants and promoting social cohesion.
All member countries of the Council of Europe have ratified the International
Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and all but three small
countries have ratified ILO Convention on Discrimination (Employment and
Occupation) No. 111. Some countries have extended this protection by
54. See also ILO.2006. General Survey on Labour Inspection, Report III (Part 1B), International Labour Conference, 95th
Session, 2006 . Geneva, Paragraphs 75 to 79, and 161.
89
recognizing nationality itself as proscribed grounds for discrimination.
A comprehensive and effective agenda to prevent discrimination and ensure
social cohesion must include several essential policy elements. This agenda
was elaborated in the European preparatory process for the World Conference
Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance
held in Durban in 2001. One of the outstanding achievements of that
conference was consensus agreement on this agenda, and the
recommendation that all countries develop explicit national Plans of Action
against racism and xenophobia incorporating these elements.
The main lines of this agenda are:
x
an explicit legal foundation based on relevant international standards;
x
outlawing racist and xenophobic discrimination, behaviour and action;
x
outlawing sex discrimination and gender inequalities in the labour market;
x
administrative measures to ensure full implementation of legislation, and
accountability for all government officials;
x
an independent national human rights/anti-discrimination institution with
powers to address discrimination against non-citizens;
x
respect for diversity and multicultural interaction;
x
emphasis on positive images of diversity and of migration in news and
communications media;
x
inclusion of multi-cultural and diversity training in educational curricula;
x
co-operation with civil society and community groups.
V. Application and Implementation
The record on application of standards and guarantees for protection of
migrants appears to be somewhat mixed across Europe.
An important monitoring role is played by the ILO with respect to the human and
labour rights of migrant workers in the world of work. An increasing number of
comments have been made by the ILO supervisory bodies concerning
violations of migrant workers’ rights or measures taken by states in the context
of ratified fundamental conventions or technical conventions, including
Conventions Nos. 97 and 143. The ILO CEACR has increasingly addressed
widespread discrimination, forced labour, exploitation and abuse, lack of trade
union rights, forced labour, wages and OSH issues affecting migrant workers in
its comments on the application of Conventions in Europe.
90
Specifically in the process of applying Convention No. 111, CEACR stated in its
2009 General Report that “it is essential to acknowledge that no society is free
from discrimination and that continuous action is required to address it.
However, a few governments continue to assert that discrimination does not
exist in their countries and declare that no action is required to apply the
Convention. The Committee considers that such a position is contrary to the
spirit of the Convention and is a considerable obstacle to its implementation”.55
The ILO annual Global Reports on the Fundamental Principles and Rights at
work have also dealt with the situation of migrant workers. The 2007 Global
Report on Equality at Work: Tackling the Challenges, gave extensive attention
to treatment of migrant workers in the labour market and some of the responses
to prevent discrimination. In 2008, the ILO Global report on the Freedom of
Association in Practice: Lessons Learned, pointed to some the constraints
faced by migrant workers in asserting their trade union rights and highlighted
some contemporary action by national federations and global unions to promote
and protect migrant workers’ rights in this area. The 2009 Global report on the
Cost of Coercion addresses the particularly grave situation of those migrant
workers ending up in situations of forced labour.
The ILO supervisory bodies have also recognized situations where policy and
56
legislation has been changed to improve the protection of migrant workers.
For example, the ILO supervisory bodies have noted that some countries have
taken steps in recent years to ensure that non-nationals not only have the right
to join trade unions but also to hold trade union office.57 The Committee on
Freedom of Association (CFA) has reinforced the right of all workers without
distinction whatsoever to establish and join organizations of their own choosing,
including specifically those in irregular or undocumented status; the CEACR has
noted with satisfaction developments in certain countries towards more fully
respecting this right.58
European Union
In the content of EC Communications and the development of EU Directives,
the references to equality of treatment and non-discrimination for regular
migrant workers are prominent and unequivocal. These notions are
fundamental to the ILO Conventions 97 and 143 on migration for employment,
one or both ratified by 11 EU Member States, as noted above.
55. Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (RCE). 2009, Report
III (Part 1A), paragraph 106.
56. See examples in footnote 10 and 16. All comments can be easily extracted from the ILOLEX data base through the
universal query tool: http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/index.htm.
57. ILO: Committee on Application of Conventions and Recommendations. Observation on application by Austria of
Convention No. 87, RCE, 2008.
58. RCE, 2009, page 165.
91
The EU Member States have now by and large transposed the ‘Racial Equality
Directive’ 59 and the ‘Employment Equality Directive’ 60 into national law (though
full and correct transposition in all 27 Member States is yet to be achieved),
setting a common framework for all Member States to implement antidiscrimination law and policies. The provisions of the directives are minimum
requirements; Member States may always do more, but never less, to combat
discrimination.
Since the Equality Directives entered into force, all Member States have
introduced or amended national anti-discrimination law. In some countries, it
was the first time enforceable legislation on equal treatment was put in place; in
most countries, the transposition of the Directives into national law contributed
to clarification and strengthening of the legal protection against discrimination.
The implementation of the Directives is not yet complete. The main problem
areas include definitions of discrimination, assistance to the victims of
discrimination – such as the shift in burden of proof and victimisation – and the
61
scope of the protection granted.
Ample references to the Protocols on trafficking and smuggling to the
International Convention on Transnational Organized Crime are contained in
recent EC Communications on the Global Approach to Migration, as well as in
public pronouncements of Commission and member state officials. However,
few references are explicitly made to any of the three most relevant instruments
elaborating migrant workers rights.
The degree of transposition of relevant international standards on migration in
Community instruments remains ambiguous. While the EU is currently
elaborating a Directive on fundamental rights of migrants, the draft text omits
explicit reference to existing international instruments on rights of migrants.
This omission could risk establishing an instrument that diverges from widely
accepted international standards.
Several recent European Court of Justice rulings regarding migration, albeit
intra-community migration, have raised concerns regarding the extent of
application of equality of treatment and of freedom of association and collective
bargaining rights to migrant workers. These include the Viking, Laval, Rüffert,
and Commission v. Luxembourg cases.
Following a review of these decisions, a Report adopted by the Committee on
Employment and Social Affairs of the European Parliament and a Resolution
proposed for the EP “consider(s) that the exercise of fundamental rights, as
recognized in Member states, ILO Conventions, and the EU Charter of
59. Council Directive 2000/43/EC, 29 June 2000.
60. Council Directive 2000/78/EC, 27 November 2000.
61. European Commission (2008) Commission acts to close gaps in employment equality rules. Press release 31 January
2008, http://ec.europa.eu/employment_social/fundamental_rights/pdf/news/ip08_155_en.pdf, 2008-10-16.
92
Fundamental Rights, including the right to negotiate, conclude and enforce
collective agreements and the rights to take industrial action, should not be put
at risk.”
The arena of EU cooperation with third countries on migration is a
complementary arena for addressing protection of migrant workers. On the
positive side the ILO has been implementing technical cooperation and capacity
building with EU support in the Maghreb and West Africa, in the Russian
Federation and Central Asia, as well as elsewhere; an important dimension of
this cooperation is strengthening legislation and government administration of
labour migration, including adoption of relevant international Conventions.
However, current EU cooperation with third countries places emphasis on
support for control, interception, and containment measures in partner
countries, exercised through strengthened border control and surveillance.
Emphasis on these measures may not sufficiently contribute to necessary
reinforcement of a ‘rights based’ approach to migration in concerned countries.
Council of Europe
Progress in application of norms and policies across the wider Europe reflected
in the Council of Europe membership can in part be assessed by the expanding
ratification of relevant international Conventions. However, it is also useful to
highlight that the Council of Europe convenes the European Committee on
Migration (CDMG) that incorporates operational participation from all 47
member countries. Over the last two decades, this committee has conducted
studies, developed recommendations, contributed to elaborating normative
standards and delineated policy guidance covering most issues of migration
governance. Its policy lines are usually endorsed by the Council of Europe
Conferences of Ministers on Migration Affairs; the evolution of policies of many
member states demonstrates that Council of Europe policy guidance has been
relevant to shaping national policies and to encouraging co-operation among
member countries.
As noted earlier, the Council of Europe developed several specific normative
instruments applying to migrant workers. Many of its studies and
recommendations have focused on issues of migrant workers, and the
outcomes of the Conferences of Ministers on migration affairs have generally
reinforced application of relevant norms and specific protections of human and
labour rights of migrants.
VI. The Way Forward
The ILO Context
For the record, the International Labour Organization is the largest specialized
agency of the United Nations system. It was established in 1919 with a unique
tripartite structure and the purposes of elaborating international labour
93
standards, promoting employment and job creation, extending social protection
and social security to all workers, and facilitating social dialogue between
employers and worker organizations.
In the field of international migration, ILO efforts not only examine problems,
they also identify and evaluate solutions. ILO activity on migration includes
providing technical cooperation and capacity building in countries world-wide,
providing advisory services to governments, promoting adoption of relevant
legal standards, facilitating social dialogue, and encouraging international
cooperation.
In the area of integration of migrants, ILO has not only conducted the
discrimination situation testing referred to earlier; it has also studied
effectiveness of anti-discrimination legislation and training in a number of
62
countries in Europe and North America. Research findings indicated, for
example, that comprehensive civil legislation appeared to establish far more
effective mechanisms than criminal law for the identification, intervention,
redress, and monitoring of discriminatory treatment. Experience in several
countries showed that legal requirements for monitoring and reporting by
employers on the diversity of their workforce are extremely useful tools.
Findings clearly demonstrated that a specialized institution in the field of
equality of treatment and non-discrimination provides the most effective way of
guaranteeing effective enforcement and promotion of anti-discrimination
legislation.
Though a regional project called “Promoting equality in diversity: integration in
Europe” supported by the EU, ILO has recently:
x
Expanded a website compendium data-base on anti-discrimination and
integration activities to include some 160 practice profiles. See
www.ilo.org/migrant click on discrimination.
x
Determined evaluative indicators, methodology and tools to assess
effectiveness of integration and anti-discrimination practices.
x
Studied experiences to identify key indicators of integration.
x
Compiled a practitioners handbook on discrimination and integration.
x
Developed tool kits for social partners, particularly small enterprises and
trade unionists.
62. See R. Zegers de Beijl (1991); G. Rutherglen, (1993); C. Ventura (1995); R. Zegers de Beijl in W. R. Böhning and R.
Zegers de Beijl (1995); U. Kulke in: A. Goldberg, D. Mourinho and U. Kulke (1996); R. Pérez Molina in Colectivo IOE and
R. Pérez Molina (1996); K. Vuori (1996); D.N. Addy (1997); N.-E. Hansen and I. McClure (1998); J. Doomernik (1998);
B. Smeesters and A. Nayer (1999).
94
x
Convened European social partner networking on integration and
discrimination.
The ILO is amply involved in providing technical cooperation, advisory services,
training and capacity building, and facilitation of regional policy elaboration and
coherence on migration not only in Europe but in Arab States, in the Maghreb
countries, in West Africa, across the CIS region, and elsewhere.
Current projects cover the Caucasus and Central Asian areas, in coordination
with the Russian Federation. These include efforts towards harmonization of
labour law and social security regimes, and facilitation of legal labour mobility.
Similarly, the ILO is conducting cooperation and capacity building efforts
supporting countries in the Maghreb, West Africa and East Africa in constructing
national and regional regimes and institutions to regulate labour migration that
also ensure protection of rights of migrants.
ILO has also conducted extensive efforts to facilitate integration and prevent
discrimination against migrant workers in destination countries in Europe,
notably in cooperation with social partner organizations – national trade union
and employer federations.
The ILO and its constituents have welcomed the support of the European Union
and the governments of such countries as Germany, Italy, Spain and the United
Kingdom in these efforts.
Steps Forward
Based on this knowledge and experience, and taking into account the global
economic and employment crisis, we can recommend the following action steps
as the way forward:
1. Insisting on explicit reference to and incorporation of the main relevant
international standards on migration in elaboration of policy and guidelines
on migration by relevant regional and national bodies, including in particular
the European Union, and most certainly in any European definition of
fundamental rights of migrants.
2. Inviting and encouraging trade unions to cooperate more substantially with
and take cases to national human rights monitoring institutions. While
national, regional and international trade unions are becoming more active
in promoting and protecting the rights of migrant workers, they have not yet
made full and effective use neither of the ILO supervisory system nor of
national human rights institutions to address important violations of migrant
workers’ rights. There is unfortunately a vast number of problems and a
wealth of information available that does not reach national monitoring and
enforcement bodies, let alone the ILO and UN supervisory bodies.
95
3. Improving cooperation between civil society organizations and trade unions
to facilitate obtaining and transmitting information and relevant cases on
violations of rights of migrants.
4.
Ratification and effective implementation of ILO Conventions Nos. 97 and
143 concerning migrant workers, and the eight fundamental ILO
Conventions, as well as the 1990 International Convention on the Protection
of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.
5. Simultaneously, several immediate measures and policy responses are
required to ameliorate the impact of the crisis on migrant workers and on
the protection of their rights and dignity. Action is imperative to prevent
these impacts, if unchecked, from destabilizing labour markets, working
conditions, respect for human rights and social cohesion in migrant
employment countries. Immediate lines of crisis response should include:
x
Discouraging “scapegoating” of migrants, particularly by avoiding forced
expulsions or repatriations of migrant workers.
x
Explicitly repressing racist violence and xenophobia against foreigners,
and prosecuting perpetrators of violent acts.
x
Increasing capacity of and extending labour inspection to sectors and
workplaces where migrant workers are concentrated, to shore up
decent treatment in the face of pressures to increase exploitation
through violations of safety and health standards and pay cuts.
Conclusion
Today, in the context of exclusion of some persons and populations from the
benefits and social welfare promised by globalization, it is clear that greater
emphasis is needed on advancing rights-based approaches. These are
arguably fundamental to ensuring the primacy of the rule of law, the extension
and consolidation of democracy, and a corollary greater equity in the distribution
of material well-being and social welfare.
To the extent that migration is a central arena for expression of values in law,
policy and practice, advancing a rights-based framework for protection of
migrants and regulation of migration is urgent. This requires advocacy and
action on promotion of human rights law, of international labour standards, and
of respect for diversity – the guarantors of democracy and social peace.
A primary step is obtaining States’ adherence to relevant international human
rights standards, particularly the two ILO migrant worker Conventions and the
1990 International Convention on migrants’ rights. Complementing this is
promotion of efforts to address labour market needs and composition, ensure
96
decent work opportunities for all, combat discrimination and promote
integration.
Promotion of the rule of law and of respect for diversity is a shared responsibility
among all stakeholders: government, employers, trade unions, civil society and
migrants themselves. Human rights institutions have an especially crucial
leadership role to play in mobilizing societies and governments to ensure
implementation of a rights-based framework for migration and for the protection
of the migrants themselves.
97
References
Useful websites
ILO Department of International Labour Standards (NORMES):
http://www.ilo.org/global/What_we_do/InternationalLabourStandards/lang--en/index.htm
ILO International Migration Program (MIGRANT):
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/index.htm
ILO Database on International Labour Standards (ILOLEX):
http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/index.htm
ILO Database on the Application of International Labour Standards (APPLIS):
http://www.ilo.org/public/db/standards/normes/appl/index.cfm?lang=EN
Bibliography
Abella, M.I. 2002.
"Mondialisation, marchés du travail et mobilité", in Migrations et avenir, CIEMI,
Paris, Vol. 14, No. 79, January-February.
Braunschweig, S; Carballo, M. 2001.
Health and human rights of migrants
(Geneva, World Health Organization and International Centre for Migration and Health).
Cediey Eric. 2007.
Questions sur la mesure: que mesure-t-on ? pour quoi ? comment ?, Intervention d’ouverture du
colloque La mesure des discriminations liées à “l’origine”,
ISM-Corum, 22 octobre, Lyon ISM-CORUM.
CLANDESTINO. 2007-2009.
Undocumented Migration: Counting the Uncountable, Data and Trends Across Europe.
Research project funded by the European Commission, DG RTD, FP6.
http://clandestino.eliamep.gr (country reports, research briefs);
http://irregular-migration.hwwi.net (database).
Council of Europe. 2009.
Economic Migration, Social Cohesion and Development:
Towards an Integrated Approach.
P. Taran with Irina Ivakhnyuk, Maria da Conceiçao Pereira Ramos and Arno Tanner.
EU. 2003.
Council Directive on the right to family reunification.
2003/86/EC, 22 September 2003
98
EU. 2003.
Council Directive on the status of third-country nationals who are long-term residents.
2003/109/EC of 25 November 2003
EU. 2004.
Common Basic Principles on Integration (CBPs)
EU. 2005.
Common Agenda for Integration
EU. 2005.
The Global Approach to Migration (GAM).
European Council COM (2007) 247 final, 16 May 2007.
EU. 2005.
Framework Strategy for Non-Discrimination and Equal Opportunities, EC Communication COM
(2005) 224 final, 1 June 2005
ILO (1995-2008):
International Migration Papers (on Discrimination Situation Testing): Download papers at:
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/info/imp_list.htm
Discrimination against Migrant Workers and Ethnic Minorities in Access to Employment in the
Netherlands.
F. Bovenkerk; M.J.I. Gras; D. Ramsoedh, with M. Dankoor and A. Havelaar. IMP No. 4, 1995.
Labour Market Discrimination against Foreign Workers in Germany.
A. Goldberg, D. Mourinho, U. Kulke. IMP No. 7E, 1996.
Labour Market Discrimination against Migrant Workers in Spain.
Colectivo IOE: M.A. de Prada, W. Actis, C. Pereda, and R. Perez Molina, IMP No. 9E, 1996.
Discrimination against racial/ethnic minorities in access to employment in the United States:
Empirical findings from situation testing.
M. Benedick, Jr. IMP No. 12, 1996.
Discrimination in Access to Employment on Grounds of Foreign Origin:
the Case of Belgium. P. Arrijn; S. Feld ; A. Nayer. IMP No. 23E, 1998.
Labour Market Discrimination against Migrant Workers in Italy.
E. Allasino, E. Reyneri, A. Venturini, G. Zincone, IMP No. 67, 2004.
Discrimination in Access to Employment on Grounds of Origin in France:
A National Survey of Discrimination Based on the Testing Methodology of the ILO.
Eric Cediey and Fabrice Foroni. IMP No. 85E, 2007.
Discrimination in Employment against Second-generation Swedes of Immigrant Origin.
Karin Attstrom. IMP No. 86E, 2008.
99
Discrimination in Employment against immigrants in Denmark:
A situation testing survey.
Jan Hjarnø. IMP No. 87, 2008.
ILO. 1998 ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work
http://www.ilo.org/declaration/thedeclaration/textdeclaration/lang--en/index.htm
ILO. 2003. ILO standards-related activities in the area of occupational safety and health:
An in-depth study for discussion with a view to the elaboration of a plan of action for such
activities, Report VI, International Labour Conference, 91st Session. (Geneva)
ILO International Labour Migration Survey of 2003
ILO. 2004.
Towards a Fair Deal for Migrant Workers in the Global Economy.
International Labour Conference 92nd Session June 2004. Report VI. P. 37-38.
ILO. 2004.
Resolution and Conclusions on a Fair Deal for Migrant Workers in the Global Economy,
International Labour Conference, 92nd Session, June 2004. (Geneva ILO)
ILO. 2006.
Multilateral Framework on Labour Migration: Non-binding principles and guidelines for a rightsbased approach to labour migration (Geneva). Download at:
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/download/multilat_fwk_en.pdf
(Also available in Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian & Spanish.)
ILO. 2008.
ILO Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization
http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---cabinet/documents/publication/wcms_099766.pdf
OECD. 2007.
Gaining from Migration: Towards a New Mobility System.
Jeff Dayton-Johnson, Louka T. Katseli, Gregory Maniatis, Rainer Mumz and Demetrios
Papademetriou (Development Centre).
Taran, Patrick. (2007):
“Clashing Worlds: Imperative for a Rights-Based Approach to Labour Migration in the Age of
Globalization” in Globalization, Migration and Human Rights: International Law under Review,
Volume II, (Bruylant, Brussels)
UN General Assembly. 2000.
Status of the UN Convention on migrants rights, Report of the Secretary General, 55th Session of
the UN General Assembly, Doc. A/55/205, July.
Zegers De Beijl, Roger. 2000.
Documenting discrimination against migrant workers in the labour market.
A comparative study of four European countries (Geneva, ILO).
100
Ratifications of Conventions on
Protection of Rights of Migrants by Council of Europe Member States
State
ICERD
ILO C111
ILO C97
ILO C143
ECLSMW
ICRMW
Albania
Andorra
Armenia
Austria
Azerbaijan
Belgium
Bosnia-Herzegovina
Bulgaria
Croatia
Cyprus
Czech Republic
Denmark
Estonia
Finland
France
Georgia
Germany
Greece
Hungary
Iceland
Ireland
Italy
Latvia
Liechtenstein
Lithuania
Luxembourg
FYR Macedonia
Malta
Moldova
Monaco
Montenegro
Netherlands
Norway
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Russian Federation
San Marino
Serbia
Slovakia
Slovenia
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Turkey
Ukraine
United Kingdom
1994
2006
1993
1972
1996
1975
1993
1966
1992
1967
1993
1971
1991
1970
1971
1999
1969
1970
1967
1967
2000
1976
1992
2000
1998
1978
1994
1971
1993
1995
2006
1971
1970
1968
1982
1970
1966
2002
2001
1993
1992
1968
1971
1994
2002
1969
1969
1997
2005
2006
2007
2007
1994
1973
1992
1977
1993
1960
1991
1968
1993
1960
2005
1970
1981
1993
1961
1984
1961
1963
1999
1963
1992
2006
2006
2006
1973
1959
1961
1959
1973
1961
1986
2000
1993
1992
1967
1962
1961
1967
1961
1999
2006
1952
1955
2006
1979
1983
1989
1978
1978
1979
2000
1985
2000
Total Council of Europe
47
44
18
Total World
173
168
48
1999
1953
1993
1993
1960
1977
1954
1996
1983
1959
1994
2001
1991
1968
1996
1952
1981
1991
1991
2005
1992
1967
1995
2006
1992
1982
1980
1978
1981
2007
2004
13
11
4
43
11
41
1951
101
Ratifications of Conventions Relevant to Protection of Migrants by Arab States
State
Algeria
Bahrain
Egypt
Iraq
Jordan
Kuwait
Lebanon
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
Mauritania
Morocco
Oman
Qatar
Saudi Arabia
Sudan
Syria
Tunisia
United Arab Emirates
Yemen
ICERD
1972
(a) 1990
1967
1970
(a) 1974
(a) 1968
1970
(a) 1968
1988
1970
(a) 2003
(a) 1976
(a) 1997
(a) 1977
(a) 1969
1967
(a) 1974
(a) 1972
ILO C111
1969
2000
1960
1959
1963
1966
1977
1961
1963
1963
Total
18
17
ILO C97
1962
ILO C143
(a) 1993
(a) 2004
(a) 2007
1993
1976
1978
1970
1960
1959
2001
1969
102
ICRMW
(a) 2005
(a) 2005
1
0
6
Comparative Analysis and Commentary
on the two former regional position papers
Ms. Wies Maas
Project Coordinator
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration
The Netherlands
On behalf of
Mr. Frans Bouwen
Director
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration
The Netherlands
Frans Bouwen (1954) is the founder and director of the international foundation
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration (THP), which is a catalyst for
the development of innovative refugee and migration approaches, seeking to
connect various stakeholders that have an interest in the field and aspiring to
facilitate a creative space for dialogue. Before founding THP Mr. Bouwen
worked inter alia as a Senior Consultant for external and strategic relations for
the Dutch Refugee Council and as Executive Secretary of the joint World
Council of Churches and Conference of European Churches’ "European
Churches Working Group on Asylum and Refugees" in Geneva, Switzerland.
Mr. Bouwen holds a Master and Doctorate of Theology from the State
University of Leiden, Netherlands.
103
Introduction
ƒ
For those of you that do not know The Hague Process on Refugees and
Migration (THP), here are a few lines: THP is an independent and nonpolitical forum and catalyst for discussion on refugees and migration,
bringing together various stakeholders. Since 2001 we have actively been
trying to bring the dialogue on migration into a human rights perspective, so
as you can see I am very pleased with the topic that has been chosen for
the Fourth Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue, as for long is has been
difficult to discuss this topic on an international level.
ƒ
The topic, to our great happiness, also figured for the first time explicitly on
the agenda of the so-called Global Forum on Migration and Development
last year, and the least we can say is that the discussion at least did not
lead to a clash between North and South.
ƒ
The question now of course is how the dialogue on this global level,
translates to the protection of the rights of migrant workers in practice in the
regions. Which brings us to today’s session, and the two papers.
ƒ
My task of today is to provide you with an analysis comparing the two
papers with each other, and reflect on them from my own experience. So I
would like to draw out some similarities and differences between the two
papers, or thus between Europe and the Arab regions, before I go on to
present the speakers and/or the audience with some concrete questions
and suggestions on the way forward.
ƒ
Having that said, I would like to congratulate both papers on their clarity and
completeness, with regards to setting out the legal, institutional, but also
practical context in which the protection of the rights of migrant workers
takes – or rather not – takes place.
ƒ
Therefore to start with: I would like to hail both papers, for implicitly but
forcefully arguing, why migrant workers’ rights are actually to be treated as
a distinct issue, but should nevertheless at the same be placed in a context
of 'universally applicable' human rights and labour rights.
ƒ
As Mr. Khan rightfully said; ‘Migrant workers have both: human and labour
rights.’
ƒ
It is in the recognition and enforcement of these rights, that migrant workers
often face specific problems and are particularly vulnerable, both in the
Arab states under discussion, as well as within Europe, although the
protection challenges may somewhat differ from region to region.
104
1. Comparison
a. Similarities
ƒ
Without dwelling too long on what is similar and what is different in terms of
the papers, what I found most striking, and maybe contrary to common
perception, is that the challenges both of you identify and the vulnerabilities
of migrant workers you draw upon are in many cases actually quite similar
and so might be the solutions.
ƒ
So both papers draws upon: hardships and abuse in the form of low wages,
poor working conditions, virtual absence of social protection, denial of
freedom of association and workers’ rights, discrimination and xenophobia,
as well as social exclusion, although this happens at different levels
between and within the regions.
Example 1: Hazardous Work and Absence of Inspection
ƒ
What I found, in particular, striking is that you both remark that migrant
workers tend to be employed in high-risk and hazardous sectors, such as
agriculture, mining, construction and informal sector work;
ƒ
And that in both regions, it is particularly in these sectors where inspection
and enforcement of occupational Safety and Health standards are weak or
non-existent.
ƒ
So for both of the papers it goes that investing in labour inspection, is key
when one wants to enforce better labour protection.
ƒ
Now the question of course is how can inspection standards be improved,
and in particular how one can make sure inspection in not being abused to
crack down on ‘irregular migration’. So I would like to hear more on this
during the discussion.
Example 2: Irregular Channels
ƒ
Another interesting similarity I found in your papers concerns migrants
seeking irregular channels of migration, because of the policies that are in
105
place. In the Arab context, it was particular the "kafala" system that forces
migrants into an irregular status, in the European context it is rather the
non-existence of legal migration channels that makes migrants enter or stay
irregularly.
ƒ
An element that is often forgotten in the discussion on irregular migration,
and I also do not find in your papers, is to look at the demand side of
irregular migration. Part of the solution might also be found in better
regulating this demand side, particularly when it comes to domestic work,
so this is also something we might want to discuss later on.
b.
Differences
Difference 1: Refugee Protection
ƒ
As I work for an organization on migration and refugees, I feel obliged to
include something on refugee protection. Of course ‘refugees’ constitutes a
distinct category, not falling under the definition of migrants workers,
however what we should realize is that ‘refugees’ are very often treated the
same as migrant workers, and thus face the same vulnerabilities, whereas
they would actually deserve special protection. Especially in some of the
Arab countries proper refugee protection regime are not in place, leaving
refugees to fall into another category or into a void, although I must add that
this morning a human right report of the Council of Europe was released,
that is very critical of the treatment of asylum seekers and refugees in the
Netherlands, which is only to say that much progress needs to be made in
Europe too.
ƒ
In comparing your papers, the paper on the Arab regions, does not refer
upon the issue of the protection of refugees at all, whereas I guess this
must be a very pressing issue in the region, for example only thinking of
Palestinian and Iraqi refugees in Jordan, constituting a major part of the
population. So I guess my point is, even in discussing migrant workers
rights, refugee rights should not be forgotten.
ƒ
I was glad to see that Taran’s paper did include something on refugee and
asylum law, stating that: The refugee instruments have particular relevance
for an integrated migration policy given that migratory movements today
often comprise mixed flows, including some individuals who merit refugee
protection.
106
Difference 2: Regional Instruments
ƒ
Another striking difference in the analysis of both the papers, is that it is
clearly illustrated that at the European Continent, more regional
institutionalized protection mechanism seem to be in place, both in EU
context, as well in the context of the Council of Europe. (European Court for
Human Rights, and European Court of Justice).
ƒ
This brings me to my first and maybe most important overall question. To
what extent would there be a room for more international cooperation
between the Arab and the European region, for example in terms of better
migration management, or labour inspection, and is the experience of the
EU, in terms of, for example, a European Court replicable in any way?
2. Question
Before I move to some suggestions and ways forward, I have one other
concrete question I would like to ask, following up on Taran’s paper:
ƒ
Taran suggested to put more emphasis on positive images of diversity and
of migration in news and communications media; particularly in the light of
rising levels of xenophobia and discrimination in the light of the financial
crisis, I find this a very important point, but would only like to ask you:
HOW? How are we going to bring about this positive image? I would like to
hear some practical suggestions on this.
3. Suggestions
Migrant Workers Convention – Dead Letter or Not?
ƒ
First of all both of your papers refer upon the UN 1990 Migrants workers
Convention as one of the most relevant frameworks in terms of the
protection of the rights of migrants, but at same time both of you also
remark, that hardly any of the Arab and European states have ratified this
Convention.
ƒ
So, and this might be as we say in Good Dutch: "to curse in the church'':
But isn’t this migrant convention a dead letter? As we just heard this
morning the Dutch government does not have any intentions to ratify the
convention.
107
ƒ
This question is not for me to answer, that is not my role, but it is my role to
at least ask you the question. And call into doubt whether it would make any
difference - if the Convention was to be ratified widely.
ƒ
If you would ask me the time is not there now for ratification to spur off, and
therefore I would like to suggest that we rather focus on existing
conventions and treaties that have been ratified, but are hardly being
enforced.
ƒ
In both papers the ILO Multilateral Framework is mentioned as a way of
offering guidance towards rights-based and effective labour migration in the
absence of the ratification of necessary conventions. I would just like to add
to this that The Hague Process has, with the input of many experts,
produced a compendium of the rights related to migration, that might also
serve as a practical tool for, for example human rights practitioners such as
yourself. The Compendium is designed to be an accessible and operational
manual setting out migrants’ rights which are already protected within the
eight main human rights conventions and instruments.
Engage Business Sector
ƒ
In both the papers various stakeholders are referred upon, as strategic
partner in the protection of migrant rights, such as national human rights
advocacy groups and migrant worker centres.
ƒ
I would like to add to these two important, powerful stakeholder that should
not be forgotten.
ƒ
The first is the Business Sector; although the business sector itself might be
a main source of violations, but at the same time business can be a forceful
driver for change of national as well as international laws. As such business
should be an important partner in the dialogue, and migration should be
integrated into the CSR agenda of the corporate sector.
ƒ
I am glad that Taran’s paper refers to Business Europe and The Global
Compact as possible partners.
108
Engage with Local Authorities – Big Cities in Particular
ƒ
The other not to be forgotten stakeholder are local authorities, in particular
big cities.
ƒ
Local authorities are often the ones having to deal with the 'practical
problems' arising from migration, such as providing for education, housing
or health. And as such local authorities might come in as useful allies, when
striving for change at the national policy level, such as the example of the
"kafala" system in the Arab region.
4. The Present-Day Context – Impact of the Financial Crisis on the
Protection on Migrant Workers
ƒ
To conclude, I would like to bring into the discussion the context of today;
namely the financial crisis.
ƒ
As remarked in Khan’s paper: labour migration is now on the wane in the
Gulf region, Jordan and Lebanon, given the cutbacks in investment after the
onset of the financial crisis. The same holds true for the European
continent.
ƒ
To add on this: I would like to warn that not only labour migration is on the
wane, simultaneously I am afraid that we are seeing rising levels of:
x
Xenophobia;
x
Discrimination;
x
and at least in the European context: populist and nationalist
movements.
ƒ
I am afraid these developments are going to have an important impact on
near future politics and policies with regards to migration and something we
urgently ought to act upon.
ƒ
I am curious to know what the two speakers, as well as the audience feels
the impact of the financial crisis is going to be in their own region, and how
to act upon this.
109
5. Conclusion: Mainstreaming Migration into Human Rights Dialogue
ƒ
I started off my talk, with hailing both papers for their comprehensive
approach, putting the protection of the rights of migrant workers in a human
and labour rights perspective.
ƒ
Hence I would also like to conclude on this note, by arguing that not only is
it important to bring the protection of migrant workers in human rights
perspective, the other way around it is also important to include migration
into human rights dialogues.
ƒ
In policy terms this is fancifully called: mainstreaming. Just as gender is
being mainstreamed into agenda’s, as a factor to be taken along, so should
migrants, migration and refugees, always form part of the analysis.
ƒ
So whatever the theme of the fifth Arab-European Dialogue will be, I can
only hope migrants and refugees will be ‘mainstreamed into the agenda’.
Let me conclude by wishing you all a most inspiring and fruitful dialogue for the
coming days.
110
National Human Rights Institutions from the Arab World and from Europe
present national findings and position papers addressing their national
legislations in relation to the international convention on migration and in
relation to labour rights as well as the way forward, and recommendations.
112
Morocco
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba
Secretary General
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
Mr. M'Barek Bouderka
Member
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
… on Migrant Workers’ Rights in Morocco and Moroccans’ Rights as Migrant
Workers outside Morocco
Mahjoub El Haiba is a member of the national commission for equality and
reconciliation. He holds a Ph.D. in Political and Science and from 1997-2000
served as the Vice Chair of the Casablanca School of Law. Mr. El Haiba has
served as counsel with the United Nations Program for the Environment and as
a founding member of the Moroccan Organization for Human Rights (OMDH).
113
The Problem of Millions of Migrants
The International labour migration has become today an international
phenomenon, since few are the countries that do not witness them. Still it is
hard to accurately specify the number of migrant workers, where in several
countries, especially the ones with economies in transitional situations, the
absence of statistical data or lack or scarcity of data makes it difficult to form an
accurate and comprehensive picture of the different forms of migrations. Even
in the cases where these data exist, there is not a general consensus regarding
the definition of the key terminology such as "economic migrations" and
"permanent migrations" and "illegal migrations. In addition to that, the data
collection methods mostly differ in a noticeable and indicative way, which
reduces the potentials for statistical comparison between states.
Also, the data about the illegal or illegitimate migrations and the illegal work are
often scarce even in countries with advanced systems for data collection.
It is obvious that the international migrations of the labour force has witnessed
today a high increase throughout the world, since nearly 200 million people are
living and working in their native country. The estimates of the ILO indicate that
the majority of these people, i.e. nearly 120 million people are migrant workers
or members of their families are.
It is expected that this number will multiply in the quarter of the current century.
If the total number of migrant workers has risen, the number of native countries
and receiving countries has risen as well. In 1970, the number of the main
receiving countries amounted to 64 countries. In 1990 it exceeded one hundred,
if we were to take into account the disintegration of the former Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia. Moreover, Italy, Japan, Malaysia and Venezuela have become
important receiving countries, while Bangladesh, Egypt and Indonesia have
become part of the main migration countries.
Regardless of the migration trends and departures or receiving spaces, the
migration of migrating workers has become today a main preoccupation of the
states, governments, parliaments, civil society, national organizations and
international organizations. It makes more imperative than ever to set up and
develop policies and provide the resources that enable a serious measure for
the migrations of labour force. The main reason for that is represented in the
contribution to the development of both the migration countries and the
receiving countries, and to the upgrading of the welfare of the migrants
themselves. Whereas, the number of migrants looking for work or security
across the world is expected to rise, the governments are required to think of
the means that would manage the situations of the migrant workers.
In this context, several international provisions looking into the situations of
migrant workers have been adopted by the international organizations working
in the field of human rights. We can mention namely the United Nations
114
Convention for the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and their
migrant workers adopted on December 18, 1990 and enforced as of July 1,
2003.
In addition to that, the standard effort exerted by the ILO has been translated
into several conventions and recommendations, mainly including:
x
Convention no. 48 regarding the adoption of an international system for
maintaining insurance rights – sickness, old age and death, adopted in
1935;
x
Convention no. 97 on migrant workers adopted in 1949;
x
Convention no. 143 on migrants in arbitrary conditions and on promoting
equal opportunities and equal treatment of migrant workers, adopted in
1975;
x
Recommendation no. 86 regarding migrant workers adopted in 1949;
x
Recommendation no. 100 regarding the protection of migrant workers in the
weakly developed states and regions, adopted in 1955;
x
Recommendation no. 151 regarding migrant workers, adopted in 1975.
Morocco and the Protection of Migrant Workers
In Morocco, the labour legislation stipulates that a series of measures shall be
taken to ensure the protection of Moroccan workers abroad and the foreign
workers in Morocco. This legislation takes into account the international
referential framework with all the challenges it presents at the level of
appropriation. This paper will focus on the definition of the international legal
framework which regulates the conditions of the migrants' work, it will then
allude to the updates contained in the Moroccan labour legislation in the field of
the workers migration, as well as the horizons.
The International Reference Framework
The United Nations Convention of the protection of the rights of all
migrant workers and the members of their families:
The United National General Assembly has adopted since 1990 an international
convention on the protection of the rights of all migrant workers and the
members of their families, for the purpose of dealing with the situations of
115
vulnerability that usually characterize the migrant workers. This convention aims
primarily at guarantying the protection and respect of the basic rights of the
migrants, whether their situation was legal or not. It also attempts to endorse
international standards for the protection of all migrant workers and the
members of their families, and they are standards acknowledged by all
countries. It is also a means to encourage the countries that do not fulfill
international standards to work on aligning their legislations to internationally
acknowledged standards.
They thus constitute the comprehensive framework that includes the principles
and standards stated in the basic international instruments on human rights,
especially the universal declaration of human rights, the international covenant
on economic, social and cultural rights, and the international covenant on civil
and political rights, the convention for the elimination of all forms of
discrimination, and CEDAW and the CRC.
They also confirm of the objectives of the ILO that aim at protecting the workers'
interests when they are employed in a country other than their country of origin.
For this purpose, and according to this convention, and in accordance with the
requirements of the human rights international instruments, the countries party
to the convention shall be committed to ensure the respect of the acknowledged
rights, without discrimination, in favor of the all migrant workers and their family
members.
The General Principles of the ILO conventions on Immigration
The ILO has given special consideration to the work conditions of the migrants.
For this purpose, several provisions relevant to their situations as workers have
been adopted, and we shall mention some of the main ones, namely:
The convention no. 143 relevant to the migrant workers in arbitrary
conditions and the promotion of equal opportunities and equal treatment
of migrant workers:
The adoption of this convention is part of the effort to promote equal
opportunities and equal treatment of migrant workers. By virtue of the
convention, the term "migrant worker" shall mean "every person that migrates or
has migrated to another country for the purpose of obtaining work that serves
his interest, it also means every person that has legally settled down as a
migrant worker.
Every State Party to the convention shall be committed to respecting the basic
rights of all migrant workers, and to working on identifying the presence of
116
illegal migrants that may be employed within its territories, or may have settled
in it or transiting it, as well as identifying immigration cases for employment
purposes, during which migrants may be subject during their travel, arrival or
residence to conditions violating the relevant multilateral or bilateral instruments
and conventions or the national legislation.
Each State Party to the convention shall be committed in particular to taking the
necessary national measures for the sake of ensuring communications and
exchange of information with the other states, as well as consulting with the
organizations representing the employers and the workers. Moreover, suitable
requirements shall be adopted according to the international legislations, in
order to effectively investigate and determine the cases of illegal employment of
migrant workers, and when necessary apply administrative, civil and criminal
penalties that may amount to deprivation of liberty punishments, for the cases of
illegal employment of migrant workers, and the organization of immigration for
employment purposes, which includes arbitrary conditions, in accordance with
Article two of the convention.
The convention also stipulates that the workers legally residing in the State for
work purposes cannot be considered to be in an illegal or irregular situation,
even as a result of losing his work, which should not in itself lead to the
withdrawal of his residency permit in the said country of immigration nor to the
withdrawal of his work permit itself.
Every State Party shall develop and apply a national policy that uses means
and ways appropriate to the national circumstances and contexts, with view to
promoting and ensuring equal opportunities and treatment in the field of
employment, profession, social security, union and cultural rights, and individual
and collective liberties for the people residing on its territories as migrant
workers of as their family members.
In the event of laying off a worker or his family, the latter shall not in all cases
bear the burden of this measure.
Convention no. 48 for setting an international system for maintaining
insurance rights for sickness, old age and death:
This convention deals with the services granted to the migrant workers in the
field of social security.
For this purpose, the people registered in one of the insurance institutions in the
member countries and the rights owners, shall benefit from all the services
stipulated under the insurance contract, regardless of their nationality if they
were residing in the territories of a member State, and regardless of their place
of residence, in the event of being citizens of a member State.
117
For this purpose, every member State shall after the ratification of the
convention, be committed during the following 12 months to adopt two
insurance systems for the migrant workers as follows:
x
An obligatory insurance that is given to those that are less than 65 years of
age to the vast majority of industrial and commercial contractors;
x
An obligatory insurance covering the risks of sickness, old age and death
for a main part of the industrial and commercial contractors.
National Legislation
General Principles of the Labour Law
The new labour law in Morocco includes a group of requirements that ensures
the protection of Moroccan workers abroad and of foreign workers in Morocco.
Protection of Moroccan Workers Abroad
In order to ensure legitimate working conditions for Moroccans, the Moroccan
employees that go to a foreign country to work, should obtain a work contract
legalized by the concerned authorities in that State, and by the Moroccan
governmental employment authority (Article 512 of the law no. 65.99 on the
labour law).
This contract shall be in compliance with the labour force conventions, if any,
that were concluded with the State and employment bodies.
The governmental employment authority shall select the migrants on the basis
of their professional qualifications and physical abilities, and shall finalize all the
necessary measures to facilitate sending the migrants to the recipient country,
in coordination with the concerned administrations and employers in that State.
Moreover, the circular issued by the Minister of Labour and Vocational Training
no. 5.338 dated February 9, 2005, that specifies the terms of reference by
which the employment agencies shall abide, includes the conditions for
determining the costs borne by the employee benefiting from the employment
contract abroad.
To be able to leave the homeland, the Moroccan employee shall submit the
following documents, in addition to the said work contract:
x
x
A medical certificate not less than one month old.
All documents required for this purpose by the regulations of the receiving
country.
118
In addition to all of this, the employer shall be committed to paying the return
cost of the employee, and shall bear if needed the costs of his hospitalization in
the event of sickness or of an accident, when the employee leaves the
homeland for a maximum period of six months.
This commitment is set according to a form specified in the decree no. 2.04.466
dated February 29, 2005 that provides the form for the commitment to pay the
return and hospitalization costs for the Moroccan employee.
Failure to observe these requirements shall be under the penalty of a fine
varying between 2000 and 5000 Dirhams (almost 200 to 500 US Dollars).
Labour Force Conventions and Social Security Conventions
During the sixties of last century, a new phase in the development of the
immigration of the Moroccan migrants aboard was recorded, where their
number increased noticeably for the purpose of working or in the framework of
family gathering. Also, a new diversification appeared in the reception spaces,
particularly in the European countries. These inflows were encouraged due to
the increased needs in time of the recipient countries for foreign labour force on
one hand, and on the other hand, due to the adoption of a simplified institutional
framework represented in the signature of several bilateral agreements with the
concerned countries for employing labour force as stated in the following table:
Labour Force Agreements between Morocco
and Some Receiving Countries
State
Date of Signature
Germany May 21, 1963
France
June 1, 1963
Belgium
February 17, 1964
Holland
May 14, 1969
Spain
July 25, 2001
Italy
November 21, 2005
Qatar
May 17, 1981
Iraq
May 20, 1981
UAE
December 22, 1981
Jordan
April 20, 1983
Libya
August 4, 1983
Source: Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training 01-09
119
In parallel to these migration inflows, another form of legal migration developed,
which is the seasonal migration towards France basically, which gradually
expanded at the beginning of the eighties, in response to the increased demand
for labour force in some seasonal labour sectors such as agriculture,
construction, restaurants and hotels.
In addition to that, and for the purpose of ensuring social protection for the
Moroccan employees abroad, Morocco has signed social security conventions
with some recipient countries, as stated in the following table:
Signed Agreements on Social Security
European Countries
France
Belgium
Holland
Spain
Germany
Sweden
Denmark
Romania
Portugal
Libya
Tunisia
Canada
Date of Signature
July 9, 1965
June 24, 1968
February 14, 1972
November 8, 1979
March 25, 1981
January 4, 1980
April 24, 1982
July 27, 1983
July 1, 1998
August 5, 1993
February 5, 1987
July 1, 1998
Source: Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training.
There are signed agreements in the process of being ratified.
Protection of Foreign Workers in Morocco
On the other hand, every employer that wants to employ foreign workers shall
first obtain a permit from the governmental employment authorities. This permit
is granted in the form of a visa on the work contract. The date of the visa is
relied upon regarding the validity of the work contract. Moreover, every
amendment to the contract shall be subject to the said visa. This permit can be
withdrawn at any time by the governmental employment authority.
The employment contract for the foreigners should be in compliance with the
form of the circular issued by the Minister of Labour and Vocational Training no.
350.05 dated February 9, 2005 that specifies the form of the foreigners
120
employment contract. The contract shall stipulate that in the event of refusing to
grant the said permit, the employer shall bear the costs of the return of the
foreign employee to his country of origin or to the country where he used to
reside.
In order to guaranty the protection of foreign workers, all the amounts that are
deposited as a guaranty cannot be retrieved except after presenting an
administrative testimonial delivered by the regional employment representative
in which he pledges to pay the costs of the return of the foreign employees as
well as the amounts due to them.
Also, shall be taken into consideration, the provisions of the multilateral and
bilateral international conventions published in accordance with the Moroccan
legislation, and relevant to the employment of the Moroccan employees abroad
or foreigners in Morocco.
Every act of not obtaining the above mentioned permit or of employing a foreign
employee that does not have a permit or of employing a foreign worker whose
permit does not comply with the requirements for the return of the employee or
for the guaranty needed for that matter, shall be punishable by a fine varying
between 2000 and 5000 Dirhams.
In all cases, the handling of the issues of foreign workers in Morocco takes into
account the provisions of the multilateral or bilateral international conventions
relevant to the employment of foreign employees on the national soil (Article
520 of the labour law).
The preparation of the employment contracts of foreign employees in Morocco
necessitates the observation of three main objectives:
x
The protection of the national labour force (priority is for the national
competencies);
x
The response to the contractors' needs of foreign competencies that are not
available in the national labour market;
x
Taking into account the special cases, such as:
ƒ
The people born of a Moroccan mother;
ƒ
The people assigned to tasks for a limited period in the subsidiaries of
foreign companies;
ƒ
Spouses of Moroccans;
ƒ
Delegates or representatives in a cooperation framework for a period
not exceeding six months;
ƒ
The licensed trainers or sport players;
121
ƒ
The licensed artists;
ƒ
The political refugees or the ones without a nationality.
Regarding the general situation in terms of the numbers, the different
nationalities and origins of the foreign workers in Morocco, no comparison can
be made with the situation in the receiving countries of the migrant Moroccan
labour force. According to the 2009 estimates, the total number of the work
contracts of the foreigners amounted to 8770, in which the European
nationalities rank first, foremost the French (2464), followed by the Turks
(1682), the Italians (220) and the Spanish (210). As for the Asian nationalities,
the Chinese come first (757) followed by the Filipinos (187) and the Indians
(163).
The foreign workers from Turkey, China and some Arab countries are affiliated
to their mother companies (multinational companies), to complete national
projects (roads, cars, canals, ports, thermal stations, transportation,
communication, hotel vehicles, etc.) As for the Arab countries, the Lebanese
are in the first line, followed by the Algerians (155), and the Egyptians (118).
Regarding the Africans, the number of work contracts for African workers in
Morocco amounted to 898, of which 42 percent are for workers from countries
that have concluded with Morocco residence agreements (Algeria: 155;
Senegal: 126; Tunisia: 98), most of the workers are from African States south of
the desert, particularly Senegalese, Ivoirians and Congolese and Cameroonians
working in the centers that find it difficult to employ national competencies that
master foreign languages.
Generally Speaking, the migrations outflows from Morocco abroad exceeds by
far the migration inflows towards it, since the cases of immigration abroad
exceed by fifty percent the immigration towards Morocco.
The Challenges
Morocco has never been a country of intensive immigration for economic
reasons in particular, it has migrant communities of more than three million
people distributed to several reception spaces, particularly in Western Europe
and Arab Gulf countries. That is why, it concluded several bilateral agreement
for labour force.
Before the independence, Morocco was considered a receiving country as a
122
result of the policy adopted by the protection authorities that were encouraging
the immigration movement, out of France and Spain towards Morocco. This
policy led to the registration of nearly 529000 foreigners in 1952.
After the independence, immigration witnessed an important development in the
opposite direction, especially after that the immigration of the Europeans during
the end of the fifties and beginning of the sixties of last century. The year 1962
registered an immigration leap in that direction, where the number of Moroccan
workers noticeably increased towards industrial Europe. Some of them
concluded labour force agreements with the countries of origin including
Morocco. This was considered quite an opportunity by the Moroccan workers,
where the expansion of the receiving spaces enabled them to go towards new
directions other than France such as Germany, Holland and Belgium.
However, as of 1974, the legal immigration witnessed a tangible decline as a
result of the new policies adopted in the field of immigration by the receiving
countries. They started restricting the receiving of immigration to the framework
of family reunion and seasonal work, namely towards France and Spain.
The majority of agreements that regulate international migration are based on
principles of nondiscrimination and equality between local citizens and migrant
workers, Still and even if the national legislation included a group of provisions
that ensured a suitable protection of the migrant workers as previously
mentioned, it is worth noting that this legislation does not necessarily respond to
some provisions of the international labour law, particularly regarding the
following cases:
x
Depriving the foreign worker from membership in the union;
x
Depriving him from being a labour representative;
x
In the field of social security, maintaining the social gains was not
guarantied, in the event of the absence of a bilateral agreement between
Morocco and the countries of residence of the worker when the worker
leaves Morocco.
In the light of all these difficulties, Morocco has ratified the UN convention for
the protection of the rights of all migrant workers and their family members, by
virtue of the decision no. 5-93-4 dated June 14, 1993, and the ratification of the
documents on June 21 of the same year.
123
Recommendations
Taking into consideration all the recommendations issued by the national
institutions for human rights on this matter in the different occasions, especially
the ones issued by the conference held in October 2006 in Bolivia, and taking
into account all the issues that are directly or indirectly relevant to immigration,
and due to the comprehensive and complicated nature of the latter, some
general recommendations may be put forward with an institutional and
standardized nature:
First: At the level of the National Human Rights Institutions
x
To resume the dialogue between the Arab and European national
institutions to include all issues relevant to immigration (globalization and its
effects, environment, the modern technology for media, communication, law
of the seas, social and economic rights, cultural and religious issues …)
from the perspective of human rights, in order to submit suggestions and
recommendations that would curb the fragmentation and segmentation of
the international rules for the protection of migrants, and would contribute in
completing the bases and rules of a joint law for human rights to reinforce
the international migration law;
x
To expand the dialogue about these cases to include the institutions of all
countries with special situations in the field of immigration, regardless of
their locations, including (the countries of origin, receiving countries, transit
countries or others) to benefit from the different experiences of the law and
practice in the different parts of the world;
x
To develop programs for mutual visits among the members and cadres of
Arab national institutions to exchange expertise and get to know the
policies, programs and interventions carried out by these institutions in both
regions;
x
To create a coalition among the institutions of both regions for pushing
forward the ratification of the convention on the protection of the rights of
migrant workers and their family members;
x
To reinforce the means of research, investigation and protest in
confrontation of the human rights violations perpetrated against the
migrants, wherever they are and by whoever whether by states or other
124
international governmental or semi-governmental parties, in all the
concerned international forums, including the human rights council and the
UN control commissions;
x
To give special concern in all these programs and instruments to the most
vulnerable groups of migrants (children, women, disabled…);
x
To issue joint, general or thematic reports on the situations of the rights of
migrants in the institutions of countries with similar conditions or which
witness conflicts or differences regarding general or special cases linked to
immigration.
Second: At the level of the UN System and the national and regional laws
x
To strengthen the role of the UN System for human rights as an
international framework for dialogue in the field of immigration policies, the
law of asylum and the law of labour, environment, resources and other
issues relevant to immigration, while supporting the contribution of the
system to the development of the international and regional control
mechanisms of the situations of migrants;
x
To promote the structural means to work on the actual application of human
rights in the economic policies and the international, regional and national
laws on immigration and the law of asylum and integrate them in
compliance with the International Public Law system;
x
To promote the inclusion in the national, regional and European
constitutions mainly, of the principles of good reception and support them in
the law of asylum, especially upon the application by all States and the
international group, of the international convention on refugees for the year
1052 and its protocols for the year 1971, while integrating the new violations
(nationally, violations by parties other than the States …) and to take into
consideration the changes in the political framework of the actors and the
new parties that commit violations against the migrants;
x
To focus very much on the ratification of the convention of the rights of
migrant workers by the receiving countries, while giving particular attention
to migrant men and women in illegal situations;
125
x
To promote the policies and programs of political and social integration of
migrants in the receiving countries;
x
To finance the projects and programs of multi-disciplinary researches and
studies in the field of migration;
x
To lay down bases and means for developing the concept of citizenship in
its relation to immigration, in all of the concerned countries, especially the
receiving countries.
126
Saudi Arabia
Mr. Salah Al Sharekh
Director of Organizations and International Relations
The Saudi Human Rights Commission
… on the Role of the Commission on following up on Migrant Workers’ Affairs in
Saudi Arabia
127
Mr. Chairman,
Ladies and gentlemen,
In the beginning I would like to extend my thanks to the Danish Institute for
Human Rights, the National Centre for Human Rights in Jordan, and the
Consultative Council for Human Rights in Morocco for their efforts in organizing
this Forum, and for inviting us and giving us the opportunity to participate in the
meetings of the Arab-European dialogue for national human rights institutions in
order to discuss "the rights of migrant workers and the labour market", and
enrich the dialogue and come out with appropriate recommendations to achieve
balance and harmony in the relationship between the worker and the employer.
Mr. Chairman,
Ladies and gentlemen,
The Human Rights Commission aims, as stated in Article I of its Statute, at
protecting and promoting human rights in all areas in accordance with
international human rights standards. It also aims at spreading awareness and
ensuring implementation, in light of the provisions of Islamic "Sharia" law. It
shall also be the competent government entity to give an opinion and provide an
advice with regard to human rights issues. And based on that, the commission
follows up on the affairs of foreign workers, and this includes the following:
1. The issuance of the new labour law in 2005, which included clear and
explicit provisions to preserve the rights of workers and not to discriminate
between the sexes (male or female) and Article (40) of the law stated that
the employer shall bear all the fees officially requested by the worker, as
well as a return ticket when the worker goes back home after the end of the
contractual relationship between both parties.
2. Also the executive statute of the labour law was issued in 2007 and
included detailed provisions protecting the worker and, especially the
migrant worker, for example, paragraph (13) of article (14) included that the
contract concluded with the worker by the recruiting party should include the
necessary elements such as the pay, the other benefits, type of work,
location, and duration of the contract, as provided in paragraph (14) of the
same article on the inadmissibility of recruitment offices to collect any
amounts from the worker against recruiting him and the office should collect
its fees from the employer. Furthermore, paragraph (17) of the same article
illustrates that the recruitment Office, prior to concluding the contract with
the worker, should make him aware of the living conditions and traditions
prevailing in the Kingdom, as well as the decisions related to the
recruitment and employment of non-Saudis in the Kingdom.
Mr. Chairman, what is worth mentioning about the compatibility of the Saudi
legislations with the international conventions in the field of employment, and
128
particularly with regards to expatriate workers, is that the legislations or
decisions issued by the Ministry of Labour include appropriate solutions for all
the obstacles that might arise in reality and in a timely manner, i.e. that the
ministry, in case a disruption existed or the appearance of any obstacle in
organizing the issues of expatriate workers or other areas of work, the ministry
will issue the appropriate decision after studying it realistically to redress that
imbalance, or overcome that obstacle. As a result of these experiences in
dealing with the work realities in the kingdom, the new law of 2005 was issued
to codify these legislations and decisions, by taking into account the
international standards set out in international conventions related to work and
apply them on the ground in the Kingdom through the articles and provisions of
the new Saudi law.
3. In the area of combating discrimination against migrant workers, as the
Kingdom seeks to realize an appropriate work environment for all the
people working on its territories, it has taken several procedures. In the area
of prevention of discrimination between migrant workers or other workers,
the Kingdom has ratified the International Convention on equal pay for male
and female workers for equal work in the year 1978. It also ratified the
Convention concerning Discrimination in Respect of Employment and
Occupation in the same year. And among the most important decisions in
this area, the Minister of Labour issuance of Ministerial Decree No. (37) in
2006 ascertaining that the employer should pay equal wages to male and
female workers performing under equal employment terms and conditions.
Regulations were enacted for the preservation of the rights, Article (47) of
the Basic Law provides that the right to litigation is guaranteed equally
among the citizens and residents in the Kingdom, also the Council of
Ministers resolution No. (166) issued in 2000 provides for certain
procedures regulating the relationship between the expatriate worker and
the employer in accordance with international standards to regulate such
relation, including:
x
The employer might not retain the passport of the foreign worker and
passport of any of his family members.
x
The foreign worker is free to move within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as
long as he holds a valid residence permit.
x
The migrant worker shall visit governmental departments and others to
obtain the services which provide him and his family with a decent living,
such as the issuance of a driving license, the purchase of a vehicle and
requesting telephone service and other services without obtaining the
consent of the employer.
x
The abolition of the term sponsor wherever mentioned and replacing it with
the term “The employer”.
129
the
x
The formation of a committee competent to deal with problems related to
the implementation of this decision.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to refer to the additional procedures adopted to
protect the rights of migrant workers:
x
With regard to domestic employment, the Ministry of Labour has developed
a (draft list of domestic service employment) and similar jobs which
"regulates the work of domestic workers and frames the relationship
between both parties, the employer and employee male or female working
in domestic service" and ensures their proper treatment and their legal
access to their rights. This list has already been prepared and is currently
undergoing the regular procedures to be adopted and issued. The Human
Rights Commission participated in the development of such a list by being
represented by one of its council members specialized in legal affairs.
x
With regard to the means of remedy, these are available to all categories of
workers and employers – including house workers – through enabling them
to resort to labour committees at the labour offices (which are the primary
bodies to settle labour disputes and the Commission for the settlement of
labour disputes) and based on the new law issued in 2007, the settlement
of labour disputed shall be referred to the Ministry of Justice, where
specialized labour courts are currently under establishment to look into and
to adjudicate all labour cases. They are also able to resort to civil rights
centres. They also have the right to raise claims against these entities at the
ombudsman office (administrative court) and usually this takes place
through coordination between the embassy and the concerned entity.
Mr. Chairman,
Ladies and gentlemen,
x
One of the remedies available to the worker, if necessary, is that in case the
worker was not paid his wages for a period of three consecutive months
with no reasons related to the worker himself, he has the right to consider
the transfer of his services – if he wishes so – immediately to another
employer, without the condition of obtaining a waiver from the old employer,
in addition to obliging the old employer to fully pay all the workers rights.
x
To clarify the employees’ rights in general and the domestic workers’ rights
in particular, the Ministry of Labour issuing bulletins illustrating all their
rights and include the phone numbers of the embassies of their home
countries and the legal entities they could refer to upon their desire
(including a handbook guide for migrant workers. Recently, a unit has been
established at the department of the Labour Affairs, at the Ministry of
Labour (Unit of Migrant Workers Welfare) in order to provide care services
for migrant workers in the fields of labour relations under the labour law.
130
x
The Minister of Labour has issued the ministerial decision No. (111/1) in
2007 which provides for punishing the corporations that delay the payment
of wages and the first paragraph of the resolution provides for banning the
corporations, which delay the payment of wages for a period of two
consecutive months, of recruiting foreign workers for one year.
x
Furthermore, the decision of the Ministry of Labour (No. 738 / 1) in 2005 is
among the firm actions which provide a greater protection to migrant
workers. This decision prohibits all forms of human trafficking, such as the
sale of visas and to be paid in return for employing a worker and the
collection of money from him against an entry visa or exit and return visa or
work and residence permit, and breach of contractual obligations and the
inhumane work and immoral treatment. This decision provided for punishing
the person who commits any of those offenses by preventing him from
recruiting foreign workers for a period of five years in addition to the
penalties provided for in relevant regulations.
x
Furthermore, and to express the embracing of the human right commission
to all the important tributaries which protect human rights, the fight against
human trafficking is considered as one of the most important tributaries for
the protection of these rights and labour rights in particular. To do so, the
commission participated and prepared the draft law for anti-trafficking
crimes in the Kingdom and completed all the phases of studying it. The law
was submitted to the higher authorities to be enacted. The draft law took
into account, in many respects, the principle of protection of victims of
human trafficking crimes in the Kingdom. Whether those victims were
citizens or residents. We can notice the severity of the sanctions applied on
the perpetrators of such crimes which can reach up to (15) years of
imprisonment and / or a fine up to (One Million Saudi Riyals).
To ascertain this, the work is currently ongoing to establish a committee to
combat human trafficking crimes which will comprise representatives from the
concerned government agencies and the human rights commission. The
committee will be in charge of several issues, including the follow-up on the
conditions of human trafficking victims, developing a policy which urges the
active search for the victims, coordinating with the competent authorities to
return the victim to his original home land in the State he hold its nationality or
to his place of residence in any other state, based on his request.
To complement the role played by the Human Rights Commission to
disseminate human rights culture, it has developed a general program to
promote the culture of human rights in the Kingdom, and prepared the general
executive plan to implement it on several levels, including the relevant ministries
and departments one of which is the Ministry of Labour. Amongst the steps to
be applied to disseminate the culture of human rights in the field of employment
are the following:
131
1. To sustain the human rights principles of migrant workers.
2. To increase awareness of employment rights through the activation of the
regulations issued in this regard and to hold accountable those responsible
for any violations or abuses.
3. To urge the private sector to improve the social and health conditions of
workers and care for their rights provided for by the labour conventions.
4. To take the initiative to improve the conditions of foreign workers ahead of
the issuance of reports by international organizations and bodies.
It should be noted, Mr. Chairman, that His Excellency the Minister of Labour
was received by the Human Rights Commission and a lengthy meeting was
held between the Minister, the President and the board members of the
commission. His Excellency the minister of labour stressed the principle of
cooperation and coordination and that the Human Rights Commission is
concerned with human rights in general and that there is a correlation between
the interests of the Ministry of Labour and those of the commission . His
Excellency also expressed his support for the dissemination of the human rights
culture, especially with regards to foreign domestic workers. It is worth
mentioning that the number of foreign workers in Saudi Arabia amounted to 7
million. Their remittances to their countries through Saudi banks were over 60
billion riyals (16 billion US Dollars) per year. His Excellency stated that the
establishment of shareholding companies, for the recruitment of workers on a
scientific basis which preserve the rights of the worker and the employer, is
under consideration. Such companies will recruit the workers, train them, hire
them and will be an alternative to the sponsor. The issue of the relationship
between the migrant worker and the employer is of interest and is being studied
by relevant parties, in order for the council of Ministers to approve the bill. A
license will be issued for one company and then gradually to other companies.
Mr. Chairman,
In conclusion, the competences of the commission include overseeing some of
the several and expected labour cases. The presence of nearly seven million
workers was associated with some problems either by the worker or the
employer. These millions do not enjoy the same level of awareness, culture,
education and compliance with the regulations, laws and working conditions.
The commission, despite its short life, which does not exceed 3 years, has
looked into approximately (2356) cases. Some of which were settled and the
rest were either referred to the competent authorities to decide upon them or
are still under consideration. The commission has received approximately
double that number of cases through personal interviews or telephone calls,
and the problems were solved in coordination with the employers or by directing
the worker to the judicial entities to look into his claims.
132
Sweden
Mr. Yamam Al-Zubaidi
Legal Research Officer
The Equality Ombudsman
… on Migrant Workers’ Rights in Sweden
133
Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon,
Let me start by forwarding a greeting from Ms. Katri Linna – The Swedish
Equality Ombudsman – whom at least some of you have met on earlier
occasions. Ms. Linna didn’t have the possibility to be here today.
It might come as a surprise, but Sweden has a very high number of migrants,
especially in proportion to the overall population. According to the National
Statistics Agency (Statistics Sweden) at the end of 2007 there were 1.2 million
individuals living in Sweden who were born outside the country. That is about
13 % of the country’s total population. This is one of the highest figures in the
EU. And that is without taking into account persons who are born in Sweden but
have at least one parent born outside the country. Moreover, the latest statistics
indicate that during 2008 about 100 000 people of 165 different nationalities
migrated to Sweden.
There is no doubt that the rights of migrant workers are one of the central
issues in the human rights debate. Nevertheless, in the Swedish case, with an
overall workforce of around 4.5 million individuals, the equal treatment of
migrants on the labour market has become a central issue in the public debate
as well.
In other words, issues such as – what is equal treatment on the labour market in
practice, and how it should be implemented or enforced – are no longer just
about how we see migrants. It is about how we see ourselves as well – it is
about what we want our future to look like. These issues are a daily concern for
us. And the growing attention to these issues in the country during the last
decades is therefore easy to trace in the development of the non-discrimination
legislation. It is worth mentioning that the above is also applicable to equal
treatment issues such as gender and disability.
The Swedish Case
Now, everyone is special – but it is not totally unfair to claim that the Swedish
case is actually special, even though it has a lot in common with the
neighbouring Nordic countries. What I am referring to, here, is what sometimes
has been called the “Swedish model”. It is a model characterised by a high
degree of organisational affiliation, concerning both employees as well as
employers. Collective agreements between the parties at three levels –
national, industry-wide and local – have traditionally been considered as the
ultimate mechanism for resolving any disagreements. Consequently, labour law
generally assign a privileged position to unions that have a collective agreement
134
with the employer in question. This system is reflected even in the last instance
for resolving disagreements on the labour market – the Labour Court – where
the parties have a strong representation.
Thus the system is mainly built on the principle of collective bargaining rights.
The idea is that collective agreements will guarantee fair treatment since they
are applicable to everyone. Unfortunately, the reality is that collective
agreements are useful but are not necessarily by themselves a sufficient means
when it comes to individual rights. In that sense they won’t always guarantee
the rights of individuals from underrepresented or discriminated groups, such as
migrants.
The difference between collective rights and individual rights, at least in some
important aspects is similar to the difference between formal equality and full
equality in practice as it is discussed in the EU-directives.
The Swedish Non-discrimination Legislation
In that respect, the Swedish non-discrimination legislation came to fill in the
gaps, i.e. to guarantee that the principle of equal treatment is not disregarded,
especially in those situations where the collective system is insufficient. This is
why the Swedish non-discrimination legislation concerning ethnic origin and
religious affiliation as well as gender, disability and sexual orientation is
mandatory, i.e. it cannot be made subsidiary through collective negotiations
even though they are the very basis of the Swedish labour system. In other
words, the Swedish non-discrimination legislation is a mechanism for ensuring
compliance with the EU-directives as well as international human rights
conventions. This includes the key article of the International Convention on the
Protection of Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families –
Article 7.
Thus, since the first non-discrimination law concerning ethnic origin and
religious affiliation was introduced some 15 years ago, it has been refined
several times and its scope has been broadened – to fill various gaps that have
been identified by, among others, the former Ombudsman against Ethnic
Discrimination.
The Ombudsman was established already in 1986 – but initially it had few legal
powers. However, the powers of the Ombudsman have increased substantially
due to various amendments of the law. Generally the development of the legal
protection against racial and religious discrimination as well as the powers that
were assigned to the Ombudsman from 1986 till 2003 were aimed at meeting
135
the requirements of international human rights conventions, the EU-directives
as well as the general recommendations of the European Commission Against
Racism and Intolerance (ECRI).
Though there still are some gaps in the non-discrimination legislation, it is quite
extensive covering areas such as labour market policies, employment services,
goods and housing, setting up an enterprise, exercising a profession,
membership in trade unions or employer organisations, social insurance,
unemployment insurance, social services and medical services. Generally, the
legal system is based on the principle that everyone shall have equal rights and
opportunities. As mentioned before, the non-discrimination legislation is there to
fill the gaps. It is also meant to guarantee that ethnic origin or religious affiliation
– when irrelevant – is not taken into consideration in any decision-making
processes. On the other hand, it makes sure they are indeed taken into
consideration when they are relevant to the decision in question, thus
preventing indirect discrimination as well.
Moreover, the non-discrimination legislation is not confined to forbidding
unlawful discrimination. The law actually imposes proactive duties on schools
and employers to take preventive measures – internationally known as positive
action measures. For instance, an employer is obliged by law to make sure that
the employment conditions are suitable for all employees – regardless of their
ethnic origin or religious affiliation. Another example is that an employer has under the penalty of a civil fine – the duty to undertake relevant measures to
prevent further ethnic or religious harassment if the existence of harassment is
reported by an employee or the local trade union organisation.
The powers of the Ombudsman are quite extensive as well. Generally the
Ombudsman can be described as a watchdog that is to ensure that the equal
treatment principle applies throughout society. That means among other
powers: suggesting legislative amendments to the government, presenting
opinions on current law proposals, giving advice to the public and arranging
awareness-raising actions. However, these powers – no matter how important –
wouldn’t be as effective as they are today without legal tools. The Ombudsman
has been given supervisory power concerning the labour market and the
education sector in order to ensure that employers and schools comply with
their duty to take positive action. The Ombudsman of course also has the power
to investigate individual complaints and represent these persons in court. If the
Ombudsman takes the case to court, this is free of charge.
As mentioned above, Swedish labour law gives the trade unions a special
position. One result is that complaints concerning working life should, at least
initially, be filed with the trade union of the complainant. The unions, by law,
have a primary right to investigate complaints by their members. When the
136
union refrains from investigating the complaint or representing the member in
court, the Ombudsman has the right to deal with the case.
Traditionally there have been two main reasons for the Ombudsman taking on
such a case. The first is that the union doesn’t believe that the case will be
successful in court. This is understandable, since lawsuits can be expensive.
The other reason why a union wouldn’t represent its member is however more
problematic. The union movement is traditionally focused on collective
bargaining and collective rights which can result in a conflict with individual
rights. There is also some question as to the extent that unions are sufficiently
able to identify discrimination in working life.
Nevertheless, it should be noted that most labour disputes, including those
involving discrimination can be assumed to be resolved through the normal
dispute resolution processes that the unions are involved in on a daily basis.
Empowerment
This is one place where the Ombudsman’s vital role comes in. During the last
years we have been systematically helping trade unions as well as employers
with training programs on non-discrimination. The programs are always adapted
to the needs of the target-group. But generally they include two basic parts – a
legal part and a part aimed at increasing the awareness of the participants
concerning discrimination as a social phenomenon.
With legal tools alone – no matter how strong – we will never guarantee full
compliance with the principle of equal treatment. This is hardly controversial.
This is why the Ombudsman during recent years has been extending its
empowerment actions beyond the main actors on the labour market. We have
worked with empowering underrepresented groups in the society, i.e. those
groups who are most likely to be subject to discrimination. If society is to
change, these groups have to be part of the change. Therefore empowerment
and training programs have been provided to these groups more frequently.
Moreover, empowerment is more fruitful when it’s mutual. The Ombudsman has
therefore had several NGO reference groups that provide us with knowledge on
their members’ experiences. One group is a Muslim reference group and the
other is the Middle Eastern reference group. In our meetings with these two
groups we teach and get taught at the same time.
137
The Future and the Challenges
Since 1 January 2009 the Ombudsman against Ethnic discrimination doesn’t
exist anymore. It has been merged with the other three Ombudsman authorities
concerning human rights – the Gender Equality Ombudsman, the Ombudsman
against Discrimination on grounds of Sexual Orientation and the Ombudsman
against discrimination on grounds of disability. The laws that prohibit
discrimination on the grounds of ethnic origin or religious affiliation don’t exist
either – they have been merged with the other laws into a single equality law
that prohibits discrimination on all grounds.
Today we are a new organisation – The Swedish Equality Ombudsman, with
almost one hundred employees, and a single law that prohibits discrimination
on 7 different grounds. The mandate of the Ombudsman has also been
expanded. The merger, of course, brings us closer to the Paris principles. But
this is not all. Today a Muslim woman who wears a headscarf, if bypassed in a
recruitment process doesn’t have to file different complaints to different
authorities.
On the other hand, this stronger position brings with it new challenges as well.
How can we expose a recruitment process where it is the interplay between
gender, ethnicity and religion which leads to discrimination against certain
groups more often than others? “Intersectionality”, or the interplay between
different grounds, is the new challenge. Another challenge is the fact that the
non-discrimination legislation doesn’t cover the police and the legal system
itself. Here proactive measures are required. The parties involved have to act
before discrimination occurs. Being wrongly sent to jail or having a child
improperly taken by the welfare authorities is very difficult to repair after the fact.
These are of course complicated questions where not only legal tools are
needed but a dialogue with these sectors as well as with the legislative political
power to achieve – at least initially – a common understanding of the issue. In
other words, the two challenging questions for the future are:
x
How can we ensure that no gaps are left in the system?
x
How can we help to mainstream empowerment into the general work
related to non-discrimination?
138
France
Ms. Souhila Zitouni
Officer in charge
The French-Speaking Network of NHRIs
The National Consultative Commission of Human Rights in France
… on Migrant Workers’ Rights in France
Souhila Zitouni holds a degree in law from Orleans Law School and masters in
International Law from Montesquieu Bordeaux University.
139
I
A.
Introduction
Historical Review of Immigration Policies
France is known, besides a country of invasion and migration, as a land of
asylum. In the beginning of the 20th century, because of a weak rate of
demography, French Industry called for migrant workers issued from Colonies,
especially from North Africa and Indochina. A few time after, during World War
I, France called for “what we called Indigenous troops coming from French
colonies”.
In 1945, a regulation on situation of migrants was adopted and lasted for 60
years, with a lot of modifications following the successive governments.
After the World War II, French Government encouraged the Economical
Immigration as well as familial reunification.
Immigration of foreign workers has officially been closed since 1974 after the Oil
Crisis of 1973 and the French Government tried to control the migrant workers
flow, but let migrants enter France under familial reunification, which became
the big part of legal migrants. From the 1980’, the regulation was modified
several times to regulate the immigration until 2006; then it became the Code of
foreigners’ entry and residence and of the right to asylum (Ceseda).
B. Evolution of Immigration Law
In 1984, after the hardening of the immigration law, an important reform
recognized expressly to legal workers a right to stable residency. For example,
it established a unique ten-year residence permit renewable by right
automatically and granting the right to practice the chosen profession
throughout the whole French territory. This permit was given to all foreigners,
who had regularly entered the territory and had been in France for three years,
and to those who could prove family or private ties in France.
But this view of immigration didn’t last. Indeed, from 1986, the successive
governments reconsidered this question and the general trend was to
jeopardise the situation of foreigners, notably non documented foreigners.
In 2006, the act was turned into the Ceseda, with the aim of unify all the
different reforms that modified the regulation and maybe in certain way to
simplify the Foreigner Law, but it has the opposite consequence and that
became more and more complex. Moreover this regulation not only integrates
the several reforms of immigration law, but also provides two new points
following the general trend to limit the immigration:
140
First, the act openly considered as “forced immigration” the right to family
reunification and private life or the right to asylum. As President Sarkozy said
(he was at this time minister of home affairs), it represents a so-called
“undesirable” immigration and people coming in France for these reasons are
not “welcome” that’s why the law aimed at putting more difficulties to people
asking a permit on this reasons. The regulation limits the possibility to obtain a
ten-year- card by requiring conditions whose definition is unclear like
“Republican Integration”. The Law strengthens also the discretionary power of
the local Administrations in charge with delivering residence permits. NGOs and
migrants denounce the differences between Administrations, certain of them
applying the Law severely and arbitrarily.
This card permits a worker to settle long in France to chose freely the region
where he wants to live and the profession he wants to practice (with
restrictions).
Second, the act favours a “chosen” and disposable immigration. Highly skilled
workers are attracted through a “competences and talents” residence permit
also granted for a period of three years to the concerned persons, their spouse
and children while students who are finishing their studies on matters of
economic interest could stay and work in France. The other newly available
track for immigration is for migrant workers selected according to economic
needs. The right to work in France depends on the permits the workers obtain,
and at the opposite, the residence depends on the category of work. The
temporary residence permit has a maximum length of one year and can bear
different meanings, it concerns:
x
x
x
x
x
x
Scientific carrying out research or teach at a university.
Artistic and cultural profession.
Salaried worker who have a work contract endorsed by the departmental
labour direction.
Commercial and industrial.
Seasonal worker: contract for six months per year and renewable until a
period of three years. The worker has to maintain his principal residence
outside of France.
Employee in mission: temporarily detached worker [travailleurs détachés]
from an employer established outside of France. It is valid for three
renewable years.
The last law was proposed by Brice Hortefeux, the former Minister for
Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Development “based on
solidarity” and was adopted in 2007.
This Law provides under article 40 the possibility of a regularisation of an
undocumented worker when the employer asks and pays for it. This process
requires that the worker works in a sector meeting recruitment difficulties and
141
that he’s under contract for one year.
Actually, until 2007, legal access to the labour market mainly came from
residence permits grounded on “private and family life.” The granting of
residence permits bearing the title “salaried worker” was very restricted,
because of the “opposable employment” rule (priority to French and EU
workers). The July 24, 2006, law opens up legal immigration of foreign workers
for specific labour activities and geographical areas that are suffering from
recruitment difficulties. It is, however, obvious that these foreign workers will
mainly work on short-term precarious contracts and with a short-term residence
permit. And strict conditions to renew residence permits, with slow procedures,
as well as the multiplicity of precarious status obstruct the access to the work
market. The aim is probably to oblige beneficiaries to leave the territory at the
expiration of their contract.
II
Arguments of the French Government Justifying the Non Ratification
of the Convention and Refutation
French representatives declared that the rights of workers are already
guaranteed by French legislations and the international commitments of France,
through all the international Conventions of Human rights ratified and especially
the one of the Council of Europe about migrant workers of 1983.
A. First Argument: the dispositions provided by the Convention are
already guaranteed by French Law.
1. Main relevant international instruments regarding the migrant
workers’ rights ratified by France:
x
UN Instruments
1. International Covenant on civil and political rights
2. International Covenant on economical, social and cultural rights
3. Convention on the elimination of racial discrimination
4. Convention on the elimination of discrimination against women
5. Convention on torture
6. Convention on the rights of the child
x
International Labour organization
7. Convention n° 97
8. Convention n° 111 on discrimination
x
Council of Europe
9. European social Charter and the revised version
10. European Convention on the Legal Status of Migrant Workers (with
reservation and declaration)
142
Non-ratified instruments:
x
United Nations
1. Migrant workers Convention
x
ILO
2. Convention n° 143 on migrant workers
2. Refutation
When we study the rights of migrants, including migrant workers, in France, we
note that in a certain way, most of the rights are provided in French law. But,
when we review French laws and their implementation closer, we can note that
the gap with the UN Migrant Workers Convention is widening.
a. National Advisory Council for Human Rights
The French Commission is especially mindful of the rights of migrant workers,
the right of family and private life and the protection against discrimination. It
recommended the ratification on June 2005 and called for the promotion and
the protection of migrant rights’ even in the context of hardening immigration
Policies, because the Convention provides rights recognized by other
international texts and collects minimum standards for all migrant workers,
particularly vulnerable.
b. Then, Migrant workers are protected by French Law and by the
Convention of 1983 of the Council of Europe. But the Convention on
migrant workers of the Council of Europe has certain limitations, and
France made a declaration and a reservation to this Convention.
The French Government declares that the familial reunification in France depends
on the clauses provided in article 12.2, i.e. that the migrant worker must have
stable and sufficient resources and the reservation concerns the article 18 about
the right of health care.
But the most important is that this convention doesn’t concern the
undocumented people, because migrant workers are those of the territory of the
Council of Europe.
143
c. French Legal Dispositions Breaching the Convention
Article 41 of the Convention: right to vote and to participate to public affairs Civil and political rights.
Apart from EU nationals who can vote and are eligible to participate in local and
European elections, foreigners do not have the right to vote in France. In 1981,
the presidential candidate Mitterrand committed himself to grant the right to vote
to foreigners. But he did not keep his promise, regarding the political context
and the emergence of the “Front National”, a French political party obviously
against immigration and migrants. Since then, campaigns have been organised
in order to promote the vote of foreigners at local elections.
Family Reunification
Family reunification is provided with by the UN Migrant Workers Convention
under Article 44.
The Conseil d’Etat which is the Supreme administrative Court elevate the
Family unity and the right to have a normal family life to the status of a General
legal Principle in 1978, including the foreigners who must be treated by equality.
Before, the family reunification was the norm, and now it’s considered as
“forced immigration”, that’s why this principle tends to be restricted and the law
limits the possibilities for migrants to have their family members come from their
State of origin, as well as for French citizens married to migrants.
The family reunification procedure only applies to a small number of categories
of foreigners:
x
First, the French national’s spouse and children who can obtain a residence
permit by right.
x
Second, the spouse and children of a statutory refugee and of a “scientist”,
“competences and talents” or “employee in mission” permit holder.
x
Third, the family of a long-term resident in another EU Member State
holding a French residence permit, subject to a lawful residence with him in
the Member State and to resource and insurance conditions; the spouse is
not allowed to work during the first year.
Only the spouse and minor children under eighteen can benefit from family
reunification. The spouse must be married and aged eighteen at least.
144
Polygamy in France is an obstacle to family reunification. Only minor children
born within or outside marriage or adopted can benefit from it. And this right can
be breached in case of refusal of French administrations to deliver a residence
permit. Many cases were denounced, notably refusals to the French nationals’
spouses, which is motivated by the concern of fighting against false marriage.
d. Measures Breaching the Convention
Authorization to Work
Article 7 of the Convention provides the non-discrimination principle which is
laid down in article L.122-45 of the Labour Code. Consequently, foreign
employees must benefit from the same rights and same working and protection
conditions as French employees. But the non-renewal or the expiration of the
authorisation to work does not constitute a case beyond control but a real and
serious motive for dismissal: it should lead to a dismissal procedure by the
employer, with the payment of compensation because of a breach of contract.
There is, however, a limit: the employee who cannot fulfil the term of notice
because of this non-renewal cannot claim any compensation for this notice.
Providing the evidence in cases of discrimination for nationality reasons
remains a fundamental issue. A High Authority for the Fight against Discriminations and for Equality has been set up in 2005. Most of the complaints
concern employment; and the questions are mostly linked to the true or alleged
belonging to a nationality other than French.
Education
In principle, all minor children present on the French territory must be sent to
school without any condition linked to a lawful residence. Despite the right to
education, some mayors require the display of the parents’ residence permit as
part of the necessary documents to register a foreign child. A network of
teachers unions, parents, human rights associations and called “Réseau
éducation sans frontières (RESF)” support young students who are threatened
with deportation, children of undocumented parents and the parents
themselves.
B. Second Argument: The Convention doesn’t make distinction between
legal migrant workers and undocumented people.
France argues that the Convention presents legal obstacles to ratification and
145
that some dispositions are in contradiction with the national law, notably it
permits the recognizing of rights to undocumented people.
The French policies targeted the undocumented people and focused on
repression of them. The French Government understand this Convention as
giving additional rights to undocumented workers. But it’s not true. Articles 36 to
56 only affect legal migrant workers and other articles concern all migrant
workers because it refers to the fundamental rights provided by international
Law of human rights. And the Convention makes a difference between legal
and undocumented migrant.
x
The case of the foreign worker without a residence and/or work
permit.
An illegal work contract does not withhold the employee from the right to a
minimal protection. The notion of illegal work covers several different offences
that should not be confused. It’s an infraction not especially dealing with the
employment of undocumented workers which concerns for 90% French
nationals or foreigners in a regular situation.
Undocumented people are either people entering France without permits and
visa, or someone with residence permits which was not renewed. He had a
lawful residence and became undocumented.
x
The employment of a foreigner without work authorisation.
Here too, only the employer is responsible for hiring an undocumented worker.
The law sets up a whole range of guarantees in favour of the irregularly hired
foreigner. The aim is to sanction the employer who took advantage of the
situation (low salary, absence of social taxes, excessive work hours…),
supported illegal immigration and took part in a parallel labour market outside of
the protection of the Labour Code. Normally, the employer incurs sanctions.
C. Third Argument: France must ratify together with all European
members.
Before, immigration policies were strictly reserved to national sovereignty but
with the context of closing the national borders, EU members decided to have a
unique and coordinated immigration policies to prevent some states from
regularizing thousands of undocumented people. Indeed, other members which
146
have a restrictive policy to open their borders don’t want to let them walk around
and to settle in a Schengen space. Moreover, it could contribute to increase the
flow of migrants who could understand that as a sign of opening.
But in fact, it’s a false argument, because the Convention doesn’t regulate the
immigration policy of states on the flow of migrants, it ensures to migrant
workers and their family living on the territory to benefit from fundamental rights
provided by international conventions of human rights.
III Conclusion
As we said, the gap is widening because of the political priorities and policies.
In conclusion it can be argued that all the recent restrictions of rights aim to
discourage migrants to settle in France, tend to fuel an illegal/irregular labour
market, and are in breach of the provisions contained in the UN Migrant
Workers Convention.
In conclusion, I want to present the French mobilisation in favour of ratification:
The French Commission is concerned by the hardening of the immigration
policies since its creation. It intervened each time and presented to the
Government an Opinion when the law seemed to limit fundamental rights and to
breach the international commitments of France.
Civil society actions are also very important. For example, NGOs, associations
of undocumented foreigners, trade unions, political parties gathered in a
movement called “United against a disposable immigration” struggled together
against the new trends in French immigration policy. But they didn’t manage to
prevent the adoption of a very restrictive immigration law. Several groupings in
favour of ratification were created to influence on French decision and raise
awareness in the population.
Examples of campaigns: Migrants, not slaves! / Tomorrow the World, migrations
to live together/ Enough Humiliation.
A lot of NGOs are involved in supporting migrants’ rights like Amnesty
International France, Emmaüs, Gisti, Association of North Africa workers in
France, Cimade, France terre d’asile, Mrap...
They also use petitions an organize events, notably the celebration of the day of
th
migrant worker called “18 December”.
As Mahjoub El Haiba said, NHRIs have a key role in meeting together civil
society, French authorities, as well as the Government as the Parliament, but
also in raising awareness among the public including migrants themselves.
147
Indeed, National Institutions for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights
took at several times a stand in the ratification of the Convention, for example in
euro-med level with the Declaration of Marrakech, or in European level with the
declaration of Berlin.
At the international level, the Conference declared in Santa Cruz in October
2006 that National Human Rights Institutions should encourage their States to
ratify and implement the Convention. The National Human Rights Institutions
were asked to promote the ratification of the Convention through appropriate
means including campaigns, policy advice, conferences and publications on the
benefits and the background of the convention. They were also advised to
analyse the reasons behind non-ratification including misconceptions and other
obstacles, and work on argumentation catalogues to counter these concerns,
also by building relationships with civil society organisations.
148
Germany
Ms. Petra Folmar-Otto
Head of Human Rights Policies Unit
The German Institute for Human Rights
… on Trafficking Issues in Europe
Petra Follmar-Otto, Dr. iur., is the Head of the Human Rights Policies
Germany/Europe Unit at the German Institute for Human Rights. She studied
law in Saarbrücken and Hamburg. She earned a doctor’s degree from the
University of Hamburg in 2007. Since 2003, she has been working at the
German Institute for Human Rights as researcher and policy advisor. Her main
areas of work include non-discrimination, rights of migrants, women’s rights and
contemporary forms of slavery as well as torture prevention. Before joining the
institute, she worked as expert, advisor and trainer for several NGOs and IOs in
the area of women’s human rights and migration.
149
In this section dedicated to national perspectives on migrant workers’ rights, I
was asked to focus on trafficking in human beings.
After some introductory remarks on human trafficking as a human rights
violation, I will present the international definition of human trafficking, and how
it is implemented in EU and German law. I will then look into what we know
about the reality of trafficking in human beings in Europe and Germany.
Subsequently, I will assess the progress which has been made in the fight
against human trafficking and in the challenges remaining, analysed from a
human rights based perspective. I will conclude my presentation by proposing
cornerstones for an approach to human trafficking that is integrated in a human
rights approach to migration as a whole and the role that NHRI can play.
I. Trafficking in Human Beings as a Human Rights Violation
Trafficking in human beings is involved when migrant workers are forced to
work in exploitative, abusive or slavery-like conditions by means of coercion,
deception or debt bondage. The victim is deprived of her or his free will and
ability to control her or his body. The methods by which and the purposes for
which individuals are trafficked for are constantly changing. Worldwide, persons
are trafficked for a multitude of exploitative or abusive purposes, e.g. forced
prostitution, domestic labour or work in sweatshops under slavery-like
conditions, removal of organs and use in the commission of crimes or in armed
conflicts.
There is a strong nexus between trafficking in human beings and migration.
Victims of trafficking are often, but not solely migrants. Indeed the trafficking
process is often initiated by the free decision of the potential victim to migrate.
The traffickers' use of deceptive or coercive means may begin at any stage of
the migration process, be it in the country of origin (recruiting, deceptive
advertising, offering of transport), in a country of transit (confiscation of
documents, threats, violence) or in the country of destination (debt bondage,
violence, threat of violence).
Moreover, trafficking in persons occurs in a process, sometimes a circle of
human rights violations to victims. Violations of human rights in the countries of
origin are the pre-condition of trafficking and form the starting point for the
victims’ decision to migrate. During the trafficking process, traffickers subject
the victims to violence, captivity and deny their right to control their own body;
they subject them to inhuman and degrading treatment and forced labour. After
the trafficking, states often further violate their rights by arresting and, punishing
them, failing to provide adequate protection and means for redress and
compensation.
Nevertheless, trafficking is often not primarily addressed under the heading of
protecting migrant worker’s rights, but merely under the heading of the fight
against transnational organized crime as a security policy issue, named in one
breath with trafficking in narcotic drugs or weapons and terrorist threats. In
150
many countries victims of trafficking therefore find themselves in a precarious
position between migration control, security policy and human rights. Their
weak position is further undermined by the fact that they typically work or are
forced to work in sectors that are dangerous, hard to control by work inspectors,
invisible (e.g. domestic labour) or illegal or stigmatized (e.g. prostitution and the
sex industry).
During the last years, due to a raising awareness for the global reality and the
huge dimension of human trafficking, trafficking in human beings has repeatedly
been addressed as a human rights violation. It has been acknowledged that
situations of trafficking live up to slavery like conditions, forced labour or debt
bondage, thus constituting a modern form of slavery, and that the crimes
committed by traffickers are compounded by inadequate and inappropriate
response of governments worldwide, be it countries of origin, transit or
destination.
This commitment can be found not only in political declarations, but also in
recent legally binding instruments. For example, the preamble of the Council of
Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings recognizes
“that trafficking in human beings constitutes a violation of human rights and an
offence to the dignity and integrity of the human being”. The prohibition of
trafficking is enshrined in article 5 of the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights,
together with the prohibition of slavery and forced labour. Likewise, Art. 4, lit g
of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the
Rights of Women in Africa obliges states to take the appropriate measures “to
prevent and condemn trafficking in women, to prosecute the perpetrators of
such trafficking and protect those women most at risk”.
Despite the acknowledgment in international law that trafficking in human
beings constitutes a human rights violation, this is not yet converted into states’
legal and actual practise. A human rights approach to human trafficking has not
been fully evolved. The human rights perspective is often lacking in policies and
strategies of states and international and regional organisations as well as in
national legislations. But even specific international legal instruments against
trafficking such as the Palermo Protocol and the Council of Europe Convention
do not fully cover all obligations arising from core UN human rights instruments
as the Covenant on civil and political rights and the Covenant on economic,
social and cultural rights. Moreover, in some contexts trafficking in human
beings is even used as a pretext to infringe upon human rights of migrants or of
a state’s own citizens.
II. The Definition of Trafficking in Human Beings
The first international legally binding definition of trafficking was laid down in the
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially
Women and Children, supplementing the UN-Convention Against Transnational
Organized Crime of 1999. The Protocol provides for a wide definition of
trafficking, including women and men and a wide range of coercive and abusive
151
purposes, that is, forced labour as well as sexual exploitation. This was due to
the conviction of state parties that though the purposes for which human beings
are trafficked and the ways in which they are trafficked may differ and change,
the constituent elements remain constant.
Trafficking in adults as defined in the Protocol consists of three elements:
A trafficking action (recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of
persons), the use of coercive or deceptive means (threat or use of force or other
forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or
of a position of vulnerability etc.) and an exploitative and abusive purpose
(exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation,
forced labour or services, slavery or practises similar to slavery, servitude or the
removal of organs). In contrast, due to the specific vulnerability of children, the
Protocol’s definition of trafficking in children only contains the fulfilled action and
the exploitative purpose. Hence, the use of coercion or deception is not
required.
The definition does not require the crossing of borders. Hence, in-country
trafficking is also included in the definition. Internal trafficking occurs in most
countries as well. Victims of trafficking are separated from social networks, thus
culturally, linguistically or physically isolated and deprived of their ability to
control their situation. The violations and harm suffered by in-country victims are
no less than for cross-border victims.
The protocol draws a clear line between human trafficking and smuggling of
migrants, the latter being assisting the illegal entry of migrants in a given
country. The emphasis of the crime of trafficking does not lay in the transaction
or the migratory movement, but in the purpose of exploitation in conditions that
can amount to slavery-like practices.
The definitions laid down in the Palermo Protocol led to the introduction of new
penal provisions or the amendment of existing anti-trafficking provisions in
63
many countries of the world. In the EU, a Framework Decision on human
trafficking obliged the member states to penalize human trafficking, using a
definition that was modelled along the definition in the Palermo Protocol.
Member states nevertheless chose different solutions in transposing the
Framework Decision, depending on their existing legislation and legal practice
in the area of trafficking. In Germany, like in many other countries, only a penal
provision outlawing human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation
existed before. German lawmakers then introduced a new separate provision
criminalizing human trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation in 2005.
Until now, very little experience exists with the practical implementation of this
provision by law enforcement authorities and courts.
63. According to UNODC, 98 countries in the world have passed laws criminalizing trafficking for sexual exploitation and
forced labour. UNODC: Global report on Trafficking in Persons, February 2009, p.8.
152
III. What do we know about the reality of trafficking in Germany and
Europe?
Trafficking in human beings is a global phenomenon that cuts across age and
gender, although a great proportion of trafficked persons are women and
children of low socio-economic status. Therefore gender-specific aspects and
the special vulnerability of children have to be taken into consideration. Victims
are trafficked by a multitude of coercive or deceptive means and for a myriad of
exploitative and abusive purposes.
When observing trafficking from Central and Eastern Europe (also, but for a
lesser extent from south-east Asia, Africa and Latin America) to countries of
destination in Western, Central and Southern Europe, women trafficked into
forced prostitution seem to be the overwhelming majority of victims of
trafficking. This matches the result of a recent study of UNODC that collected
64
official data on trafficking globally. [German statistics] Yet the clandestine
character of the offence makes figures and statistics about trafficking unreliable.
Purposes of trafficking other than prostitution, such as marriage or domestic
labour, may just not incur the full investigative focus of the police, and the
victim's capacity to seek assistance during the trafficking process is restricted
[ILO Minimum Estimate].
In Germany, like in many other countries, trafficking for forced labour has only
recently been explicitly penalized. While in the field of trafficking for sexual
exploitation specialised police departments were formed, non-governmental
counselling centres and shelters were established as well as referral
mechanisms with the involvement of all relevant actors put in place, no such
structure so far exists in the field of forced labour.
Also the knowledge about child trafficking in the EU and in Germany is scarce.
The EU Fundamental Rights Agency will shortly publish a comparative study on
child trafficking in the EU, demonstrating the shortcomings in research, in
prosecution and in specialised infrastructure meeting children’s special needs.
IV. Achievements and Challenges
When talking about the achievements in the fight against human trafficking, one
surely has to mention first the significant raise of awareness for human
trafficking and contemporary forms of slavery – amongst international
organisations, governments, legislators, civil society and the media. Trafficking
in women for sexual exploitation has been recognized as a severe form of
violence against women. Furthermore, global labour migration is on the rise in
the course of globalization, and the consequently increased attention sheds
light also on trafficking, forced labour and modern forms of slavery. Human
trafficking has moved “from the margins to the mainstream of international
64. UNODC, p. 232 ff.
153
political discourse”.65 Nevertheless, the increased awareness sometimes
focuses on stereotypes and distorted pictures of trafficking which may rather
hamper proper identification of victims.
The raise in awareness has lead to the development of policies, institutions and
multi-stakeholder strategies including NGOs at the international, regional and
national level. Germany for example has established a national working group
on trafficking coordinated by the ministry for women, including all relevant
authorities and NGOs. Similar structures have been organized also at the level
of the federal states. Some other European countries, including the
Netherlands, have appointed National Rapporteurs on Trafficking. Other states
have adopted national action plans against trafficking. The OSCE developed
guidelines for setting up multi-stakeholder National Referral Mechanisms for the
identification and protection of trafficking victims.
Also in the field of standard-setting, significant and rapid changes have
occurred. The Palermo Protocol influenced regional and domestic laws, as
already mentioned above. The Council of Europe Convention on Action against
Trafficking in Human Beings (2005) put trafficking in the human rights context,
broadened the approach beyond the area of organized crime (to which it was
linked in the Palermo Protocol) and established a treaty monitoring body (the
GRETA mechanism). Specialised regional instruments against trafficking have
66
also been developed in South Asia and the Americas. Besides those legally
binding conventions, a multitude of soft standards have been developed in
diverse international and regional organisations.
The shift from the margins into the mainstream of the human rights agenda is
also reflected in the work of human rights mechanisms. Human trafficking is for
example an issue in the monitoring procedures of the UN treaty bodies as well
as in the UPR in the Human Rights Council. A Special Rapporteur on trafficking
in persons, especially women and children, was mandated in 2004. The
European Court on Human Rights ruled in the case Siliadan vs. France that
human trafficking constitutes a form of forced labour and servitude and that
article 4 ECHR creates positive obligations for states parties in trafficking cases.
States have taken action in the three fields covered by the Palermo Protocol prosecution, prevention and victim protection. They have trained policemen,
prosecutors and judges, established specialised police departments as well as
counselling centres and shelters for victims. They have conducted prevention
campaigns in countries of origin addressing potential victims and in countries of
destination addressing potential clients, e.g. of forced prostitutes. Social
65. Gallagher, Anne: Recent Legal Developments in the Field of Human Trafficking, European Journal of Migration and
Law 2006, p. 163.
66. Convention on Preventing and Combating Trafficking in Women and Children for Prostitution, adopted by State
members of the South-Asian Association of Regional Cooperation in 2002; Inter-American Convention on International
Traffic in Minors and Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against
Women.
154
services, safe accommodation and legal representation for identified victims are
offered, however in many countries still not nation-wide and comprehensive and
only on a precarious basis. Minimum regulations for temporary permits of stay
for identified victims have been introduced.
The first and foremost challenge is the sheer fact that despite all the efforts and
progress described above, human trafficking remains prospering worldwide.
Only the methods and routes by which and the purposes for which people are
trafficked may change. The second challenge is the lacking knowledge about
trafficking. This includes the lack of a holistic global picture of human trafficking,
but also knowledge gaps of national actors in specific fields. For example, while
research and official statistics about trafficking for sexual exploitation are
available in Germany, forced labour is still terra incognita, where only very few
single cases are known so far. The same is true for child trafficking.
The lacking knowledge results in deficient victim identification. Victim
identification is problematic in areas outside the investigative focus of law
enforcement authorities, such as sexual exploitation outside of structures of
organized crime, ‘invisible sectors’ such as domestic labour or trafficking for the
purpose of marriage, and sectors beyond the access of national authorities
such as employees of foreign diplomats.
In many countries, it can be assessed that in spite of the call for a holistic
approach in combating trafficking, prosecution is governments’ dominating
strategy whereas victims’ rights and victim protection measures are still weak.
In Germany, apart from the rather short reflection period of one month, during
which identified victims can recover and consider whether they wish to act as
witness against the traffickers, virtually all victims’ rights depend on their
consent to cooperate with prosecutors and courts. Consequently, a rights-based
and victim-centred approach is underdeveloped, which could consider the
empowerment of trafficking victims and the strengthening of migrants workers
rights an effective strategy to combat trafficking.
V. Cornerstones for a Human Rights Approach to Trafficking in Human
Beings
NHRI should promote migrant workers’ human rights as a prevention strategy
for trafficking. In the vast majority of cases, trafficking victims are willing to
migrate and loose control during the migration process. Workers’ rights,
information rights and access to remedy are especially relevant to strengthen
their position and to provide exit options from situations of extreme dependency.
The Migrant Workers Convention should be used as an interpretation guideline
for migrants’ rights arising from the general human rights treaties also in States
which refuse to sign and ratify the MWC (like the EU member states). In the
formulation of labour migration frameworks, states must avoid structures that
foster trafficking, such as tying the permit of stay to one concrete working
contract. NHRI should also oppose the stigmatisation of specific groups of
migrant workers, e.g. migrant sex workers.
155
NHRI should urge governments to ensure worker’s rights for domestic workers
of their own diplomats in foreign countries as well as rules for domestic workers
of foreign diplomats in the respective country.
NHRI should promote the principle of due diligence in the prosecution of
trafficking. Prosecution of trafficking is part of a state’s duty to protect.
Reference can be made to the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence
against Women.67 Victim’s rights in criminal proceedings must be ensured to
prevent secondary victimisation.
NHRI should promote a reinforcement of trafficking victims’ economic and social
rights internationally and domestically. Those rights must reflect the special
needs of groups in a vulnerable situation. Victims’ rights to legal counselling,
access to remedies and compensation must also be invigorated. Victim
programmes that offer assistance, accommodation and social services must
respect victims’ human rights, including the rights to privacy, freedom of
movement and self-determination.
NHRI should promote requirements for residence permits for victims must
reflect their position as victims of human rights violations. The issuing of
residence permits should be separated from the victim’s role in criminal
proceedings.
NHRI should monitor anti-trafficking measures which may infringe upon human
rights. This refers to practices in the issuing of visa or border controls that
discriminate against women, especially young women as well as measures that
discriminate against migrant sex workers. Anti-trafficking measures can as well
put restrictions on the freedom of movement, especially the right to leave one’s
country. NHRI should critically follow debates on tightening security measures
that are justified with combating trafficking.
NHRI should promote a gender-sensitive approach in all anti-trafficking
strategies. In this regard, states should also refrain from reproducing
stereotyped pictures of women victims of trafficking. Children’s rights, the
specific features of child trafficking and the special vulnerability of children must
also been taken into account in all anti-trafficking measures.
67. General Assembly resolution 48/104 of 20 December 1993, UN Doc A/RES/48/104. Art. 4 c): [States should] Exercise
due diligence to prevent, investigate and, in accordance with national legislation, punish acts of violence against women,
whether those acts are perpetrated by the State or by private persons.
156
Bahrain
Written intervention by:
Mr. Nabeel Rajab
Chairman
The Bahraini Centre for Human Rights (NGO)
… on the Situation of Women Domestic Workers in Bahrain
157
1. Introduction: Suffering in Silence
The discourse on women's rights in Bahrain largely neglects the plight of female
migrant workers, and the discourse on migrant workers often focuses on those
who are in the public eye – for example, construction workers.
In between these two categories are the tens of thousands of female migrant
workers, including domestic workers, who often leave behind families and
homes and come to the Gulf to work behind the closed doors and inside the
walls of other people's homes.
Across the world, women and children are the most vulnerable section of
society to the effects of economic, political and social ills. For migrant women,
the conditions are even worse.
According to the ILO, domestic work is the "single most important category of
employment among women migrants to the Gulf as well as to Lebanon and
Jordan". Foreign embassies and NGOs estimate that there are 70,000 foreign
domestic workers in Bahrain of predominantly Sri Lankan, Indonesian, Indian,
and Filipino origin.
Many of these women are faced with exorbitant recruitment and migration fees.
In the workplace, problems include long (or undefined) working hours, low
salaries and late payment of salaries and poor and repressive living conditions.
They suffer restrictions on movement, including the withholding of passports
and are particularly vulnerable to psychological, physical and sexual abuse. It is
extremely difficult for such victims of abuse to seek legal redress.
The BCHR calls for special attention to be drawn to this "invisible" population
who are especially vulnerable to abuse and exploitation.
2. Law
Female migrant domestic workers are also invisible to the law. Because of the
domain in which they work – households – domestic workers do not fall under
Bahrain's labour law, and therefore are not granted the protections that this law
would give. Because they are not legally classified as workers, they are unable
to exercise the rights and freedoms afforded to workers and it is difficult to
scrutinize and regulate their working and living conditions.
158
3. The "Kafala" System
The "Kafala" sponsorship system means that expatriate workers can only enter,
work, and leave certain countries with the assistance or explicit permission of
their sponsor or employer, who is a local in the country.
The "Kafala" system was drawn from a concept of "guardianship" by which
domestic workers are given residence in their employers abode. This is basis
upon which visas are issued to domestic workers.
In this system, domestic workers are legally required to live with their sponsor
(employer).
Since their legal status in Bahrain depends on the continued visa sponsorship
of their employers, those who attempt to escape from exploitative situations risk
arrest, prolonged administrative detention and deportation.
The dependence created by the sponsorship system has the consequence that
many domestic workers who suffer abuse do not make complaints against their
employers. There have even been cases where victims of abuse who had left
their sponsor's home in order to file a complaint have themselves been
imprisoned.
4. Contracts
In the contract of employment, conditions are set according to the employer's
discretion and in many (possibly the majority) cases there is no contract at all.
The Ministry of Labour has created a model contract – but how much it is used,
and how useful it is, is not clear. In addition, employers are required to pay for
the flight costs of their employees – but from cases we have seen in Bahrain,
many employers do not do this.
Lack of contractual clarity means female migrant domestic workers often end up
carrying out multiple forms of work: women are often babysitters, kitchen
helpers, cleaners, they work inside the family home and in their relatives' homes
too.
159
5. Violence Against Female Migrant Domestic Workers
In 2008, there were numerous credible reports that domestic workers in
Bahrain, especially women, were subjected to verbal and physical abuse,
including beating, sexual molestation and rape by employers and recruiting
agents. Between 30 to 40 percent of the attempted suicide cases handled by
the government's psychiatric hospitals were foreign domestic workers.
Many of these cases were reported to local embassies, the press, and the
police; however, most victims were too intimidated to sue their employers,
although they had the right to do so.
6. Other Violations of Human Rights
Upon arriving in Bahrain, women migrant workers are subjected to mandatory
health testing related to sexual and reproductive health without consent or
counselling. There is as yet no data on the issue of pregnancy and how it is
handled by employers.
In addition to this, female migrant domestic workers face long (or undefined)
working hours, low salaries and late payment of salaries and poor or repressive
living conditions.
According to a 2005 ILO study, in Bahrain the average number of work hours
for female domestic workers was 108 per week, in Kuwait 101, and in the UAE
105. These women had an average of 1 day off per month. All those
interviewed for the study spoke of control on their freedom of movement. Every
woman interviewed reported that her passport was held by their employer.
None of them were given remuneration for working overtime.
This information was confirmed to the UN Special Rapporteur on the human
rights of migrants and three other special procedure mandate holders: many
women domestic migrant workers have to work 15 to 17 hours a day, seven
days a week.
Concerns regarding discrimination and violence against women migrant
domestic workers, their working conditions, and their lack of protection under
the Labour Code have also been raised by the CERD Committee and
highlighted by the UNHCR.
The UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants also requested
Bahrain to take effective measures to prevent and redress the serious problems
160
faced by female domestic workers, including debt bondage, passport retention,
illegal confinement, rape and physical assault.
7. Lack of Access to Justice
Few women migrant domestic workers are able or willing to seek legal redress many because they are unaware of their rights, but also because they do not
have access to the institutions where they could seek help. Furthermore, there
is evidence to suggest that public authorities often privilege employers in
disputes involving migrant workers.
The government has published pamphlets on expatriate workers' rights in
several languages, provided manuals on these rights to local diplomatic
missions, and operates a telephone hotline for victims. However the
government does not provide direct assistance to victims.
Courts reportedly allow victims who do register complaints to sue for damages
or return home. If the victim brings a suit against the employer, the plaintiff
cannot leave the country for the duration of the case. Under the sponsorship
system, an expatriate worker cannot seek alternative employment while a case
is in court.
Since its inception in 2002, the Migrant Worker Protection Society (MWPS) has
supported several victims who have taken their cases to court, but
compensation to victims was reportedly very low. In the course of 2008 MWPS
withdrew several court cases, including three rape cases, citing a complete lack
of success in the courts.
Because in past years MWPS has been unsuccessful at resolving cases
against sponsors in the courts, MWPS recommends that individuals instead
attempt to resolve cases through mediation between their embassies and the
sponsors. Most of these mediations have resulted in the payment of back
payments followed by repatriation.
The Pakistani embassy reported that it successfully resolved 200 cases through
mediation between the sponsor and the worker, referred 135 to the Ministry of
Labour, and 40 to lawyers. The Pakistani embassy repatriated over 750
workers.
In September the MWPS assisted an Indian housemaid who was severely
beaten with a cricket bat by her sponsor and suffered a broken leg. She was in
the hospital and out of work for more than two months. The Indian embassy
filed a complaint against her sponsor for the beating. At year's end the
161
investigation was ongoing, and the housemaid was out of work.
Domestic workers who have no embassy representation in the country are often
subjected to the worst types of abuse, including physical and sexual abuse.
With no diplomatic mission to represent them, runaway domestic workers have
few places to turn for support.
On 13 June 2008, a Sri Lankan housemaid sought assistance from the MWPS
after running away from her Bahraini sponsor's allegedly abusive family. The
housemaid claimed her sponsor's wife and two elder children abused her on
daily basis. She was allegedly made to work seven days a week and paid a
salary of approximately $132 (50 dinars) a month. The maid's sponsor denied
the allegations but after police questioning agreed to end his legal sponsorship,
and the housemaid was repatriated with the assistance of MWPS.
In July 2008, the Ministry of Labour began investigating a complaint lodged by
the MWPS on behalf of a number of housemaids based on reports that a
leading labour recruitment agency was complicit in the abuse of individuals it
had recruited. The investigation is ongoing.
In 2008 there were approximately 500 labour cases involving a total of over 650
expatriate workers sent from the Ministry of Labour to the Public Prosecution for
investigation and prosecution.
8. Trafficking
Some action has been initiated to tackle to problem of human trafficking in
Bahrain.
The government partnered with a foreign organization to train a special,
multidisciplinary anti-trafficking unit. Several NGOs provide assistance in the
form of housing, basic health care, education, and transportation to trafficking
victims with the government's approval, including the MWPS, the Art of Living
Foundation, the Indian Community Relief Fund, and the BHRWS.
Working with an international NGO, a government shelter for female victims of
domestic abuse and trafficking assisted the return of two trafficking victims to
their home countries.
However, Bahraini law does not specifically prohibit trafficking in persons.
Workers in Bahrain originating from Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Horn of
Africa, and the former Soviet Union report conditions that indicate trafficking,
162
such as withholding of passports, restrictions on movement, and physical or
psychological intimidation to work. Some victims reported being forced into
commercial sexual exploitation; however, the most common forms of trafficking
in persons involve unskilled construction labourers and domestic workers.
It is estimated that up to half of low and unskilled expatriate workers are
subjected to illegal contract substitution, whereby workers agree to a contract in
their home country but are required to agree to and sign a different contract
upon arrival, nearly always for less pay and often for different work. Victims of
trafficking experience non-payment of salaries; inadequate meals; physical,
sexual, and psychological abuse; absence of rest days; and/or extremely long
working hours.
Prostitution is illegal in Bahrain, but in 2008 there was evidence that a number
of foreign women, particularly women from Thailand, were forced into
commercial sexual exploitation through deception or intimidation. Although
many Thai women travelled to the country voluntarily, traffickers reportedly used
false job offers and physical force to traffic some of them into commercial
sexual exploitation.
The fear of deportation or employer retaliation prevents many victims of
trafficking from making complaints to the authorities.
Under Bahraini law, the government can fine employers guilty of forced labour
up to $2,650 (1,000 dinars) and/or sentence them to terms of imprisonment not
exceeding two years. Sponsors are required to put up a deposit of $265 (100
dinars) for each runaway worker.
9. Conclusion
The problems are vast but resolutions are possible, if meaningful steps are
taken by the concerned authorities.
The BCHR calls on the Bahraini government to amend the Labour Law to cover
domestic workers, and to put in place all necessary measures to ensure its
implementation.
It is important that Bahrain adopts anti-trafficking legislation, in conformity with
the Palermo Protocol and other international conventions, including by ensuring
that all elements of trafficking in persons are defined as crimes. The drafting
process should take place in consultation with civil society.
163
As recommended by the UN Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons
following her visit to Bahrain in October-November 2006, we call for the
abolition of the sponsorship system, the establishment of mechanisms to
monitor the working conditions and compliance of employment contracts of
domestic workers in the households of their employers.
Regular inspections, in the presence of employers and workers, should be
made in migrant workers’ contracts in all categories of work.
Mandatory HIV/AIDS-testing of targeted groups should cease.
Foreign workers, on whom a large part of our economy rests, should be granted
full and fair rights to an accessible and fair system of justice.
Procedures should be implemented whereby embassies are automatically
informed when their nationals are being detained, and the authorities should
facilitate visits by the relevant consular officials.
Finally, we call on the government to ratify the International Convention on the
Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.
To ratify relevant International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions,
including Convention No. 97 (1949) on Migration for Employment, and No. 143
(1975) concerning Migrations in Abusive Conditions and the Promotion of
Equality of Opportunity and Treatment of Migrant Workers.
164
166
Annex I
The Wheel of Diversity
Creating a Diverse and Inclusive Workplace Environment
Ms. Susanne Nour
Director
Equality and Diversity Department
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Denmark
Susanne is the Director of Equality and Diversity Department at the Danish
Institute for Human Rights (DIHR) and heads the Diversity in the Workplace
Program. She is the initiator of the MIA award – a business award for best
practice in diversity and equal opportunities that has been handed out by DIHR
each year since 2004. She’s the editor and main author of the book “Diversity in
the Workplace – when we are equal but not the same” (2005). She has
developed the toolbox “The Wheel of Diversity – tools for diversity
management” (2008) and holds considerable experience in the field of diversity
training targeted companies. She has contributed to various guides about the
Danish antidiscrimination legislation. She graduated as a Master of
Anthropology from the University of Copenhagen in 1997 and has published
academic articles on identity and “transnationalism”. In her previous job with the
Danish Board for Ethnic Equality, her field of responsibility was ethnic equality
on the labour market and included membership of government committees on
discrimination and equality.
167
The Danish Institute for Human Rights’ work on diversity and equality is situated
in the Equality and Diversity Department. The Diversity in the Workplace Project
promotes equal treatment and non-discrimination in Danish companies – public
and private, large and small. The work is based on a horizontal approach to
equal treatment that incorporates the experience and knowledge of
discrimination on the grounds of gender, age, ethnicity, belief, disability and
sexual orientation. The work of the various diversity projects builds on the
following concepts and products, all developed by DIHR:
Diversity Wheel Concept
Recognizing difference as an asset is a key characteristic of diversity, and a key
value for society and organizations. At the same time, activating the full benefits
of diversity requires a comprehensive managerial process, and the creation of
an environment that is inclusive of all employees and citizens.
Structural barriers and organizational frameworks sometimes need to be
changed or developed to ensure equal opportunities for all, regardless of
personal background. The Diversity Wheel is a toolbox designed to assist
managers and organizations in making whatever changes are necessary in their
systems, structures and management practices to eliminate subtle barriers that
might keep people from reaching their full potential. The Diversity wheel has
been developed and tested in a business context, but with a wide range of
equality-focused projects also in the public sector, DIHR casts the lessons and
values of this methodology into new spheres.
Diversity Award Concept
DIHR’s diversity award concept – MIAPRISEN – celebrates best workplace
practice in diversity and equal opportunities. It builds on the MIA model for
diversity management that illustrates how a right based approach to diversity
management and a resource-oriented approach to diversity management come
together in a dynamic process in which the understanding of both opportunities
and barriers for diversity is constantly developed. Regarding the award criteria,
we work with three guiding principles which companies should respect to qualify
for the award: the rights principle, the resource principle and the result principle.
The company applying for the diversity award fills out a qualitative questionnaire
structured according to these three principles and is asked to document their
results so we get an in-depth idea of the actual workplace culture.
168
Diversity Lab Concept
Diversity Lab is a learning lab for companies. Each year 12-15 new companies
join forces in experimenting with diversity and equality in new and innovative
ways. It is an opportunity for member companies to obtain and experiment with
concrete tools and methods to increase, retain and leverage diversity in their
companies and to engage in a network with the purpose of learning and
exchanging experiences and challenges. In Diversity Lab we work intensively
with visualization of the learning process. The whole process is visualized in
visual résumés that capture the learning points and makes it possible for the
participant managers to share the process with employees and colleagues. The
companies are supported in this strategic process and dialogue by our process
facilitators as well as by a visual Diversity game-plan and roadmap.
Products
Compliance Assessment Tool
This tool allows companies to check their policies and practices against Danish
and EU law regarding discrimination and equal treatment. Companies answer
true-or-false statements on their internal processes. Checklists are illustrated
with case law examples from Denmark and the EU.
Diversity in the Workplace – when we are equal but not the same
Susanne Nour and Lars Nellemann Thisted (eds)
This book presents different perspectives on how promoting equal opportunities
and employing the resources of diversity is an ongoing challenge in many
companies. With this book the Danish Institute for Human Rights proposes the
MIA model for diversity management as a guiding tool for practical experts in
the field of diversity and equal opportunities. The model is a result of dialogues
with business experts, NGOs, and key actors and it seeks to reflect the many
examples of business practice which have surfaced during the competition for
the MIA prize.
Inspiration Catalogue
The Inspiration Catalogue contains good advises and suggestions on concrete
initiatives that promote diversity and ensure equal opportunities with practical
examples from companies formerly nominated for the MIA Award. The
169
catalogue gives inspiration to companies that consider applying for the MIA
Award. The catalogue is especially targeted at managers, human resource
managers and the responsible for diversity in the company; however; everyone
can get inspiration and good ideas from it. The catalogue is targeted at small
and large and public as well as private companies.
The Inspiration Catalogue is only in Danish and can be downloaded or ordered
in hard copy for free on www.miapris.dk
Diversity Training and Analysis of Challenges and Opportunities to
Business Diversity
DIHR offers different kinds of company analysis, based on interviews and a
visual dialogue tool developed for focus groups. The analysis creates a larger
and more nuanced understanding of the hidden and systemic barriers that can
provide challenges for diversity and equal treatment, both on the organizational
and individual level. Analyses are used as the foundation for designing and
targeted diversity plans and training for companies.
170
Annex II
Structure and Functionality
of the Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
Mr. Mu’ayyad Mehyar
Programme Manager
The Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Denmark
Mr. Mehyar holds a Master’s degree in International Conflict Resolution with a
special focus on comparative peace processes and conflict resolution and
transformation, human rights and democracy. Mu’ayyad has a diverse
contextual knowledge of the political dynamics of the Middle Eastern countries.
Mr. Mehyar has worked almost in all sectors, Public, Private, Civil Society, UN
Agencies, and International Organizations. Throughout his work across all
sectors, he developed, tracked, monitored and assessed development and
reform related programmes and activities in the MENA region. Mu’ayyad has
also established and developed partnership models to successfully execute
programmes and projects based on the central principles of empowerment,
responsibility, and choice for participants, emphasizing experiential learning and
model clear communication and offering a range of methodologies to address a
variety of learning styles and team-building needs.
Mr. Mehyar has a profound expertise in the management of foreign assistance
awards and programmes which directly support performance, operational and
strategic plans drawing on the foreign assistance resources available.
171
Some Highlights on the Dialogue
x
Let’s all keep in mind why we Dialogue? for what purpose? and what do we
want to achieve?
x
Dialogue itself as a key tool to promote human rights.
x
Mainstreaming Dialogue into national actions, projects and activities.
x
How to foster stronger relationships and cooperation among partners to the
Dialogue as a Network, between Working Groups and individually between
different NHRIs who are members of the Network.
x
Identify, as a Dialogue Network, our SWOT including identifying potentials
for change both at regional level and nationally.
x
Assessment of our performance and the impact of the Dialogue outcomes
and results.
But … Dialogue should not be limited to the high-level meetings!
172
The Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue Structure
173
The Steering Committee (SC) takes on responsibility for the Dialogue's
programme’s feasibility and strategy, approves the plan of action and
achievement of outcomes, and delegates responsibility to the Dialogue group.
All strategic decisions of the Dialogue process will be taken by the SC. The
Project Manager participates in all SC meetings and he is the major vehicle for
the SC's decisions' implementation. It is comprised of DIHR, NCHR [Jordan],
CCDH [Morocco], hosting NHRI and Donors' representatives.
The Reference Advisory Group consists of prominent individuals and
representatives of international organization, like EUFRA, OHCHR, ICC and
EMHRN, in addition to two representatives of NHRIs (one European and one
Arab) and DIHR. The group advices the SC and the Dialogue Group, provides
guidance to overall development of the Dialogue strategy, promotes anchoring
of the Dialogue, and the individual members act as 'ambassadors' for the
Dialogue.
The Secretariat supports the board as well as the implementation, monitoring
and coordination. It is responsible for administration and reporting too. It is
comprised of DIHR's Project Manager and Coordinator, NCHR's Coordinator
(Jordan), CCDH's Coordinator [Morocco].
The Arab-European NHRIs' Dialogue Group (The Programme Group) is the
TROICA group (DIHR, NCHR and CCDH). It is comprised of the Dialogue’s
programme Manager, Jordan’s and Morocco’s Project Coordinators, and
Experts and Consultants. In addition, it includes the Working Groups (WGs),
which have a major responsibility of following up and streamlining the policy
recommendations of the Dialogue into regional and national action plans.
All projects and activities are implemented by DIHR, in partnership with the
members of the SC with involvement from the Working Groups (WGs) and
representation from the entire Dialogue Group, as well as other relevant
organizations and individuals.
Legend
AEHRD: Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
NHRI: National Human Rights Institution
DIHR: The Danish Institute for Human Rights
NCHR: The National Centre for Human Rights - Jordan
CCDH: The Advisory Council on Human Rights - Morocco
EUFRA: EU Fundamental Rights Agency - Vienna
OHCHR: Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights - Geneva
ICC: International Coordination Committee of NHRIs - Geneva
EMHRN: Euro-Med Human Rights Network
SC: Steering Committee
WG: Working Group
174
The Dialogue Working Groups
A number of working groups have been established. Alongside these, new ones
could be created to support and strengthen the Dialogue process and to follow
up on the high-level dialogue meetings.
The Working Groups
x
are thematic fora created as part of the overall dialogue strategy to address
specific human rights issues based on the Dialogue's six major themes:
Access to Information, Counterterrorism, Discrimination, Migration, Torture
and the Rule of Law, and Women's Rights.
x
will conduct mapping studies and reviews on topics related to the Dialogue
themes.
x
will provide advice and consultation to the Dialogue Secretariat and
Steering Committee.
x
will also together with the Secretariat, ensure the effective delivery of the
mandate and agenda of the Dialogue.
x
contribute to active networking, through interactive exchanges and learning.
x
contribute to capacity building efforts whether for individual delegates and
participating NHRIs or for the Dialogue's high-level meetings and
processes.
x
are the operational arm of the high-level dialogue meetings. Not only do
they create a space for NHRIs to work together in the selected thematic
areas, they also create a space for cooperation with other key actors in the
region, including civil society, media, academia and the UN and EU
agencies in the respective countries.
x
follow up on recommendations of the high-level dialogue meetings and draft
work plans for future projects and studies, for example, addressing
challenges and recommendations for reform. In this way the working groups
advance the work of the high-level dialogue meetings and help
“operationalise” the recommendations on the ground.
175
Partners to the Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
Secretariat, Members and Observers
of the Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
Secretariat
Europe
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
www.humanrights.dk
Mr. Mu'ayyad Mehyar
Programme Manager
mme@humanrights.dk
Ms. Christine Drud von Haffner
Conference Coordinator
cdr@humanrights.dk
Secretariat
The Arab World
The National Centre for Human Rights in Jordan
www.nchr.org.jo
Ms. Bushra Abushahout
Head of Public and International Relations Unit
Bushra.n@nchr.org.jo
The Advisory Council on Human Rights in Morocco
www.ccdh.org.ma
Mr. Abderazzak Rouwane
Head of the External Relations Unit
rouwane@ccdh.org.ma
Members
Europe
The Irish Human Rights Commission
www.ihrc.ie
The German Institute for Human Rights
www.institut-fuer-menschenrechte.de
The National Consultative Commission of Human Rights, France
www.commission-droits-homme.fr
176
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
www.humanrights.dk
The Greek National Commission for Human Rights
www.nchr.gr
The Norwegian Centre for Human Rights
www.humanrights.uio.no
Members
The Arab World
The National Centre for Human Rights, Jordan
www.nchr.org.jo
The Advisory Council on Human Rights, Morocco
www.ccdh.org.ma
The National Council for human Rights, Egypt
www.nchr.org.eg
The Higher Committee on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, Tunisia
hcdh@email.ati.tn
moncerrouissi@yahoo.fr
The Independent Commission for Human Rights, Palestine
www.ichr.ps
The National Human Rights Commission, Algeria
tbfatiha@yahoo.fr
yhbeghoul@yahoo.fr
The National Human Rights Commission, Mauritania
www.hrc.gov.mu
Observers
Europe
The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights
www.fra.europa.eu
The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
www.ohchr.org
Institute for Human Rights, Åbo Academy University, Finland
http://web.abo.fi/instut/imr/
177
The Equality Ombudsman of Sweden
www.do.se
Raoul Wallenberg Institute
www.rwi.lu.se
International Coordinating Committee of NHRIs
for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights (ICC), Geneva
www.nhri.net
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration
www.thehagueprocess.org
Euro-Med Human Right Network
www.euromedrights.net
Observers
The Arab World
The Human Rights Commission, The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
www.haq-ksa.org
The National Commission for Human Rights, Qatar
www.nhrc-qa.org
178
Annex III
Memorandum Concerning the Position of Domestic Workers
in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)
and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA)
and their legal systems
Ms. Antoinette Vlieger
Researcher - University of Amsterdam - The Netherlands
Member - Bridging the Gulf Project
Antoinette Vlieger studied both private and international Law at the University of
Amsterdam, following many courses in cultural anthropology, economics,
politics of the Middle East and philosophy of language. Her LLM thesis
concerned the Egyptian Investment Act. She worked in corporate law for a few
years both as a lawyer and a policy advisor, but returned in April 2006 to the
University of Amsterdam. Her research concerns the question which societal
factors shape the labour relation of the domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and
the Emirates, and what causes the higher occurrence of conflicts. She has done
fieldwork in Saudi, Dubai, Manila and Jakarta and works hard to finish the thesis
in 2010. She teaches corporate law, introduction to and general theory of law,
legal argumentation and contract law from meta-legal perspectives. Her
research concerning the question which societal factors shape the labour
relation of the domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, and what
causes the higher occurrence of conflicts was an added value in the field of
labour rights.. She has done fieldwork in Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Manila and
Jakarta. Ms. Vlieger is currently working on a related PhD thesis and will finish it
in 2010.
179
1. Introduction
Domestic workers (live-in maids) on the Arabian Peninsula are in a very difficult
position. They are low educated women from countries such as the Philippines,
Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Somalia, Kenya and Morocco. They work on 2year contracts, never have a day off and usually work around 17 hours per day.
They earn about 200 dollars per month (which is ten times what they would
earn at home) but there are many conflicts over unpaid salaries. In addition,
there are many problems concerning work-load, food deprivation, oral and
physical abuse, sexual harassment, rape and (in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,
KSA) magic accusations. In the KSA there are an estimated two million
domestic workers, in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) their number is estimated
at a few hundred thousand.
Whether the women are Muslim or not does not make a difference for how they
are being treated, but their nationality very much matters. For instance the
Filipinas are usually higher educated and better aware of their rights.
Indonesians are low educated but perceived as sexually liberal and attractive,
which makes their salary as high as that of the Filipina’s. The Nepalese are
usually neither educated nor regarded as very attractive and earn about half of
the usual salary. Darker skin colour means a lower position in the hierarchy of
domestic workers; for example, Filipinas take care of children while Somalians
clean bathrooms. Furthermore, nationality is important for the question whether
the women can seek rescue in case of a conflict; certain embassies have safe
houses, while others do not. In the latter cases, women of these nationalities
have no alternative but to turn to the government, which will simply deport them,
usually without settling the conflict. Some embassies, like the Egyptian in the
UAE, deny the existence of maids of their nationality in the country; it is
considered too shameful that women have to go work as a maid abroad.
2. Trafficking
Many conflicts faced by domestic workers have their origin in the home country;
false contracts and false passports are very regular and many domestic workers
do not know how much they are going to earn. Also, at least ten percent of them
are minors for whom almost all agencies supply fake birth certificates. Some
girls are as young as 15 years old and barely literate when they leave for the
KSA. Because of all this, at least half the domestic workers both in the KSA and
the UAE fall under the international definition of trafficking victims. The tables
below (based on 250 questionnaires filled in by domestic workers who were
about to leave for either the KSA or the UAE) clearly illustrate this:
Contract
Signed a contract
Signed a readable contract
Got a copy of the contract
180
Jakarta
91%
89%
73%
Manila
77%
70%
58%
This table shows that contrary to what the laws of both Indonesia and the
Philippines prescribe, many domestic workers leave without having signed a
contract. Contrary to what most people working on migrant workers’ issues
think, the situation in the Philippines is not better than elsewhere. Also very
often the contract is substituted upon arrival in the Middle East; in the UAE
agencies recognize that there is a contract, but this is often not the one the
domestic worker has signed. In the KSA, half the agencies deny the existence
of a contract, the other half say the contract is disregarded in the country
anyway. One agency formulated it like this: “That is there and this is Saudi
Arabia and here we have our own rules and the rules are that she has no rights.
I am sorry to say, but when she comes to your house, she is your slave. No
need for contracts, that is nothing.”
Salary expectations
Salary promised by agency
Salary as stated in contract
I don’t know my salary
Jakarta
$200
$200
24%
Manila
50% $200 / 50% $400
33% $200 / 67% $400
24%
This table shows that while in Jakarta everybody who is told about the salary
mentions the correct amount, in Manila half the domestic workers are lied to;
they think they will get $400 while the rate for Filipinas is $200. Furthermore,
one third leaves on a contract other than the standard one prescribed by the
government (which states that the salary will be $400, a contract recognized
neither in the KSA, nor in the UAE). The Filipino government simply denies this.
It presents itself as trying to improve the situation of its workers, while the
results of my research show the authorities are corrupt and personally earn a lot
from migrant workers in all sorts of ways.
They told me about confinement
I will not be allowed to leave
I will probably not be allowed to leave
Nothing about that
I will be allowed to leave
Jakarta
80%
13%
5%
1%
Manila
39%
12%
25%
24%
Almost none of the domestic workers is allowed to leave the house and this
table shows that half the women from Manila have not agreed thereto, which
makes it forced confinement (and therefore trafficking). Agencies both in the
UAE and in the KSA actively stimulate the employer to permanently keep the
domestic worker inside. As one agency in Saudi Arabia formulated it: “She
works all the time, every day. You pick her up from the airport and then you put
her in the house and lock the door and after two years you open the door
again.” For the employers, the main reason not to let the domestic worker leave
the house is the amount he has paid for her (about $1500). Also, it is custom to
keep personnel inside. Especially in the countryside wives and daughters are
regularly not allowed to go outside on their own either.
In sum, many domestic workers are trafficking victims because (i) they are
181
minors, (ii) they travel on falsified or incorrect documents, (iii) they are lied to
about the salary, or (iv) they are kept inside the house without having agreed
thereto. The last reason why many fall under the definition of trafficking victims
is because they are taken to other countries than they agreed to. Indonesia
does not supply domestic workers to Israel, but many are trafficked thereto.
From Dubai, the largest flows seem to go into Oman and Iraq.
Neither the governments in the countries of origin, nor those in the KSA or the
UAE ever prosecute agency owners for all this. For extreme breaches of antitrafficking regulations, a license may be suspended for a while, but the owners
can simply restart the agency under a new license. This is due to the fact that
the trafficking business nowadays is larger than the trade in drugs or illegal
arms; the agencies operate like a mafia by bribing government people, by
making them accomplices or by casting serious threats. The only way to
regulate this business is to empower both the domestic workers and the
employers by uniting them, but restrictive NGO laws in the KSA and the UAE
make this difficult.
3. Conflicts
The conflicts that the domestic workers get into are partly explainable by their
departure problems: they may expect a salary of $400 and receive only half of it
and if they are not allowed to go out or otherwise talk to other workers, they
think their employer is the only one who pays his employees only $200. They
may be shocked about the forced confinement. Many also complain about the
work load; they sometimes lock themselves up in the bathroom to be able to get
a bit of sleep. Most do not like the Arabic food and for some that is a reason to
run away, but they may also not get enough food. Many more complain about
humiliating behaviour - about verbal and physical abuse. Some are even treated
like animals: as they are considered “dirty” they are not allowed to use the
bathroom, they are not referred to by a name, or they get to eat food that we
would consider dog-food. Also, it is not uncommon to lock the domestic worker
in the bathroom if the employer’s family leaves for the weekend.
Another serious problem mainly in Saudi Arabia is sexual harassment. The
contrast caused by the segregation of men and women (many men only get to
see their wives, mothers, daughters and sisters) and the arrival of a pretty
young stranger in the house often results in problems. Asian women are
reluctant to say “no” and Arab men usually do not like to hear or accept
objections. This, combined with the lack of understanding in Arab countries for
young women travelling to another country to serve on strange men, often
creates explosive situations. At least half the domestic workers are confronted
with harassment. In the UAE, where the traditional life is changing, the problem
of harassment is rapidly diminishing.
Problems created by the use of “magic” mainly in the KSA are unusual for
Westerners. Under "Shari’a", doing “magic” is not allowed and many Saudi’s
and Emiratis strongly believe in its dangers. For instance, Indonesians regularly
182
gather their hair for reasons we would call innocent superstition, but the
gathering is seen as very threatening by Saudi’s and can lead to punishments
of up to ten thousand lashes. Moroccans are accused of practicing “magic” to
steal husbands by adding things to their food. As the punishments are high and
no real evidence is requested by judges, “magic“ accusations are also used to
pressure domestic workers into sexual relations, or to quickly get rid of them.
4. Nowhere to Go
As the domestic workers are not allowed to leave the house, many employers
actually lock the doors to keep them inside. If a domestic works decides to run
away, it may take days before she gets a chance to climb out a window, or to
use a door that was accidentally left open. If she has not been paid, she will not
have money for a taxi and usually there are no other means of transportation.
As in Saudi Arabia women rarely walk the streets, most runaways quickly get
arrested. The ones who do have money and do not get arrested, may not
always know where to go. As mentioned before, only certain nationalities have
access to shelters. Moreover, as domestic workers are not covered by the
labour laws, the labour offices and labour courts do not deal with them. "Shari’a"
courts are not accessible as the domestic workers are not familiar with "Hanbali
Shari’a" and do not speak Arabic well enough. They would need legal aid but
this is not available for free. Proper legal assistance would cost them their two
years’ salary. In the UAE they are supposed to go to a certain office at the
immigration department, but it is practically impossible for them to know this. In
the KSA, they are supposed to write a letter to certain organizations that act as
Ombudsmen, but the organizations usually do not reply as the domestic
workers are not considered to be important. For instance the Human Rights
Commission in the KSA said: “The domestic workers don’t have problems, they
are problems.”
Going to the UAE or KSA government authorities usually means deportation
and the loss of income of at least five months. For many this is too large a
problem, so they may decide to work illegally. Depending on their nationalities,
they can tap into the illegal circuit, to find a place to live and they may be able to
acquire fake wedding certificates to live safely with a fellow country man. In
Jeddah (KSA) women without work or money may end up under the flyovers of
Sitteen Street, where hundreds of people live, waiting for the police to arrest
and deport them.
The obvious solution concerning the conflicts domestic workers have with their
employer, would be to give them access to labour courts, which are free and in
the UAE operate fairly swiftly. Yet this is fiercely rejected by both government
officials and employers as it is not considered possible to include domestic
workers under the labour law: “They are working in the house; the law cannot
go there.” This attitude, plus the fact that both governments provide luxuries
such as domestic workers to avoid social unrest among their citizens, explains
why both countries have been talking for years about adopting a law on
domestic workers without taking any action to that effect. But access to law is a
183
human right without which all other rights are useless and a right which
domestic workers in the GCC in practice do not enjoy.
5. Inadequate Legal System
The lack of access to proper courts has to be seen in the light of the poorly
functioning legal systems in both countries but especially in the KSA. As the
rule of law (fixed rules known to all and applied equally to everybody, including
the government itself) does not function properly, people refer to certain ”backup systems” to protect their legal position. These systems are (i) tribalism, (ii)
cronyism, and, (iii) corruption. In practise this means that anybody with a legal
problem will either call a family member, a powerful person they have
connections to (preferably a prince), or they pay. The domestic workers, who
neither have a tribe in the KSA or the UAE, nor the necessary connections or
money, will always lose in the absence of the rule of law.
An important matter in this respect is the fact that contrary to what many people
in the West think, "Shari’a" is often not applied in these two countries. "Shari’a"
teaches Muslims to treat others with respect, to pay workers ”before their sweat
dries”, to clothe and feed them well, not to overwork them and – very
importantly – it teaches that male employers are not allowed to have a sexual
relation with their domestic worker, or even to look at her. If only "Shari’a" would
be applied, the situation of the domestic workers would very much improve.
Both in the UAE and the KSA, the governments are trying to improve the rule of
law but they are facing several problems. The first problem is that the countries
are developing at an unprecedented speed. The main street of Dubai was a dirt
road fifty years ago but now a Manhattan-like skyline with trade centres and
stock exchanges. The switch from the patriarchal system to the contractual
system, which took about five hundred years in Europe, happens in these
countries in a few decades. Problems that require appropriate legal action come
into existence on a daily basis.
A second problem is the fact that both governments concerned are absolute
monarchies, not allowing much space to possible competitors to their power.
Therefore freedom of speech and freedom of association are highly restricted.
Yet these freedoms are also very important for the existence of civil society, for
the existence of groups and organisations which seek to solve non-political
problems. For instance, without the freedom of association and the freedom of
speech, there will not be a consumer organisation powerful enough to stop
producers from using certain chemicals in cleaning products, which may lead to
health problems for domestic workers. In short: authoritarian governments
impede discussions on and solutions for many other problems than the ones
they try to fight.
A problem only the UAE is coping with, is the fact that the Emiratis have been
reduced to make up only about 10% of the population. The larger part of the
foreigners, reside in the country only for a couple of years and only to make
184
money. They are not interested in the development of civil society activities to
advance anybody’s rights. The Emiratis themselves are not happy about having
become a minority (as it is not a democracy, they never approved) and they are
not keen on solving the problems of foreigners such as the domestic workers.
The government seems to have become aware of the troublesome lack of civil
society and is now providing funds to set up NGOs, but in the light of the
population build-up, their future does not seem very promising. Furthermore,
whereas in Europe criminality within the underclass was as of the nineteenth
century a reason to uplift them, to protect them by labour laws and to raise their
salaries, the underclass in the GCC is foreign and problematic poor people are
not uplifted but simply deported. Therefore, the argument that was in Europe
one of the strongest in the discussion on labour rights, doesn’t apply in the
GCC.
A problem faced by the KSA only is an old and powerful class of "Shari’a"
scholars. The reign of the family Saud is based on a deal between them and the
"Wahhabi" scholars, who used to have a monopoly not just over religious
matters but over almost all legislative and judiciary power. They (especially a
few particular families which have produced "Wahhabi" scholars for several
centuries such as the As-Sheikh family) do not intend to let this monopoly go
without resistance. As a result, for example, no law can be adopted against
computer hacking because of an ongoing power struggle with the religious
class, which demands a couple of years time to deduct from the Qur’an and
"Hadith" what the opinion of the Prophet would be about hacking. This has lead
to a seriously backward legal system, which is not facilitating but hampering the
modern economy.
Therefore in 2007 the King announced legal reforms, but thus far the results are
close to zero. Yet in February of this year King Abdullah has removed many
religious conservatives from power, which gives hope about promised
modernisations. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia used to have a so-called monistic
system in which treaties work directly into the national legal system. Yet as the
conservative judges collectively refused to apply the treaties, the government
seems to have switched to the dualistic system and has announced treaties will
be transcribed into national laws to stimulate implementation.
6. Conclusions
The domestic workers are a policy priority neither in the UAE nor in the KSA
and urgently need assistance. Both governments should be stimulated to
include domestic workers in the Labour Law or to write a law concerning them
specifically. Whichever they choose, the domestic workers need immediate
access to the labour courts, which should either recognise and implement the
contracts they have signed in the country of origin, or recognise them as
trafficking victims. Government deportation centres should be changed into
proper shelters. Also, human rights organisations need training in how to
educate people on aspects such as domestic violence, properly treating your
workers and respect for other cultures.
185
As for the legal systems in both the UAE and the KSA, although there are
efforts to enforce the rule of law, providing support to them would be helpful. For
instance, the quality of law schools need to be improved; students need better
preparation to their work later on which could be done in the form of legal
clinics. Bar Associations need better codes of conduct, better mechanisms to
implement these codes and help in setting up systems of continuous education.
Judges also are in need of a system of lifelong education and training about
their role in and responsibility towards society. Websites need to be built with
easily accessible information on laws and courts and first steps should be taken
in establishing free legal aid. The police force needs training in intercultural
communication and in the principle of objectively listening to both parties.
186
Annex IV
Workshop One Report
Follow-up on the Implementation of the Recommendations
of the Third High-Level Meeting held in Rabat
Chairman
Mr. Mahjoub El-Haiba
Secretary General
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
Morocco
Rapporteur
Mr. Abderazzak Rouwane
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
Morocco
187
188
In the beginning of this workshop, the recommendations issued at the third
meeting that was held in Rabat in the Moroccan Kingdom were recalled. During
the discussion, it was found that some follow-up was made by some national
institutions regarding the implementation of these recommendations, in spite of
the difference between them. There were national institutions that tried to take
into consideration all the recommendations in their adopted programs, and
there are other institutions that have focused on one aspect, being a priority and
a serious issue for them at the national level.
Generally speaking, we can say that working towards the implementation of
these recommendations concerns the following aspects:
1. Some national institutions should urge the governments of their countries to
ratify the human rights agreements that they have not ratified yet, especially
the convention for the protection of the migrant workers and the members of
their families and the Geneva conventions for the protection of refugees and
the ILO conventions. It is noted that there are further efforts to be exerted in
this respect.
2. The cooperation of some national institutions with the High Commission for
Human Rights to implement programs for promoting and protecting
refugees' rights, which included the organizing of seminars, workshops and
training courses.
3. Organizing seminars and awareness training courses to serve the law
enforcers in order to enhance the protection of the refugees' rights as well
as the rights of the illegal immigrants.
4. Monitoring the situations of the refugees and the immigrants by some
national institutions, which enabled them to complete studies and submit
proposals and recommendations. This includes a study of the laws on
asylum and migration. It is noticed that there is a difference in this respect
between the national institutions. There are national institutions that have
submitted proposals and recommendations for amending the existing laws
and aligning them with the international standards for human rights or for
the adoption of new laws, and there are national institutions that have
already embarked on that.
5. A group of national institutions are working on looking into the complaints
that are submitted to them by refugees or migrants and they are working on
finding solutions for that, in addition to inserting clauses on this matter in the
annual report.
189
6. The contribution of some national institutions in reinforcing the role of the
judiciary in the protection of the rights of migrant workers, especially in what
concerns equality and non-discrimination.
7. Involving some national institutions – for the purpose of protecting and
enhancing the rights of the migrants and refugees – in the national plans to
promote human rights in general or promote the human rights culture in
particular.
8. Monitoring special efforts by some national institutions to counter new
phenomena that have been increasing in recent years, such as the illegal
migration and the human trafficking phenomena, from the perspective of
protecting the rights of the victims of these two phenomena.
Regarding the discrimination issue and the role of the national institutions in
combating it, all participants noticed that despite of the difference between the
countries regarding the extent of progress of these laws and the compliance
with the international standards in the field of human rights, there is a gap
between the legal provisions and the practical reality, which necessitated the
intensification of efforts to improve these laws on one hand, and providing the
guaranties for their implementation on the other hand. The participants noticed
that there was a dire need in this respect, whether in Europe regarding the
escalation of the phenomenon of racism, hatred of foreigners and Islamphobia,
or for the Arab world regarding the presence of shortcomings/loopholes in
ensuring some equal rights for migrant workers, or in combating and eliminating
human trafficking for the two regions.
Finally, the participants alluded to the world economic crisis and noticed its
implication on migrant workers and their right to work. Reference was made to
the involvement of some national institutions in the field of the protection of the
rights of some migrants that have been violated as a result of this crisis. They
considered this subject to be an issue that the national institutions should work
on in terms of human rights protection, and the protection of the rights of
migrant workers in particular.
190
Annex V
Workshop Two Report
Follow-up on the Implementation of the Recommendations of the
Third High-Level Meeting held in Rabat
Chairman
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
The Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights
Jordan
Rapporteur
Randa Siniora
Executive Director
The Independent Committee for Human Rights
Palestine
191
Participants agreed at the beginning of the discussion to allude to the steps
taken at the level of the Arab-European dialogue through the cooperation
between the institutions in the Arab world and Europe for the implementation of
the recommendations of the Rabat declaration, and then to move on to discuss
the practical steps that were taken at the national level by the national
institutions to implement the recommendations of the Rabat Declaration. The
connection between both cases was clear, as well as the three other axes of
discussion that have been set for every one of the working groups.
There appeared to be a disparity between the national institutions regarding the
implementation of the recommendations of the Rabat Declaration. However, it
was clear that some national institutions have actually covered a big distance in
this respect, by including in their annual action plans different activities for
implementing the recommendations of the Rabat declaration. The second
working group concluded the following:
1. At the level of cooperation between the national institutions in the Arab
world and Europe, the participants have suggested the necessity of
exchanging and enhancing experiences, especially in what concerns the
use of "Treaty-based machineries", and specifically the mechanism of
Migrant workers committee" and the UPR.
2. The national institutions shall use the annual reports as a suitable tool for
following-up on the recommendations, especially the ones relevant to
requesting the signing and the ratification of the international conventions
on migrant workers and their families, and the ILO conventions on migrant
workers. The annual reports should also be a tool for following-up on the
recommendations regarding the alignment of the national legislations with
the international human rights standards, and to give particular attention to
the rights of the migrant workers from marginalized categories, especially
the house workers and the women.
3. The national institutions in the Arab world and Europe shall urge their
countries to sign and ratify the international conventions on migrant
workers, through the use of "the lobbying advocacy" tool. They shall focus
in particular on the role of the media and the different media means, and
shall communicate with the governments to ask them to adhere to the
different international conventions, and to attend the meetings of the
committees concerned with conventions, foremost the international
conventions on migrant workers, and to use the regional mechanisms too,
most importantly the European mechanism, i.e. the council of Europe, and
the European Court for Human Rights and the European Parliament. Also,
to work with the permanent committee for human rights that is affiliated to
the Arab League.
4. To continue to work at the national level to adopt laws and legislations in
line with the international conventions on the rights of migrant workers, and
to submit different bills that would guaranty the rights of migrant workers in
192
the national legislations, knowing that some national institutions had
submitted proposals for the relevant bills and pushed for them. There were
some successes as well as some failures. It was agreed that constant
assessment of the progress made in this field should be made, as well as a
constant exchange of experiences and expertise between the national
institutions under the framework of the Euro-Arab dialogue.
5. The participants alluded to the importance of activating the grievances, and
the different remedies, including the judicial intervention, to enable the
victims of human rights violations, and in particular the human trafficking
victims, to benefit from the judicial intervention and to claim compensation
for those victims, through the European council, especially that there are 8
countries in the European council accredited as national bodies, and can
address the European council and the European court for human rights and
the European parliament for the purpose of protecting the rights of the
migrant workers and the refugees, and resort to the European court for
human rights. I suggest that in the future a representative of the European
council or of the European court for human rights be invited to the Arab
European dialogue when discussing the subject of migrant labour.
6. At the national level, several national institutions for human rights followedup on the recommendations of the Rabat Declaration by receiving the
complaints of the migrant workers, the victims and following them up with
the official parties, using all possible means including the judicial
intervention. The different national institutions opened what is called "the
hot line" for the purpose of receiving and following up the complaints of the
migrant workers.
7. The participants indicated the necessity for cooperation amongst the
national institutions for human rights and the Ombudsman in the
Mediterranean region and in Europe in general, as well as the necessity of
cooperation with NGOs especially the ones that work on the issues of
refugees and migrant workers, or on the issues of the non-registered
migrant workers, for the purpose of protecting their rights. I particularly refer
to the necessity of focusing work and cooperation with the labour unions
and federations to protect the rights of the migrant workers.
8. To build the capacities and promote the culture of human rights and
disseminate it in general, particularly for the NGOs, including awareness
raising and training on the use of international human rights mechanisms.
Also, to work in partnership with the NGOs in order to activate work on the
protection of rights and liberties for the migrant workers, through the use of
international human right mechanisms. The participants emphasized the
necessity to continue to present training programs for the law enforcers and
the officials, the public employees and the police and others from the official
parties, to guaranty their carrying out of their work and responsibilities with
full observance of the rights of the migrant workers, especially the
marginalized ones.
193
9. To continue with the awareness and training programs and the programs
that target the dissemination and generalization of the human rights culture
in general and the rights of the migrant workers in particular, and to
encourage the efforts exerted by the different national institutions in
developing programs of awareness and education on human rights and
some attempts by the national institutions to include the human rights
standards in the educational curricula, and to introduce subjects in schools
and universities on human rights in general and migrant workers rights in
particular. Also, to benefit from the different accumulated experiences at the
different national institutions in this field, through the exchange of best
practices to promote human rights, through awareness and education on
human rights issues, including the generalization of manuals prepared by
the national institutions and relevant to the dissemination of the human
rights culture.
10. The participants referred to the specificity of the Palestinian situation
regarding the Palestinian labour, and the migrant workers in the light of the
continued Israeli occupation, and its implications on the Palestinian labour,
especially with the closing down of the crossings, which led to the increased
unemployment and the development of a special situation, whereby the
Palestinian territories are no longer recipient areas nor even areas for
exporting migrant labour. Reference was made to the necessity of
protecting the rights of the Palestinian refugees in the host countries and
the different countries of the world, and to permit them in some countries to
practice their right to work.
11. The participants suggested the necessity for the Euro-Arab dialogue to hold
a special meeting to discuss the subject of the refugees because it overlaps
with the subject of migrant labour, and is a vital subject that was referred to
more than once during the discussion.
12. The necessity to institutionalize the relation between the European and
Arab institutions between the dialogue sessions, and to set up a mechanism
for ensuring the follow-up and work continuity, particularly through the troika
comprising the National Jordanian Centre for Human Rights, the Advisory
Council on Human Rights in Morocco and the Danish Institute for Human
Rights.
194
Annex VI
The Hague Statement
on Migrant Workers’ Human Rights
195
Preamble
The Fourth Arab-European NHRIs’ Dialogue on Migrant Workers’ Human
Rights held at the Peace Palace in The Hague, The Netherlands on 11-13
March 2009, was organised by the Danish Institute for Human Rights (DIHR)
together with its partners the Moroccan Advisory Council on Human Rights
(CCDH), and the Jordanian National Centre for Human Rights (NCHR) [the
Troika] in coordination with The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration,
with effective participation from NHRIs’ representatives from Europe and the
Arab World including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, Tunisia, Algeria, Mauritania,
Palestine, Sweden, France, Germany, Norway, Ireland and Greece. Also,
representatives from ILO Arab Regional Office in Beirut and ILO European
Regional Office in Geneva, the European Union Agency for Fundamental
Rights, The Raoul Wallenberg Institute in Sweden, The Euro-Mediterranean
Human Rights Network, The General Secretariat of the Arab League, the Erste
Group Bank AG of Switzerland, The Bahraini Human Rights Centre, Novo
Nordisk and the Human Rights Ambassador of The Netherlands attended the
meeting.
During the meeting, participants were actively engaged in discussions about
challenges and gaps between the human rights standards aiming at protecting
migrant workers’ human rights, and the international and national
implementation in practice. Fruitful and constructive discussions took place at
the meeting in The Hague considering the realities on the ground in terms of
respect for migrant workers’ human rights as well as the lack of ratification and
consequent implementation of international human rights’ standards.
Recalling and following-up on the recommendations of the Arab-European
NHRIs’ Third High-Level Meeting on Migration and Human Rights, in RabatMorocco, May 2008,
Reaffirming that NHRIs in the European Continent and Arab World, in
conformity with the Paris Principles, should continuously strengthen their roles
as independent bodies and encourage the promotion and protection of human
rights, including the rights of migrant workers,
Owing to increasing mobility, dialogue and cooperation among NHRIs at the
bilateral, regional and international levels have, increasingly, become important
to effectively address the opportunities and challenges of migration within and
between all countries, including those of origin, transit and destination,
196
Confirming that NHRIs from the two regions agree to develop and strengthen
regional, cross-regional and bilateral collaboration aimed at exchanging
experiences as well as good practices while exploring opportunities and
challenges that support NHRIs in their endeavours to promote and protect
migrant workers’ human rights at all levels and across all sectors,
Considering the Third Arab-European High-Level Dialogue Meeting of NHRIs’
and its concluded Declaration in Rabat-Morocco, on Migration and Human
Rights, in May 2008, as an integral part of this statement,
The participants in the Fourth High-Level Meeting on Migrant Workers’ Human
Rights, agreed to commit themselves to work towards ensuring the promotion
and protection of migrant workers’ human rights at the national, regional and
international level, and across all sectors. In order to achieve this, the following
recommendations were adopted:
1. NHRIs should actively encourage the development of a right-based
approach to migrant workers human rights – especially to the most vulnerable
of migrants, including women, children, unregistered and domestic workers.
Human rights should become an integral part of any migration-related policy or
procedure including the observance of international human rights norms with
focus on equality and non discrimination, standard setting and accountability.
2. NHRIs should actively encourage the use of bilateral agreements,
cooperation and action plans between sending and receiving countries to
promote and protect migrant workers rights.
3. NHRIs should encourage the enforcement of legal protection for all migrant
workers including effective remedies and access to justice.
4. NHRIs should review labour laws and labour contracts in their respective
countries with a view to promoting their conformity with international human
rights standards which should be incorporated into their national laws.
5. NHRIs should strive to establish monitoring and reporting mechanisms as
well as observatory bodies to ensure the gathering of information, statistics,
research, and studies. Furthermore, NHRI’s should establish communication
channels and easy access to advice on complaints and legal aid (for instance
anonymous gender-balanced hotlines, web or mobile-phone services).
197
6. NHRIs should foster the freedom of movement of migrant workers, in
particular freedom of movement of Palestinian migrant workers under
occupation and Palestinian migrant worker’s residing in the Arab and European
countries.
7. NHRIs should promote and encourage governments for the enforcement of
legislation vis-a-vis freedom of association of migrant workers and secure
access to trade unions as well as the effective rights of trade unions.
8. NHRIs should urge states and the private sector to respect the fundamental
rights of migrants particularly in times of economic recession and the ongoing
global financial economic crisis ensuring that any cut-down in the workforce
occurs in a non-discriminatory way.
9. NHRIs are encouraged to work with the private and public sectors to
promote and develop tools to help implement non-discriminatory practices and
tools of diversity in their recruitment of staff.
10. NHRIs urge states to critically review the existing "Kafala" system and other
employee sponsored contracts, including an abolishment of the retention of
passports and find alternative systems that guarantee the rights of the
employee.
11. NHRIs should actively develop and foster cooperation with the ombudsmen
offices in their respective countries, as well as civil society organizations, trade
unions, private sector, media and academia. The aim of this cooperation is to
specifically promote migrant workers’ human rights, raise awareness and to
develop a human rights’ culture.
12. NHRIs affirmed that a concrete definition of labour exploitation is needed
and that they should work with concerned agencies and research institutions to
have this definition instituted.
13. NHRIs should establish or promote the establishment of databases and
collect information on migration and migrant workers to be disaggregated by
e.g. sex, geographic origin, age, and ethnicity; with a view to identifying
discrimination on those bases.
14. NHRIs should promote the development of joint migration policies that go
together with trade and investment policies as needed.
198
15. NHRIs should advocate for adoption and implementation of adequate
protection of human and labour rights of migrant workers under law through
ratification of the relevant international conventions, namely the 1990
International Convention on Rights of Migrant Workers and ILO Conventions 97
and 143 on migration employment.
16. NHRIs should ensure that their countries have an independent national
human rights monitoring body explicitly mandated to address protection and
enforcement of human rights of non-nationals, including powers to receive
complaints and to pursue resolution of individual cases.
17. NHRIs should support the strengthening of and cooperation with national
labour inspection covering sectors and workplaces where migrant workers may
be concentrated, and secure provisions for proper training to address particular
vulnerabilities and situations of non-citizen workers.
18. NHRIs should canvass for reforms of labour law towards international
harmonisation and in line with the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and
the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant
Workers and Members of their Families.
19. NHRIs should pursue the issue of migrant workers representation in
society. Providing ‘voice’ to migrant workers is necessary to enhance their
social and economic position as well as their protection.
20. NHRIs should make the institutional protection of migrant workers a priority.
They should pursue advocacy to revise labour regulations to include all workers
and to institute universal labour contracts which make explicit reference to all
minimum standards related to their work.
21. NHRIs agreed to foster increased cooperation among themselves and with
civil society organizations and academia at all levels and through different
means like (e.g.) research and exchange programmes, twining programmes,
comparative studies, exchange of databases, joint newsletters and virtuallyonline.
22. Participants affirmed the importance of mainstreaming the work of the ArabEuropean Human Rights Dialogue and agreed to:
199
x
Institutionalize the Arab-European Dialogue and develop a three-year
strategic framework and an annual plan to be proposed by the Secretariat
of the Dialogue (the Troika) and to be presented and discussed in the next
dialogue meeting.
x
Establish a new working group on migration in addition to the formerly
established ones on Access to information and Counterterrorism.
x
NHRIs prepare a written report on how they follow-up on this statement and
recommendations are to be submitted ahead of the next dialogue meeting.
x
NHRIs agreed to have a permanent agenda item in all future dialogue
meetings, which relates to NHRIs’ follow-up on how they mainstreamed the
dialogue meetings’ recommendations into national action plans and work.
23. Participants welcomed the invitation from the Qatari Human Rights
Commission to host and co-organize the Fifth High-Level Meeting on Women’s
Rights on 8 -10 March 2010.
200
Annex VII
The Field Visit to the Permanent Court of Arbitration
A Presentation on the Court's Systems and Procedures
Aloysius Llamzon
Legal Counsel
The Permanent Court of Arbitration
The Netherlands
201
A. History of the PCA
x
x
PCA created in 1899 at the first Hague Peace Conference at the initiative of
Czar Nicholas II.
Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes: “object of
seeking the most objective means of ensuring to all peoples the benefits of
a real and lasting peace, and above all, of limiting the progressive
development of existing armaments”.
1899 Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes
Chapter I. On the System of Arbitration
Article 15
International arbitration has for its object the settlement of differences between
States by judges of their own choice, and on the basis of respect for law.
Article 16
In questions of a legal nature, and especially in the interpretation or application
of International Conventions, arbitration is recognized by the Signatory Powers
as the most effective, and at the same time the most equitable, means of
settling disputes which diplomacy has failed to settle.
Chapter II. On the Permanent Court of Arbitration
Article 20
With the object of facilitating an immediate recourse to arbitration for
international differences, which it has not been possible to settle by diplomacy,
the Signatory Powers undertake to organize a Permanent Court of Arbitration,
accessible at all times and operating, unless otherwise stipulated by the parties,
in accordance with the Rules of Procedure inserted in the present Convention.
B. Arbitration Overview
x
x
x
x
Parties refer dispute to arbitrator/s for final and binding decision
Decision according to law (cf. mediation)
Differences vis-à-vis National or international Court Adjudication:
ƒ Specially constituted Tribunal
- knowledge and experience relevant to dispute
- parties have role in selecting arbitrators
- neutral nationality of presiding arbitrator
- usually 3, sometimes 1 or 5
ƒ Flexibility
- hearings anywhere in the world (incl. any Arab League State)
- procedural timetable and features to suit parties and tribunal
ƒ Confidential (unless parties agree otherwise)
No Appeal
202
C. Structure of the PCA
x
x
x
Administrative Council
Members of the Court
International Bureau
PCA Member States within the Arab League
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
Bahrain (2008)
Egypt (1968)
Iraq (1970)
Jordan (1992)
Kuwait (2003)
Lebanon (1968)
Libya (1996)
Morocco (2001)
Qatar (2005)
Saudi Arabia (2002)
Sudan (1966)
United Arab Emirates (2008)
Members of the Court
Article 23
Within the three months following its ratification of the present Act, each
Signatory Power shall select four persons at the most, of known competency
in questions of international law, of the highest moral reputation, and
disposed to accept the duties of Arbitrators.
The persons thus selected shall be inscribed, as Members of the Court, in a list
which shall be notified by the Bureau to all the Signatory Powers.
Members of the Court
United Kingdom
Her Excellency Dame Rosalyn Higgins, DBE, QC
President of the International Court of Justice
The Rt Hon Lord Bingham of Cornhill, PC, MA
Senior Lord of Appeal in Ordinary
Sir Arthur Watts, KCMG QC
Arbitrator under Law of the Sea Convention; Counsel in ICJ cases and
international arbitrations; former Legal Advisor Foreign and Commonwealth
Office
Sir Elihu Lauterpacht, CBE, QC
Honorary Professor of International Law, University of Cambridge
203
Members of the Court
United States of America
Mr. William H. Taft IV
Former Legal Adviser of the U.S. Department of State
Mr. Davis R. Andrews
Former Legal Adviser to the U.S. Department of State
Mr. John B. Bellinger, III
Legal Adviser, U.S. Department of State
Judge Stephen M. Schwebel
Former member and President of the ICJ
International Bureau
x
x
x
Experienced legal and administrative staff
Multinational and multilingual
Provide support to participants and tribunals in arbitral proceedings:
ƒ full registry services and legal support to tribunals
ƒ serving as the official channel of communications
ƒ ensuring safe custody of documents
ƒ can also provide legal research
ƒ financial administration
ƒ logistical and technical support for meetings/hearings
ƒ travel arrangements
ƒ general secretarial and linguistic support
ƒ appoint arbitrators and resolve arbitrator challenges
ƒ advise parties contemplating bringing a case
D. Activities of the PCA
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
State-to-State Disputes
Public-Private Disputes
Intra-State Disputes
UNCITRAL Rules and Appointment of Arbitrators
Disputes Involving Intergovernmental Organizations
PCA Optional Rules
x
Arbitrating Disputes between Two States
x
Arbitrating Disputes between Two Parties of Which Only One Is a State
x
Arbitration Involving International Organizations and States
204
x
Arbitration between International Organizations and Private Parties
x
Conciliation
x
Fact-finding Commissions of Inquiry
x
Guidelines for Adapting the Permanent Court of Arbitration Rules to
Disputes arising Under Multilateral Agreements and Multiparty
Contracts
x
Permanent Court of Arbitration Optional Rules for Arbitration of Disputes
Relating to Natural Resources and the Environment and Optional Rules
for Conciliation of Disputes Relating to Natural Resources and the
Environment
Financing Agreement between the European Community and the Asean
University Network (2000)
Article 26
Arbitration
Any dispute between the Community and the Beneficiary, arising from the
implementation of this Agreement which is not settled by common accord by the
Parties in due time, shall be settled by arbitration, in accordance with the
Permanent Court of Arbitration’s Optional Rules for Arbitration involving
International Organisations and States (The Hague).
Statistical Trends in Activity
Growth in PCA's Caseload Since 1900
205
Permanent Court of Arbitration
Number of pending cases during the course of each year since 2000
At Present (March 2009): 31 pending cases
D. Activities of the PCA
1. State-to-State Disputes
The United States of America v. The Netherlands
The Island of Palmas Case (or Miangas)
Eritrea v. Yemen
UNCLOS
Part XV: Settlement of Disputes
Section 2: Compulsory Procedures Entailing Binding Decisions
Article 287
Choice of Procedure
1. When signing, ratifying or acceding to this Convention or at any time
thereafter, a State shall be free to choose, by means of a written declaration,
one or more of the following means for the settlement of disputes concerning
the interpretation or application of this convention:
a. International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea established in accordance
with Annex VI;
b. the International Court of Justice;
c. an arbitral tribunal constituted in accordance with Annex VII […]
UNCLOS
Barbados v. Trinidad & Tobago
206
PCA Cases under UNCLOS
Malaysia v. Singapore
Land reclamation by Singapore – settled September 1, 2005
Barbados v. Trinidad & Tobago
Maritime delimitation – finalized April 11, 2006
Ireland v. United Kingdom
Mox Plant Case – finalized October 2008
Guyana v. Suriname
Maritime delimitation – finalized September 17, 2007
Belgium v. The Netherlands
Treaty Interpretation; Environmental Law
Eritrea v. Ethiopia
2. Public-Private Disputes
First case between a State and private party:
Radio Corporation of America v. Republic of China
Agreement to Arbitrate is in a Contract
Example 1: The Eurotunnel Case
Example 2: Centerra Gold Inc. & Kumtor Gold Company v. Kyrgyz Republic
The Rise of Investor-State Arbitration
x
Claim by a foreign investor against a host State
x
Old days: resort to diplomatic protection
x
Now: sue State directly in arbitration, if State consents (e.g. treaty)
x
Purpose of investment treaties, mutual benefit
x
Investor-State arbitration has been on the rapid rise
x
Substantive protections: expropriation, fair and equitable treatment, etc.
x
Procedural rights: arbitration
207
The rise of Investor-State Arbitration: Boom in BITs
Number of BITs concluded, cumulative and year by year, 1990-2004
Source: UNCTAD, as of November 2005
www.unctad.org/iia
The Rise of Investor-State Claims
Known investment treaty arbitrations, (cumulative and newly instituted cases, by year) a/
As at October 2008, the PCA has 20 pending
investor-state disputes (2/3 current docket)
208
Choices of Fora for Investor-State Disputes
What forum and rules are parties choosing?
Investment Treaty News: 2006 - A Year in Review
2006 known treaty cases by rules of arbitration
3. Intra-State Disputes
Abyei Arbitration
Article 1
Rules, Tribunal, Registry, and Appointing Authority
1- The parties agree to refer their dispute to final and binding arbitration under
this arbitration agreement (Agreement) and the Permanent Court of Arbitration
(PCA Optional Rules for Arbitrating Disputes between Two Parties of Which
Only One is a State (PCA Rules), subject to such modifications as the parties
agreed herein or may agree in writing.
The issues that shall be determined by the Tribunal are the following:
a- Whether or not the ABC experts had, on the basis of the agreement of the
Parties as per the CPA, exceeded their mandate which is "to define (i.e. delimit)
and demarcate the area of the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms transferred to
Kordofan in 1905" as stated in the Abyei Protocol, and reiterated in the Abyei
Appendix and the ABC terms of Reference and Rules of Procedure.
b. If the Tribunal determines, pursuant to Sub-article (a) herein that the ABC
experts did not exceed their mandate, it shall make a declaration to that effect
and issue an award for the full and immediate implementation of the ABC
Report.
c. If the Tribunal determines, pursuant to Sub-article (a) herein, that the ABC
experts exceeded their mandate, it shall make a declaration to that effect, and
shall proceed to define (i.e. delimit) on map the boundaries of the area of the
209
nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms transferred to Kordofan in 1905, based on the
submissions of the Parties.
4- UNCITRAL Rules and Appointment of Arbitrators
Article 6
1- If a sole arbitrator is to be appointed, either party may propose to the other:
a) The names of one or more persons, one of whom would serve as the sole
arbitrator…
2- If within thirty days after receipt by a party of a proposal made in accordance
with paragraph 1 the parties have not reached agreement on the choice of a
sole arbitrator, the sole arbitrator shall be appointed by the appointing authority
agreed upon by the parties. If no appointing authority has been agreed upon by
the parties, or if the appointing authority agreed upon refuses to act or fails to
appoint the arbitrator within sixty days of the receipt of a party's request
therefore, either party may request the Secretary-General of the Permanent
Court of Arbitration at The Hague to designate an appointing authority.
The UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules
Growth in PCA Appointing Authority Cases Since 1976
Host Country Agreements
x
Establishes legal framework for future PCA-administered proceedings to be
held in territory of host state, without need for permanent physical presence
ƒ
ƒ
ƒ
Cooperate to ensure adjudicators, staff, participants able to perform
functions
Secure provision of facilities and services (office space, meeting space)
Regulate privileges and immunities for PCA arbitrators, staff, parties,
counsel
210
x
Benefits: attracts arbitrations to host country, raises profile of host country
as arbitral forum, increases awareness of PCA, strengthens cooperation
between PCA and regional institutions, increases accessibility of PCAadministered dispute resolution
x
Agreements with Singapore, Costa Rica, Lebanon, South Africa, India
ƒ
x
2008: Successful hearings in Costa Rica
Agreement can take Member State Concerns into Account
ƒ
Mauritius Draft Agreement: PCA to Play a Role in Mauritius
International Arbitration Act; Mauritius to Fund Permanent Office
Financial Assistance Fund
x
1994: Administrative Council established Financial Assistance Fund
x
Fund relies on voluntary contributions (Norway, Cyprus, UK, South Africa,
Costa Rica, Saudi Arabia, Switzerland, Lebanon and a very significant sum
from The Netherlands)
x
Available to qualifying states to help offset costs related to arbitration and
other modes of dispute settlement
x
Indonesia Potentially eligible. To qualify:
ƒ
ƒ
ƒ
x
Member State (i.e. parties to 1899 or 1907 Conventions)
concluded agreement to go to PCA-administered arbitration
listed on “DAC List of Aid Recipients” prepared by OECD
6 grants have been made (2 Asian States, 3 African States, 1 Central
American); most recent was a EUR400,000 grant in the Abyei Arbitration for
Sudan
211
DAC List of ODA Recipients
Effective for reporting on 2008, 2009 and 2010 flows
Least Developed Countries
Other Low Income Countries
(per capita GNI < $935 in
2007)
Lower Middle Income
Countries and Territories
(per capita GNI $936 - $3 705
in 2007)
Upper Middle Income
Countries and Territories
(per capita GNI $3 706 - $11
455 in 2007)
Afghanistan
Angola
Bangladesh
Benin
Bhutan
Burkina Faso
Burundi
Cambodia
Central African Rep.
Chad
Comoros
Congo, Dem. Rep.
Djibouti
Equatorial Guinea
Eritrea
Ethiopia
Gambia
Guinea
Guinea-Bissau
Haiti
Kiribati
Laos
Lesotho
Liberia
Madagascar
Malawi
Maldives
Mali
Mauritania
Mozambique
Myanmar
Nepal
Niger
Rwanda
Samoa
São Tomé and Príncipe
Senegal
Sierra Leone
Solomon Islands
Somalia
Sudan
Tanzania
Timor-Leste
Togo
Tuvalu
Uganda
Vanuatu
Yemen
Zambia
Côte d'Ivoire
Ghana
Kenya
Korea, Dem. Rep.
Kyrgyz Rep.
Nigeria
Pakistan
Papua New Guinea
Tajikistan
Uzbekistan
Viet Nam
Zimbabwe
Albania
Algeria
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Bolivia
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Cameroon
Cape Verde
China
Colombia
Congo, Rep.
Dominican Republic
Ecuador
Egypt
El Salvador
Georgia
Guatemala
Guyana
Zimbabwe
Honduras
India
Indonesia
Iran
Iraq
Jordan
* Anguilla
Antigua and Barbuda 1
Argentina
Barbados 2
Belarus
Belize
Botswana
Brazil
Chile
Cook Islands
Costa Rica
Croatia
Cuba
Dominica
Fiji
Gabon
Grenada
Jamaica
Kazakhstan
Lebanon
Libya
Malaysia
Mauritius
*Mayotte
Mexico
Montenegro
*Montserrat
Nauru
Oman 1
Palau
Panama
Serbia 3
Seychelles
South Africa
*St. Helena
St. Kitts-Nevis
St. Lucia
St. Vincent and Grenadines
Suriname
Trinidad and Tobago 2
Turkey
Uruguay
Venezuela
Macedonia, Former Yugoslav
Republic of Marshall Islands
Micronesia, Federated States
Moldova
Mongolia
Morocco
Namibia
Nicaragua
Niue
Palestinian Administered
Areas
Paraguay
Peru
Philippines
Sri Lanka
Swaziland
Syria
Thailand
*Tokelau
Tonga
Tunisia
Turkmenistan
Ukraine
* Wallis and Futuna
* Territory.
1- Antigua & Barbuda and Oman exceeded the high income country threshold in 2007. In accordance with the DAC rules
for revision of this List, both will graduate from the List in 2011 if they remain high income countries until 2010.
2- Barbados and Trinidad & Tobago exceeded the high income country threshold in 2006 and 2007. In accordance with the
DAC rules for revision of this List, both will graduate from the List in 2011 if they remain high income countries until 2010.
3- At present aid to Kosovo is recorded under aid to Serbia. Kosovo will be listed separately if and when it is recognised by
the UN.
As of April 2008, the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) are: Afghanistan, Benin, Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Burundi,
Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo (Dem. Rep.), Congo (Rep.), Côte d’Ivoire, Eritrea, Ethiopia,
Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Kyrgyz Republic, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali,
Mauritania, Mozambique, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia,
Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda and Zambia.
212
Annex VIII
List of Participants
213
Participants from Europe
Denmark
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen
jch@humanrights.dk
Executive Director
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Mr. Mu'ayyad Mehyar
mme@humanrights.dk
Programme Manager
The Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Ms. Christine Drud von Haffner
cdr@humanrights.dk
Conference Coordinator
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Ms. Nanna Margrethe Krusaa
nmk@humanrights.dk
Legal Officer
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
France
Ms. Souhila Zitouni
michel.forst@cncdh.pm.gouv.fr
The Secretary General
The National Consultative Commission of Human Rights
Germany
Dr. Petra Follmar-Otto
Follmar@institut-fuer-menschenrechte.de
Head of Human Rights Policies Unit
The German Institute for Human Rights
Greece
Ms. Tina Stavrinaki
tstavrinaki@nchr.gr
Legal Officer
The Greek National Commission for Human Rights
214
Ireland
Ms. Kirsten Roberts
kroberts@ihrc.ie
Head of Research, Policy and Promotion
Ireland Human Rights Commission
Sweden
Mr. Yamam Al-Zubaidi
The Equality Ombudsman
Norway
Mr. Nils Butenschøn
n.a.butenschon@nchr.uio.no
Executive Director
The Norwegian Centre for Human Rights
Participants from the Arab World
Algeria
Mr. Youssef Beghoul
yhbeghoul@yahoo.fr
Chairman
The Consultative Committee for the Development and Protection of Human
Rights
Ms. Fatiha Baghdadi
tbfatiha@yahoo.fr
Board Member
The Consultative Committee for the Development and Protection of Human
Rights
Egypt
Mr. Mohamed Said El-Dakak
saideldakkak@yahoo.it
Board Member
The National Council for Human Rights
Mr. Salah El-Din Amer
alshaymaa_abuelenen@hotmail.com
Board Member
The National Council for Human Rights
215
Ms. Hagar Abu Elenen
hagar_abuelenen@yahoo.com
Legal Researcher
The National Council for Human Rights
Jordan
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
mtouq@nchr.org.jo
The Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights
Mr. Ali Aldabbas
ali.d@nchr.org.jo
Assistant Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights
Ms. Maram Rabadi
maram.r@nhcr.org.jo
Head of Project Coordination Unit
The National Centre for Human Rights
Mauritania
Mr. Ould Hamody Saïd
hamodyms@yahoo.fr
President
Commission for Human Rights
Morocco
Mr. Mahjoub el Haiba
rouwane@ccdh.org.ma
Secretary General
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
Mr. M'barek Bouderka
rouwane@ccdh.org.ma
Board Member
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
Mr. Abderazzak Rouwane
rouwane@ccdh.org.ma
Head of International Relations Unit
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
216
Palestine
Ms. Randa Siniora
ichr@ichr.ps
Executive Director
The Independent Commission for Human Rights
Mr. Musa Abudheim
ichr@ichr.ps
Director
The Independent Commission for Human Rights
Tunisia
Mr. Mohamed Moncer Rouissi
moncerrouissi@yahoo.fr
President
Commission for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom in Tunisia
Speakers
Austria
Mr. Rainer Münz
rainer.muenz@erstegroup.com
Head of the Erste Group Bank AG
Erste Group Bank AG
Mr. Morten Kjaerum
morten.kjaerum@fra.europa.eu
Executive Director
The EU Agency for Fundamental Rights
Ms. Anastasia Crickley
anastasia.crickley@nuim.ie
Chairperson of the Management Board
The EU Agency for Fundamental Rights
Denmark
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen
jch@humanrights.dk
Executive Director
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Mr. Mu'ayyad Mehyar
mme@humanrights.dk
Programme Manager
The Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
217
Ms. Susanne Nour
sno@humanrights.dk
Department Director
Equality and Diversity Department
The Danish Institute for Human Rights
Ms. Soraya Ramoul
Sorr@novonordisk.com
Adviser in Corporate Responsibility
Novo Nordisk
Egypt
Mr. Sayed Torbey
sayed_torbey@hotmail.com
Representative of the Secretary General
The General Secretariat of the Arab League
Mr. Salah El-Din Amer
alshaymaa_abuelenen@hotmail.com
Board Member
The National Council for Human Rights in Egypt
France
Ms. Souhaila Zitouni
On behalf of
Mr. Michel Forst
michel.forst@cncdh.pm.gouv.fr
Secretary-General
The National Consultative Commission of Human Rights in France
Germany
Dr. Petra Follmar-Otto
Follmar@institut-fuer-menschenrechte.de
Head of Human Rights Policies Unit
The German Institute for Human Rights
Jordan
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
mtouq@nchr.org.jo
The Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights
218
Morrocco
Mr. Mahjoub el Haiba
rouwane@ccdh.org.ma
Secretary General
The Advisory Council on Human Rights
The Netherlands
Mr. Arjan Hamburger
dmh@minbuza.nl
Human Rights Ambassador
The Dutch Ministry for Foreign Affairs
Mr. Frans Bouwen
Frans.Bouwen@thehagueprocess.org
Director
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration
Sweden
Mr. Yamam Al-Zubaidi
yamam.al-zubaidi@do.se
Legal Research Officer
The Equality Ombudsman
Switzerland
Mr. Azfar Khan
khan@ilo.org
Senior Economist and Migration Specialist
ILO Europe
Mr. Patrick Taran
taran@ilo.org
Senior Migration Specialist
ILO Europe
Participating Observers
Observers from Europe
Austria
Ms. Anastasia Crickley
anastasia.crickley@nuim.ie
Chairperson of the Management Board
The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights
219
Mr. Morten Kjærum
morten.kjaerum@fra.europa.eu
Executive Director
The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights
Denmark
Mr. Marc Schade-Poulsen
msp@euromedrights.net
Executive Director
The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network
The Netherlands
Ms. Miriam Otto
Human Rights Officer, Human Rights Secretariat
The Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Ms. Antoinette Vlieger
A.R.Vlieger@uva.nl
Researcher
Amsterdam University
Bridging the Gulf Project
Faculty of Law
Mr. Dylan Eyre
dylan.eyre@thehagueprocess.org
Conference Volunteer
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration
Sweden
Mr. Henrik Andersen
henrik.andersen@rwi.lu.se
NHRIs Programme Officer
Raoul Wallenberg Institute
Observers from the Arab World
Qatar
Mr. Ali Saeed Alowair
nhrc@qatar.net.qa
Chairman
The National Human Rights Commission
220
Mr. Yousef Mohd Fakhro
nhrc@qatar.net.qa
Vice-Chairman
The National Human Rights Commission
Mr. Hamad Al Hassan
halhasan@nhrc.org.qa
Head of Public Relations
The National Human Rights Commission
Mr. Nayef Mesbeh Al Shammari
nmalshammari@nhrc.org.qa
Legal Researcher
The National Human Rights Commission
Saudi Arabia
Mr. Abdul Aziz AlFauzan
ssharekh@haq-ksa.org
Board Member
Commission for Human Rights
Mr. Ali AlRowaished
ssharekh@haq-ksa.org
Board Member
Commission for Human Rights
Mr. Abdulateef AlGhamdi
ssharekh@haq-ksa.org
Board Member
Commission for Human Rights
Mr. Abdullah AlSuhail
ssharekh@haq-ksa.org
Board Member
Commission for Human Rights
Mr. Salah Al-Sharekh
ssharekh@haq-ksa.org
Board Member
Director of Commissions and International Relations
Commission for Human Rights
221
Translators
Lebanon
Ms. Rania Abouzeid
Ms. Rania Ghanem
222
Annex VIIII
Agenda
223
Wednesday, 11 March 2009
Opening Session
9:00-11:00
8:20
Bus departure: Bel Air Hotel - Peace Palace
9:00-9:10
Welcome Speech
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen
Executive Director
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
9:10-9:20
Welcome Speech
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights - Jordan
9:20-9:30
Welcome Speech
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba
Secretary General
The Advisory Council on Human Rights - Morocco
9:30-9:40
Keynote Speech
Mr. Sayed Torbey
Representative of the Secretary General of the Arab League - Egypt
Mr. Amr Moussa
9:40-9:50
Keynote Speech
Mr. Morten Kjærum
Executive Director
The EU Agency for Fundamental Rights - Austria
9:50-10:00
Keynote Speech
Mr. Arjan Hamburger
Human Rights Ambassador - The Netherlands
10:00-11:00
Press conference followed by a short break
224
First Session
11:15-13:00
The Regional Perspectives
Mapping gaps, opportunities, challenges and systems – in regional contexts.
Presentation of the overall magnitude in addition to two regional position papers
on the protection of migrant workers' rights.
Moderator
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights - Jordan
Rapporteur
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
11:00-11:20
Intervention by:
Mr. Rainer Münz
Head of Research and Development
The Erste Group Bank AG
… on the quantitative side of migration analyzing the overall magnitude of
migrant workers in both regions. His paper will be entitled: Global Migration
Flows, Implications for Europe and the Mediterranean Region.
11:20 -12:00
Presentation of two regional position papers presenting the regional legislation
and setting the regional landscape to protect migrant workers' rights: Mapping
systems, gaps, opportunities and challenges in a regional context.
Mr. Azfar Khan
Senior Economist and Migration Specialist
The International Migration Programme
ILO Arab World
Mr. Patrick Taran
Senior Migration Specialist
ILO Europe
12:00-12:20
Intervention by:
Mr. Frans Bouwen
Director
The Hague Process on Refugees and Migration
… a comparative analysis and commentary on the two regional position papers.
12:20-13:00
Questions and discussion
13:00-14:00
Lunch
225
Second Session
14:00-17:00
The National Perspectives
National Human Rights Institutions; from the Arab World and from Europe
present national findings and position papers addressing their national
legislations in relation to the international convention on migration and in
relation to labour rights as well as the way forward, and recommendations.
Moderator
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen
Executive Director - Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
Rapporteur
The Human Rights Advisory Council - Morocco
14:00-15:40 (20 minutes for each intervention)
Egypt
Mr. Salah El-Din Amer
Board Member
The National Council for Human Rights
… on Migrant Workers’ Rights in Egypt and Rights of Egyptian Migrant Workers
outside Egypt (Oral presentation; a paper was not submitted).
Morocco
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba
Secretary General
The Advisory Council on Human Rights on Migrant Workers’ Rights - Morocco
… on Moroccans’ Rights as Migrant Workers outside Morocco.
Saudi Arabia
Mr. Salah Al-Sharekh
Director of Commissions and International Relations
The Human Rights Commission of Saudi Arabia
… on the Role of the Commission on following up on Migrant Workers’ Affairs in
Saudi Arabia.
Sweden
Mr. Yamam Al-Zubaidi
Legal Research Officer
The Equality Ombudsman
… on Migrant Workers’ Rights in Sweden.
France
Ms. Souhila Zitouni
Officer in Charge
The French-Speaking Network of NHRIs
The National Consultative Commission of Human Rights, France
… on Migrant Workers’ Rights in France.
226
Germany
Ms. Petra Folmar-Otto
Head of Human Rights Policies Unit
German Institute for Human Rights
… on trafficking issues in Europe.
Bahrain
Written Intervention by:
Mr. Nabeel Rajab
Chairman
The Bahraini Centre for Human Rights; an NGO in Bahrain
… on Women’s Rights as Migrant Domestic Workers in the Arabian Gulf.
15:40-16:00
Short coffee break
16:00-17:00
Questions and discussion
17.15
Bus departure: Peace Palace towards Bel Air Hotel
19:30
Welcome dinner: at the Golden Tulip - Bel Air Hotel
227
Thursday, 12 March 2009
Third Session
9:00-12:30
In Working Groups format, national experiences vis-a-vis Migrant Workers
Human Rights and Labour Rights will be discussed and presented.
Facilitated by:
Mr. Mu’ayyad Mehyar
Programme Manager
The Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
Rapporteurs
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
The National Centre for Human Rights - Jordan
08.30
Bus departure: Bel Air Hotel towards the Peace Palace
9:00-9:15
Forming of Working Groups for the morning in Plenary, and Nomination of
a Facilitator and a Rapporteur for each Working Group
9:15-11:15
Discussion in Working Groups
x
x
x
Follow-up on the recommendations/declaration of the Third High-Level
Meeting in Rabat: How each NHRI has followed-up to mainstream regional
recommendations into national action plans and work?
Mapping systems and challenges related to securing migrant workers’
human rights (for example social security issues, minimum wages, domestic
workers, registered versus un-registered migrant workers, trade union
cooperation).
NHRIs discussing if a migrant worker has a complaint, how does s/he go
about it, through which system and body?
11:15-11:30
Short coffee break
11:30-12:30
Reporting in Plenary on the Working Groups’ Findings
(See Annexes IV and V)
12:30-13:30
Lunch break
228
Fourth Session
13:30-14:45
The role of the private sector in promoting Human Rights culture in the
working environment
The Role of the Private Sector in Promoting Migrant Workers’ Human
Rights: A case study will be presented on diversity issues and human rights
compliance of the private sector in Denmark.
Moderator
Ms. Randa Siniora
Executive Director
The Palestinian Independent Commission for Human Rights - Palestine
Rapporteurs
The Human Rights Advisory Council - Morocco
13:30-13:50
Ms. Susanne Nour
Director
Equality and Diversity Department
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
… a presentation on a diversity toolbox for businesses and the ‘wheel of
diversity’ assisting the private sector in creating an inclusive and diverse
workplace for migrant workers.
13:50-14:10
Ms. Soraya Ramoul
Advisor in Corporate Responsibility
The Danish pharmaceutical company Novo Nordisk - Denmark
… an elaboration on her experiences working with Human Rights and diversity
and the process of developing ‘The Wheel of Diversity’.
14:10-14:45
Questions and discussion
14:45-15:00
Short coffee break
229
Fifth Session
15:00-17:00
Structure and Functionality of the Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
Mr. Mu’ayyad Mehyar
Programme Manager
The Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
Rapporteur
National Centre for Human Rights - Jordan
15:00 -17:00
x The Dialogue Structure and Functionality
x Forming the Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue’s Working Group on
Migration and Human Rights
x Restructuring the Arab-European Human Rights Dialogue’s Working
Groups on:
1. Access to Information
2. Counterterrorism Measures
17:15
Bus departure: Peace Palace towards Bel Air Hotel
19:30
Dinner: at Brasserie Berlage
(Two minutes walking distance from the hotel)
230
Friday, 13 March 2009
Closing Session
9:00-13:00
8:30
Bus departure: Bel Air Hotel towards the Peace Palace
Moderator
Mr. Moncir Roussi
President
The Supreme Commission for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms
Tunisia
Rapporteur
The Advisory Council on Human Rights - Morocco
9:00-9:45
Closing Keynote Speech by:
Ms. Anastasia Crickley
Chairwoman
The EU Agency for Fundamental Rights - Austria
… The way forward: Migrants’ Rights in Challenging Times.
(Oral presentation; a paper was not submitted)
Closing Remarks by:
Mr. Muhyieddeen Touq
Commissioner General
The National Centre for Human Rights - Jordan
Mr. Mahjoub El Haiba
Secretary General
The Advisory Council on Human Rights - Morocco
Mr. Jonas Christoffersen
Executive Director
The Danish Institute for Human Rights - Denmark
9:45-10:00
Short coffee break
10:00-13:00
Discussion on and Adoption of Recommendations
Topic for the next High Level Dialogue Meeting (to be agreed upon)
13:00-14:00
Farewell lunch
14:00-15:00
Visit and lecture at the Permanent Court of Arbitration
231
‫اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ‬
‫ﳊﻮار ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ – اﻷوروﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﻗﺼﺮ اﻟﺴﻼم ‪ .‬ﻻﻫﺎي ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫ﲢﺮﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎر‬
‫‪ ١٣-١١‬آذار ‪٢٠٠٩‬‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ اﶈﺘﻮﻳﺎت‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫‪8‬‬
‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﻧﺎس ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮﺳﻦ‬
‫اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪ -‬اﻟﺪﳕﺎرك‬
‫‪12‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻲ اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻮق‬
‫اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪ -‬اﻷردن‬
‫‪15‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺠﻮب اﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪ -‬اﳌﻐﺮب‬
‫‪19‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬
‫ﳑﺜﻞ اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ -‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪24‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﻮرﺗﻦ ﻛﻴﺮوم‬
‫وﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪ -‬اﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎ‬
‫‪28‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ أرﻳﺎن ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻴﺮﻏﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫اﳌﻨﻈﻮر اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫‪35‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ راﻳﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﻧﺰ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﻨﻚ )إرﺳﺖ إﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ‪ - (.‬اﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎ‬
‫‪39‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ أﻇﻔﺮ ﺧﺎن‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ‪ -‬اﳌﻜﺘﺐ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‬
‫‪55‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﺎران‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮا‬
‫‪79‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻓﺮاﻧﺲ ﺑﺎون‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي ﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫اﳌﻨﻈﻮر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬
‫‪87‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺻﻼح اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻀﻮ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪94‬‬
‫اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺠﻮب اﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫واﻟﺴﻴﺪ أﻣﺒﺎرك ﺑﻮدرﻗﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻀﻮ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪104‬‬
‫اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺻﻼح اﻟﺸﺎرخ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‬
‫‪109‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﳝﺎم اﻟﺰﺑﻴﺪي‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ دﻳﻮان اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎواة‬
‫‪114‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة ﺳﻬﻴﻠﺔ زﻳﺘﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎرﻳﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪122‬‬
‫أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ اﻻﲢﺎدﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة ﺑﺘﺮا ﻓﻮﳌﺮ‪-‬أوﺗﻮ‬
‫اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪129‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﻞ رﺟﺐ‬
‫اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ(‬
‫ﻣﻼﺣﻖ‬
‫‪136‬‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪139‬‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫ﻳﺤﻮي ﻫﺬا اﻟﻜﺘﺎب أوراق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﳋﻄﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑـ"اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن" اﳌﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ‪" ١٤‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق إﻧﺴﺎن وﻃﻨﻴﺔ )‪ "(NHRIs‬ﺣﻀﺮت ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٤‬دوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻦ أوروﺑﺎ وﺳﺒﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮك ﺑﺈﺟﺮاء ﺣﻮار ﻣﻔﺘﻮح ﻓﻲ "ﻗﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻻﻫﺎي ﻟﻠﺴﻼم" ﲟﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل واﻟﺴﻼم‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي ﻓﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ١٣-١١‬آذار ‪ ٢٠٠٩‬ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ "ﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ" ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﰎ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ"اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار رﻓﻴﻊ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻮى ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن" اﻟﺬي ﰎ ﻋﻘﺪه ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب ﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ أﻳﺎر ‪.٢٠٠٨‬‬
‫إن ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻫﻲ إﺣﺪى اﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻇﻬﺮت ﺑﻜﻞ وﺿﻮح ﻓﻲ أواﺋﻞ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳊﺎدي واﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫وﻫﻨﺎك ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺮاﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ‪ ١٩٢‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن إﻧﺴﺎن ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﻓﻲ دول ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺘﻲ وﻟﺪوا ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻛﺎن ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺪرك ﺑﺎن اﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﺑﲔ اﻟﺪول ﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆدي إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻬﺠﺮات‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﳊﺎﻟﻲ أﻧﺎس ﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺎن إﻟﻰ آﺧﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫أﻳﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺒﺸﺮي‪ .‬وﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻮد ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫أﺻﺤﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺧﻞ ﺣﺴﻦ وﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻜﺮﱘ واﻷﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ – وﺑﻮﺟﻮد‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ اﳉﻨﺲ وأي ﲤﻴﻴﺰ آﺧﺮ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﻔﺎوت ﻓﻲ درﺟﺎت ﺗﻄﻮر اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ واﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻮف ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻌﺮض اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮون ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻷﻓﺮاد اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﺪدﻫﻢ ‪ ١٩٢‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻀﺮر‬
‫وﳌﺎذا ﻳﺮى اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮون ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺎن ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ ﻗﺪ ﰎ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وإذا أﻋﺪﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ اﻷذﻫﺎن اﻟﺘﻌﻬﺪان اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ واﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪات "إﻋﻼن ﻛﻮﺑﻨﻬﺎﻏﻦ ﻟﻠﻘﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،١٩٩٥‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺮى ﺑﺎن اﻟﺸﻌﻮب واﻟﺪول اﻟﺘﻲ أﻟﺰﻣﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎن ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺑﺎن‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻣﻦ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ أدوات وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ودوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ إﺟﺮاءات‬
‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ وﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﺿﺪ اﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺑﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺪول ﻟﻼﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺎم ﻟﻸدوات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﻧـﺤﻦ ﺑﺈﻟﺰام أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎن ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮوﻳﺞ ﻟﻠﺪﻣﺞ‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ وﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪة إﻟﻰ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ واﺣﺘﺮام‬
‫اﻟﺘﻨﻮع واﻟﻰ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ اﻟﻔﺮص وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻷﻓﺮاد‪ .‬وﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻘﻮم ﺑﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ أو ﺑﺘﻘﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫إﺟﺮاءات ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﻤﺎن اﻻﺣﺘﺮام وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻋﻮاﺋﻠﻬﻢ‬
‫وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ أﻓﻌﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي واﳋﻮف ﻣﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﳌﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت‪ ،‬وﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ وﺗﺮوﻳﺞ اﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ واﻟﺘﻨﺎﻏﻢ ﺑﺪرﺟﺔ اﻛﺒﺮ داﺧﻞ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ‬
‫ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ إذا أﻋﺪﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ اﻷذﻫﺎن اﻟﻔﻘﺮﺗﺎن ‪ ٦٣‬و ‪ ٧٧‬ﻣﻦ "ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﻬﺎﻏﻦ ﻟﻠﻘﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺮى ﺑﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺷﻌﻮب ودول ﻗﺪ ﻋﺒﺮت ﻋﻦ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻬﺎ إﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺎون ﻋﺎﳌﻲ ﻣﻜﺜﻒ وإﻟﻰ‬
‫اﻫﺘﻤﺎم وﻃﻨﻲ ﲡﺎه وﺿﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻋﻮاﺋﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ اﻟﻔﺮص واﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎرﺳﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ واﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ واﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل ﺑﺪرﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺔ‬
‫إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ واﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺔ أﻣﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن وﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺤﻮزﺗﻬﻢ وﺛﺎﺋﻖ واﻟﻮﻗﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻛﺎن ﻗﺪ ﰎ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺎت ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻋﺮض أوراق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑـ "اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن" ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺒﺎر اﳋﺒﺮاء ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻣﺮﻣﻮﻗﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﳑﺜﻠﻲ وﻛﺎﻻت ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة وﻟﻼﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰎ أﻳﻀﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺪول‬
‫اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﳑﺜﻠﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺎرﻛﺖ ﻣﻦ أوروﺑﺎ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬وﻗﺎم اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺪرت ﻋﻦ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار رﻓﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺬي ﰎ ﻋﻘﺪه ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب ﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬
‫أﻳﺎر ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬وﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻌﺮض ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ أﻣﺎم ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ أﻋﻘﺒﻬﺎ إﺟﺮاء‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﲔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم‪ ،‬ﻗﺎم اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﺑﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫أﻛﺪوا ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻮب ﻗﻴﺎم ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺞ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪا إﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ‪ -‬وﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﲡﺎه اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻀﺮر ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن وﺛﺎﺋﻖ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﶈﻠﻴﲔ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ أن ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺟﺰء ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰأ ﻣﻦ أﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ أو إﺟﺮاء ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮاﻋﺎة ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺎواة وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎد ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﳌﺴﺎءﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺑﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻘﻮم وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ وﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻌﺎون وﺧﻄﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺪول اﳌﺮﺳﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﺪول اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﺮوﻳﺞ ِل وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺑﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻘﻮم ﲟﺮاﺟﻌﺔ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻋﻘﻮد اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫دوﻟﻬﻢ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﺼﺪ اﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻣﺘﺜﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﲟﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻮاءﻣﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ودﻣﺠﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻮاﻧﻴﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺢ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ آﻟﻴﺎت ﻟﻠﺮﺻﺪ واﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻫﻴﺌﺎت رﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎت‬
‫واﻷﺑﺤﺎث واﻟﺪراﺳﺎت‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻗﻨﻮات اﺗﺼﺎل ووﺻﻮﻻ ﺳﻬﻼ ﻟﻺﺑﻼغ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻜﺎوى وﻟﺘﻘﺪﱘ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ )ﻛﺄن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‬
‫ﺧﻄﻮط اﺗﺼﺎل ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة أو ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ أو ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﻫﻮاﺗﻒ ﻧﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻮازﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ اﳉﻨﺴﲔ وﺗﻘﻮم‬
‫ﺑﺈﻏﻔﺎل ذﻛﺮ اﻷﺳﻤﺎء(‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺆﺳﺲ أو ﺗﺮوج ﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت وان ﲡﻤﻊ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮات واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺤﺴﺐ اﳉﻨﺲ‬
‫واﳌﻨﺸﺄ اﳉﻐﺮاﻓﻲ واﻟﻌﻤﺮ واﻟﻌﺮق ﺑﻘﺼﺪ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﳌﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺳﺲ‪ .‬وﻗﺎم اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﳊﻮار ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﲤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬وﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ "ﺻﻮت" ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺿﺮورﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬وأﻣﺎ اﻷﻣﺮ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻗﻴﺎم اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺑﺎن ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﳊﻮار اﻟﻘﺎدم أن ﺗﻘﻮم ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﻋﺪاد ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺣﻮل ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻘﺎء اﳊﻮار اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﳝﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻟﻘﺎء اﳊﻮار اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ اﺗﻔﻘﻮا‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺟﺪول أﻋﻤﺎل داﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﻘﺎءات اﳊﻮار اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﺳﻴﻜﻮن‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎم ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﻟﻘﺎءات اﳊﻮار إﻟﻰ ﺧﻄﻂ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ وأﻓﻌﺎل وﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼن ﻋﻦ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﰎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺣﻮل ﺣﻖ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ‬
‫اﻹرﻫﺎب‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﺎن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻜﺘﺎب ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﻄﺎب اﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ اﳉﺎري ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫وﻧﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﺎن ﺗﻜﻮن ذات ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮة ﻟﻠﻤﻬﻨﻴﲔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﻧﺘﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎن ﺗﻘﻮم‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﳊﻮار ﻫﺬه‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻲ أﺧﺬ ﻫﺬا اﳊﻮار إﻟﻰ ﻣﺪى اﺑﻌﺪ وان ﺗﺆﺳﺲ ﺣﻮارا ً وﻃﻨﻴﺎ ً ﻓﻲ دوﻟﻬﺎ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ وان ﲢﻮل اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن إﻟﻰ ﺧﻄﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ وأﻓﻌﺎل وﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻮﻧﺎس ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮﺳﻦ‬
‫اﳌﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬي‬
‫اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪6‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﻧﺎس ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮﺳﻦ‬
‫اﳌﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬي‬
‫اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﻟﺪﳕﺎرك‬
‫‪8‬‬
‫أﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﺸﺮف اﻟﺴﻔﺮاء اﳌﻘﻴﻤﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻻﻫﺎي‪ ,‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺴﻼم واﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن اﻟﺒﺎرزون ﻓﻲ اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺪوﺑﻮ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ووﻛﺎﻻت اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ واﳌﻤﺜﻠﻮن اﶈﺘﺮﻣﻮن‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺰﻣﻼء واﻟﺰﻣﻴﻼت ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺎءﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ واﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪,‬‬
‫أﻋﻀﺎء ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﳌﻮﻗﺮة‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻀﻮات اﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻀﻴﻮف اﻟﺒﺎرزون‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫اﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎء اﻷﻋﺰاء‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﺮور ﺑﺎﻟﻎ‪ ،‬أرﺣﺐ ﺑﻜﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ً إﻟﻰ اﺟﺘﻤﺎع اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺣﻮل ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻼت واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﻘﺪ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺒﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺮاﺋﻌﺔ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ اﻟﺴﻼم ﻓـﻲ ﻻﻫـﺎي‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨـﺔ اﻟﻌـﺪل‬
‫واﻟﺴﻼم‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﺗﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑـﺸﺮاﻛﺔ ﻹﻋـﺪاد اﻷرﺿـﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﺒـﺮ ﻣـﺸﺘﺮك ﻟﻠﺤـﻮار‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠٠٦‬وﻗﺪ أﻓﻀﻰ ﻫـﺬا‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ آذار ﻣـﻦ ﻋـﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬إﻟـﻰ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎع اﻟﺘﺤـﻀﻴﺮي اﻷول‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺣﻮل "ﻣﺪﺧﻞ إﻟﻰ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت وﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ"‪،‬‬
‫وإﻟﻰ أول اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﺣﻮار رﻓﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى ﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺎن ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬ﺣﻮل "ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻹرﻫﺎب اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ"‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﺟﺮى ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻼ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎن ‪ -‬اﻷردن‪ ،‬وﺣـﻀﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻛﺒـﺎر اﳌـﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻗﺘﺮِح أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺨﻄـﻴﻂ ﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎع اﳊـﻮار اﻟﺜـﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻧﻴﺴﺎن ﻋﺎم ‪ِ ُ ُ ،٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫رﻓﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى ﻟﻴﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ "اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ"‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻓﻲ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﻬﺎﺟﻦ ‪ -‬اﻟﺪﳕﺎرك‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ أول ﻋـﺎم‬
‫‪.٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫وﻋﻘﺪ اﺟﺘﻤﺎع اﳊﻮار اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ رﻓﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى ﺣﻮل "اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن" ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ‪ -‬اﳌﻐﺮب ﻓﻲ أﻳـﺎر ﻋـﺎم‬
‫‪ .٢٠٠٨‬ﻟﻘﺪ اﻧﻬﻤﻚ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﻴﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﺮاﻫﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪف إﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬واﺗﻔﻖ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻐـﺮب أﻧـﻪ ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﻳﻜـﻮن‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻘﺎش ﻋﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺑﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ" وﻫﺬا‬
‫ﻗﺎد إﻟﻰ ﻗﺮار ﺑﻌﻘﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار رﻓﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﳊﻮار رﻓﻴﻌﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿـﺖ اﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻻﻧـﺴﺎن ﻣﻨﻈـﻮرات وﲢﻠـﻴﻼت‬
‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻋﺮوﺿـﺎ ً‬
‫ﲢﻠﻞ ﲢﺪﻳﺎت ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ وﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼدﻫﻢ اﻷم‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻌﺮوض‪ ،‬ﺷﺎرﻛﺖ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺒﺮاﺗﻬـﺎ وأﻓﻜﺎرﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺠـﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫ﺑﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬا ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﳊﻮار‪ :‬إﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮض اﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﺎ ً ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ ً‬
‫ﻣﻜﺜﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟـﻴﺲ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺤﺘـﻮى ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻪ وﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪه وﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ وراء اﶈﻔﺰات واﻻﻓﺘﺮاﺿﺎت واﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪات اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮدﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻓﻌﻞ ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺮض اﳊﻮار ﺑﻨﺎء ﻗﺪرات اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل اﻟﺒﺤـﺚ اﳌﺘﻘـﺪم‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﺤﻀﻴﺮ ﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬وﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل‬
‫اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ‪ ،‬واﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺸﺒﻴﻚ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ واﻟﻨﺪوات‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل أﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺄل أﺣﺪﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﳌﺎذا ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات؟‬
‫ً‬
‫اﶈﺪدة ﻟﺼﻮرة اﻟﻘﺮن اﳊﺎدي واﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ اﻟﻮﻗـﺖ اﳊﺎﺿـﺮ‪،‬‬
‫أوﻻ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ِ َ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ‪ ١٩٢‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺷﺨﺺ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻜﺎن وﻻدﺗﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﺪرك أن اﻟﻔﻮارق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﺑﲔ اﻟﺪول‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻛﺜﻴﺮا ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ اﳊﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‪ .‬إن أﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻳﺮﲢﻠﻮن اﻵن أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ أي وﻗﺖ آﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫أﻳـﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ووﺟـﻮد‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎر إﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻣﺮﺑﺢ‪ ،‬وﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،‬وأﻣﻦ إﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻲ وﺣﺮﻳـﺎت ﻓﺮدﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﳉﻨﺲ وﻏﻴﺮه‪ ،‬واﻟﺪرﺟﺎت اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ واﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا‬
‫ﻳﻮﺿﺢ اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻲ أن اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ال ‪ ١٩٢‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺷﺨﺺ ﻫﻢ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠـﻀﺮر‪ ،‬وأن ﻛﺜـﺮة ﻣـﻨﻬﻢ ﻳـﺮون أن‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ ﻗﺪ اﻧﺘﻬﻜﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬أود أن أﺳﺘﺬﻛﺮ وإﻳﺎﻛﻢ اﻻﻟﺘﺰاﻣﲔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ واﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ إﻋﻼن ﻛﻮﺑﻨﻬـﺎﺟﻦ ﳌـﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻘﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌـﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﺎم‪ ،١٩٩٥‬وأن أﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫" ﺳﻮف ﻧﻀﻤﻦ أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪون ﻣﻦ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺎت اﳌﻮﻓﺮة ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺎت وﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ودوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬وأن ﳕـﺎرس‬
‫إﺟﺮاءات ﻣﻨﻴﻌﺔ وﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﺿﺪ اﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وأن ﻧـﺸﺠﻊ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟـﺒﻼد ﻟﺘﺄﺧـﺬ ﺑﻌـﲔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒـﺎر‬
‫اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ اﻟﺘـﺎم ﻟﻨـﺼﻮﺻﻬﺎ‪ .‬إﻧﻨـﺎ ﻧﻠـﺰم‬
‫أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ واﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل رﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌـﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻜـﺰ إﻟـﻰ ﻋـﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪ ،‬واﺣﺘﺮام اﻟﺘﻨﻮع‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﺮص اﳌﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﻨـﺎس‪ .‬وﻟﻬـﺬه اﻟﻐﺎﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮف ﻧـﺼﻴﻎ‪ ،‬أو‬
‫ﻧﺪﻋﻢ ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ أن ﻧﻜﻔﻞ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ واﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻋـﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫وأن ﻧﻘﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي وﻛﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬وأن‬
‫ﻧﻨﻤﻲ ﺗﺂﻟﻔﺎ ً وﺗﺴﺎﻣﺤﺎ ً أﻋﻈﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت‪".‬‬
‫أود أﻳﻀﺎ ً أن أﺳـﺘﺬﻛﺮ اﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺘﲔ ‪ ٦٣‬و ‪ ٧٧‬ﻣـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧـﺎﻣﺞ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﻬـﺎﺟﻦ ﳌـﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻘﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌـﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأن أﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫" إن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺎون دوﻟﻲ وﺛﻴﻖ‪ ،‬واﻫﺘﻤﺎم وﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ؛ ﲟـﺎ ﻳـﺸﻤﻞ ﺗﻜـﺎﻓﺆ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺮص‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ اﺣﺘﺮام اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﻷﻣﻦ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬واﳌـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬وﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ اﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊـﻀﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﺧـﺪﻣﺎت اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ أﺧـﺮى‪،‬‬
‫ووﺻﻮﻻ ً ﻋﺎدﻻ ً إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ أﻣﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺴﺠﻠﲔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﻊ اﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﻢ‪".‬‬
‫ً‬
‫وأﺧﻴﺮا‪ ،‬أود أن أذﻛﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ وإﻳﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻣﻦ إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط اﻟﺬي ﺟﺎء ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎع اﻟﺜﺎﻟـﺚ‬
‫‪10‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻮار رﻓﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب ﻓﻲ أﻳﺎر‪ ،‬ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬واﻟﺬي أﻗﺘﻄﻒ ﻣﻨﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫"ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أن ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟـﺔ واﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺎت ﻣـﺴﺆوﻟﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت اﳋﻄﻴﺮة ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟـﻚ اﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳـﺪات اﳌﻮﺟﻬـﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴـﺎة‪ ،‬وﻟﻠﻜﺮاﻣـﺔ اﳉـﺴﺪﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﻟﻠﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺘﻬﻢ أن ﻳﻌﺒﺮوا اﳊﺪود‪ ،‬أو ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺿﻤﺎن اﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ واﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻠﻰ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬اﳊﻖ ﺑﺄن ﻻ ﳝﺎرس ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﻓـﺮص‬
‫ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ ﺟﻤـﻊ ﺷـﻤﻞ اﻟﻌـﺎﺋﻼت‪ ،‬واﳊـﻖ ﻓـﻲ اﳋـﺪﻣﺎت اﻟـﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻷﻣـﻦ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﺪل‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ‪ ،‬واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ أن ﺗﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﺿﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أن ﻧﺮاﻗﺐ وﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﻦ وﺿﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وأن ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺣـﺎﻻت‬
‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وأن ﺗﻘﺪم ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺎت ﻟﻠﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أن ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺣﻤﻼت ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺗﻔﻀﻲ إﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﻘﻴﻤﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ"‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﺆال اﻟﺬي أود أن أﺛﻴﺮه اﻵن ﻫﻮ ‪ :‬ﻛﻴـﻒ ﺗﺎﺑﻌـﺖ اﻟـﺪول‪ ،‬ووﻛـﺎﻻت اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‪ ،‬ووﻛـﺎﻻت اﻻﲢـﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫واﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬واﻹﻋـﻼم‪ ،‬واﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴـﺔ واﻷوﺳـﺎط‬
‫اﻷﻛﺎدﳝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺖ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت واﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎت؟‬
‫وﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺪور اﻟﺬي ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أن ﺗﺸﺮع ﺑﻪ ﻟﺘﺒﺴﻴﻂ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﺎت ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻄﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮر َ ﻃﺮق وﺻﻮل‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻫﺠـﺮة‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺆال آﺧﺮ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺴﺄل وﻫﻮ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ُ َ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄدوات ﻟـﺼﻨﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ؟‬
‫إن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺬي ﺳﺒﻖ وأن أﳒﺰﻧﺎه ﺿﻤﻦ إﻃﺎر ﻫﺬه اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت‪ ،‬وأﻛﺜﺮ ﲢﺪ ً‬
‫ﻳﺪا‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ اﻹﻋﻼن اﻟـﺬي ﻗـﺪﻣﺘﻤﻮه ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﺣﻮار اﻟﺮﺑﺎط‪ ،‬واﻹﻋﻼن اﻟﺬي ﺳﻮف ﻧﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻳﺎم اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟـﻀﻤﺎن ﺑـﺄن اﻻﻟﺘـﺰام‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺑﻨﺎؤه ﻋﺒﺮ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪ -‬وﻫﻲ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﳊـﻮار ‪ -‬ﲡـﺎه ﺗﻨﻤﻴـﺔ وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻟﻬـﺬا اﻷﻣـﺮ أود أن أﻋﺒـﺮ ﻋـﻦ ﻋﻤﻴـﻖ اﻣﺘﻨـﺎﻧﻲ ﻟـﺸﺮﻛﺎﺋﻨﺎ اﻷﺳـﺎس ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻜﺮﺗﺎرﻳﺔ اﳊﻮار؛ أﻻ وﻫﻢ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ اﻷردﻧﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫إﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار ‪ -‬ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﺠﻬﻮدات ﺑﻼ ﻛﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﳉﻌﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ وﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﺔ‪ .‬أود أن أﺷـﻜﺮ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وأوروﺑـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻋﻀﺎء اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﳊﻮار ﻓﻲ ٍ‬
‫وذﻟﻚ ﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺘﻬﻢ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ وﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻟﻴﺲ أﻗـﻞ ﻣـﻦ ذﻟـﻚ‪ ،‬أود أن أﻋﺒـﺮ ﻋـﻦ ﺷـﻜﺮي وﺗﻘـﺪﻳﺮي ﻟﻜـﻞ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪﺛﲔ‪ ،‬واﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﳌﺮاﻗﺒﲔ‪ :‬وﻛﺎﻻت اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬ووﻛﺎﻻت اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻫﻴﺌﺎت اﳌـﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ً‬
‫وأﺧﻴﺮا‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ُﻳﻨﻘَ ﻞ اﻣﺘﻨﺎن‬
‫وﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻷﺑﺤﺎث‪ ،‬واﻷوﺳﺎط اﻷﻛﺎدﳝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﳋﺎص‪ ،‬واﻹﻋﻼم‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎص إﻟﻰ اﳌﺎﻧـﺤﲔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻟﻠﺤﻮار‪ :‬وزارات اﻟﺸﺆون اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﺔ واﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وإﻧﻨﻲ إذ أﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻓﻜﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻟﺬﻫﻦ‪ ،‬أود ﻣﺮة أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬أن أرﺣﺐ ﺑﻜﻢ‪ ،‬وأﲤﻨﻰ ﻟﻜﻢ ﺗﻌﺎوﻧﺎ ً ﻣﺜﻤﺮا ً ﻓـﻲ إﻃـﺎر‬
‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎع اﳊﻮار ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪى اﺟﺘﻤﺎع اﳊﻮار‪ ،‬وﺧﻼل ﻛﻞ اﻷﻧـﺸﻄﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻘﻄﺔ اﻧﻄﻼق ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ وﳑﻴﺰ‪ :‬أﻻ وﻫـﻮ ﻗـﺼﺮ ﻻﻫـﺎي ﻟﻠـﺴﻼم‪ ،‬وﻓـﻲ ﻻﻫـﺎي ‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل واﻟﺴﻼم‪.‬‬
‫‪11‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻲ اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻮق‬
‫اﳌﻔﻮض اﻟﻌﺎم‬
‫اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﻷردن‬
‫‪12‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة اﳊﻀﻮر‪,‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻼم ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ورﺣﻤﺔ اﷲ وﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ‪،‬‬
‫اﺳﻤﺤﻮا ﻟﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ أن اﻋﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻌﺎدﺗﻲ اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﻌﻘﺎد اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﺤـﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑـﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻻﻫﺎي ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‪ .‬إن اﻧﻌﻘﺎد ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻫﺬه ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟـﺪﻻﻻت اﻟـﺼﺎدﻗﺔ واﻟﺮﻏﺒـﺔ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻷﻛﻴﺪة ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻫﺬا اﳊﻮار ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻞ وﻓـﻲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺰ اﻟـﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺤﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻣﻌﺎﳉـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ وﻳﺆﻛﺪ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻟﻘﺎءاﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ إﳝﺎن ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎء ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺿـﻔﺘﻲ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ وﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪه‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﺑﺬل اﳉﻬﻮد ﻣﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫـﺎ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬وﻣـﺪ ﺟـﺴﻮر‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺎون واﳊﻮار ﺑﲔ اﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮك ﻷﻫﻢ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺜﻴـﺮ اﻹﺷـﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎت ووﺿـﻊ اﳊﻠـﻮل‬
‫اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة اﳊﻀﻮر‪,‬‬
‫إن ﻣﺒﺎدئ اﻟﻌﺮف اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﻌﻬﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء ﻓـﻲ ﻫﻴﺌـﺔ اﻷﱈ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻬﺎ أو اﳌﻮاﺛﻴﻖ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺰم اﻟﺪول ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳉﻤـﺎﻋﻲ واﻟﻔـﺮدي ﻟﺮﻓـﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ وﺗﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻇﺮوف اﻟﺘﻘﺪم واﻹﳕﺎء ﻓﻲ اﳌﻴﺪان اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدي واﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ واﻟﺜﻘـﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﻳـﺴﺎ‬
‫ﳌﺒﺪأ اﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺄﺻﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﻨﻲ اﻟﺒﺸﺮ دون ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺮق أو اﻟﻠﻐﺔ أو اﳉﻨﺲ أو اﻟـﺪﻳﻦ أو‬
‫اﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟـﺰء أﺻـﻴﻼ ً ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ وﺗﻌﻠﻤﻮن أن اﺣﺘﺮام اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬أﺻـﺒﺢ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮة وﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻏﺪا ﻣﻌﻴﺎرا ً أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﺪم اﻟﺪول واﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻹﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وأﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﺬا اﳊﻖ ﳝﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﺟﺴﺎ ً ﻟﻪ أوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟـﺪى اﳌﻬﺘﻤـﲔ واﳌﻌﻨﻴـﲔ ﺳـﻮاء ﻛـﺎﻧﻮا ﻣـﻦ راﺳـﻤﻲ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‪،‬‬
‫وواﺿﻌﻲ اﳋﻄـﻂ‪ ،‬واﳌـﺸﺮﻋﲔ واﳌﻨﻔـﺬﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻏـﺪت ﻣﻬﻤـﺔ اﻟﻨﻬـﻮض ﺑﻬـﺬا اﳊـﻖ ﻣـﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣـﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت واﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﳋﺎص وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻫـﺬا اﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎم إﻻ أن‬
‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻮد اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ واﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ إن ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وان اﺧﺘﻠﻔـﺖ ﻫـﺬه اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛـﺎت ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺸﻜﻞ واﻟﺪرﺟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﳉﻬﻮد اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺬﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺌﺎت اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﲟﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬إﻻ‬
‫أن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﳉﻬﺪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‬
‫اﻷﺑﺮز ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﻨـﺎ واﻓﻴـﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﺎ ﺷـﺎﻣﻼ ً ﳊﻘـﻮق ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﻟﻔﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻠﺤﻖ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ أﺟﺮ ﻋﺎدل وﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬وﻋـﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ واﳌـﺴﺎواة أﻣـﺎم اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‪،‬‬
‫واﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﲢﺮﱘ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳉﺒﺮي‪ ،‬واﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻇﺮوف آﻣﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﲢﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮاﺣﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﺤﺮش اﳉﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬
‫وﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺮأي واﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﻒ أن اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺪول اﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻘﺪم ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ وﻻ اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎف اﻟﻼزم‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟـﺮﻏﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻹﺳﻬﺎم اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻟﺒﻠﺪاﻧﻬﺎ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ أو ﻟﻠﺒﻠـﺪان اﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ أﻛﺪت ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻟﻬﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺘﻬﺎ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﲢﺘﺎج إﻟﻰ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ آﻟﻴﺎت اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﳑـﺎ ﻳﺘﻄﻠـﺐ ﺗﻌـﺎون‬
‫اﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺳﻮاء ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ أو اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ أو اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺑﻠـﺪي اﻷردن اﳌـﺼﺪر واﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﺘﺮك ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ واﳌﺘﻄﻮرة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻷردﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة واﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺠﺴﺪ ﺿﺮورة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪13‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻲ أﻣﻞ أن ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻻﲡﺎه‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ آﻣـﻞ أن ﻳـﺴﻬﻢ ﻫـﺬا اﻟﻠﻘـﺎء ﻓـﻲ دق‬
‫ﺗﻌـﺪ ﺻـﺎرخ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫ﻧﺎﻗﻮس اﳋﻄﺮ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ أن ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ أﺑﺸﻊ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﻣﺜﻞ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﻓـﺔ أﺷـﻜﺎﻟﻪ وأﻧﻮاﻋـﻪ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨـﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻟﻜﺮاﻫﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺎل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫إن ﻟﻘﺎء اﻟﻴﻮم واﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻣﺘﺪادا ً ﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﻳﻌﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮا ً ﺻﺎدﻗﺎ ً ﻋﻦ اﻋﺘﺮاﻓﻨﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌـﺎ ً ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع‪ ،‬وآﻣﻞ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮا ً ﻋﻦ ﺻﺪق اﻟﻨﻮاﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻟﺒﻴﺎن ﺣﺠﻢ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون‪ ،‬وﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﳋﺒﺮات واﻟﺘﺠﺎرب وﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﻹﻳﺠﺎد ﺣﻠﻮل ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪.‬‬
‫وأﺧﻴﺮا ً آﻣﻞ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮا ً ﻋﻦ اﻟﺪور اﶈﻮري اﻟﺬي ﳝﻜـﻦ ان ﺗﻠﻌﺒـﻪ اﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳـﺰ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫إﻧﻨﻲ إذ أﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻌﻜﻢ إﻟﻰ أوراق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﻘﺪم ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﲔ وﻣﻬﻨﻴﲔ ﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺬا اﺠﻤﻟـﺎل‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﻘـﺎش‬
‫واﳊﻮار اﳉﺎد ﺧﻼل اﻷﻳﺎم اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻵﻣﻞ أن ﻧﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻔﺠﻮات واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻌﺘـﺮض ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل واﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ أن ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ وﺿـﻊ ﺗـﺼﻮرات وﺧﻄـﻂ ﻋﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﺪ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻼ ً‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم ﻻ ﻳﺴﻌﻨﻲ إﻻ أن أﺗﻘﺪم ﺑﺠﺰﻳﻞ اﻟﺸﻜﺮ واﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻬـﺪ اﻟـﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻟﻸﺧـﻮة‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻀﻴﻔﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ اﻟـﻀﻴﺎﻓﺔ واﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟـﺸﻜﺮ اﳌﻮﺻـﻮل ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ اﻹﺧـﻮة واﻷﺧـﻮات ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣـﺴﻦ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺎع راﺟﻴﺎ ً اﻟﻨﺠﺎح ﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء‪ ،‬وأن ﻧﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻣـﻦ إداﻣـﺔ ﺳـﺒﻞ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻـﻞ ﺑﻴﻨﻨـﺎ ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺨﺪم ﻣﺴﻴﺮة ﻧﺸﺮ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ أﺟﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪14‬‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺠﻮب اﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ‬
‫اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﳌﻐﺮب‬
‫‪15‬‬
‫ﺣﻀﺮات اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪,‬‬
‫ﻳﺴﻌﺪﻧﻲ أن أﺗﻘﺪم ﺑﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺎت واﳌﺸﺎرﻛﲔ ﻓﻲ أﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻠﻘـﺎء اﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻲ اﻷوروﺑـﻲ اﻟﺮاﺑـﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ دﻋﻢ واﻻﻧﺨﺮاط ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﺘﺪى واﳌﺴﺎر ﻣﻦ اﳊﻮار ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ دواﻋﻲ ﺳﺮوري ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ اﻧﻌﻘﺎده ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﺪوﻟـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‪ ،‬وﻫﺬه اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﻫﺎي اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﲟﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮوﻋﻪ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺼﺮ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺬي ﻳﻀﻢ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ وﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ذات وزن ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﺎص وإﺳـﻬﺎم ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘـﺪوﻳﻦ واﻟﺘﻄـﻮﻳﺮ اﳌـﻀﻄﺮد‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﻔـﺮص اﻻﻧﺘـﺴﺎب ﻟـﺮواد دورات أﻛﺎدﳝﻴـﺔ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ وﻣﺮﻛـﺰ اﻟﺪراﺳـﺎت‬
‫واﻷﺑﺤﺎث ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﺗﻴﺤﺖ ﻟﻲ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﳌﺮات ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﻻرﺗﻴـﺎد ﻣﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﻗـﺼﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻼم اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﻮي ﻛﻨﻮزا ﺛﻤﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ واﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ .‬وﻓـﻲ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺬي ﳒﺘﻤﻊ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ اﻟﻴﻮم واﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ واﳌﻜﺎن اﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻀﻴﻔﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﻴﺮ ﺑﺄن ﺗﻌﺒﻴـﺮ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠـﺮات "‪ ، "Droit international des migrations‬ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐـﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧـﺴﻴﺔ ﻗـﺪ اﺳـﺘﻌــﻤﻞ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻨﻴﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻓﻲ درس ﺑﺄﻛـﺎدﻳـﻤـﻴـﺔ ﻻﻫـﺎي ﻟﻠـﻘــﺎﻧﻮن اﻟــﺪوﻟﻲ ﻣـــﻦ ﻃــﺮف اﻟـﻔﻘــﻴﻪ‬
‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻟﻮﻳــﺰ أﻟـﻔﺎرﻳـﺰ ﺣﻮل اﻟـﻬﺠﺮات اﻟـﺪوﻟﻴﺔ وﺗﻨـﻈﻴﻤﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﻫـﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد ﺳﺒﻖ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ أن ﺳﺠﻞ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮات ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ آﻧﺬاك أﺣـﺪ ﻓـﺮوع اﻷﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻄﻮر ﻗﻮاﻋﺪه ﺑﺼﻮرة ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮة‪ .‬إن واﺟﺐ ﺣﻔﻆ اﻟـﺬاﻛﺮة ﻳﻘﺘـﻀﻲ ﻣﻨـﺎ أﻛﺜـﺮ ﳑـﺎ ﻣـﻀﻰ أن‬
‫ﻧﺴﺘﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻹﺳﻬﺎﻣﺎت اﳌﺘﻤﻴﺰة ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻹﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﻜﺒﺮى اﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﺘﻬﺎ وﻻ‬
‫ﺗﺰال ﻋﻠﻰ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ وﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ اﳌـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﳌﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘـﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ أن ﻧﻌﻤـﻞ ﺗﻮﻇﻴـﻒ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫اﻹﺳﻬﺎﻣﺎت وﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻴﺔ أﺻﻴﻠﺔ ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﺮوﻗﺎت ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن وﺿﻌﻪ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل أو اﻟﻌﺒﻮر‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻀﺮات اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺪارﺳﻨﺎ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻬﺬا اﳌﻨﺘﺪى اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻹﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺻﺪر ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺻﻬﺎ إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط اﻟﺬي ﻳﺘـﻀﻤﻦ ﺳﻠـﺴﻠﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﺎت اﳌﺮﻛـﺰة واﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺎءﻟﻨﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺨﺺ ﻣﺴﺎر ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻬﺎ واﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﲟﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ اﶈﺎﻓﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت واﳌﻨﺪﻳﺎت واﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت‬
‫ﻓﺮادى ﻛﻞ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮاﻫﺎ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬أو‬
‫اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬إذا ﻛﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ"‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻧﺴﺘﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﲔ وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋـﻼن اﻟﺮﺑـﺎط اﳌـﺬﻛﻮر ﺣﺘـﻰ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻘﺪم أﻛﺜﺮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﻮرة ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﻤﻴﻌـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫وﺿﻊ اﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﳌﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﺑـﺼﻮرة ﺗـﺆﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴـﺬ اﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻋﻦ أﺷﻐﺎﻟﻨﺎ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬وﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﻴﺮ ﺑﺨـﺼﻮص ﻣﻮﺿـﻮع اﻟﻴـﻮم أﻧـﻪ ﺑـﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ دول‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﺎدق ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ و أﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﻫـﺆﻻء واﳌﻨـﺸﺌﺔ ﲟﻮﺟـﺐ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﳌـﺬﻛﻮرة‬
‫ﺷﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف اﻟﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف ﲟﻮﺟـﺐ اﳌـﺎدة ‪ ٧٤‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإﺻﺪار ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎت ﺧﺘﺎﻣﻴﺔ وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺪﱘ دواﻋﻲ اﻟﻘﻠﻖ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﺨـﺼﻮص اﻷوﺿـﺎع اﳋﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف‪ .‬وﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ اﻟﺪور اﻟﺬي ﻟﻌﺒﺘـﻪ ﻫـﺬه اﻟﻠﺠﻨـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺣﻠـﻖ‬
‫دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وأﺟﻬﺰة اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪات‪ ،‬وﻟﻜـﻦ‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ واﳊﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ دول اﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪،‬‬
‫وﻫﻲ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬا اﳌـﺴﺘﻮى دور اﻟﺘﺮاﻓـﻊ ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗﻨﻔﻴـﺬ ﻓﻌـﺎل ﳌﻘﺘـﻀﻴﺎت اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ‪ ,‬وﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻨـﺎ‬
‫‪1 Louis ALVAREZ, « Les migrations internationales et leur réglementation », in R.C.A.D.I., 1927,V.T.20‬‬
‫‪16‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت أن ﻧﻜﺜﻒ ﺣﻀﻮرﻧﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺧﻼل دورات ﻫﺬه اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ واﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺮاﻋﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ أﺷﻐﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻀﺮات اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳌﺬﻛﻮرة ﻋﺪة ﲢﺪﻳﺎت ﻣﻨﻬـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳋـﺼﻮص ﻋـﺪم ﻣـﺼﺎدﻗﺔ أﻏﻠـﺐ دول اﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎل‬
‫واﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ اﻟﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻬﺪدﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻣﻲ اﻟﻨﺰﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﺪاﺋﻴﺔ واﻧﺘﺸﺎر ﻗﻴﻢ ﺳـﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮﻓﺾ واﻟﻜﺮاﻫﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧﺐ وﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ دول اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‪ .‬ﻳـﻀﺎف إﻟـﻰ ذﻟـﻚ ﺗﻨـﺎﻗﺺ ﻓـﺮص‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ دول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﻳﺨﻠﻔﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺿﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل وأﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻲ دول اﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻻ داﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺬﻛﻴﺮ ﺑﺘﺪاﻋﻴﺎت اﻷزﻣـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻻ ﻣﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ ﻛـﻞ ﺑﻘـﺎع اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬وﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺣﻮال‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻟﻈـﻮاﻫﺮ ﻋـﺪم اﳌـﺴﺎواة وﻋـﺪم ﺗﻜـﺎﻓﺊ اﻟﻔـﺮص وﺻـﻌﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺎت‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ دول اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺰاﻳـﺪ ﻣﻈـﺎﻫﺮ اﻟﻌـﻴﺶ ﻓـﻲ ﻇـﺮوف ﻏﻴـﺮ إﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ ﺗﻬﺪد ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺠﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬اﻟﻔﺌﺔ اﻟﻬﺸﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ذات اﻹﺳﻬﺎم‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮي ﻓﻲ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدات اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎرف وﺗﺒﺎدل اﻟﻘﻴﻢ اﳊﻀﺎرﻳﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻨﺎ ﻣﻜﻤﻦ اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻀﺮات اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫إذا ﻛﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺬا اﳊﻮار ﺑﲔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺜﻤﻨﲔ ﻟﻪ ﳌﺎ ﻳﻄﺮﺣـﻪ ﻟﻠﻨﻘـﺎش واﳊـﻮار اﻟﻬـﺎدئ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات اﻧﺸﻐﺎل ﻣﺸﺘﺮك‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﻋﻮ إﻟﻰ اﻻﻧﺨﺮاط اﻟﻮاﺳﻊ ﻓـﻲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺰه أﻛﺜـﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣﺄﺳـﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫وأﻓﻀﻞ اﻟﺴﺒﻞ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ واﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ وﺗﻘﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻘـﺎ ﳌﺒـﺎدئ ﺑـﺎرﻳﺲ‪،‬‬
‫واﳊﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺛﻴﺮة ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ دورات ﻫﺬا اﳊﻮار‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات اﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎم اﳌـﺸﺘﺮك‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴﻢ واﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎرات ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻛﺐ وﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺘﻴﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺿﻊ آﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻟﻘـﺎءات اﳊـﻮار‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻨـﺴﻴﻖ ﻣـﻊ اﻟـﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺮ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻀﻴﻒ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا وﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻻﻫـﺎي اﳉﻤﻴﻠـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ وﻛﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻹﻋﺪاد ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﻨﻴـﺎ ً ﻛـﻞ اﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﻷﺷﻐﺎﻟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬وﺷﻜﺮا ً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ إﺻﻐﺎﺋﻜﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪17‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬
‫ﳑﺜﻞ اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪19‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻠﺴﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻨﺼﻒ اﻟﺮوﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﳊﺮﻳﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﻧﺎس ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮﺳﻦ‪ ،‬اﳌﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬي ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻲ اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻮق‪ ،‬اﳌﻔﻮض اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﻤﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة اﻧﺎﺳﺘﺎزﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻜﻠﻲ‪ ،‬رﺋﻴﺴﺔ اﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺠﻮب اﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬أﻣﲔ ﻋﺎم اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب‪،‬‬
‫أﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﺎدة اﻟﻜﺮام‪،‬‬
‫اﺳﻤﺤﻮا ﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ أن أﻋﺒﺮ ﻟﻜﻢ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻜﺮ اﳉﺰﻳﻞ ﻟﺪﻋﻮة اﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻠﻘـﺎء اﻟﻬـﺎم‪ ،‬واﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻮدﺗﻨﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺘﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻪ وﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻪ‪ ،‬وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟـﺴﻌﺎدة اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻐﻤﺮﻧـﻲ ﺷﺨـﺼﻴﺎ ﻟﺘﻮاﺟـﺪي‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻜﻢ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﺮاﺋﻊ ‪ -‬ﻗﺼﺮ اﻟﺴﻼم ﻓﻲ ﻻﻫﺎي ‪ -‬واﻟﺬي ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎره ﻛﻤﻘـﺮ ﻟﻬـﺬا اﳌـﺆﲤﺮ أﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫دﻻﻟﺔ وﻣﻌﻨﻰ‪.‬‬
‫وأﻧﺘﻬﺰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﺎﻧـﺤﺔ ﻷﻗﺪم ﻟﻜﻢ اﻋﺘﺬار ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻲ اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺮو ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋـﻦ ﻋـﺪم ﺣـﻀﻮر ﻫـﺬا‬
‫اﻟﻠﻘﺎء رﻏﻢ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬وﺗﺜﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﳉﻬﻮدﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ أن ﺗﺰاﺣﻢ اﻷﺣﺪاث ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﺗـﺰاﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺤﻀﻴﺮات اﳊﺜﻴﺜﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪوﺣﺔ ﻣﻨﻌﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺑﻴﻨﻨـﺎ‪ .‬وﻗـﺪ ﺣﺮﺻـﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺜﺔ اﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮوﻛﺴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﻣﻌﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﳉﻠﺴﺔ اﳋﺘﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺬر ﺣﻀﻮرﻧﺎ ﻣﻨـﺬ ﺑﺪاﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ‪ .‬ورﲟﺎ ﻫﺬا ﻳﺮﻣـﺰ إﻟـﻰ أوﺿـﺎع اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌـﺮب‬
‫اﳌﻌﻘﺪة‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺒﺪو ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ أﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﱘ ﻗﺪم اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ أن اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻲ واﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﺪاﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ واﻷوروﺑﻲ واﳌﺴﺘﺠﺪات اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ وﻣﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ آﺛﺎر اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ وﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﲡﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮا ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺮار‪ ،‬وﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎ دﻗﻴﻘـﺎ‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻄﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻠﻘﺎء‪ ،‬ودﻗﺔ ﺣﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻮاﻗﻊ اﻷﺷﻴﺎء أن ﻳﺪرج ﺿـﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﻈـﻮر‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻴﺄﺧﺬ ﻣﺪاه ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ واﻟﺘﺪﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬وﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ اﻵﺛﺎر اﳌﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮاﺟﺪ اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‬
‫ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻓﻲ أﺑﻌﺎدﻫﺎ اﳊﻘﻮﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﳊﻴﺎة اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻛﻠﻬﺎ اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ ﺑـﻞ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ أﺣﻴﺎﻧـﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وإﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺑﺄن اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت واﻷﺑﺤﺎث اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺸﺄن ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ذات ﻓﺎﺋﺪة ﻛﺒﻴﺮة ﻓﻲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺜﻐﺮات وﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ اﳊﻠﻮل اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﺎوزﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ اﺳﺘﺤﻮذت ﻗﻀﻴﺔ أوﺿﺎع وﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب ﻓـﻲ اﳋـﺎرج ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎت ﻋﻤـﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﺔ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﻦ أﻗﻮم ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﺮاض اﳌﻨﺠﺰات ﻷن اﳌﻄﻠﻮب ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ وﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ أﻳﻀﺎ‪.‬‬
‫أذﻛﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ اﺳﺘﺤﺪاث إدارات ﻓﻲ اﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ وﺣﻮار اﳊﻀﺎرات واﳌﻐﺘـﺮﺑﲔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮب‪ ،‬وﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻮم ‪ ٢٢‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻴﺪا ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎل ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺘﺮب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻋـﺪة إدارات وﻣﺮاﻛـﺰ وﺑﻌﺜـﺎت‬
‫ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ أوﺿﺎع اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣـﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﺟﺮى ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﳌﺆﲤﺮات واﻟﻠﻘﺎءات واﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﺮﺑﻂ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ اﻟـﺸﺒﺎب ﻣـﻨﻬﻢ ﺑـﺎﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻛﺎﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء واﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳﲔ واﻷﻃﺒـﺎء وﻏﻴـﺮﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻧﻈﻤـﺖ ﻛـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫أﻧﺸﻄﺔ وﻟﻘﺎءات ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة آﺧﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺒﺎط اﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺷـﻬﺪ اﺟﺘﻤـﺎع ﻟـﻮزراء ﺷـﺆون اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫واﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﳌﻐﺘﺮﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﺮب‪ ،‬وأﻛﺪ اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ أن ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﺸﺒﺎب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ إﻟﻰ اﳋﺎرج ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺪ‬
‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﻞ واﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺰداد رﻗﻌﺘﻪ وﻧﻄﺎﻗﻪ اﳉﻐﺮاﻓﻲ ﲟﺮور اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬وأن ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب ﺗﺼﻞ إﻟـﻰ ﻗﺮاﺑـﺔ ‪١٢‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬أي أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٣٦‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ أﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻠﻴـﻮن ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻌﻠﻤـﺎء‬
‫‪20‬‬
‫وأﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﻜﻔﺎءات اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺒﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع أن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب وﻣﻨﺬ أﺣـﺪاث ‪ ١١‬ﺳـﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ‪/‬أﻳﻠـﻮل‬
‫‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎرﺳﺎت ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ وﻳﺸﻌﺮون ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ إﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﲔ أو ﻣﻘﻴﺪﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ أوﺻﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻲ اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم ﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻀﺮورة ﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻟـﻮزراء اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة واﳌﻐﺘـﺮﺑﲔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮب أﺳﻮة ﺑﺒﻘﻴﺔ اﺠﻤﻟﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﻮزارﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻧﺸﺎط اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ اﳋﺎرج‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎم ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮر أﺣﻤـﺪ ﻟﻘﻤـﺎن أن اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ اﻷﺧﻴـﺮة ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﲡﻬﺖ ﻧـﺤﻮ ﺧﻴﺎر ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫـﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺔ ﺧﻄﻴـﺮة ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﻴـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻀﺮات اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻸﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺒﺎدﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﳌﲔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ واﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄذﻛﺮ اﳌﻼﺣﻈﺎت اﻟﺴﺮﻳﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺄوروﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ إﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ أﺛـﺮ وﺗـﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﳊـﻀﺎرات‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﻔﺘﻲ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﻴﻮم أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ ﻋﺪة ﳝﻜـﻦ ذﻛـﺮ ﺑﻌـﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل ﻻ اﳊﺼﺮ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫إن أوروﺑﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم إﻟﻰ اﳊﻴﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ أن اﻹﺣـﺼﺎءات ﺗـﺸﻴﺮ إﻟـﻰ أن‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻔﻘﺪ ﻗﺮاﺑﺔ ‪ ٦٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪.٢٠٥٠‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أن أوروﺑﺎ ﲢﺘﺎج إﻟﻰ إﻋﻄﺎء ﻋﻨﺎﻳـﺔ أﻛﺒـﺮ إﻟـﻰ اﻟﺘﻄـﻮر اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدي اﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻲ إذ أن أوروﺑـﺎ "اﻟﻜﻬﻠـﺔ"‬
‫ﺳﺘﻀﻢ أﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﺪﺧﻞ واﳌﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻳﻦ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ رﺟﺎل أﻋﻤﺎل وﻣﻨﺘﺠﲔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أﻧﻬـﺎ ﻣﻘﺒﻠـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺎﻃﺆ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وزﻳﺎدة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻓﻲ أﻣﺲ اﳊﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﺑﺪﻳﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫ﲢﺘﺎج أوروﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار إﻟﻰ أﺳﻮاق اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ أن اﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎت ﺗﺸﻴﺮ أﻳﻀﺎ إﻟـﻰ أن ﻋـﺪد ﺳـﻜﺎن‬
‫ﺟﻨﻮب اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺰﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﺘﺮاوح ﺑﲔ ‪ ٤٥٠ - ٤٠٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ﺧﻼل اﻟـ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ )وﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ أﺷـﺎر‬
‫إﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮي ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ .(٢٠٠٢‬إن ذﻟﻚ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أن اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺤﺘـﺎج إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺳﻮﻗﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻜﻮن ﻓﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺋﺾ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻮق اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أﻋﻄﻲ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻛﻤﺜﺎل‬
‫ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل آﺧﺮ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ أﻧﻪ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺮواﺑﻂ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ودول اﳌﻐﺮب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﻮﻳـﺔ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﺗﻠـﻚ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗـﺮﺑﻂ اﻟﻴﺎﺑـﺎن ﺑﺎﻟـﺼﲔ ﻟﻜﺎﻧـﺖ ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻨﻤـﻮ‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺳﺘﺰداد ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %٠،٧٥‬وﺳﺘﺰداد ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%٠،٦‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﺘﺎج اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬وﺟﻨﻮب اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧـﺎص إﻟـﻰ أوروﺑـﺎ ﻗﻮﻳـﺔ ﻷﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻮاﺟﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﺎت ﻳﺤﺘﺎج ﻓﻴﻬﺎ إﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺎون أوروﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺿـﻮء ﻇـﺮوف اﳊـﻮار واﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎت اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴـﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺼﺪﻣﺎت‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫ﺻﺪﻣﺔ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ إذ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻟﺘﺒﻨﻲ اﻟﺴﻮق اﳊﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ورﲟـﺎ ﻛـﺎن ذﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ ‪ ،٢٠١٠‬وﻫﻮ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻊ دﺧﻮل اﻟﺼﲔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺿـﺮورة أن‬
‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻜﻴﻴﻒ ‪ %٥٠-٣٠‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪21‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫ﺻﺪﻣﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ أن ﻫﺬه اﳊﺪاﺛﺔ واﳌـﺴﺘﺠﺪات ﺗﻔـﺮض ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮات ﺳـﺮﻳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﺣﺘﺮام‬
‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص واﻷﻣﻼك‪ ،‬اﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﺣﺘﺮام ﺳﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ أﻣـﺎم ﻣﺒـﺎدرات اﻟﻘﻄـﺎع اﳋـﺎص‪،‬‬
‫وﻣﺤﺎرﺑﺔ ﻛﻞ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﻔﺴﺎد ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ اﳊﻜﻢ اﻟﺮاﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ اﻟﻮاﻋﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺮج ﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻗﻤﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ اﻷﺧﻴـﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌـﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻘﻠﻴﺺ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ واﻟﻔﻘﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺰاﻣﻨﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻊ أزﻣـﺔ اﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻣﺨﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﺴﺖ آﺛﺎرﻫﺎ ﻛﻞ اﻷﻗﻄﺎر وﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﳌﻨﺘﺠﺔ واﳋﺪﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫إن ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا وﻏﻴﺮه ﻳﺆﻛﺪ اﳊﺎﺟﺔ اﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺷﻤﺎل اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ وﺟﻨﻮﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ راﺑﺤـﲔ‪ .‬إن ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﳊﺎﺟﺔ اﳌﺘﺒﺎدﻟﺔ ﺗﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﺮورة ﺑﻨﺎء ﺗﻄﻮر ﻣﺪﻋﻢ دون اﻟﺮﺟﻮع إﻟﻰ ﻋﻘﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻘﺎرﺑـﺔ اﻻﺳـﺘﺤﻮاذ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺛﺮوات اﳉﻨﻮب‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻮر ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﳉﻨﻮب اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺣﻖ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻴﻪ ﻳﺴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﻳﺆدي إﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ إﻳﻘﺎف اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ واﺳﺘﺒﺪاﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮب ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑـﲔ اﻟـﺸﻤﺎل‬
‫واﳉﻨﻮب ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫إﻧﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﻈﻮر ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻧﺘﺤﺎور ﺣﻮل ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ أوروﺑﺎ اﳉﺪﻳﺪة ﲡﺎه ﺟﻴﺮاﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﳉﻨﻮب واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺘﺮح ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻨﻮات ‪ ٢٠٤٠-٢٠٣٠‬اﻧﺪﻣﺎج اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ رؤوس اﻷﻣﻮال‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﳋﺪﻣﺎت‬
‫وﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﺮوري اﻟﺘﺬﻛﻴﺮ أﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﲢﺮك اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ وﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ وﻓﻜﺮﻳـﺔ ﻣﻨﺪﻣﺠـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺨﻠﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﻻ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺎ وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﳋﺒﺮات وأﻓﻜﺎر اﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ‪ ،‬وﲡﺎرب رﺟﺎل اﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻣـﻦ اﳉـﺎﻧﺒﲔ‪،‬‬
‫وﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻷوروﺑـﻲ اﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻄﻲ‪ ،‬أو ﻛﺎﻟـﺬي ﺗﻘـﻮم ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺘﻜﻢ اﶈﺘﺮﻣـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﻀﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ وﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﲔ ورﺟﺎل أﻋﻤﺎل ﻟﻔﺘﺢ أﻓﻖ أوﺳﻊ ﻟﺘﻌﺎون أﻃﻮل وأﺷﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫أود أﺧﻴﺮا أن أورد ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻼﺣﻈﺎت اﳋﺘﺎﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗـﻀﻤﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﺎت وﺧـﺼﻮﺻﺎ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫إن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮن ﺗﻬﺪﻳـﺪا ﻟﻬـﺎ وﻟﻴـﺴﻮا ﻫﺎﻣـﺸﻴﲔ أو ﻃـﺎرﺋﲔ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺗﺰاﻳـﺪ أﻋـﺪادﻫﻢ‬
‫واﻧﺨﺮاط أﺟﻴﺎﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳊﻴﺎة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺼﻮرة أﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ورﻏﻢ أن ﻫـﺬه اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان ﻟﻴـﺴﺖ ﺑـﻼد ﻣﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻟﻮﻻﻳـﺎت اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة وأﻣﺮﻳﻜـﺎ اﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﺳﺘﺮاﻟﻴﺎ وﻛﻨﺪا‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻼﺣﻆ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪا ﻟﻼﻧـﺪﻣﺎج ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺣـﺼﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌـﺮب ﻓـﻲ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ .‬وﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ دﻋﻤﻪ وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﺼﺪر ﻏﻨﻰ وﺗﻮاﺻﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﻀﺎرات‪.‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫إن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻷوﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻮن‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺎ أﺳﺒﺎب ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ واﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬
‫واﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ودواﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ وﻋﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ وﻧﻮازع ﻃﻤﻮح وﻋﻠﻢ وﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻴﻬﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ﺷﺮاﺋﺢ ﻋﺪﻳـﺪة‪ ،‬وﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻂ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎت اﳉﻴﻮﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠـﺪول‬
‫واﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت واﻷﻃﺮاف واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻊ اﳋﻴﺎرات اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ واﳌـﺴﺎرات اﻟﺸﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒـﺪأ ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ‬
‫ﲟﻜﺎن رﺳﻢ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ وﺧﻄﻂ ﺟﺎﻫﺰة أو إﻟﻘﺎء اﻟﺪروس‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ إﻓﺴﺎح اﺠﻤﻟﺎل أﻣﺎم ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎة اﻷﻓـﺮاد وﲡـﺎرب‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت وﻫﻴﺌﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪22‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ وﺣﻀﺎرﻳﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮه ﺑﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ وﻋـﺪل‪ .‬وﻫـﺬا واﺟـﺐ اﻟـﺪول اﳌـﺼﺪرة ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫واﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ .‬وﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﺮب وﻣﺴﺎواﺗﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ واﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ وﻣﻨﻊ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي وﻛﺮه‬
‫اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ورﺑﻄﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻹرﻫﺎب‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻄﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻐﻠﻮن أﺑﺸﻊ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻀﻌﻒ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫إن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدون ﻓﻲ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺮة ﻃﻤﻮح وأﺣﻼم‪ ،‬إﻧﺘﺎج وﺟﻬﺪ وﺑﻨـﺎء‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻟـﻚ ﻣـﺴﺎﻟﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫وإﺧﻔﺎﻗﺎت أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺠﺪ وﻛﺮاﻣـﺔ ﻟﺘﺆﻛـﺪ ﺣـﻀﻮرﻫﺎ‬
‫وﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ واﳌﺜﺎﺑﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺒﻨﺎء واﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﳋﻴﺮ اﳌﺸﺘﺮك‪.‬‬
‫وﺷﻜﺮا ً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ اﺳﺘﻤﺎﻋﻜﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪23‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﻮرﺗﻦ ﻛﻴﺮوم‬
‫اﳌﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬي‬
‫وﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎ‬
‫‪24‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫أود أن أﺑﺪأ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺷﻜﺮي إﻟﻰ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب‪ ،‬واﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬واﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﻬﺎﺟﻦ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬا اﳌـﺆﲤﺮ اﻟـﺬي ﺳـﻮف ﻳﻴـﺴﺮ‬
‫ﻫﺪﻓﻨﺎ اﳌﺸﺘﺮك ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﻧـﺤﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ً ﻣﺪرﻛﻮن ﺟﻴﺪا أن اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﳊﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﺗـﻀﻊ ﺿـﻐﻄﺎ ً ﺟـﺴﻴﻤﺎ ً ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺳـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻻرﺗﻔﺎع أﺛﻨﺎء ﻗﻴﺎم ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﺑﺎﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج‪ ،‬أو أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎر ﺑﺒـﺴﺎﻃﺔ‪.‬‬
‫واﳌﻮﻇﻔﻮن )ﺑﻜﺴﺮ اﻟﻈﺎء(‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺘﺠﻬﻮن ﻧـﺤﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻗـﻮﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫أﻣﺎ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻼل ﺳﻨﻮات ازدﻫﺎر اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ إﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬اﻋﺘﻤﺪ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﺰراﻋـﻲ ﺑـﺸﺪة ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻤـﺎل ﻣـﻦ دول‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻷﺧﺮى وﻣﻦ ﺧﺎرﺟﻪ‪ .‬واﻵن‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻮد اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ إﻟـﻰ ﻗﻄـﺎف اﻟﺰﻳﺘـﻮن واﻟﻔﺮاوﻟـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷن‬
‫وﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﻢ ﻛﺒﻨﺎﺋﲔ ودﻫﺎﻧﲔ وﳒﺎرﻳﻦ ﺟﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺴﺤﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻹﻧﺸﺎءات إﻟﻰ درﺟﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻒ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫اﻷدﻟﺔ إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﺰراﻋﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ اﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻨــﺤﻰ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺎل أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﺗﺼﻞ اﻷزﻣﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎك إﺷﺎرات إﻟـﻰ أن اﻷﻣـﻮر ﺗﺄﺧـﺬ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎ ً‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺒﺎط إﺿﺮاﺑﺎت وﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟـﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ ﻓـﻲ ﻋـﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﺼﻔﺎة ﺑﺘـﺮول‬
‫وﻣﺤﻄﺔ ﻛﻬﺮﺑﺎء ﻋﺒﺮ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة )‪ ،(UK‬وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ اﺣﺘﺠﺎج ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ دول اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‬
‫اﻷﺧﺮى‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻘﺖ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻵن دﺧﻮل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻬﺮة ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎرج اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ اﳋﺎص ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻘﺎط ‪ ،‬وأﻋﻠﻨﺖ أﺣﻜﺎﻣﺎ ً ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺮة‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ اﻵن اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﺈﻋﻼن اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ وﻋﻤﺎل اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺑﺈﻣﻜـﺎﻧﻬﻢ‬
‫ِ‬
‫أن ﻳﻌﺮﺿﻮا اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ دوﻟﺔ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫إﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻮاﺟﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺿﺎﺋﻘﺔ ﻟﺪرﺟﺔ أن اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻮه ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺴﺎد اﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺜﻼﺛﻴﻨﺎت‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻨﺎ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﺼﺎﻋﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﺒﻘﻰ ﺻﺎدﻗﲔ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﻨﺎ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ اﻷﻫﻤﻴـﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳـﺔ ﻟﻜﺮاﻣـﺔ اﻟـﺸﺨﺺ‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻺﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ أن ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﺒﻌﺾ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻶﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻣـﻊ ذﻟـﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺿﻤﺎن اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻧــﺤﻦ ﻧﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﺪوﻟـﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺘـﺎط ﻟﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻧﻜﻮن ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ ﻟﻨـﺤﺘﺎط ﻷﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﺧﻼل اﻹﻋﺎﻗﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺳﻦ اﻟـﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟـﺔ‪ .‬ﻧــﺤﻦ ﻧﻌﺘﻤـﺪ‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻮق ﻟﻴﻨﺘﺞ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ أن ﻧـﺤﺘﺎط ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ أﻣﻨﻨﺎ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ وإﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ اﻟﺴﻠﻊ واﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧـﺤﺘﺎﺟﻬﺎ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ً ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻮم‪.‬‬
‫إن اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﺬي ﻧﻮاﺟﻬﻪ ﻳﻨﺬر ﺑﺎﳋﻄﺮ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺿـﺨﺖ اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺎت أﻣـﺎﻻ ً‬
‫ﻃﺎﺋﻠـﺔ دﻋﻤـﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳـﺴﺎت‬
‫ً‬
‫اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺷﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﺖ ﻋﺪة ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻀﺎت ﺿﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻴﺮة اﳌﺪى ﻟﺘﺤﻔﻴﺰ اﻹﲡﺎر واﻹﻧﻔﺎق اﻟﻌﺎم‪،‬‬
‫وﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﺟﺘﻤﻌﺖ ﻣﻌﺎ ً ﻟﺘﻮﺟﺪ زﻳﺎدة ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺠﺰ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ أن ﻳﺰداد ﻣﻌﺪل اﻟﻌﺠﺰ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺮ اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺪل ‪ % ٢‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﰋ اﶈﻠﻲ اﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ )‪ (GDP‬ﻓﻲ ﺳـﻨﺔ ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬إﻟـﻰ ‪ % ٤,٥‬ﻓـﻲ ﺳـﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ ،٢٠٠٩‬وأن ﻳﺴﻮء أﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪.٢٠١٠‬‬
‫وﻫﻜﺬا‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ دﻋﻢ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﳊﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﻔﺎق اﻟﻌﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺪى اﻟﺒﻌﻴـﺪ‪ .‬وﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧﻴـﺮة‪ ،‬أﻧﻔﻘـﺖ‬
‫اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻓﻲ أرﺟﺎء اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻟﻪ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ رﺑﻊ اﻟﻨﺎﰋ اﶈﻠﻲ اﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻋﺠﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬رﲟﺎ أﻧﻬﺎ اﺳﺘﻤﻴﻠﺖ ﻹﺿﻌﺎف ﺷـﺒﻜﺔ اﻷﻣـﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫـﺎ دوﻟـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﳑﺎ ﺳﻴﻌﺮض أﻓﻘﺮ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ وأﻛﺜﺮﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻀﺮر ﻓﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ إﻟﻰ ﻣـﺼﺎﻋﺐ ﻳﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪ .‬إن اﳊـﻖ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺣﻴﺎة ﻛﺮﳝﺔ ﻣﻬﺪد ﺑﺨﻄﻮرة‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷوﻟﺌﻚ اﻷﻓﺮاد واﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﻓﻊ‬
‫ﳌﺴﻜﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻟﻠﺘﺪﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﻐﺬاء‪ .‬أﻣﺎ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﳌﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ أن ﻳﻬﺘﻤﻮا ﺑﻬﺬا اﻹﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﻌﻤﻠـﻲ وﻋـﺪم‬
‫اﻷﻣﺎن ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ً ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻮم‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪو اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻋﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺨﻄﺎب ﺗﺮف‪.‬‬
‫‪25‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰداد ﻋﺪد اﻟﻨﺎس اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺳﻮف ﻳﻀﻄﺮون ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻠﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ أن ﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺪل ‪ % ٩,٥‬ﺑﺤﻠﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠١٠‬وﻫﺬه زﻳﺎدة ﲟﻘﺪار ‪ % ٢,٥‬ﻋﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻋـﺎم‬
‫‪ .٢٠٠٨‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل وﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻄﻠﻌﻮن إﻟﻰ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﻬﺰ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮى‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﻋﻢ‪ .‬ﻧـﺤﻦ ﻻ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن ﻧﻐﻔﻞ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أن ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺎت اﳊﻘـﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺬا اﻟﻮﻗـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠـﺐ أن‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺠﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وأﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت أن ﺗﻘﺎوم إﻏﺮاء ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺺ دور اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻗـﺎدرﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫إن ارﺗﻔﺎع ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ أﻣﺮ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﻀﻊ ﺿﻐﻄﺎ ً أﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻌﺎﻃﻠﲔ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺪر ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ً أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﳊﺎﺿﺮ ‪ ٢٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ُ ِ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﻓﻲ أرﺟﺎء اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﺪد ﳝﺜﻞ ‪ % ٦‬ﻣﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮع اﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﺳـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺪاﺛـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌـﻲ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴـﻞ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺎﻫﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻹﻧﺸﺎءات‪ ،‬واﳋﺪﻣﺎت‪ ،‬واﻟﺰراﻋﺔ‪ ،‬واﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﺰى إﻟـﻰ اﻟـﻨﻘﺺ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺮض اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﲔ ﺳﻜﺎن اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺗﻔـﻊ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻴﻢ واﻟﺘـﺪرﻳﺐ داﺧـﻞ‬
‫اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ أﻗﻞ ﺟﺎذﺑﻴﺔ ﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻲ اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬وإذا ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻧـﺎ إﻟـﻰ اﳌـﺪى اﻟﺒﻌﻴـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﺒﺪو ﺟﻠﻴﺎ ً أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﺳـﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻫﺎﻣـﺔ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻌـﺎش واﻻزدﻫـﺎر اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدي ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎﺗﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮم أن اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﻏﺐ ﻓﻲ إﻋﻄﺎء أوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻮﺻـﻮل ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻬـﺎ إﻟـﻰ ﺳـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ اﺳـﺘﻬﺪاف‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﲢﺪﻳﺪا ً ﻟﻦ ﻳﺤﻞ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪ .‬إن ﺧﻔـﺾ اﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﻗـﺪ ﻳﻜـﻮن ﺣﺘﻤﻴـﺎ ً‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﺗﻄﺒـﻖ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﲤﻴﻴﺰﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﻧﻨﺴﻰ أن اﻟﺪﻋﻮة ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ً ﺟﺪا ً‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﻬﺠﺮة أﻛﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﻌﺪاد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻗﺺ واﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ اﻟﻄﺎﻋﻨـﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺴﻦ‪ .‬ﻫـﺬه اﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ ﻟـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺨﺘﻔﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﳌﺼﺎﻋﺐ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺴﺄل أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ ﻣﺎذا ﺳـﻴﺤﺪث ﻷوﻟﺌـﻚ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ اﻟـﺬي ﻳﻔﻘـﺪون وﻇـﺎﺋﻔﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻻ ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫اﻓﺘﺮاض أن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ وﻗﻌﻮا ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﻠﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﻌﻮدون إﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪ اﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪ ،‬وإذا ﻣـﺎ ﰎ اﺳـﺘﻬﺪاف ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺪﻓﻊ أﻋﺪاد ﻛﺒﻴﺮة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺴﻮق ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﻈﻢ‪ .‬إن أوﻟﺌـﻚ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻮدون إﻟﻰ ﺑﻼدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻮن اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﺪون اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻻ ﻳﺤﺪث ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ واﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻞ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً ﺧـﻼل‬
‫اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺘﺴﻮل واﻟﺪﻋﺎرة‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮى ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻖ ﻗﻴﻮد اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﳉﻬﻮد ﻟﻄﺮد أﻓﺮاد ﻣﻘﻴﻤﲔ داﺧﻞ ﺣﺪودﻧﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ‬
‫إﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺰﻋﻢ أن اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ وﺿﻌﺖ ﺣﺼﺺ اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌـﺴﺠﻠﲔ‪،‬‬
‫وﺣﻮاﻓﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻮدة اﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳـﺪة ﺗـﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺴﺘﻬﺪف ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎت ﻛﻜﺒﺶ ﻓﺪاء ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت اﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﺗﺪﻳﺮ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺳﺘﻔﺎدت ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺜﻴﺮا ً ﺧﻼل ﺳﻨﻮات اﻹزدﻫﺎر‪ .‬وﺗﺸﻴﺮ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت واﻷﺑﺤﺎث إﻟـﻰ أن‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ ،‬إﺟﻤﺎﻻ ً‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﺬ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ وﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ أﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ أﻧـﻪ ﻳﺠـﺐ‬
‫أن ﻻ ﺗﻨﻜﺮ أوروﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﻟـﻢ ﻳـﺴﺘﻤﺪوﻫﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﻨـﺴﻴﺘﻬﻢ أو ﺟﻨـﺴﻬﻢ أو‬
‫أﺻﻠﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺒﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫إن ﻓﻘﺪان اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎرج اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﳌـﻦ ﻳﻌﻮﻟـﻮن ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﳋﺎرج‪ ،‬وﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻖ وأن ﺗﻀﺮرت ﺑﺸﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻷزﻣـﺔ اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﺗـﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﺘﺤـﻮﻳﻼت‬
‫اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺼﺪرا ً ﻫﺎﻣﺎ ً ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬وﺗﺒﻌﺎ ً ﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜـﺔ‪ ،‬أرﺳـﻞ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮون ﻋـﺎم ‪،٢٠٠٦‬‬
‫ﲢﻮﻳﻼت ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻴﻤﺔ ‪ ٣٠٠‬ﺑﻠﻴﻮن دوﻻر‪ ،‬وﻫـﺬه ﲡـﺎوزت اﳌـﺴﺎﻋﺪة واﻻﺳـﺘﺜﻤﺎر اﻷﺟﻨﺒـﻲ اﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌـﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ٍ‬
‫وﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻦ أﻗﺎرﺑﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﳌﺘﻄـﻮرة‪ ،‬وﻫـﺬا ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻧﺨﻔﺎض اﻵن‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻻﻧﻬﻴﺎرات ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻗﺪ ﲢﻔﺰ ﲢﺮﻛﺎت ﻛﺒﻴـﺮة ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻨـﺎس ﲡـﺎه اﻹﲢـﺎد‬
‫اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻨﺎس ﻗﺪ ﻳﺸﻌﺮون أﻧﻬﻢ ﻻ ﳝﻠﻜﻮن ﺧﻴﺎرا ً إﻻ أن ﻳﺠﺮﺑﻮا ﺣﻈﻬﻢ ﻓـﻲ اﳋـﺎرج‪ ،‬وﻫـﺬا ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪26‬‬
‫ﻳﻐﺬي ﻋﻤﻞ اﳌﻬﺮﺑﲔ واﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﺮض ﻣﺰﻳﺪا ً ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﻹﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺄي ﻣﺴﺎر‪ ،‬إذن‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﺴﻠﻚ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻔﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ أن ﻧﻌﻠﻦ أن اﻟﺒﻘﺎء ﻟﻸﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬وأن ﻧﺘـﺮك‬
‫اﻟﻀﻌﻔﺎء ﺑﻼ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻄﺢ اﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺪوا ﻓـﻲ ﲢﻘﻴـﻖ رﺧﺎﺋﻨـﺎ؟ ﻫـﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻨﻐﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪاﺧﻞ إﻟﻰ أن ﺗﺴﻨـﺢ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺟﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﺔ ؟ إذا ﺗﺒﻌﻨﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﻨﺎ ﻓﺎﳉﻮاب واﺿﺢ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ‬
‫أن ﻧﻘﺎوم اﻹﻏﺮاء ﺑﺄن ﳕﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎرج اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻓﻘﺪان اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻻ ﻣﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺧﻴﺎرا ً وﻫﻮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﻮزع ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﻌﺎﻣﻞ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎرج اﻹﲢـﺎد‬
‫اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮن ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻧـﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن ﻧﻄـﺮد أوﻟﺌـﻚ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻫﻤﻮا ﻓـﻲ ﻗﻮﺗﻨـﺎ‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪاﺋﻖ اﻟﺰﻳﺘﻮن وﻣﺼﺎﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺘﺮول وﻣﺤﻄﺎت اﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑـﺎء اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﺨـﺼﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻨـﺎ ﺑـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺪﻋﻢ ﺳﻮق ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬وﺳﻨﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎة اﳌﻌﺎﻟﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺎرج‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﳒﺪ ﺣﻼ ً ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺎ ً ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳌـﺴﺎواة‬
‫واﻻﺣﺘﺮام ﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺑﺎرﺗﺒﺎﻃﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﺎ ً ﻓﻲ إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺘﻨﺎ اﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﻧﻌـﺰز وﻧـﺪﻋﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﺘﺒﺰغ ﺑﻘﻮة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮك‪.‬‬
‫‪27‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎب رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ أرﻳﺎن ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻴﺮﻏﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫‪28‬‬
‫أﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﺴﻌﺎدة‪ ,‬اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪،‬‬
‫ﺻﺒﺎح اﳋﻴﺮ‪،‬‬
‫أﻫﻼ ً ﺑﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‪ ،‬وأرﺣﺐ ﺑﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي‪ ,‬اﳌﺪﻳﻨـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﺴﺘـﻀﻴﻒ ﻋـﺪدا ً‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮا ً ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﶈﻜﻤﺔ اﳉﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ(‪,‬‬
‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﺪاﻓﻊ ﻟﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ دوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺪل‪ .‬إﻧﻬﺎ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻠﻨﻘـﺎش ﺣـﻮل ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫وﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻨﻘﺎش ﺑﲔ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ واﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧـﺤﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﺪاء وﻧـﺤﻦ ﻧـﺮى ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎت ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﻛﻠﺘـﺎ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘـﲔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺗﲔ ﻫﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن أﻋﺘﺮف أﻧﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﻟﺪى ﻫﻮﻟﻨـﺪا ﻋـﺪة أﺟﻬـﺰة ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻨـﺤﻦ ﻻ زﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ إﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺘﻨﺎ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ واﺛﻘﻮن أﻧﻨﺎ ﺳﻨـﺤﻘﻖ ذﻟـﻚ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ‪.‬‬
‫دﻋﻮﻧﻲ أﺑﺪأ ﺑﺸﻜﺮ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﲔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻫﻢ ‪ -‬اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻟـﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب‪ ،‬واﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻓـﻲ اﻷردن ‪ -‬وذﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﺣﻮل ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﲔ‪.‬‬
‫إﻧﻪ اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﺣﻮل ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺣﺮﺟﺔ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬
‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪/‬ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻘﻄﺐ‪ :‬وﻃﻨﻴﺎ ً‪ ،‬أو إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎ ً أو دوﻟﻴﺎ ً‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺴﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬أو ﺣﺘﻰ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ُ ْ َ َ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪاوﻻت ؛ ُ َ َ ُ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺄﻛﺪ أن آﺛﺎر ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷزﻣﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫ﺗﻀﻴﻒ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪا ً ﺟﺪﻳﺪا ً‪ ،‬وأﻧﺎ‬
‫ُ‬
‫ً‬
‫أﻳـﻀﺎ‪ ،‬أن اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎ ً ﺧﺎﺻـﺎ ً ﺳﻴﻤﻨــﺢ ﻟﻮﺿـﻊ‬
‫وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺳﻮف ﺗﺒﺮز ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع‪ .‬وأﻧـﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﻛـﺪ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻌﺮﺿﲔ ﻟﻠﻀﺮر‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺪم ﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﺮوم ﻣﻦ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺻﻔﺎ ً‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺼﺎ ً ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎذا ﻳﺪور ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫إن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬أزﻣﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ أم ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ‪ .‬اﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ إﻟﻰ اﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﺪﳝﻮﻏﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ أوروﺑـﺎ‪ .‬إﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﺗﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪوام‪ ،‬وﺗﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﺗﺒﻌـﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻮﺿـﻊ اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدي واﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﻘـﺎﺋﻢ‪ .‬إن إدارة اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻣﻬﻤـﺔ ﻣﻌﻘـﺪة ﺷـﺪﻳﺪة اﻷﻫﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﺣﺘﺮام‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ وﺳﻠﺒﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻣﻊ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫واﻟﺘﺤﺪي‪.‬‬
‫دﻋﻮﻧﻲ أﻗﻮل ﺑﻀﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻋﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎ اﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬دﻋﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎدئ ذي ﺑﺪء‪،‬‬
‫أﺷﺪد ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ وﺗﻘﺪم ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺿﺮورﻳﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﻘـﺪﻣﺎ ً ﻛـﺎن أو‬
‫اﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ً أو ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺎ ً؛ ﻋﺼﺮﻳﺎ ً أو ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺎ ً؛ ﲡﺎري اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ أو دوﻟﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ‪ .‬إن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻫﻲ ﻛﺮاﻣﺔ ﻛـﻞ ﻓـﺮد؛‬
‫إن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻫﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﺮد ﻣﺎ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ أو ﻛﻴﺎﻧـﺎت أﺧـﺮى ﻗﻮﻳـﺔ؛ إن ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻫﻲ ﻋﻦ اﺣﺘﺮام اﻻﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪت ﺑﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺗﻨﺎ‪ .‬إن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻫـﻲ ﻟﻜـﻞ واﺣـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪوام‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬إﻟﺘﺰام ﻋﺎﳌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﲢﺘﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎ ً أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ واﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻠﻢ أﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﻼد‪ ،‬وأن ﻫﻨﺎك أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا وأﻧﻬﺎ ﲢﺘﺎج إﻟﻰ ﺣﻞ‪ ،‬وﳝﻜﻦ أن ﲢﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫـﻮ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺜﻼ ً ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج‪ ،‬أو ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل إﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻠﺠﻮء‪ ،‬أو ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬إﻧﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺠﺪﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﳉﺪي‪ ،‬وﻧـﺤﻦ ﻧﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻘﺪا ً ﺟﺪﻳﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎدر دوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺎت ﻣﺤﻠﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼدﻧﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﻲ أﺳﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن أوﻛﺪ ﻟﻜﻢ‪ :‬إﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﺬل ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻠﺒﻲ‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأﺳﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن أﻗﻮل أﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻠﺒﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎم‪.‬‬
‫‪29‬‬
‫ﺗﻬﺪف ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎ اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻹرﺗﻘﺎء ﺑـﺎﻷﻣﻦ واﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺮار‪ ،‬واﻟﻌـﺪل وﺳـﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬إن ﻫﺬه أﻫﺪاف ﻃﻤﻮﺣﺔ ﺟﺪا ً‪ ،‬ﻟﺬا ﻧـﺤﺘﺎج أن ﻧﺼﻨﻊ ﺧﻴﺎرات وأن ﻧــﺤﺪد‬
‫أوﻟﻮﻳﺎت ﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻨﺠﺰﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻓـﻲ ﺷـﺄن واﺣـﺪ‪ ،‬أﺳـﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن أﻛـﻮن واﺿـﺤﺎ ً‪ :‬إن ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن أوﻟﻮﻳـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺎت اﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻷﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﻠـﻢ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً أن اﻻﺣﺘـﺮام اﻟﻌـﺎﳌﻲ‬
‫ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻨﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬أﻃﻠﻖ وزﻳﺮ اﻟﺸﺆون اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨﺪا ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟـﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗـﺴﻤﻰ‬
‫"اﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺰﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴـﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ إﻟﻐـﺎء ﻋﻘﻮﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺑﻌﺾ اﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ رأﻳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﲢﺘﺎج إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫اﻹﻋﺪام‪ ،‬اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل واﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻟﻨـﺎس ﻣـﻦ ذوي اﻟﺘﻮﺟـﻪ اﳉﻨـﺴﻲ‬
‫اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ واﻟﺪﻳﻦ واﻹﻋﻼم‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﺪاﻓﻌﲔ ﻋـﻦ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻹﻓﻼت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﺎب‪.‬‬
‫إﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺴﻌﻰ إﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﳊﻮار )ﻛﻼ اﳊﻮارﻳﻦ‪ :‬اﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﻷﻃﺮاف واﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻲ(‪ ،‬وﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ دﻋﻢ اﻟﺒـﺮاﻣﺞ‬
‫واﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﰎ أﻧﺸﺎء ﺻﻨﺪوق ﺧﺎص ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻐﺮض‪.‬‬
‫وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺗﺸﻜﻞ أوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎ اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﺎص ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن واﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻫـﺬا ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺿـﻤﻨﺎ ً أو ﺑـﺄي‬
‫وﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬أن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وأﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻌﺮﺿﲔ ﻟﻠﻀﺮر ) وﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻟـﻴﺲ ﻋﻠـﻰ وﺟـﻪ‬
‫اﳊﺼﺮ‪ :‬اﻟﻨﺴﺎء( ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻮذون ﻋﻠﻰ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻨﺎ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪف ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮورة ﻛﻞ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت واﻷﻓـﺮاد‪ ،‬وﻣـﻦ واﺟـﺐ‬
‫اﻟﺪول ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻓﺮاد‪ ،‬ﲟﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ أن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎن ﺑﺒﻌﻀﻬﻤﺎ ﺑﺸﺪة وﺑﻄﺮق ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة‪.‬‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮك ﺑﻼد اﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك رواﺑﻂ إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪ :‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻬﺆﻻء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺬي ﻳـﺴﺎﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻓﻲ "اﻟﻜﺴﺐ اﻟﻔﻜﺮي" ‪-‬‬
‫ﺳﻮاء ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ اﻷﺻﻞ أو اﳌﻘﺼﺪ ‪ -‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ إﻻ أن ﻳﻘﻮي اﻟﻔﻮاﺋﺪ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫إن ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا ﺗﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻜﻮن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ رأس ﺟﺪول أﻋﻤﺎل اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺧﻼل اﳌﻨﺘﺪى اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ أول‪ ،‬ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠٠٨‬ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺘـﺪى اﻟﻌـﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺗﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﲢﺘﺮم‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ اﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ أو إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺸﺮوﻃﺎ ً ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻜـﺲ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧـﺤﻦ ﻧﻌﺘﺒﺮ أن اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﻪ اﺛﺮ إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ دول اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﻨﻘﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺣـﻮل ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻬﺠـﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﳊﻮارات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪َ ُ ،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﳌﺒﺪأ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺧﻄﺄ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت أن ﺗﺘﺤﺴﻦ داﺋﻤﺎ ً‪ ،‬وﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺪ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻔﻴﺪا ًﺟﺪا ًﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎت ﻧـﺤﻮ اﻷﻓﻀﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪30‬‬
‫وﻧـﺤﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻧﻼم ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺪم اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓـﺮاد‬
‫أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫دﻋﻮﻧﻲ أوﺿﺢ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎر اﻟﺴﺒﺐ اﳌﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ أن ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ دول اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء‪ ،‬ﻟـﻢ ﺗـﺼﺎدق‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫أوﻻ ً وﻓﻲ اﳌﻘﺎم اﻷول‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﻘﺪ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﺔ أن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻌﻴﺪا ً إﻟـﻰ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﻌـﺪ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻬﺎ ﲤﻨـﺢ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﲔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨـﻮد اﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴـﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫أﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‪ :‬ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬أن اﻟﻨﻤﺎذج اﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﺖ ﻓﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﺑﺮأﻳﻨﺎ ﳑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻟﻬﺬه اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﶈﺪدة أﻗﻞ ﺿﺮورة‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ﻣـﻦ اﻷﻓـﻀﻞ ﻟـﻮ‬
‫أﻧﻨﺎ رﻛﺰﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻨﻤﺎذج اﳌﻮﺟﻮدة ﻫﺬه؛ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة ﻋـﻦ إﻧﻬـﺎء اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ دﻋﻮﻧﻲ أؤﻛﺪ أﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻧﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن ﻫﺬا ﻻ ﻳﻠﻤﺢ ﺑﺄي ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ‬
‫أﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻗﻞ أوﻟﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﺮ أن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن وﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑﺤﺎﺟـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪ ،‬وﲟﺜﺎل واﺣﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬أﻻﺣﻆ أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﲔ ﻣﺨﻮﻟﻮن ﻟﻠﺮﻋﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟـﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨـﺪا إذا‬
‫ﻛﺎن اﻟﻌﻼج اﻟﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺎ ً‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﻨﻰ اﻟﺒﺮﳌﺎن اﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨـﺪي ﺣـﺪﻳﺜﺎ ً ﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻊ إﺻـﻼح ﻟﻴـﻀﻤﻦ ﲤﻮﻳـﻞ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺴﺠﻠﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﲢﻔﻴﺰ اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا أﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار وﺗﺂﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﺴﲔ وﺿﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎﻻت‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬وﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ‪ .....‬إﻟﺦ‪ .‬ﻧــﺤﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴـﺪ ﻟـﻢ ﻧـﺼﻞ إﻟـﻰ ﻫﻨـﺎك ﺣﺘـﻰ اﻵن‪ ،‬وﻟﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺼﺎف أن ﻧﻌﺘﺮف أﻳﻀﺎ ًﺑﺎﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﳌﻠﺤﻮظ اﻟﺬي ﰎ إﺣﺮازه‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻓﻜﺮة ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ‪ -‬إن ﺳﻤﺢ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ‪ -‬إن ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻨﻮا ﻣﻦ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع إﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ روﺗﺮدام؛ وﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻘﻄـﺎع‬
‫ﺳﻜﺎن ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬أو وزﻳﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺪل اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺎﻟﺞ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ ﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗـﺸﻮا‬
‫ﻧﺎﻗـﺸﻮا‬
‫ﻣﺎذا ﻳﻨﺠﺢ وﻣﺎذا ﻻ ﻳﻨﺠﺢ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤﺪة وﻟﺪ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب‪ ،‬ووزﻳـﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟـﺔ ﻣـﻦ أﺻـﻞ ﺗﺮﻛـﻲ‪ .‬أو ِ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻊ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴـﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ اﻟﻘﻴﺎدﻳـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎل اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة واﻻﻧـﺪﻣﺎج‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫"اﳌﻨﺘﺪى"‪.‬‬
‫أود أﻳﻀﺎ ً أن أﺿﻴﻒ أن ﻟﺪى اﻟﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ آﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وأﻧـﻪ ﳝﻜـﻦ أن ﺗـﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓـﻲ ﺣـﺎل ﺣـﺪوث‬
‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ أو ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وأؤﻛﺪ اﻟﺪور اﳊﺎﺳﻢ ﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ رﻏﻤﺎ ًﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺪ اﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ وﺛﻴﻘﺔ أو وﺛﻴﻘﺘﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع‪ .‬ﳝﻜﻦ وﺻﻒ دور اﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﻛﻜﻠﺐ ﺣﺮاﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﻣﺎ وﺟـﺪت‬
‫أن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪ اﻧﺘﻬﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن ﺗـﺮﻏﻢ اﻟﺪوﻟـﺔ اﻟﻌـﻀﻮ ﻋﻠـﻰ أن ﺗﺘﺨـﺬ اﳋﻄـﻮات‬
‫اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﲡﺎه ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﲤﺜﻞ اﶈﺎﻛﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎدة " اﳌﻼذ اﻷﺧﻴﺮ"‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﻲ أوﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ أن اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬أﺟﺪ أﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ أن ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﺪم اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ دول ﺣﻴﺚ إﺳـﺎءة ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺴﻮء اﳊﻆ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮة؛ دول ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﺎدق ﻫﻲ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻹﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ‪ .‬إن‬
‫اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮوﻓﺔ ﺟﻴﺪا ً ﻋﻦ أوﺿﺎع إﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳉﺴﺪﻳﺔ أو اﻟﻨﻔـﺴﻴﺔ ﻣـﻊ ﺧـﺪم اﳌﻨـﺎزل ﻣـﺜﻼ ً أو ﻋﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﻹﻧﺸﺎءات‪ ،‬واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪ ،‬وﻇﺮوف اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺮﻫﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬وﻏﻴـﺎب أي ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‪ .‬إن ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻟﻘﻴـﻮد ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺒﻼد‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﺸﻲء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ وﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺼﺒﺎح‪ ،‬وأﻋﺘﺒﺮ أﻧﻜﻢ ﻛﺨﺒـﺮاء ﻓـﻲ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﻬﺠﺮة أﻛﺜﺮ إدراﻛﺎ ً ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ أي ﺷﺨﺺ آﺧﺮ‪ .‬إﻧﻨﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﺄن ﺣﻮارﻧﺎ ﺳﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣـﺎ ً ﲟـﺎ ﻳﻜﻔـﻲ‬
‫‪31‬‬
‫ﻟﺸﻲء ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ اﻟﻨﻔﺲ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﻏﻀﻮن ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﳉﻴﺪ أن ﻧﻼﺣﻆ أن اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪ ،‬وﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﺧﻄﻮات‪.‬‬
‫ﻧـﺤﻦ ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﳌﺒﺎراة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻼﻣﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ أﺻﺎﺑﻊ اﻻﺗﻬﺎم‪ ،‬أو اﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺴﻬﻞ أي ﺣﻞ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺒﻞ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﻨﻈﻮرات ووﺟﻬﺎت ٍ‬
‫اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ أو ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬إن ﻣﺎ ﻧـﺤﺘﺎﺟﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ً أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ أي ﺷﻲء ﻫـﻮ‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺻﺎدق وﺑﻨﺎء ﻟﻠﻮﺿﻊ‪ ،‬وﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﺗﻪ اﳉﺬرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وآﺛﺎره ﻋﻠﻰ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﲡﺎﻫـﺎت اﳊﺎﻟﻴـﺔ واﶈﺘﻤﻠـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎت واﳊﻠﻮل اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ‪.‬‬
‫إن ذﻟﻚ ﻳﺤﺘﺎج‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﻗﺶ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺘﺪى اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻼ‪ ،‬إﻟـﻰ أن ﻧﺄﺧـﺬ ﻓـﻲ اﳊـﺴﺒﺎن اﻟـﺪورة اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪ :‬اﻟﻘﺮار ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺎدرة‪ ،‬اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪاد )ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام(‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪ اﳌﻘـﺼﺪ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻮدة اﳌﻤﻜﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻷوﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺬا ﻣﺠﻬﻮدا ً ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎ ً ﺑﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﻟﻜﻦ إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ اﶈﺪدة‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺄزق ﳝﻜﻦ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻴـﻪ ﻋﺒـﺮ اﳊـﻮار‪ .‬ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﻧـﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻌـﻀﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ً وأن ﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﺎ ً ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ أن ﻧﺘﺤﺮك ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ً‪ ،‬وأن ﻧـﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺎ ً ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪث ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺎ ً‪ .‬ﻧـﺤﻦ ﻧـﺤﺘﺎج أن ﻧﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻄﻮات واﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻴـﺎم ﺑﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﺮﺗﻜـﺰ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ دﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎ ً أو ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻴﺎ ً‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻪ أﺛﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﻴـﺎة اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫إﻟﻰ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ .‬إن ﺣﻮارا ً ً‬
‫وأن ﻳﺤﻘﻖ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎت‪ ،‬وأن ﻳﻘﻮد إﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺪم ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫وأﻧﺎ واﺛﻖ أن اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎ ً ﻛﻬﺬا ﺳﻴﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫‪32‬‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻔﺠﻮات واﻟﻔﺮص واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت واﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫‪34‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ راﻳﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﻧﺰ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ واﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﻨﻚ )إرﺳﺖ إﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ‪(.‬‬
‫اﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎ‬
‫‪ ...‬ﺣﻮل اﳉﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻜﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﻳﺤﻠﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﳊﺠﻢ اﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ وﺣﻮض اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑـﻴﺾ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ وﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ واﻵﺛﺎر اﳌﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﲔ‬
‫‪35‬‬
‫اﳌﺼﺪر اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ أرﺳـﻠﺖ ﻧــﺤﻮ ‪٧٠‬‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٧٥٠‬وﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٦٠‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ أوروﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ُ ﱢ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﺒﺤﺎر‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ذﻟﻚ ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎري ﻷوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻣﻨـﺢ أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻜـﻲ‬
‫"ﺗﺼﺪر" اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﻠﺺ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ واﻻﺿﻄﺮاب اﶈﺘﻤﻞ أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺧﻼل ﺗﻠـﻚ اﻟﻔﺘـﺮة‬
‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺎدل ﺛﻠﺖ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﻼل ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة ‪ -‬إﻟﻰ اﳊﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻷﻗـﻞ ‪-‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ وﺷﻤﺎل إﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ً ﻣﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻠﺐ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮا ً ﻣﺜﻴـﺮا ً‪ ،‬إﻟـﻰ درﺟـﺔ أﻧـﻪ ﻋﻜـﺲ ﻫـﺬه اﻷﳕـﺎط‪ .‬ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﺪى‬
‫اﳋﻤﺴﲔ ﺳﻨﺔ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎرت ﺟﻤﻴﻊ دول أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗـﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎ ً ﻣﻘﺎﺻـﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ أن‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﳉﺪد ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ وﺳﻂ أوروﺑﺎ وﺣﻮض اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻊ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻨﻤﻂ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﲢﻮل اﻟﻨﻤﻂ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺠﺮة إﻟﻰ اﳋﺎرج إﻟﻰ ﻫﺠﺮة إﻟﻰ أوروﺑﺎ وﺗﻨﻘﻼت داﺧﻠﻴﺔ أوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬
‫أﺻﺒﺤﺖ دول اﳌﻐﺮب وﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﺼﺪر اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة إﻟﻰ أوروﺑـﺎ‪ .‬أﻣـﺎ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻣـﻦ ﻫـﺎﺗﲔ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘـﲔ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﲔ ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺣﻮض اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ إﻟﻰ أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﺳﺘﻤﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻵن‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ - ١٩٦٠‬ﺻﺎرت دول اﳋﻠﻴﺞ اﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻊ‪ ،‬وﺻﺎرت ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ رﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺟﺎذﺑﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻂ‪ ،‬وﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻨﻮب آﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﺟﻨﻮب ﺷﺮق آﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وأﺟﺰاء ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ أوروﺑﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك اﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎن واﺿﺤﺎن‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪأت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﺔ اﻟﺒﺤـﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻂ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ ﻓﻲ أواﺧﺮ اﳊﻘﺒﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﻤﺮت إﻟﻰ اﻵن‪ .‬إن ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻮدة ﻣـﺎ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر ﻗﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻬﻤﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت‪ ،‬وﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎت اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻢ إﻟـﻰ اﻟـﺪاﺧﻞ‪.‬‬
‫واﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺪة دول ﻣﻦ ﻏﺮب أوروﺑﺎ وﻃﻨﺎ ً أو ﻣﻀﻴﻔﺎ ً ﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨـﺎس ﻣـﻦ أﺻـﻞ أو ﺧﻠﻔﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻨﺎس إﻣﺎ أﻧﻬﻢ أﺻﺒﺤﻮا ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﻮﻃﻨﻬﻢ اﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬أو‬
‫أﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻗﺪ وﻟﺪوا ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺬ أﻣﺪ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬أو ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻣﺘﺠﻨﺴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ أﺻـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻐﺎرﺑﻲ أو ﺗﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ أﻃﻔﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﻮا ﻣﻨﺪﻣﺠﲔ ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ً؛ ﺣﺘﻰ أن ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺶ‪ ،‬وﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪﻻت اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺑﲔ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ دون اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أن اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ أﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﺻﺤﻴﺢ وﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﺑـﺎرز‬
‫ﺑﲔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﻟﻠﻮاﺗﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻐﺎرﺑﻴـﺔ أو ﺗﺮﻛﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ ﻛﻠﺘـﺎ ﻣﺠﻤـﻮﻋﺘﻲ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﺔ اﻟﺒﺤـﺮ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻮن ﻧﺼﻴﺐ اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﲔ ﻣﻦ ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرات اﻷدﻧﻰ أﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻵوروﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻘﺼﺪ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أن ﻧﺼﻴﺐ أوﻟﺌﻚ ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرات اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ أﻗﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ دون ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﻣﻬﺎرﺗﻬﻢ ‪ -‬وﻫﺬا وﺿﻊ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺿﻮح ﻓﻲ "ﻫﺪر اﻟﻔﻜﺮ"‪.‬‬
‫إن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة إﻟـﻰ دول اﳋﻠـﻴﺞ وﻟﻴﺒﻴـﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻌـﺪﻻت ﺗﻮﻇﻴـﻒ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴـﺮ أﻧـﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺤـﻖ‬
‫ﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ أﻋﻀﺎء أﺳﺮﻫﻢ إﻟﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬أو أن ﻳﺤﺼﻠﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ وﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳌـﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳـﻞ ﻓـﻲ دوﻟﻬـﻢ‬
‫اﳌﻀﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﳊﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮض ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫دول اﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻫﺠﺮة داﺋﺮﻳﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ دول أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻘﻄﻦ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻵن ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ٥٠٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻧﺴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻘـﺪﻳﺮات ﻣﻨﺘـﺼﻒ اﻟﻔﺘـﺮة‪ ،‬ﺳﻴـﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻋـﺪد‬
‫اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺴﺒﻌﺔ واﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻼﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ )‪ (EU 27‬ﻓﻲ اﻻزدﻳﺎد ﲟﻌﺪل ﻣﻨﺨﻔﺾ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٣٥‬ﻓﺴﻴﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ أﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﻮ ‪ ٥٢٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻧـﺴﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻮﻗـﻊ ﺧـﻼل اﻟﻔﺘـﺮة اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴـﺔ اﻧﺨﻔﺎﺿـﺎ ً‬
‫ﻻﺣﻘﺎ ً إﻟﻰ ‪ ٥١٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٥٠‬وﺳﻴﻮاﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ أﻋـﻀﺎء اﻻﲢـﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ ﺷـﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﺳـﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫واﻧﺨﻔﺎﺿﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻳﻔﺘﺮض اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮ زﻳﺎدات ﺻﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪود ‪ ٥٠‬ﻣﻠﻴـﻮن‬
‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻔﺘﺮة ﻣﻦ ‪.٢٠٥٠ - ٢٠٠٩‬‬
‫‪36‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺎب ﻫﺠﺮة ﺿﺨﻤﺔ إﻟﻰ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻋﺪد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ‪ ٢٧‬ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪأ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺎ ً ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻻﻧﺨﻔﺎض ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠١٠‬وﺑﺤﻠﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ - ٢٠٥٠‬وﺑﺪون ﻫﺠﺮة ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس ﻓـﻲ أوروﺑـﺎ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫اﻧﺨﻔﺾ إﻟﻰ ‪ ٤٤٣‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﻲ وﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺮﺣﺐ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻘﻠﺺ ﻋﺪد ﺳﻜﺎن أوروﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﻋﻤﺮ ‪ (٦٥ - ١٥‬ﻣﻦ ‪ ٣٤٢‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﺎ ً )ﻋﺎم ‪ (٢٠٠٨‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ٢٤٨‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺷﺨﺺ )ﻋﺎم ‪.(٢٠٥٠‬‬
‫ﺧﻼل ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة ﻗﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ دول ﺣﻮض اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬واﻟﺪول اﺠﻤﻟﺎورة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ وﺷـﻤﺎل‬
‫إﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ )‪ ،(MENA 14‬ﺳﻴﺘﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﺪد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻟﻔﺌﺔ اﻷﻋﻤﺎر ﻣﺎ ﺑـﲔ ‪ ٦٤ – ١٥‬ﺳـﻨﺔ‪ :‬ﻣـﻦ ‪ ١٩٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧـﺎ ﻋـﺎم‬
‫‪ ،٢٠٠٠‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ٢٨٩‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﺎ ً ﺑﺤﻠﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٢٥‬وإﻟﻰ ‪ ٣٦٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﺎ ً ﺑﺤﻠﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠٥٠‬أﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺘﺰداد اﻟﻔﺌـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٤٩‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﺎ ً ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ٦٧‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﺎ ً ﻋﺎم ‪.٢٠٥٠‬‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎج اﻷﻛﺜﺮ وﺿﻮﺣﺎ ً ﻫﻮ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ واﻓـﺮة ﻟﻠﺘﻌـﺎون اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪-‬اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدي ﺑـﲔ أوروﺑـﺎ‪ ،‬وﺷـﻤﺎل‬
‫إﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳌﺪارة‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﳌﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎرة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻓﺎﺋـﺪة اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌـﺎت اﳌﺮﺳـﻠﺔ‬
‫واﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻼ ً ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻌﺎون‪.‬‬
‫‪37‬‬
‫ﻋﺮض ﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺘﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻔﺠﻮات واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت واﻟﻔﺮص ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت وﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ أﻇﻔﺮ ﺧﺎن‬
‫ﺧﺒﻴﺮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وﺧﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻜﺘﺐ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ‪ -‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ وﲢﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﺎران‬
‫ﺧﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮا‬
‫‪38‬‬
‫اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ أﻇﻔﺮ ﺧﺎن‬
‫ﺧﺒﻴﺮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وﺧﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻜﺘﺐ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‬
‫‪39‬‬
‫أوﻻ ً‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ‬
‫إن ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ زﻣﻦ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬وﺗﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺄﳕـﺎط ﻣﺘﻐﻴـﺮة ﻟﻠﻬﺠـﺮة‪ .‬وﻫﻨـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﲔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪ :‬اﻷول ﻫﻮ اﻟﻜﺎﺋﻦ ﺑـﲔ أﻗﻄـﺎر آﺳـﻴﺎ‪ ،‬واﳌـﺸﺮق‪ ،‬ودول ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠـﻲ‬
‫)اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬وﻋﻤﺎن‪ ،‬وﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬واﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻹﻣـﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة(‪ ،‬واﻟﺜـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫أﻗﻄﺎر اﳌﻐﺮب وأوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬان اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﺎن ﻳﺴﺘﻮﺟﺒﺎن دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎت ﻫﺠﺮة وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬وﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﳉـﺔ‬
‫وﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻟـﺒﻼد اﻟﺘـﻲ ﳝﻜـﻦ أن‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻒ أﺳﺎﺳﺎ ً ﺑﺎﻟﺪول اﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬واﻷردن‪ ،‬وﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺬب اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ .‬إن ارﺗﻔﺎع أﺳﻌﺎر اﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ أول‬
‫ً‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬وﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺎﻣﻼ ً‬
‫ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٧٣‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺪل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻧﺘﻌﺎش اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻓﺤﺴﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪول‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺻﺎر‬
‫ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺎ ً رﺋﻴﺴﺎ ً ﻟﺜﺮوات ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳉﻨﻮب آﺳـﻴﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮ واﻟﺘﻄـﻮر ﻟـﺒﻌﺾ اﻟـﺪول اﻟﻐﻨﻴـﺔ ﺑـﺮأس اﳌـﺎل‪،‬‬
‫اﳌﻔﺘﻘﺮة ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎن ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺔ ﻫـﺬه اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟـﺎت‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ارﺗﻔﺎع اﻟﺴﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ دول اﳌﺸﺮق اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺎورة واﻟﻔﻘﻴﺮة ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎ ً ﺑـﺮأس اﳌـﺎل‪ ،‬وﻣـﻦ اﻟـﻴﻤﻦ اﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻹﻧﻔـﺎق اﻟـﻀﺨﻢ‬
‫وﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻮدان‪ .‬وﺑﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺰﻳﺎدة اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﺪات‪ ،‬واﻟﺮﺧﺎء اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺊ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر اﻟﺬي ﺑﺎﺷﺮت ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎت إﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪم اﳌـﺴﺎواة‪ ،‬ﻫﺠـﺮة ﻛﺒﻴـﺮة‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﳉﻨﻮب آﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ؛ ﻛﺎن ذﻟﻚ وﺑﺒـﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻷن اﻟﻄﻠـﺐ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ ﲡـﺎوز ﻗـﺪرة اﻟـﺪول‬
‫‪٢‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺷﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﻔﻘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻟﻮﺣﻈﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺘﲔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﳊﺮﻛﺎت‪ ،‬اﻷوﻟﻰ ﲢﻘﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﳊﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺘـﺮة‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ اﺑﺘﺪأت ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎت‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك رﻛﻮد ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻘﻼت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل إﻟـﻰ دول ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫وﻛﺎن ﻫﺬا ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻂء ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ .‬وﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺮﻛﻮد ازدﻫﺎر آﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘـﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪،‬‬
‫وﻫﻮ اﻟﺬي ﺷﺠﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﳉﻨﻮب آﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ وﻣﻦ ﺑﻼد ﺷـﺮق آﺳـﻴﻮﻳﺔ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫إﻧﺪوﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﻠﻴﺒﲔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ وﺑﻌﺪ أن اﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﻫﺬا اﻻزدﻫﺎر اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰءا ً أﻓـﻀﻞ ﻷﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﻋﻘـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧـﻪ اﻵن ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻧـﺤﺴﺎر‪ ،‬ﲟﻌﻄﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻀﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر ﻣﻊ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫أﺑﺮزت اﳊﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻘﺼﺪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﻃﻮار ﻟﺘﺰوﻳﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨـﻮب وﺷـﺮق آﺳـﻴﺎ‪ .‬أوﻻ ً‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﻢ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ "ﻫﺠﺮات ﺑﻌﻘﻮد" ‪ -‬ﲟﻌﻨﻰ آﺧﺮ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‬
‫)وﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ :‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة( ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻃﺎ ً ﺑﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮات أو ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪات ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒـﺪو ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺔ "ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ"‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻌﻘﻮد ﻗﺼﻴﺮة اﻷﻣﺪ )ﻟﻴﺲ ﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼث ﺳﻨﻮات ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻃﻼق (‪ ،‬وﻟﻢ ﻳﻜـﻦ ﻫﻨـﺎك‬
‫ﻧﺸﻂ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﳌﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻔﻂ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎن ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟﻌـﻮدة إﻟـﻰ دﻳـﺎرﻫﻢ ﻋﻨـﺪ‬
‫ٌ‬
‫ﺳﻮق ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﺮة‬
‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻋﻘﻮدﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‪ :‬إن ﺗﺰوﻳﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻵﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻗﺪم‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺪرﺟﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎرة وﺷﺒﻪ اﳌﺎﻫﺮة اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﺸﻄﺔ "اﻹﻧﺸﺎءات" و "ﻗﻄﺎع اﳋﺪﻣﺔ"‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜـﺎ ً‪ :‬إن اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻄـﻮر اﻷول‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺑﺎﳉﻨﺲ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮرة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺬﻛﻮر ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻄﻮر اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﻋﺪدا ً ﻛﺒﻴﺮا ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻐﺘﺮﺑﺎت اﻹﻧﺎث‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺴﺐ أﺣﺪث اﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎت اﳌﺘﻮﻓﺮة‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ أﻗﻄﺎر ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﺒـﺮ ﺿـﻤﻦ أﻋﻠـﻰ ‪ ٢٠‬ﻣﻘـﺼﺪا ً‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧﻴﺮة‪ ،‬اﻛﺘﺴﺒﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن واﻷردن أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺄﻗﻄﺎر ﲡﺘﺬب اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‪ .‬إن‬
‫ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻗﻄﺎر‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﺘﺮة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك وﺟﻮد ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ واﻟﺴﻮرﻳﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ واﻹﻧﺸﺎءات‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨـﻪ اﺗﺨـﺬ ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧﻴـﺮة‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎ ً ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺎ ً إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺈﻧـﺸﺎء ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺘﺠـﺎرة اﳊـﺮة )اﳌـﺴﻤﺎة ﺑﺎﳌﻨـﺎﻃﻖ اﻟـﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻫﻠـﺔ(‪،‬‬
‫وﺷﻤﻮل ﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳉﻨﻮب واﻟﺸﺮق آﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن واﻷردن‪ ،‬ﺻـﺎرت ﻫﺠـﺮة‬
‫‪ 2‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ إﻟﻰ اﳌﻐﺘﺮﺑﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺪ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﺎ أﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻋﻤﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﻐﺘﺮﺑﲔ ﻳﻔﻮﻗﻮن اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‬
‫اﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ‪) .‬ﻓﻲ اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ %٨٠‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻏﺮﺑﺎء(‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ أن ﻫﺬا أﻛﺜﺮ إﻳﻀﺎﺣﺎ ً ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرن أﺣﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺑﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻴﻔﺔ؛ ﻓﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %٧٠‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ودول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻣﻐﺘﺮﺑﲔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻀﻴﻮف ﻓﻲ أﺳﻮاق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﻗﻄﺎر‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻋﻤﺎن‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮن اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪40‬‬
‫ً‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ اﺣﺘﻠـﺖ اﻟﻨـﺴﺎء ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻷﻧﺜﻮﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ اﺑﺘﺪأت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎرة اﻷﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻛﺎت ذات إﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎت‪ ،‬ﲟﻌﻨﻰ أن اﻷﻗﻄﺎر ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺎت اﳊﻜﻢ اﻟﺬاﺗﻲ ﻟﻌﺪم اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ٣.‬ﻋﻠـﻰ وﺟـﻪ‬
‫اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك إﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺪﻧﻲ اﳌﻘﺪم ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرة اﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﻌﺮﺿﲔ ﻟﻠـﻀﺮر‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﻲ اﻹﻧﺸﺎءات واﳋﺪﻣﺎت‪ ،‬وﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺄوﻟﺌـﻚ اﻟﻌـﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻛﺨـﺪم ‪-‬‬
‫وﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ .‬ﻓﻲ أﻋﻘﺎب ﻫﺬه اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎدات‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺒـﺖ ﺑﻌـﺾ اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺎت ‪ -‬اﻹﻣـﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﻷردن ‪ -‬ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ (ILO‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺤـﺺ اﻵﻟﻴـﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ واﻹدارﻳـﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﺮف إﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﻴـﺪاﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﻗﺘـﺮاح‬
‫ﻹدارة اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻃﺮق ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ اﻟﻀﻌﻒ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ وﲢﺴﲔ اﻟﻘﺪرة اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‪ :‬اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ أﺳﺎﺳﺎ ً ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﺘﺎج ﻷن ﺗﺼﺎن؟ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻀﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺒﻨﺎة ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘـﻮق إﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ وﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﻮﻟﻮن ﻟﻬﺬه اﳊﻘﻮق ﻷﻧﻬﻢ ﻋﻤـﺎل‪ .‬ﻣﻨـﺬ ﻋـﺎم ‪ ،١٩١٩‬اﻋﺘﺮﻓـﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻬﻞ دﺳﺘﻮرﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﳊﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌـﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﻓـﻲ ﺑـﻼد أﺧـﺮى ﻏﻴـﺮ ﺑﻼدﻫـﻢ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﳌـﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻧـﺼﻮص اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت ﻓـﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﶈﻠﻲ وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳊﻘﻮق ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬه ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﲢﺘـﺮم وﺗﺆﻳـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫وأن ﻳﺘﻢ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟـﻮ ﻟـﻢ ﺗـﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ اﻟﻬﺪف ﻣﻦ إﻋﻼن ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٨‬ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎدئ اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ واﳊﻘـﻮق ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻪ‪ .‬إن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﲟﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗـﺸﺠﻊ‬
‫‪٤‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﻨﻴﺎن ﲢﺪﻳﺪا ً ﺑﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ :‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺘﺎن ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ْ َ‬
‫‪ / ٩٧‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻷﺟﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام )‪ ،(١٩٤٩‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ‪ / ١٤٣‬ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻮد إﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ )‪ .(١٩٧٥‬ﻛﻼ اﻻﺗﻔـﺎﻗﻴﺘﲔ‬
‫وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻬﻤﺎ اﳌﺮاﻓﻘﺔ‪ ٥‬ﻳﻮﻓﺮان إﻃﺎرا ً ﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﲢﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة وﻟـﻀﺒﻄﻬﺎ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً‪ .‬ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳـﺪ أﻛﺜـﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﲢﺘﻮي ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﻮص ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﺪث ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺎت اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬وﺿﺒﻂ‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ واﻹﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﺘﻘﺼﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﻣﻨـﻊ‬
‫واﺳﺘﺌﺼﺎل إﺳﺎءة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺪود دﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ﲢﺪد اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺘﺎن ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮة ﻟﻈـﺮوف اﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪام واﻟﻌﻘـﺪ‪ ،‬وﻣـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘـﺪرﻳﺐ‬
‫‪ 3‬ﻹﻋﻄﺎء ﻣﺜﺎﻟﲔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮرد أن اﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن ﺟﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎء ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ وﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬
‫ﲟﺴﺢ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻫﻠﺔ )‪ (QIZ‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد‪ ،‬وﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺴﺢ وﺿﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻐﺘﺮﺑﲔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻋﺘﺒﺮت ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺮة ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة )‪ ، (٢٠٠٦‬ﺑﻨﺎء اﻷﺑﺮاج‪ ،‬اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ :‬اﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺒﻨﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬وﻧﺸﺮة وزارة اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﺒﻼد‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﳑﺎرﺳﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ﻓﻬﻲ إﺷﺎرات ﻫﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 4‬ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪ :‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻻﲢﺎد وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ‪ ) ١٩٤٨ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ (٨٧‬؛ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳊﻖ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ واﳌﻔﺎوﺿـﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ) ١٩٤٩‬رﻗﻢ ‪ (٩٨‬؛ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻹﺟﺒﺎري‪ ) ١٩٣٠ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ (٢٩‬؛ إﻟﻐﺎء اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻹﺟﺒﺎري‪ ) ١٩٥٧ ،‬رﻗـﻢ ‪ (١٠٥‬؛ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻓـﺎءة اﳌﻮﺣـﺪة‪) ١٩٥١ ،‬‬
‫رﻗﻢ ‪ (١٠٠‬؛ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ )اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ واﳌﻬﻨﺔ(‪ ) ١٩٥٨ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ (١١١‬؛ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻟﻠﺴﻦ‪ ) ١٩٧٣ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ (١٣٨‬؛ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﻷﺳﻮأ ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻄﻔﻞ‪ ) ١٩٩٩ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪.(١٨٢‬‬
‫‪ 5‬اﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ اﻟﻌﻨﻜﺒﻮﺗﻴﺔ ‪http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/ :‬‬
‫‪41‬‬
‫اﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ واﻟﺘﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ ﻋﺎﺋﻼت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﺎت ﺿﺪ إﻧﻬﺎء اﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺒﺮر‪ ،‬أو اﻟﻄـﺮد‪.‬‬
‫واﻷﻛﺜﺮ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ أن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺘﲔ ﲤﻬﺪان ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﺮص ﻓـﻲ اﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪام‪،‬‬
‫واﳌﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ واﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎﻻت اﳊـﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪ ،‬واﻷﺟـﺮ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬واﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﳊﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻔﺮدﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬وﺿـﺮاﺋﺐ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪،‬‬
‫‪٦‬‬
‫واﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ إﺟﺮاءات ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك أداة أﺧﺮى ﻫﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻟﻌـﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ﻋـﻦ ﺣﻘـﻮق ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫وأﻓﺮاد ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪" ،‬وﲡﺴﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ أداة ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﺳﺮﻫﻢ"‪ .‬إن ﻫﺪف اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺿﻤﺎن ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ً أﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫وﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻼ اﻟﻮﺿﻌﲔ‪ :‬اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ وﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ] .‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ وأﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ‪ .[ ٢٠٠٨ ،‬ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺎ ً إﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﺮة ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﺒﻼد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ؛ إﻻ أﻧﻪ ﻻ أﺣـﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﻟﺪول ﻃﺮف ﻓﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ‪ ،٩٧‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ‪ .١٤٣‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻬﻢ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺼﺎدﻗﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة ﻋـﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ً‪ :‬اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ‪ -‬اﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋـﺪد ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣـﻞ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﻬﺎرة‪ ،‬واﳉﻨﺲ‪ ،‬واﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﻬﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻓﻲ اﳌﻬﻦ ذات اﳌﻬﺎرة اﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻳﻨﺰع وﺿـﻌﻬﻢ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﻣﺘﻜﺮرة ﳊﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻗﺪرة ﻣﺤﺪدة ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎوض ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ أﻓـﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﺳـﺘﺘﻌﻤﻖ‬
‫ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻴﻮد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺒﻼد‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺳﻨﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﻋﺘﺪاءات اﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﺒـﺎت أﻣـﺎم اﻹﺻـﻼح‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻄـﻮرات‬
‫اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻘﻲ اﻟﻘﺴﻢ اﻟﺮاﺑـﻊ اﻟـﻀﻮء ﻋﻠـﻰ ٍ‬
‫اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻘﺴﻢ اﳋﺎﻣﺲ واﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻮﻓﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﺎ ً إرﺷﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎش واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠـﻀﺮر‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪة أﻗﻄﺎر‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺟﺪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ أﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪون ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻮص ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﺑﻘﻴﻮد أﻋﻈﻢ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬
‫َ‬
‫ذﻟﻚ ﻷﻧﻬﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ُ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻛﺰﻫﻦ ﻓﻲ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻗﻄﺎع اﳋﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ذﻟـﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﻤﻴـﻊ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻘﻄـﺎع اﳋـﺎص‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﲔ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬ﻣـﺸﻤﻮﻟﻮن ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴـﺔ أﻧﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‪ .‬إن ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫أﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﲢﺪ ﲢﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻢ ﻟﻸذى‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺮوف )ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ(‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻜﻔﻴﻞ واﺣـﺪ )اﻟﻜﻔﻴـﻞ(‬
‫ﻃﻮال ﻣﺪة ﻋﻘﺪه‪ .‬وﲟﺠﺮد إﻧﻬﺎء ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺆول ﻋﻦ إﻋـﺎدة اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ )أو اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل( إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﻮﻃﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺎ ً‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﻓﺮدا ً‪ .‬إن ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻣـﻞ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺤـﺼﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬أو ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ إﺑﺮاءه‪ ،‬أو إﺑﺮاﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘـﺔ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪا ً ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ؛ وﺑﻌﺒﺎرة أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺒﺤﻮن ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﲔ ﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻘﺼﻮد‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﲢﺪث‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺎزل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ اﻻﻧﺘﻘـﺎل إﻟـﻰ ﻣـﺴـﺘﺨﺪم آﺧـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ أن إﺛﺒـﺎت‬
‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت اﻟﻌﻘـﻮد أﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺑـﺔ ‪ -‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺰﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨـﺰل اﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪم‪ ،‬واﺳـﺘﺒﻌﺎدﻫﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﻗـﻮاﻧﲔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻗﻄﺎر ﺗﻄﺒﻖ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺎزل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬
‫‪ 6‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﻦ واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ )‪ ،(OSCE‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ ،(IOM‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪" (ILO‬ﻛﺘﻴـﺐ ﻋـﻦ وﺿـﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎت ﻓﻌﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼد اﳌﻨﺸﺄ واﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ ".‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ،١٤٣‬اﳌﺎدة ‪) ١٤‬ا( ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻘﻴﻮد ﻣﺤﺪدة ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ ﻓـﺮص اﻟﻮﺻـﻮل ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪http://www.osce.org/item/19187.html‬‬
‫‪42‬‬
‫اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬أدﺧﻞ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻮﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻌﺎ ً ﺗﺎﻣﺎ ً ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘـﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟـﺔ ]ﻣﺮاﻗﺒـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن )‪،(HRW‬‬
‫‪.[١١٧ :٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺨﻔﻲ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﳑﺎرﺳﺎت إﲡﺎر ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮوع‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ ﻷن اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫دون أﺣـﺪ اﳌـﺮاﻗﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن‬
‫اﳊﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وإﻗﺎﻣﺔ دﻋﻮى ﻗـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ" ]ﻛﺎﻟﻨﺪروﺷـﻴﻮ‪ .[٢٧٩ – ٢٧٨ :٢٠٠٥ ،‬وﻛﻤـﺎ ّ‬
‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺔاﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻔﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻣـﻦ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ اﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻧـﺼﻮص ﻗـﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻟﻠـﺪﻓﺎع ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ اﳌﺸﺮوﻋﺔ‪] .‬ﻟﻮﳒﻔﺎ‪ .[١٩٩٧ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﻼء ﻋﻠﻰ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮة ﻟﻌﻤـﺎل أﻛﺜـﺮ ﳑـﺎ ﻳﺤﺘـﺎﺟﻮن‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻓﻌﻼ‪ ،‬وﻳﺒﻴﻌﻮن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺄﺷﻴﺮات اﻟﺰاﺋﺪة ﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻠﲔ‪ ،‬و‪/‬أو ﻳﺆﺟﺮون ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﳌﺘﻌﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻘﺼﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬـﺎ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً واﺿـﺤﺔ ﲤﺎﻣـﺎ ً ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪ‬
‫اﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﺣﻴﺜﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ اﻻﻧـﺤﺮاﻓﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪي اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺒﻘـﻮن‬
‫ً‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ؛ وﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪي اﳌﻨﺎل‪ .‬إن ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ وﻛﺎﻻت اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﺘﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻴﺎ ً ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻼﺋﻢ‬
‫ً‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮن اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻨﻤﻮذﺟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻏﺎﻟﺒـﺎ ً ﻣـﺎ ﻳﺤﻤﻠـﻮن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل أﺟـﻮرا ً‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﺟـﺪا‪ ،‬وﻫـﺬه ﻳـﺘﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺠﻨﺐ‬
‫ً‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ رواﺗﺒﻬﻢ‪ .‬إن ﻫﺬا ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺒﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﲢﺖ أﺷﺪ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﳌﻀﻨﻴﺔ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﺒﺪل اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﻐﺎدرات‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻘﻮد أﺧﺮى أﻗﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻼءﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ وﻛﻼﺋﻬـﻢ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﺮرة‪ .‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﻻﻧﻌﺪام وﺟﻮد ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺎت اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام أن ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻲ أوﺿﺎع ﻋﺒﻮدﻳـﺔ اﻟـﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫وإﺗـﺠﺎر ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮوع‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺣﺪث أن أدى ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺎ ً إﻟﻰ زﻳـﺎدة ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴـﺮ اﳌـﺴﺠﻠﲔ‪ ،‬اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻔـﻀﻠﻮن‬
‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﺷﺒﻜﺎت ﻣﻌﺎرﻓﻬﻢ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﻮﻛﺎﻻت ﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق وأﻣﻮر اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫـﺎ ﺗـﺸﻜﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛـﺎ ً‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺑﻌـﺾ أﻫـﻢ ﻫـﺬه اﻷﻣـﻮر‪ ،‬واﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ أﻏﻠﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻫﻲ‪ :‬اﺣﺘﺠﺎز ﺟﻮازات اﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ‪ ،‬وﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟﻮر أو دﻓـﻊ أﺟـﻮر‬
‫أﻗﻞ‪ ،‬واﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮاﺗﺐ‪ ،‬وإﺳﺎءات ﺟﺴﺪﻳﺔ وﻟﻔﻈﻴﺔ وﺟﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪرة ﻣﺤﺪودة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺑـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ أﺧﺮى‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺒﺜﻖ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﻮﺻﻮﻓﺔ أدﻧﺎه ﺑﺸﻲء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫أ‪ .‬اﺣﺘﺠﺎز ﺟﻮازات اﻟﺴﻔﺮ‬
‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ‪ /‬ﻋﺎدة ﻣﺎ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮن ﻓﻲ ﺣﻮزﺗﻬﻢ ﺟﻮازات ﺳﻔﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻟﻜـﻲ ﳝﻨﻌـﻮﻫﻢ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻐـﺎدرة؛ وﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﲡﻌﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل "أﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﻹﺟﺒﺎري" ]ﻻﻳﻞ‪ .[٤٠ : ٢٠٠٥ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲤﻨﻊ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻘﺼﺪ اﺣﺘﺠﺎز ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺴﻔﺮ أو أي وﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬إﻻ أن ﻫﺬه اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﺷـﺎﺋﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻣﻊ أن ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت وﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﺤﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻜﻮى واﺳﺘﺮداد ﺟﻮازات ﺳﻔﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫ﻳﺪرﻛﻮن أن ﺧﻄﻮةً ﻛﻬﺬه ﺳﻮف ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﲢﺪﻳﺎ ً ﻋﺪواﻧﻴﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﺑﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت‪ ،‬وﺗﺨﻔـﻴﺾ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻷﺟﻮر‪ ،‬وﻋﺪم ﲡﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻌﻘﻮد‪ ،‬وﺳﻮء اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎت ﺑﺎﻃﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮم وﻛﻼء اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺮف ﻛﻬـﺬا‪.‬‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎدرة ﺟﻮازات ﺳﻔﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬رﻏﻤﺎ ً ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪم ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫َ‬
‫وﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎز ﺟﻮازات اﻟﺴﻔﺮ أن ﻳﻜﻮن أداة ﻻﺣﺘﺠـﺎز اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻓـﻲ ﻇـﺮوف ﻋﻤـﻞ اﺳـﺘﻐﻼﻟﻴﺔ أو‬
‫ﺻﻌﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻋـﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻷﺟﺒﺎري أن ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎت ﻫﺬه اﻷداة‪.‬‬
‫ب‪ .‬ﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟﻮر ودﻓﻊ أﺟﻮر أﻗﻞ‪ ،‬واﻻﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮاﺗﺐ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﻓﻊ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﺎرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﳋﺎص‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻷﺟﻮر ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ً ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﻛﺒﻴـﺮة أو‬
‫ﺻﻐﻴﺮة‪ .‬وﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺟﻮر ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﳝﻜـﻦ أن ﺗـﺼﻞ اﻷﺟـﻮر اﻟـﺸﻬﺮﻳﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﳌـﺸﺎرﻳﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮة إﻟﻰ ‪ ٢٥٠‬دوﻻر أﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﺼﻐﻴﺮة‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎد أن ﺗـﺼﻞ إﻟـﻰ ‪ ١٥٠‬دوﻻر أﻣﺮﻳﻜـﻲ‪.‬‬
‫وﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺪﻳﻮن اﻟﺘﻲ ﲤـﺖ اﺳـﺘﺪاﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺤـﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ وﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﻓـﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬أدى إﻟﻰ ﻗﻴﺎم ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺟﻮر‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﺎﻗﻤﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﺄﺧﻴﺮات ﻓﻲ دﻓﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﺪم دﻓﻌﻬﺎ‬
‫‪43‬‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ إﺟﺮاءات ﻣﺘﻄﺮﻓﺔ ]اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺮه ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ً[‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺮاوح أﺟﻮر اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻨـﺰﻟﻴﲔ اﳌﻘﻴﻤـﲔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ ﺑﲔ ‪ ١٠٠‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ٣٠٠‬دوﻻر أﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬وﻫـﺬا ﻳﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳉﻨـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺴﺘﻮى اﳋﺒـﺮة‪،‬‬
‫وﻃﻮل ﻓﺘﺮة اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ]ﺷﺎﻣﺎرﺗﲔ‪ .[١٩ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻼد‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺰم إﺟـﺮاء اﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋـﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮاﺗﺐ ‪ -‬ﻳﻨﻔﺬ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮن اﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋﺎ ً ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ً أو ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎ ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮاﺗﺐ اﻟﺸﻬﺮي ‪ -‬وذﻟـﻚ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘﻜـﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﻤﻠﻬﺎ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮن ووﻛﻼء اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﳉﻠﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻘﺼﻮد‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟـﻰ اﻻﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋـﺎت ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺮاﺗﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ دﻳـﻦ ﻣـﺴﺒﻘﺎ ً ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﲤﻮﻳـﻞ ﻫﺠـﺮﺗﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻟـﺬا‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﺬه‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻫﻲ ﻋﺐء ﻣﻀﺎف‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻘﺘﻄﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻜﻔﻼء ﻣﻦ اﻷﺟﻮر أﻳﻀﺎ ً دﻓﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ اﻟﺼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﻔﻘﺎت‬
‫اﻹدارﻳﺔ ﻹﺻﺪار ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ اﳌﻼﺑﺲ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﻄﻌﺎم‪ ،‬أو اﳌﺴﻜﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳊﺎﻻت‪ ،‬وﻋﻨﺪ وﺻﻮل اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﲢﺘﺮم ﺷﺮوط اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬وﻣﻘـﺪار اﻟﺮاﺗـﺐ اﳌﺘﻔـﻖ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻠـﺪ‬
‫اﳌﻨﺸﺄ؛ ﻓﻬﻨﺎك ﻋﻘﺪان ﻣﺠﻬﺰان ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬واﺣـﺪ ﻟﻺﺟـﺮاءات اﻹدارﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬واﻵﺧـﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ اﻟﻔﻌﻠـﻲ ﺑـﺄﺟﺮة أﻗـﻞ‪،‬‬
‫واﻗﺘﻄﺎﻋﺎت أﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮاﺗﺐ‪ ،‬وﺷﺮوط اﺳـﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻮاﺟﻬـﻮن ﻫـﺬا اﻟﻮﺿـﻊ ﻋﻨـﺪ‬
‫وﺻﻮﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺒﺮون ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﺒﺪوا ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ إﻳﺠﺎد وﻇﻴﻔﺔ وﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ .‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﻬﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺎب ﺣﺪ أدﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪد ﻟﻸﺟﻮر‪ ،‬وﻏﻴﺎب ﻋﻘﺪ ﻋﺎﳌﻲ وﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﻘﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻹﻣـﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‪ ،‬وﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٨٠‬ﺗﺼﻮر ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻟﻸﺟﻮر‪ ،‬إﻻ أن اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻄﺒـﻖ ﻫـﺬا‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن‪.‬‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺆﺧﺮ اﻷﺟﻮر ﻷﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ أو ﻷﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳊﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬
‫ﻋﺪد ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﻓﻌﺎت )أو ﻻ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺷﻲء(‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﳋﺎص ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﻋﺪة أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت ﻗﺎم ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺘﺄﺧﻴﺮات ﻓﻲ دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟـﻮر‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺗﻨـﺸﺐ اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟـﺎت أﻳـﻀﺎ ً ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻈـﺮوف اﻟـﺴﻴﺌﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫واﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ‪] .‬أﻣﲔ ﻓﺎرس‪٢٠٠٧ ،‬؛ اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺮه ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ً[‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳊﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺒﺎدل اﻟﻜﻔﻼء ﺟﻮازات اﻟـﺴﻔﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ اﺳﺘﻠﻤﻮا ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ دﻓﻌﺎت ﻧﻬﺎﻳـﺔ اﳋﺪﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﺘـﺄﺧﺮات‬
‫‪٧‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻷﺟﻮر ]أﻣﲔ ﻓﺎرس ‪.[٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫ج‪ .‬ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫اﻟـﻀﻮء ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﺘﺮة‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻧﺸﺎط ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻲ ذو ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻛـﺎن ﺗـﺴﻠﻴﻂ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ً‬
‫أﻳـﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﻠﻖ أﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻀﺎت ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ وأﻓـﻀﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻛﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺟـﺴﻴﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ ﻧﻮﻗـﺸﺖ أﻋـﻼه‬
‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﰎ إﺛﺎرﺗﻬﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻟﻜﻲ ُ َ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻷﺟﻮر‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻘﺴﻢ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ ﺣـﻮل اﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟـﺼﺤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ اﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮا‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪا ً‬
‫ً‬
‫إن ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرة اﳌﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺷﺒﻪ اﳌﻬﺮة ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن‬
‫ﺑﻮﺿﻮح أﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎع اﻹﻧﺸﺎء‪ ،‬إذ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل أن ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮا ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻮاﻗـﻊ إﻧـﺸﺎء ﺧﻄـﺮة‬
‫ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﳝﺜﻞ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﻢ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ أﻳﻀﺎ ً أن ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮا ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻇﺮوف ﺣﺮارة ورﻃﻮﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ درﺟﺎت ﺣﺮارة أﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٣٢‬درﺟﺔ ﻣﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﳌﺪة ﺗﻘﺎرب ﺳـﺘﺔ أﺷـﻬﺮ ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺴﻨﺔ‪ .‬وﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺬا‬
‫اﻟﺼﺪد‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻷﻣﺮاض ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﺮارة‪ ،‬وﺿﺮﺑﺔ اﳊﺮارة )ﺿﺮﺑﺔ اﻟﺸﻤﺲ(‪ ،‬واﳉﻔﺎف ﻫﻲ اﶈﻦ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﻹﻧﺸﺎء‪ .‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺪى ﻫﺬه اﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ذﻛﺮت ﻣﺠﻠﺔ "أﺳﺒﻮع اﻟﺒﻨﺎء"‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬أن ‪٥٠٠٠‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﺎء أﺣﻀﺮوا إﻟﻰ داﺋﺮة اﳊﻮادث واﻟﻄﻮارئ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰ راﺷﺪ ﻓﻲ دﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻼج‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺷـﻬﺮي ﲤـﻮز‬
‫وآب ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠٠٤‬وﻋﻠﻰ أﺛﺮ اﻻزدﻫﺎر اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺢ ﻋـﺪد اﳊـﻮادث‬
‫ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺧﻄﺮة‪ .‬وﻫﺬه ﺗﺘﻔﺎﻗﻢ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻔﺎدﻫﺎ أن اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻣﺘـﺪﻧﻴﻲ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎرة ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮون إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻬﻢ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وأن أﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ ﺗﻔـﺸﻞ‬
‫‪ 7‬اﻗﺘﻄﻔﺖ ﻣﻮاﺻﻔﺎت ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ واﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺒﺎت اﳌﻮﺟﻮدة ﻫﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ورﻗﺔ ﺣﻮل ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻘـﺔ ]‬
‫‪ mutatis mutandi‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻻﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ "اﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮات اﻟﻀﺮورﻳﺔ ﲤﺖ" [ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪44‬‬
‫ﺑﺘﻜﺮار واﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ وﻓﻴﺎت‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أﻳﻀﺎ ً أن ﻳﺪون اﻟﻮﺿـﻊ ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻨـﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺪى اﻟﻨﺼﺢ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺟﻴﺪا ً‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻔﺤﺺ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮب‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪو أن اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ )‪ (OSH‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻮادث اﻹﺻﺎﺑﺎت أﻗـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬وأن اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮد ﻋﻘﻮد ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ وأﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ أن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ذوي اﳌﻬـﺎرة اﻟﺒـﺴﻴﻄﺔ أﻟﺰﻣـﻮا‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻇﺮوف ﺻﻌﺒﺔ ﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت أﻃﻮل ﳑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮره اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬وﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﺑﺪون أﺟـﺮة ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻹﺿﺎﻓﻲ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺤﺮﻣﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺣﺎت اﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻹﺟﺎزات اﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أو إﺟﺎزات ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﻮﻃﻦ ﻛـﻞ ﺳـﻨﺘﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺬﻛﺮة ﻃﻴﺮان ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻘﻴﻤـﺔ إﻟـﻰ ﺑـﻼد اﳌﻨـﺸﺄ‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﺔ اﳋﻠـﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺸﺘﻐﻞ ﻋﻤـﺎل اﻟﺒﻨـﺎء اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٤٨‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳـﺒﻮع )اﳊـﺪ اﻷﻗـﺼﻰ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ( ﺑﺪون ﻋﻤﻞ إﺿﺎﻓﻲ ]اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪ .[٢٠٠٨ ،‬ﻓﻲ أﺣﻴﺎن ﻛﺜﻴﺮة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟـﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻫﻠـﺔ )‪(QIZ‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺰم اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ‪ ٩٠‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع ﻣﻊ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺟﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﻲ أو ﺑﺪوﻧـﻪ‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻋﻤـﺎل ﻓـﻲ ﻣـﺼﻨﻊ أﺗـﺎﺗﻜﺲ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺑـﺲ ﻓـﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬أن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫ﻳﺸﺘﻐﻠﻮن ﲟﻌﺪل ‪ ٩٤.٥‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع‪ ،‬وأن ﺛﻠﺚ أﺟﻮرﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺠﺰة‪ ،‬وأن اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺤﻮزﺗﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺟﻮازات ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ أو ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ]ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.[٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻳﺸﺘﻐﻞ ﻋﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺎزل ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻟﻪ ‪ ١٠١‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ١٠٨‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻣﻊ ﻓﺘـﺮات اﺳـﺘﺮاﺣﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠـﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑـﺪون أﻳـﺎم‬
‫ﻋﻄﻠﺔ ]ﺷﺎرﻣﺎرﺗﲔ‪ ٨.[١٩ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻘﻮد اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻋﻠـﻰ أن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻣﺨـﻮﻟﲔ ﻟﻴـﻮم‬
‫اﺳﺘﺮاﺣﺔ أﺳﺒﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻧـﺼﻮص ﺗﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺎﳊـﺪ اﻷﻗـﺼﻰ ﻣـﻦ ﺳـﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ وأﺟـﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻹﺿﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬وﻫﻜﺬا‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺪم اﳌﻨﺎزل ﻣﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪون ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺎ ً ﻣﻦ اﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﺬه‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﻼءﻣﺔ اﳌﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬وﻣﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪،‬‬
‫واﻻﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﻠﻤﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل )ﻣﺜـﻞ اﻟﻄﻌـﺎم‪ ،‬واﳌﻨﺘﺠـﺎت اﻟـﺼﺤﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻧـﻮع اﳌﻬﻨـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ووﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة )ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ أم ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻴﺶ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺑﺴﻴﻄﻲ اﳌﻬﺎرة ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﺔ اﳋﻠـﻴﺞ‪،‬‬
‫ﲟﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺮب‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ إﺳﻜﺎﻧﺎت ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ أﻣـﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻬـﻢ‪ ،‬أو ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻨـﺎزل ﻗﺪﳝـﺔ ﻫﺠﺮﻫـﺎ ﺳـﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﻮن ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬أو ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬه ﺗﻐﻠﻖ ﻋﻠـﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘـﻊ اﳌـﺴﺎﻛﻦ داﺧـﻞ اﳌـﺪن أو ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫أﻃﺮاﻓﻬﺎ‪ .‬إن ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺪه اﳌﺴﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻘﺼﻬﺎ اﻟﺮاﺣﺔ واﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ‪ .‬أﻣـﺎ أﻣـﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﻐﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ إﻟﻰ أﻣﻮر اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ اﳌﻼﺋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻗـﺪ ﻳﻔﻘـﺪ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﺣﻴـﺎﺗﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻧﻬﻴﺎر اﳌﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬أو اﳊﺮاﺋﻖ‪ ،‬أو ﺣﻮادث اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ]اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺮه ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ً[‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺪر أن ‪ ٣٥‬ﻓﻲ اﳌﺎﺋـﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻇﺮوف ﻛﻬﺬه‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ اﻷﺧﺮى ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮن أﻋﻠﻰ‪ ٩.‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﺪد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻳﻘﺪرون‬
‫ﻓﻲ إﺣﺪى اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ب ‪ ٦٥‬ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ً ﻣﻦ اﻟـﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﻜـﻮﻳﺘﻴﲔ‪ ،‬وﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺬه اﳌﻨـﺎﻃﻖ اﻓﺘﻘـﺎر ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻓـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻈﺮوف اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﺷﺎﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ أﺷﻬﺮ اﻟﺼﻴﻒ‪ ] .‬أﻣﲔ ﻓﺎرس‪٢٠٠٧ ،‬؛ اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺮه ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ً [‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻤﺎل اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﻓﻲ أﻣـﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻬـﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ ﻟﻴـﻮﻓﺮوا ﻟﻬـﻢ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻇﺮوﻓﺎ ً ﻛﺮﳝﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أن اﻟﻌﻘﻮد‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ أﻏﻠﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺘﺮط أﻧﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﺰوﻳـﺪ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ‬
‫ﲟﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ووﺟﺒﺎت‪ ،‬وﻣﻼﺑﺲ‪ ،‬وﻋﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن ﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ وإﻫﻤﺎل اﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ أن‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﺰودوا‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﻐﺮف ﻧﻮﻣﻬﻢ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬أو وﺟﺒﺎت ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﻃﺒﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻣﻨﺘﺠـﺎت ﺷﺨـﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫َ‬
‫]اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪ .[٢٠٠٨ ،‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺮوف‪ ،‬ﻳﺮاﻓﻘﻬﺎ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﲢﻔﺰ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬﺮب؛ وﻫﺬا ﺗﺼﺮف ﻳﺘﺮك اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ )ﻫﺠﺮة( ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ذوي اﳌﻬـﺎرة اﻟﺒـﺴﻴﻄﺔ‪،‬‬
‫أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻴﻮﻻ ً ﻟﻠﻘﺒﻮل ﺑﻈﺮوف ﻋﻤﻞ وﻣﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ آﻣﻨﺔ وﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﺨﻮﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﺘﺸﻔﻮا‪.‬‬
‫د‪ .‬إﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳉﺴﺪي واﻟﻠﻔﻈﻲ واﳉﻨﺴﻲ‬
‫‪ 8‬ارﺗﻜﺰت اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺢ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺎزل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 9‬اﺣﺘﺴﺒﺖ اﺳﺘﻨﺎدا ً إﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻋﻦ اﳌﻮاﺻﻔﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎن ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ،٠٦ .٠٦ .٣٠‬ﻓﻲ أﻣﲔ ﻓﺎرس‪.٢٠٠٧ ،‬‬
‫‪45‬‬
‫إن ﻏﻴﺎب اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳊﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺎب اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺮك اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﺿـﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻹﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳉﺴﺪي‪ ،‬واﻟﻠﻔﻈﻲ‪ ،‬واﳉﻨﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﰎ اﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻦ ﺣـﺎﻻت ﻣـﻦ إﺳـﺎءة اﻻﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳉﺴﺪي واﳉﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ أن ﻋـﺪدا ً ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺿﺮﺑﻮا ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮا ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮداد أﺟﻮرﻫﻢ اﳌﺘﺄﺧﺮة‪ ،‬وﺑﺄﻳﺎم ﻋﻤﻞ أﻗﺼﺮ‪] .‬ﳉﻨـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‪.[٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ُ ِ‬
‫وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﻹﻧﺎث ﻛﻦ ﻣﺘﺮددات ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﺎش ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻬﻦ ﻟﺘﺤﺮﺷﺎت أو اﻋﺘﺪاءات ﺟﻨـﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻت إﺳﺎءة ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻗﺪ ﺳﺠﻠﺖ‪.‬‬
‫رﲟﺎ أن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﺿﻮن ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻫـﺬه اﻷﻧـﻮاع ﻣـﻦ‬
‫إﺳــﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠــﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ أﻧﻬــﻢ ﻣــﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪون ﻣــﻦ ﻧــﺼﻮص ﻗــﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ‪ ،‬وﻏﺎﻟﺒــﺎ ً ﻣﻌﺰوﻟــﻮن ﻓــﻲ ﻣﻨــﺎزل‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ دراﺳﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬واﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬أﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ﻋـﺪة ﻧـﺴﺎء ﻣﻬـﺎﺟﺮات ﻋـﺎﻣﻼت ﻓـﻲ اﳋﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ إﺳﺎءات ﺟﺴﺪﻳﺔ وﻟﻔﻈﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻦ ﺷﻌﻮرﻫﻦ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﺿﺎت ﻟﻼﻋﺘﺪاء اﳉﻨﺴﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﺬﻛﻮر‪ ،‬أو أﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬أو رﺟﺎل آﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟـﺰوار‪] .‬ﺷـﺎﻣﺎرﺗﻦ‪ ١٠.[٢٠ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬أﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ أﺑﻠﻎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﺧﺒـﺮات ﻣـﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪ ١١.‬أﻇﻬـﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳋﺎدﻣﺎت اﻟﺴﺮﻳﻼﻧﻜﻴﺎت ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻜﻮﻳـﺖ وﻟﺒﻨـﺎن‪ ،‬واﻹﻣـﺎرات‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬أﻇﻬﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ؛ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺑﲔ ‪ ١٠٠‬إﻣﺮأة ﲤﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻬﻦ‪ ،‬أﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ‪ ٢٠‬ﻣـﻨﻬﻦ ﻋـﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧـﺎة‬
‫إﺳﺎءة ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳉﺴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﺑﻠﻐﺖ ‪ ١٣‬ﻣﻨﻬﻦ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧـﺎة اﻋﺘـﺪاءات ﺟﻨـﺴﻴﺔ‪] .‬ﻣﺮﺻـﺪ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‬
‫)‪.[٢٠٠٧ ،(HRW‬‬
‫ﻫـ‪ .‬إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﺪودة ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﻤﻮم‪ ،‬ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ ﻛﻼ ً ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌـﻮاﻃﻨﲔ واﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺻـﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﻓـﻲ اﳌـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻔﺎوﺿـﺔ‬
‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ أن ﻫﻨﺎك وﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳉﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺈﻣﻜـﺎن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﺸﻤﻮﻟﲔ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﻢ اﻵن أن ﻳﻨﻀﻤﻮا إﻟـﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺑـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻷردن‪ ،‬ودول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬وﻟﻮ أن ذﻟﻚ ﺑﻘﻴـﻮد ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒـﺎت إﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‪ .‬أﻣـﺎ ﻋﻤـﺎل اﳋﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻮاء اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻮن أو اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌﻮن ﺑﻬﺬه اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻼد‪ ،‬ﳝﻨﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮون‬
‫اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻬﻢ أﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻷﺳـﺒﺎب ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺳـﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜـﺎل‪ ،‬ﳝﻜـﻦ ﻟﻠﻤـﻮاﻃﻦ‬
‫اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ أن ﻳﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎ ً اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ ً‪.‬‬
‫و‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ أﺧﺮى‬
‫ﲟﺎ أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﲔ ﺑﻜﻔﻴﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻘﺒﻠﻮن ﺑﻈﺮوف ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬واﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ‬
‫اﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻓﻮق رؤوس ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻛﺒﻴﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻐﺮﺑﺎء‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻣﺮورﻳﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬أو ادﻋﺎء ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮب‪ ،‬أو اﺗﻬﺎم ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻲ أرﺿـﻴﺎت‬
‫ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻻﺗﺨﺎذ ﻗﺮار ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳊﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻐـﺮﱘ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴـﺮ اﻟﻨﻈـﺎﻣﻴﲔ ﻏﺮاﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺪون وﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺻﺎﳊﺔ‪ ١٢.‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻬـﺮوب ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻜﻔﻴـﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛـﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻬﺠـﺮة‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﺒﻌﺎ ً ﻷﺣﺪ اﳌﺼﺎدر‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﻈـﺮ اﻟﺒﺮﳌـﺎن اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨـﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻘﻮﺑـﺎت ﺟﺪﻳـﺪة ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻬـﺎرﺑﲔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻠـﻰ اﻷﻓـﺮاد اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻧﻬﻢ أو ﻳﺆوﻧﻬﻢ‪] .‬ﺷﺎه‪ .[٦ :٢٠٠٦ ،‬إن اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ﻋﺪﳝﻲ اﻟﻀﻤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬اﻟﺮاﻏﺒﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻬـﺮب ﻣـﻦ دﻓـﻊ‬
‫اﻷﺟﻮر ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺪﻓﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻌﻮن إﻟﻰ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺮارات ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪] .‬أﻣﲔ ﻓﺎرس‪.[٢٠٠٧ ،‬‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻔـﻮن ﻋـﻦ‬
‫إن ﻋﺪم ﲡﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮة أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬ﳝﺘﻨـﻊ‬
‫ِ‬
‫‪ 10‬أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٥٠‬ﻓﻲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﳑﻦ ﲤﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻬﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ أﺑﻠﻐﻦ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 11‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ وأﺑﻮ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ‪٢٠٠٨ ،‬‬
‫‪ 12‬ﺗﺒﻠﻎ اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﺼﻮى ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺮاﻣﺔ ﺗﻌﺎدل ‪ ١٠٠‬دﻳﻨﺎر ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﻏﺮاﻣـﺎت ﲡـﺎوز اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻣﺒـﺎﻟﻎ ﺿـﺨﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ أن‬
‫اﻟﻐﺮاﻣﺔ ﻫﻲ ‪ ١.٥‬دﻳﻨﺎر أردﻧﻲ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻳﻮم ﺑﺪون إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺻﺎﳊﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪46‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ أن ﻳﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﺿﻮن ﻟﻠﺴﺠﻦ‬
‫ﲡﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ َ‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫إذن‬
‫ﺑﺪون‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ‬
‫ﺑﲔ‬
‫اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل‬
‫ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﳝﻨﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎم‬
‫و‪/‬أو اﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬وﲟﺎ أن‬
‫ِ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻬﺮﺑﻮن ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺑﺪون ﻋﻘـﺪ ﺗﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪ ،‬وﺑـﺪون ﺟـﻮازات ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﻢ أو ﺗـﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬
‫إﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﺮب أﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻼد‪ ،‬أو ﻳﺒﻴﻌﻮن اﳌﺼﻨﻊ ﻟﺸﺨﺺ آﺧﺮ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ]اﻻﲢـﺎد اﻟﻔـﺪراﻟﻲ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜـﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﻞ ‪-‬‬
‫أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻬﺮب ﻣﻦ دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟﻮر و‪/‬أو ﻏﺮاﻣﺎت ﲡﺎوز اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫َ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﻋـﺎﻟﻘﲔ ﺑـﺪون‬
‫‪٣٠٠‬‬
‫ﺗـﺮك‬
‫واﺣـﺪة‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻓـﻲ‬
‫[‪.‬‬
‫‪١٢‬‬
‫ﻛﻮﻧﻐﺮس اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ )‪:٢٠٠٦ ،(AFL-CIO‬‬
‫ُ ِ َ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﻢ اﳌﺼﻨﻊ‪ .‬ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺳﺠﻠﻮا‬
‫رواﺗﺒﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﺬاﻛﺮ اﻟﻌﻮدة‪ ،‬واﳌﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﺑﺎع‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪم‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺿﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ‬
‫ِ‬
‫راﺑﻌﺎ ً‪ :‬اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت واﻟﻔﺮص ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﻲ اﳌﻬﺎرة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻳﻮاﺟﻬـﻮن اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛـﺎت ﻛﺜﻴـﺮة ﳊﻘـﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺒﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﺪث‪ ،‬وﺑـﺪأت ﺗـﻮﻟﻲ‬
‫اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ ً أﻛﺒﺮ ﻷوﺿﺎﻋﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ أدﺧﻠﺖ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪف‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ وﺟـﻪ اﳋـﺼﻮص‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟـﻀﻌﻔﺎء‬
‫وﻣـﻮﻇﻔﻲ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫)ﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎل ﻗﻄﺎع اﳋـﺪﻣﺎت‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳋـﺪم ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻨـﺎزل(‪ ،‬ووﻛـﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪،‬‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﳋﺎص‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ أﻣﺜﻠﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أﺻﺪر ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﻓﻲ اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻗﺮارا ً ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﺑﺄن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻓﺌﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﳝﻜـﻦ أن ﺗﻨﻘـﻞ‬
‫ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺸﺮوط ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻨﻘﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﲟﻮاﻓﻘﺔ وزﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺸﺆون اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو أي‬
‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻄﺔ أن ﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻫـﺬه اﻟـﺸﺮوط‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ أن ﻣﻮاﻓﻘـﺔ اﻟﻜﻔﻴـﻞ‬
‫اﳊﺎﻟﻲ واﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ اﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺮط إﻟﺰاﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﻻت ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ اﳊﺎﻟﻲ ﺿﺮورﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻـﺎر إﻟﺰاﻣﻴـﺎ ً ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟـﺸﺮﻛﺎت ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺾ دول ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠـﻲ‪ ،‬أن ﺗـﺪﻓﻊ اﻷﺟـﻮر‬
‫ﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻴﺔ إﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ رﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‪ .‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫َ‬
‫اﳌﺮﺟﺢ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻷﻣﺮ أن ﻳﻨﺠﺢ ﻓﻲ اﲡﺎه دﻓﻊ اﻟﺮواﺗﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ أﻫـﻢ‪ ،‬أﻧـﻪ ﺳـﻴﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﺣﺘﺠﺎز اﻷﺟﻮر‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺻﺪر ﻗﺮار ﺑﺄن اﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻔـﺸﻞ ﻓـﻲ اﻻﻟﺘـﺰام ﺑﻬـﺬه اﻹﺟـﺮاءات‪ ،‬ﺳـﻴﺘﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺪة‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮات اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﻮم اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻹﺟﺮاء ﳑﺎﺛﻞ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻗﺘﺮاح ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٣‬واﻓﻘﺖ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻷردﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳋﺎص ﳋﺪم اﳌﻨـﺎزل ﻏﻴـﺮ اﻷردﻧﻴـﲔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻋﻠـﺔ إﻳـﺎه‬
‫اﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪم‪/‬اﻟﻜﻔﻴـﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﻛﻴـﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ‪) .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ اﻷﺳﺎس اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ‪.(٢٠٠٨ ، ILO‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎ ُ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬أدﺧﻠﺖ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ واﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻋﻘﺪا ً ﳕﻮذﺟـﺎ ً ﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳋﺪﻣـﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴـﺔ ﻋـﺎم‬
‫‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬وﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻮاﻟﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻋﺘﺮف ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺑﺪرﺟﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ‪ -‬ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٧‬ﺟﻤﻌﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴـﺔ )‪ ،(LMRA‬ﻋﻤـﺎﻻ ً ﻣﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻣـﻮﻇﻔﲔ‪،‬‬
‫وﳑﺜﻠﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎرﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺎ ً ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗـﺴﺠﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺒﻼد‪ ،‬وﻹﻋـﻼم اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫‪١٣‬‬
‫وﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ ﲟﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫اﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ "ﺣﻮار أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ"‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ اﺳﺘﺸﺎرة إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﲤﺖ ﻓـﻲ ﻛـﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺜـﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬ﺑـﲔ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان‬
‫ƒ‬
‫‪ 13‬اﺳﺘﻨﺎدا ً إﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ داﻧﻴﺎل ﻛﻮرك‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ‪ ١٨ ،‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان‪ .٢٠٠٨ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻛﻮرك‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺣـﺪﺛﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘـﺴﺠﻴﻞ اﳉﺪﻳـﺪة ﻫـﺬه ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻨﺸﺄ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﳌﻮﺟﻮدون ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪوﻟـﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ وﺻـﻒ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﻌﻔﻮ‪ ،‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻬﺎ "إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪا ً"‪.‬‬
‫‪47‬‬
‫اﻵﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ اﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬وﺑﻠﺪان ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﻮ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬ﺑﺎدرت ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ‪ -‬وﻣﻌﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﻬﻨﺪ واﻟﻔﻴﻠﻴﺒﲔ ‪ -‬ﲟﺸﺮوع ﲡﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪.‬‬
‫إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬ﺟﺮى ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳊﻤـﻼت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻟﺒﻨـﺎن واﻷردن واﻟـﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺈﺷـﺮاك ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺻﻨﺪوق اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻷﺟﻞ اﳌﺮأة )‪ ،(UNIFEM‬وﻣﺮﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺷـﺮﻛﺎء ﻣﺤﻠﻴـﲔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬أﻃﻠﻖ ﺻﻨﺪوق اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻷﺟﻞ اﳌﺮأة ﺑﺎﻻﺷﺘﺮاك ﻣـﻊ وزارة اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻷردﻧﻴـﺔ ﺣﻤﻠـﺔ‬
‫إﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﻦ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق ﺧﺪم اﳌﻨﺎزل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ أﻓـﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﳑـﺎﺛﻼ ً ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‪،‬‬
‫أﻃﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﺮﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺣـﻮل إﺳـﺎءة ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﺧـﺪم اﳌﻨـﺎزل‬
‫اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺑـﺎدرت ﺑﻌـﺪد ﻣـﻦ اﻷﻧـﺸﻄﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﲤﻮﻳﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﲔ وﺛﺎﺋﻘﻴﲔ ﻋﻦ وﺿﻊ ﺧﺪم اﳌﻨﺎزل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ ﻟﺒﻨـﺎن‪ ،‬وورﺷـﺔ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﺖ ﻣﻌﺎ ً ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﺑﻠﺪان اﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﻜﻔﻞ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ً ﺑـﺈﺟﺮاء‬
‫ﻣﺴﺢ ﻟﻠﻈﺮوف اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮم اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺎت ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ )‪ ،(NGOs‬ﺑﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ وإرﺷﺎدٍ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻮن أوﺿـﺎﻋﺎ ً اﺳـﺘﻐﻼﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ٍ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺮض ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻫـﺬه ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺎرﻳﺘﺎس ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ‪-‬اﻵﺳﻴﻮي‪ ،‬وﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻻﻛﺴﻴﻬﺘﺎ ]ﺟﻮرﻳﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ .[٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫أﻧﺸﺄ اﲢﺎد اﶈﺎﻣﲔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻣﲔ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ]‪.[ibid‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺎرﻳﺘﺎس ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﺮض ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌـﺸﻮرة واﳌـﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻨـﺎك‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ وﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺎت ﻣﺠﺘﻤـﻊ ﻣﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ اﳌﺮﻛـﺰ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺗﺰود اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ واﳌﺸﻮرة‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﺮض ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟـﺴﻔﺎرات‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻹﲡﺎر ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺸﺮوع‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎت ﺑﺈﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻼ ً ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‬
‫واﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ ﻣﻼﺟﺊ )ﻣﺂوي( ﳋﺪم اﳌﻨﺎزل اﻟﻬﺎرﺑﲔ ]ﻣﺮﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن )‪ ١٤.[٢٠٠٧ ،(HRW‬وﻫـﺬه اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺎت‬
‫ﻟﻬﺎ اﺗﺼﺎل ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺪرﺟﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏـﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﻋـﻲ اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻣـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﺘﺎج ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﻜﺒﺮى إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﳉـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻧﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ (١ :‬ﻏﻴــﺎب‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮاﺑـﻂ ﺑﻴـﻦ اﻟﺴـﻴﺎﺳـﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻴـﺔ ‪ (٢‬ﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺰ ﻣﺤﺪود ﻷﻧﻈــﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟــﺔ ‪ (٣‬اﺳـﺘﺜﻨﺎء أﻧـﻮاع‬
‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻮص ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ (١‬ﺗﺮاﺑﻂ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‬
‫إن ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻨﻈﺎم ﻫﺠﺮة وإﺟﺎزة ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻲ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﺘﻀﺎرﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻄﻠـﺐ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻜﻔـﻼء أن‬
‫ﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‬
‫ﻳﺤﺼﻠﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗـﺼﺎرﻳﺢ ﻋﻤـﻞ وإﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬وأن ﻳــﺠﺪدوا ﻫـﺬه اﻟﻮﺛـﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫َ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻮن أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻋﻦ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳـﺼﺒﺤﻮن ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻧﻈـﺎﻣﻴﲔ ﺑـﺴﺒﺐ ﺳـﻬﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻ زاﻟﻮا ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻮن اﳊﺒﺲ واﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ وإﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺎ ً ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻏﻴﺎب‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮاﺑﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺪرة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﶈﺪودة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻃﻠﺒﺎ ً ﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ ﺑـﺴﺒﺐ اﻧﺘﻬـﺎك ﺣﻘـﻮﻗﻬﻢ‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ وﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮد أﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗـﻊ أن اﻧﻌـﺪام ﻣﺮوﻧـﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﺠﺮم اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻬﺮﺑﻮن ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻜﻔﻼء ﺳﻴﺌﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ و‪/‬أو اﳌـﺴﺘﻐﻠﲔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ أن‬
‫اﻟﻐﺮض اﳌﺰدوج ﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ارﺗﺒﺎﻛﺎ ً أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻷي وزارة أو داﺋﺮة ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻘﻴـﺎدة‪ .‬ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻋﺪم ﲡﺪﻳﺪ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ وﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻮ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔﻮر ‪ -‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺪﻳﺔ وﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻫﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﻫـﻮ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ آﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ واﳌﻮﻇﻒ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 14‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ أن اﳌﻼﺟﺊ ﻣﻜﺘﻈﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬وأن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻠﺠﺄون إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻼﺟﺊ ﻗﺪ ﻳـﻀﻄﺮون أن ﻳﻘﻨﻌـﻮا ﺑﺄﺣﻜـﺎم ﻟﻴـﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺰاﻋﺎت ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪48‬‬
‫إن ﻫﺬه ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﻟﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﻘﺔ‪ .‬وﻫـﺬا ﺿـﺮوري ﻷن ﺗـﺮاﺑﻂ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ أن ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﺎرض اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة‪ ،‬أو ﻣﻦ ﺧـﻼل ﻋﻮاﻗـﺐ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻣﻘـﺼﻮدة‪ .‬ﻳـﺸﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪة دواﺋﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻠﻠﻮﺻﻮل إﻟـﻰ ﺗـﺮاﺑﻂ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﻀﺮوري‬
‫ﺟﻠﺐ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻌﺎ ﲢﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﺮاﺑﻂ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً أن ﺗﻠﺒـﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳌﻨﻈﻮرة ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺪى اﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬وأن ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴﺮات ﻓﻲ اﻹدارة‪.‬‬
‫‪ (٢‬اﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﶈﺪود‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺤﻖ اﻟﻜﻔﻼء ﻋﺪﳝﻲ اﻟـﻀﻤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬وﺑﺤـﻖ وﻛـﺎﻻت‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﻌﺮض اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﻀﺮر‪ .‬إن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ واﺟﻬـﻮا ﻇـﺮوف ﻋﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻲ وإﺳﺎءة ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮن ﻣﺘﺮددﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻌﻲ إﻟـﻰ دﻋـﻮى ﻗـﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑـﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﺨﻮﻓـﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎت اﳌﻀﺎدة ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻔﻼﺋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻋﺪم ﺛﻘﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ً‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺑـﲔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺮ ﳌﺮﺻـﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أن اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬وﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬واﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘـﺼﻲ‬
‫وإﺟﺮاء ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﳊﺎﻻت ﻣﻦ إﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﰎ اﻹﺑﻼغ ﻋﻨﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺧﺎدﻣـﺎت ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻴـﺎت ﺳـﺮﻳﻼﻧﻜﻴﺎت‬
‫)ﻣﺮﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪ .(٢٠٠٧ :١١٨ ،HRW‬رﲟﺎ أن وﻛـﻼء اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺨـﺎﻟﻔﻮن اﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻳﻘـﺪﻣﻮن‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت زاﺋﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮون ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ أﻧﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﺘـﺴﺠﻴﻞ اﻷﻛﺜـﺮ ﺻـﺮاﻣﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑـﺎت‬
‫اﻷﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻻﻋﺘﺪاء اﳉﻨﺴﻲ أو اﻻﻏﺘﺼﺎب‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺮدد اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻃﻠﺒـﺎ ً ﳌـﺴﺎﻋﺪة‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ اﳌﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ اﻟـﻼزم ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ اﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﺣﺘﻤـﺎل‬
‫ﺣﺪوث ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻀﺎد‪ ،‬ورﻏﺒﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻨﺴﻮة ﻓﻲ أن ﻳﻌﺪن إﻟﻰ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺑﺄﺳﺮع ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ )ﺟﻮرﻳـﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪٢٠٠٢ ،‬؛ ﻣﺮﺻـﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪.(٢٠٠٧ ،HRW‬‬
‫ﺗﻄـﻮر َ ﺟﻨﺒـﺎ ً‬
‫إن رﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﻳﺤﺘﺎج اﺑﺘﺪ ًاء إﻟﻰ إﺟﺮاءات ﻋﻤﻞ إدارﻳﺔ ﺟﻴﺪة‪ ،‬وﻫﺬه ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﲢﺘﺎج ﻷن ُ َ َ‬
‫إﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ آﻟﻴﺎت ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻌﺐ اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ دورا ً ﺣـﺴﺎﺳﺎ ً ﻓـﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ واﻟﺘﻘﻴـﻴﻢ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﺑﺪون آﻟﻴـﺔ رﻗﺎﺑـﺔ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﻄﺎﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﻛـﺎف‪ .‬إن‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ واﻹدارﻳﺔ ﻹدارة اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺪم اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫اﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ اﻹدارﻳﺔ واﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬واﻷردن‪ ،‬وﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺟﺪا ً وﲢﺘـﺎج‬
‫إﻟﻰ ﲤﻜﲔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ (٣‬اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻓﺌﺎت ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﲢﺪ واﺣﺪ رﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﺸﻤﻞ اﳋﺪم‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﻷﺧـﺮى ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌـﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿـﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴـﺔ ﻛـﺄﻣﺮ ﻏﻴـﺮ رﺳـﻤﻲ‪ ،‬واﻋﺘﺒـﺎره ﺷـﺄﻧﺎ ً‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻜـﺮ ُ ﻋﻠـﻴﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﻌﺮض اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻟﻠﻀﺮر واﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﻢ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﺧﺪم اﳌﻨـﺎزل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮون اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ُ ْ َ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ )ﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟﻮر‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ‪ ....... ،‬إﻟﺦ‪ ،(.‬ﻓﻬﻢ ـ ﻓﻘﻂ ـ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳉﺄوا إﻟـﻰ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن اﳌـﺪﻧﻲ اﻟـﺬي ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻔﺲ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ]اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪.[٢٠٠٨ ،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺎ ً‪ :‬ﻧـﺤﻮ اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ :‬إﻃﺎر اﻟﻨﻘﺎش واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫وﺗـﻮﻓﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﲤﺎرس ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪َ ُ ،‬‬
‫ﺗﺆﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺄن إﻳﺠﺎد ﻋﻤﻞ ﻻﺋﻖ ﺣﻴﺚ ُ َ‬
‫وﻳﺰاول اﳊﻮار اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻇﺮوﻓـﺎ ً ﻟﺘﻌـﺎون دوﻟـﻲ إﻳﺠـﺎﺑﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﻫﺠـﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺳـﺘﻠﺒﻲ‬
‫ُ َ‬
‫اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت دول اﳌﻨﺸﺄ ودول اﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺳﺘﻠﺒﻲ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻔـﺸﻞ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻪ أﺛﺮ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻤﻮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وﺗﻘﺪم اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫وﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ أﻋﻈﻢ ﻓﻲ دول اﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪ ،‬ودﻋﻤﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﳌﻘـﺼﺪ‪ ،‬وﺑﻨﻴـﺔ ﻟـﺮأس ﻣـﺎل‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪49‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ إﻃﺎر ﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﶈﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ .‬إن إﻃﺎر ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌـﺪد‬
‫اﳉﻮاﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺮض إرﺷﺎدا ً ﲡﺎه ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻫﺠﺮة ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ وﻣﺮﺗﻜﺰة إﻟﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﺬي ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﻧﻬﺞ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻜﺮﱘ اﳌﺮﺗﻜﺰ إﻟﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎدئ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ وﺧﻄﻮط إرﺷﺎدﻳﺔ‪ .‬وإﻧﻪ إذ ﻳﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﺎﳊﻖ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎدي ﻟﻠﺪول ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻘﺮر ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن اﻟﻬـﺪف ﻣـﻦ اﻹﻃـﺎر ﻫـﻮ أن ﻳـﺴﺎﻋﺪ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻫﺠﺮة ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﻪ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎدئ واﳋﻄﻮط‬
‫اﻹرﺷﺎدﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ إدارة وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳌﺮﺳﺦ ﺑﺜﺒﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ وﻓـﻲ اﳌﻤﺎرﺳـﺎت اﻷﻓـﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺘـﺮف‬
‫اﻹﻃﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺪور اﳊﺎﺳﻢ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﻗﻴﻤﺔ اﺷﺘﺮاك اﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎء اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫وﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﻮاﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﺻﻠﺒﻪ ﻟﻠﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬وﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣـﻞ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮ‪ .‬إن‬
‫اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬أو اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋـﺪد ﻣـﻦ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺰﻣـﺔ‬
‫واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﳌﺮأة‪ ،‬وﻟﺬا ﻓﻬـﺬه اﻟـﺪول َ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮام اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﻼل ﻟﻘﺎء اﳊﻮار‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﲔ ً‬
‫أوﻻ‪ ،‬أن ﻳﻌﺎﳉﻮا اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺜﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت ﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ ﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑـﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻻﺣﺘﺮازﻳﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺜﻴﺮ ﻫﺬا اﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﺪدا ً ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ‪ً .‬‬
‫أوﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺪور اﻟﺬي ﺳﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ وﻛﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻞ؟‬
‫ً‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧـﺤﺘﺎج أن ﻧﻨﺸﺌﻬﺎ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻮاﻓﻘـﺎ ﻓﻌـﺎﻻ ﺑـﲔ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ واﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﶈﺘﻤﻠﲔ؟ ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻞ أن ﻳﻀﻤﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ؟‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﻄﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﺧﺪم اﳌﻨﺎزل واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﲔ ﺿﻤﻦ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ إﳒﺎز ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺘﺮاﺑﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮن اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻣﺘﺮددة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻓﻲ أﻣﻮر ُ َ َ‬
‫ﻫﺬا ٌ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ُ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﳋﺪم اﳌﻨﺎزل أن ﻳﺸﻤﻠﻮا ﺿﻤﻦ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ؟ ﲟﺎ أن أﻋﻤﺎل اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ ﲡـﺮي‬
‫داﺧﻞ ﺑﻴﻮت ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ آﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧـﺤﺘﺎج أن ﻧﻨﺸﺌﻬﺎ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﺄﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ؟‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻻﻧﺴﻴﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮزارات ‪ /‬اﻟﺪواﺋﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮن دواﺋﺮ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ووزارات اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول اﻷﺧﺮى‪ُ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻋﺒﺮ داﺋﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺪان آﺧﺮ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﳑﺎ ﻳﻄﺮح اﻟﺴﺆال‪ :‬ﻣـﻦ ﻫـﻲ اﻟـﻮزارة اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ُ اﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪة؟ ﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟـﺔ ﻟﺘﻄـﻮﻳﺮ داﺋـﺮة ﻫﺠـﺮة ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‪ ،‬أم ﻫـﻞ ﺳـﺘﻔﻲ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ أن ُ َ َ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺮض؟ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻮﻛﺎﻻت اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮع اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ اﻟﺬي ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻷﺟﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻘﺪرة؟‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺸﺮ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق وﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎت‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻷﻧﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻔﻬﻤﻮن ﺷﺮوط ﻋﻘﻮدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮن ﻣﺪرﻛﲔ ﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻧﲔ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺤﺘﺎج إﻟﻴﻬﺎ؟ ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﺰام ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ٍ‬
‫ﲢﺴﲔ ذﻟﻚ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮع اﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﻲ ُ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺪ اﳌﻨﺸﺄ واﳌﻘﺼﺪ؟‬
‫‪50‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ دور اﲢﺎدات اﻟﻌﻤﺎل واﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﲢﺴﲔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ؟ ﻛﻴـﻒ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﳌﻬﻦ اﶈﻠﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺪﻣﺞ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻔﺎوﺿﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ اﳌﻬﻦ وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﻠـﺪان اﳌﻘـﺼﺪ واﳌﻨـﺸﺄ أن ﺗﻌﻤـﻞ ﻣﻌـﺎ ً ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل؟‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻷﻃﺮاف ﺑﲔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت واﻟـﺸﺮﻛﺎء ﻣـﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤـﻊ ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻠـﺪان اﳌﻨـﺸﺎ ً‬
‫واﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺪار اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ أﻓﻀﻞ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﳌﺮﺳﻠﺔ واﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﺗﺘﻌﺎون ﻓـﻲ ﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﻮدة‪ .‬ﳝﻜﻦ دراﺳﺔ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺘﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻃﺎر‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﺗﻘﺘـﻀﻲ ‪ -‬ﺿـﻤﻨﺎ ً ‪ -‬إﻧـﺸﺎء ﺗﻔـﺎﻫﻢ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻜﻔـﻞ ﲟﻮﺟﺒـﻪ اﳊﻜـﻮﻣﺘﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون دون ﲢﺪﻳﺪ إﺟﺮاءات‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪا ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﳑﻜﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌﻼﺋﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺻﺎﳊﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻹﻃـﺎر‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻀﻊ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻛﻬﺬه اﻷﺳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪا ً ً‬
‫ﺑﻨﺪا‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‪ ،‬وﻛﻴـﻒ ﻳـﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻄﺮق اﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ اﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴـﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫واﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪان اﳌﻨﺸﺄ واﳌﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻺﻋﺪاد ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‪ ،‬وﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ؟ ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻨﻨـﺎ أن ﻧﻄـﻮر‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ واﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻨﺘـﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﻋﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﻀﻤﻦ ﻣـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺎت‬
‫ِ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼل ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬إﻧﺸﺎء إﺟﺮاءات اﺳﺘـﺸﺎرﻳﺔ ﺛﻼﺛﻴـﺔ اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ‬
‫واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﻤﻜﻦ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ؟‬
‫ﺳﺎدﺳﺎ ً‪ :‬اﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﺑﺬل اﳉﻬﺪ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ‪) ٩٧‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟـﻞ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،(١٩٤٠ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ‪) ١٤٣‬اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ‪ -‬ﺑﻨـﻮد إﺿـﺎﻓﻴﺔ ‪ ،(١٩٧٥ -‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‬
‫ﺟـﺰء ﻻ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻴﺜﺎق ﺣﻘﻮق أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ٌ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺠﺰأ ﻣﻦ أي اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أن ﻳﻘـﺪﻣﻮا‬
‫ﲢﺘـﺮم‬
‫أﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻨـﺸﺄ واﳌﻘـﺼﺪ ﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌـﻮن ﺑﻈـﺮوف ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻛﺮﳝـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ ُ َ َ ُ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻀﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ أن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻬﺪف ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎ ُ ﻟﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﻬﺪف إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣـﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻮاء ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻮﺻـﻮل إﻟـﻰ ﺧـﺪﻣﺎت اﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‪ .‬وﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺬا‬
‫ﺪم اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻟﻠﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﳌﻘـﺼﺪ ﻟﺘﺤـﺴﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺗﻬﺎ وﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ًﺗﻘَ َ َ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻧﻬﺞ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺰ إﻟﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إن إﺻﻼح ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧـﺤﻮ ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ دوﻟـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ أن ﻳﺤـﺪث ﻟﻜـﻲ ﺗـﺼﺎن ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل وﻣـﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﲢﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ )دول‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬واﻷردن‪ ،‬وﻟﺒﻨﺎن( أن ﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎت اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‪ :‬ﻣـﺎ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫اﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ؟ ﻣـﺎ ﻫـﻲ‬
‫أﺷﻜﺎل وﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﺪم اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ؟ ﻣـﺎ ﻫـﻲ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎت‬
‫ِ‬
‫واﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻮاﻟﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺮﻳﺪون ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ وﺗﻨﻤﻴﺘﻬـﺎ؟ ﻣـﺎ ﻫـﻲ اﻵﻟﻴـﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ِ‬
‫‪51‬‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ واﻟﻌﻤـﺎل؟ وأي واﺣـﺪة ﻣـﻦ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‪ ،‬أو ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ أن ﲤﺜﻞ ﺑﺄﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﻵﻟﻴﺎت ﺗﻌﺮض ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ؟‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إﻋﻄﺎء أوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ اﺗﺨـﺎذ ﻣﺒـﺎدرة ﳌﺮاﺟﻌـﺔ أﻧﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﺪم اﳌﻨﺎزل واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﲔ‪ ،‬وإﻧﺸﺎء ﻋﻘﻮد ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﺮدﻳﺔ ﲤﺘﺪ ﳌﺎ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﳊﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬وإﻳﺮاد إﺷﺎرة ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻟﻸﺟﺮ‪ ،‬واﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﲤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻨﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ إدارة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﻊ ﺻﻮت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ واﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدي‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺒﻘﻰ داﺋﻤﺎ ً ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎ ً أو ﻣﻬﻤﻼ ً‪ .‬ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺒﻼد إﻟـﻰ‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎدات‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎت‪ ،‬واﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺻﻮﺗﺎ ً ﻓﻌﺎﻻ ً ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ وﺗﻄﺒﻴـﻖ‬
‫وﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺪون "ﺻﻮت"‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أن ﺗـﺼﺎن ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﳊﻮار اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻹﻧﺸﺎء آﻟﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺸﺎرﻳﺔ ﺛﻼﺛﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ إﻟﻰ ﲤﺜﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺜﻼﺛﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﲢﺴﲔ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج‪،‬‬
‫وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪،‬‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻳﻨﻈـﺮ َ إﻟـﻰ ﻧﺘـﺎﺋﺞ‬
‫وﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ آﻣﻨﺔ‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ ﺣﻮل ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﻌـﺪ ذﻟـﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ُ َ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎرات ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻮزراء اﳌﻌﻨﻴﲔ ﻛﺎﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأن ﺗﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ .‬إﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺸﺎرك اﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎء اﶈﻠﻴﻮن )اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﳌﻬـﻦ‪ ،‬إﻟـﺦ‪(.‬‬
‫اﳌـﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﲔ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺸﺠﻌﻮا ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻳﻮﻓﺮوا اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻳﻨﺸﺮوا اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ِ‬
‫واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﳊﻮارات اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬إن ﺑﻨـﺎء‬
‫اﻟﻘﺪرات‪ ،‬وﻧﺸﺮ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬واﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻘﻬـﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت واﻟﻨﺪوات اﻟﺜﻼﺛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﻲ ﻓـﺮص ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳـﺔ ﻟﻨـﺸﺮ اﻟـﻮﻋﻲ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ وأﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮل ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺠـﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓـﻲ ﻧﻔـﺲ اﻟﻮﻗـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨـﺎء‬
‫ﻗﺪراﺗﻬﻢ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻌﺎﳉﻮا ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ واﳌﺘﻌﺪدة اﻷﻃﺮاف‪ .‬إن ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ اﻵﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ داﺧﻞ اﻟﺒﻼد اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ وﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ أﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﻮغ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف إﻟﻰ أدوار ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﺑﻼد اﳌﻨـﺸﺄ واﻟـﺒﻼد اﳌـﻀﻴﻔﺔ ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗـﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ أﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌـﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴـﻪ اﻋﺘﺒـﺎرات اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة داﺧـﻞ أﻃـﺮ ﺗﻄـﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪52‬‬
‫اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻟﻔﺪراﻟﻲ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜـﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﻞ ـ ﻛـﻮﻧﻐﺮس اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺎت اﻟـﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ )‪ .٢٠٠٦ .(AFL-CIO‬ﻃﻠـﺐ ﻣـﻦ اﻻﲢـﺎد‬
‫اﻟﻔﺪراﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ وﻛﻮﻧﻐﺮس اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﲢﺎد اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﻴﺞ )‪ (NTA‬ﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴـﺬ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺸﺎرات ﺿﻤﻦ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة اﳊﺮة ﺑﲔ اﻟﻮﻻﻳـﺎت اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة واﻷردن‪ ،‬ﳌﻌﺎﳉـﺔ اﻧﺘﻬـﺎك اﻷردن ﻟﺒﻨـﻮد ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ٢١ ،‬أﻳﻠﻮل‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://www.aflcio.org/issues/jobseconomy/globaleconomy/upload /Jordan_FTA_Complaint.pdf‬‬
‫اﻟﻨﺠﺎر‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮ‪) .‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺮه ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ً( اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺘﺪﻧﻲ اﳌﻬﺎرة ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠـﻲ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻴـﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫) ‪ ( ٢٠٠٨‬اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﻲ اﻷﺟﻮر‪ ،‬ورﻗﺔ ﰎ ﲢﻀﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﳌﻨﺘـﺪى‬
‫اﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺪﻳﺔ اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ ،‬أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ‪ ٢٤ – ٢٣ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻮض‪ ،‬إﺑﺮاﻫﻴﻢ‪ ( ٢٠٠٧ ) .‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻷﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ورﻗﺖ ﰎ ﲢـﻀﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪ ، ٢٠٠٩ – ٢٠٠٨‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻟﻨﺪروﺷﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮاﺳﻴﺒﻲ‪" ( ٢٠٠٥ ) .‬ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ ﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ اﻹﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳـﻂ"‪ ،‬اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ‪٢٩٩ - ٢٦٧ : ٢ / ١ ، ٤٣‬‬
‫ﺷﺎﻣﺎرﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮرﻳﺎ ﻣﻮرﻳﻨﻮ ‪ -‬ﻓﻮﻧﺘﻴﺲ‪ " ( ٢٠٠٤ ) .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻓﻲ دول اﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫" ﻓﻲ إﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬وﺳﺎﳝﻞ‪ ،‬وﻣﻮﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﺳﻤﻴﺚ )ﻧﺎﺷـﺮون( ‪ :‬اﳉـﻨﺲ واﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻲ‪ :‬وﺿـﻊ اﻟﻌـﺎﻣﻼت‬
‫اﳋﺎدﻣﺎت‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮوت‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫أﻣﲔ ﻓﺎرس )‪ " (٢٠٠٧‬ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ وﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ "‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎي ﻻﻳﻞ )ﻧﺎﺷﺮ(‪ ( ٢٠٠٥ ) .‬اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ‪ :‬اﻟﺼﺮاع ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓـﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬واﺷـﻨﻄﻦ دي ﺳـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ( ٢٠٠٦ ) .‬ﺑﻨﺎء اﻷﺑﺮاج‪ ،‬اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ‪ :‬اﺳـﺘﻐﻼل ﻋﻤـﺎل اﻟﺒﻨـﺎء اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺪ ‪ ،١٨‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(E) ٨‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫) ‪ ( ٢٠٠٧‬ﻣﺼﺪرﻳﻦ وﻣﻌﺮوﺿﲔ‪ :‬إﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺿﺪ اﳋﺎدﻣﺎت اﻟﺴﺮﻳﻼﻧﻜﻴﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬وﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪،‬‬
‫واﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺪ ‪ ،١٩‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ، (C) ١٦‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،( ٢٠٠٦ ) ،‬اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﻷﻃﺮاف ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﺎدئ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ وﺧﻄﻮط إرﺷﺎدﻳﺔ ﳌﻨﻬﺎج إﻟﻰ ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺰ إﻟﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻮرﻳﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬راي )ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ‪ ،(٢٠٠٢‬اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺎزل ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨـﺎن‪ ،‬أوراق ﻫﺠـﺮة دوﻟﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫رﻗﻢ ‪ ،٤٨‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻮﳒﻔﺎ‪ ،‬إي‪ .‬إن‪ ،( ١٩٩٧ ) .‬أﺳﻮار ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻣﻞ‪ :‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﺰﻟـﺔ واﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤـﻊ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟـﺪر‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌـﺔ‬
‫وﺳﺘﻔﻴﻮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮزان إف‪ .‬وروﻻ أﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ‪ ( ٢٠٠٨ ) .‬ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ورﻗـﺔ ﰎ ﲢـﻀﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎع اﻟﻄﺎوﻟـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺪﻳﺮة ‪ ١.١‬ﻷﻳﺎم اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺘﺪى اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﺘﻄﻮر‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻼ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻷول‪.‬‬
‫ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ( ٢٠٠٦ ) .‬ﻧﺸﺮة ﻣﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن ‪ -‬أﻳﻠﻮل ‪ :٢٠٠٦‬وﺿﻊ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻊ اﳌﻼﺑﺲ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫‪53‬‬
‫اﻷردن‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://www.nlcnet.org/live/article.php?id=136‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﻦ واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ (٢٠٠٧) .‬ﻛﺘﻴـﺐ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫إﻧﺸﺎء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻫﺠﺮة ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ﺣﻮض اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬أ‪) .‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺮه ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ً(‪ ،‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﺎه‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮه م‪ ( ٢٠٠٦ ) .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﻠﻴﺞ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ ﺑـﺎﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻟﻬﺠـﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ وﺗﻮرﻃـﺎت‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪول اﻵﺳﻴﻮﻳﺔ اﳌﺮﺳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ورﻗﺔ ﰎ ﲢﻀﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﺔ ﺧﺒـﺮاء اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة ﺣـﻮل اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻄﻮر ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮوت‪ ١٧ - ١٥ ،‬أﻳﺎر‪.‬‬
‫وزارة ﺧﺎرﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ (٢٠٠٥) .‬ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﳑﺎرﺳﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://state.gov/g/dr/rls/hrrpt/w005/‬‬
‫‪54‬‬
‫اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ وﲢﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﺎران‬
‫ﺧﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮا‬
‫‪55‬‬
‫أوﻻ ً‪ :‬اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ أﺿﺤﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﻨﺰاع ﺣﻮل ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗـﺄﺛﻴﺮا‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘﺮار اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬واﳊﺎﻛﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ أﻧـﺤﺎء أوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬وﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺼﺪر ﻫﺎﺗـﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﺎن ﻋﻨﺎوﻳﻦ اﻷﺧﺒﺎر اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﲤﺜﻼن اﳌﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﻲ ﻟﻌـﺪد ﻻ ﻳﺤـﺼﻰ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﻘـﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟـﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﳌﺆﲤﺮات‪ ،‬وﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻷﻃﻴﺎف اﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﳋﻼف اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﲔ رأس اﳌﺎل واﻟﻴـﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪ ،‬إذ ﺗﻌﺘﺒـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻻ ﺑﺎرزا ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ واﻟﻨﺰاع ﺑـﲔ رأس اﳌـﺎل واﻟﻴـﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺻـﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﺗﻮزﻳﻊ اﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ اﳌﺘﺄﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ ،‬واﳌﺪى اﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ‪ -‬اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص ‪ -‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ واﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن؟ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻚ‪ ،‬إﻧﻬـﺎ اﻹﺳـﺎءة اﻟﻮاﺿـﺤﺔ‬
‫وواﺳﻌﺔ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻞ وﻓـﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ‬
‫أرﺟﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻮءا ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﳌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻨﺎﻣـﺖ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫أزﻣﺔ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ‪:١٥‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫‪.٥‬‬
‫‪.٦‬‬
‫ﶈﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﺰة ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل دور وأﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺼﺎ ﻟﻠﺼﻜﻮك اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻴﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﻓﺬة ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﳉﺪول أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ وﺛﻐﺮات ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺧﻄﻮط اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﲔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق وﻛﺮاﻣﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ اﳌﺸﺎر إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺎس إﺷﺎرة إﻟـﻰ اﻟـﺪول اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ أوروﺑـﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ‪ ٤٧‬دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻳﺴﻠﻨﺪا إﻟﻰ ﺑﻼد اﻟﻘﻮﻗﺎز‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ أن ﻫﻨﺎك إﺷﺎرات ﻣﺤﺪدة إﻟﻰ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻟﺬي ﻳـﺸﺘﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ ٢٧‬دوﻟﺔ )وﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ً أﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮا ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻐﻄﻲ اﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺪ ﻟﻬﺬا اﳊﻮار ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ اﳋﺒﺮاء اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أﻇﻔـﺎر ﺧـﺎن‪.‬‬
‫وﻧﻈﺮا ﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻛﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن ﻫﻨـﺎك ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻟﺘـﺪاﺧﻞ ﻓـﻲ ﺗﻮﺿـﻴﺢ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وأﻃﺮ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻨﺎوﻳﻦ اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺧﺒﺎر إﻟﻰ ﲢـﺪﻳﺎت ﻓﻈﻴﻌـﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺒـﺮ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ‪:١٦‬‬
‫‪ 15‬ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﺎ ً اﻟﻜﺘﺎب اﻟﺬي ﺻﺪر ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ً وﺷﺎرك ﻓﻲ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﻪ وﲢﺮﻳـﺮه ﻫـﺬا اﳌﺆﻟـﻒ‪ :‬اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳـﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻧـﺤﻮ إﺗﺒﺎع ﻧﻬﺞ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺮاﺳﺒﻮرغ‪٢٠٠٩ ،‬؛ أﻧﻈﺮ اﻟﺮاﺑﻂ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://book.coe.int/EN/ficheouvrage.php?PAGEID=36&lang=EN&produit_aliasid=2402‬‬
‫‪ 16‬اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮرة ﻓﻘﻂ ﻷﻏﺮاض ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ اﳊﺎﻻت اﳌﺘﻮاﺟﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ أرﺟﺎء أوروﺑﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪56‬‬
‫ﺿﺮب واﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ روﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪١٧‬‬
‫إذاﻋﺔ أوروﺑﺎ اﳊﺮة‪/‬رادﻳﻮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ‪٢٠٠٩/٢/١٠ ،‬‬
‫ƒ ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون "ﻋﺪاﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪة"‬
‫‪١٨‬‬
‫أﺧﺒﺎر ﺑﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ‪٢٠٠٩/٣/١٩ ،‬‬
‫ƒ اﻟﺘﻌﺼﺐ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺘﻬﺪد إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﺬر اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫‪١٩‬‬
‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك ﺗﺎﳝﺰ‪٢٠٠٩/٥/١٤ ،‬‬
‫ƒ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﺎت ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺮاﻫﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٢٠‬‬
‫أﺧﺒﺎر ﺑﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ‪٢٠٠٩/٦/١٧ ،‬‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﺼﺺ اﻷﺧﺒﺎرﻳﺔ وﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ أن أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت إﳊﺎﺣﺎ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﻫـﻲ ازدﻳـﺎد اﻟﻌﻨـﻒ‬
‫اﳌﺪﻓﻮع ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺼﺐ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪف اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﳉﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ زاﻟﻮا ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻮن اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻹﺳﺎءة ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﻳﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻫﺬه اﳊﺎﻻت ﻻ ﻳﺸﺎر إﻟﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎوﻳﻦ اﻟﺼﺤﻒ وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﺪم اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ أﺧﺮى ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻠﺨﺺ ﻓﻘﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﳌﻘﺮة ﻓﻲ أﻋﻘﺎب اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺻﻔﻘﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟـﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﶈﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﺰة ﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟـﻪ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ أي ﻣﻜﺎن آﺧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻋﺪدا ً ﻛﺒﻴﺮا ً ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ ﻣـﺼﺎﻋﺐ ﻻ داﻋـﻲ ﻟﻬـﺎ‬
‫وﺳﻮء ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻧﺨﻔﺎض اﻷﺟﻮر وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻐﻴﺎب اﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪٢١‬‬
‫واﳊﺮﻣﺎن ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ وﻛﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫إن ﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟﻮر‪ ،‬أو دﻓﻊ أﺟﻮر ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﻋﺘﺪاء اﳉـﺴﺪي‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤـﺮش اﳉﻨـﺴﻲ واﻟﻌﻨـﻒ ﺿـﺪ اﻟﻌـﺎﻣﻼت‪،‬‬
‫وﺣﺮﻣﺎن وﻗﻤﻊ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت واﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت واﺳﻌﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ وﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻘـﺪرة ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻻﻟﺘﺤـﺎق‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻬﻦ أو ﳑﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳊﺮ‪ ،‬وﳝﻨﻌﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻻﻟﺘﺤﺎق ﺑﺎﳉﺰء اﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺜﻴـﺮا ﻣـﺎ ﺗﻜـﻮن‬
‫ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻮاﺗﺎة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﶈﻠﻴﻮن‪ ،‬وﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺟﺤﻮن‬
‫أﻛﺜﺮ ﻟﺸﻐﻞ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﺪد ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﲟﻌﺪﻻت ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻷﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺮ واﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻌﻠﻨﺔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻷﻛﺒـﺮ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻠـﻮن ﻓـﻲ‬
‫وﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ ‪ -‬اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺪوام ﺟﺰﺋﻲ وﻏﻴﺮ ذﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﺗﻌﻨﻲ أن ﻫﺆﻻء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ أﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪ .‬ﻓﻲ أﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ‪ ٪ ٥٦‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ أﻋﻤـﺎل‬
‫ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻳﺎدة ﻗﺪرﻫﺎ ‪ ٪٢٥‬ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ‪ .٢٢‬إن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳـﻀﻄﺮون إﻟـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮوﻧﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﻐﻴﺮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺨـﻀﻌﻮن إﻟـﻰ اﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻧﻌﺪام اﻷﻣﻦ اﳌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬وﺳﻮء اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ وﻻ ﻳﺘﻠﻘـﻮن أي دﺧـﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪http://www.rferl.org/content/Migrants_In_Russia_Beaten_Exploited_Rights_Report_Finds/1490601.html 17‬‬
‫‪http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/7953764.stm 18‬‬
‫‪http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/15/world/europe/15iht-italy.html?_r=2&partner=TOPIXNEWS&ei=5099 19‬‬
‫‪http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/8104287.stm 20‬‬
‫‪ 21‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٤‬اﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎت ﺑﺸﺄن ﺻﻔﻘﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟـﺪورة اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺘﺴﻌﻮن )ﺟﻨﻴﻒ(‪٢٠٠٤ .‬‬
‫‪ 22‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٧‬اﻟﻜﺴﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ‪ :‬ﻧـﺤﻮ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺗﻨﻘـﻞ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴـﻒ دﻳﺘـﻮن ﺟﻮﻧـﺴﻮن‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻛـﺎ ﺗـﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗـﺴﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻏﺮﻳﻐﻮري ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﺗﻴﺲ‪ ،‬راﻳﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ودﳝﺘﺮﻳﻮس ﺑﺎﺑﺎدﳝﻴﺘﺮﻳﻮ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪57‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪان ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )ﻣﺎ ﻋـﺪا ﺑﻮﻟﻨـﺪا واﺠﻤﻟـﺮ واﻟﻮﻻﻳـﺎت اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة(‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن ﻧـﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌـﺎﻃﻠﲔ ﻋـﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻨﻤـﺴﺎ‪،‬‬
‫وﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‪ ،‬وﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮا ﻫﻲ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻـﻠﻴﲔ‪ ٢٣.‬اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮون ﻫـﻢ ﻧـﺴﺒﻴﺎ أﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻧﺎة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ اﻷﻣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺎرق ﻳﺘﺠﺎوز ‪ ١٠‬ﻧﻘﺎط ﻣﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻓﻨﻠﻨـﺪا‬
‫واﳉﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﻴﻜﻴﺔ وﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا واﻟﻨﺮوﻳﺞ وﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮا‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺤﺚ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٪ ١٧‬ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬و‪ ٪ ٦٠‬ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻨﺬ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ وواﺳﻊ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق ﺿﺪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻣﻦ أﺻﻮل ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮة ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬واﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﲟـﺎ ﻓﻴـﻪ اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ أﻧــﺤﺎء أوروﺑـﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ ﻻﺣﻈـﺖ اﻟﻬﻴﺌـﺎت‬
‫اﻹﺷﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳـﺪ ﺿـﺮورة اﺗﺨـﺎذ إﺟـﺮاءات ﻛﺎﻓﻴـﺔ وﻓﻌﺎﻟـﺔ إزاء اﳌﻤﺎرﺳـﺎت‬
‫واﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ‪ .٢٤‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻋﻘﺒـﺎت‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮص اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ واﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ وﻳﺤﻈﻮن ﺑﻔﺮص ﻣﺤﺪودة ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳊﻴﺎة اﳌﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﺗﻀﺎف إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢـﻮل دون إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ اﻻﻧـﺪﻣﺎج ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ أﻇﻬﺮ اﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﳊﺎﻟﺔ واﺳﻊ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﺬي أﺟﺮي ﻓﻲ ﺗﺴﻌﺔ ﺑﻠﺪان أوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫أن اﻟﺴﻠﻮك اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰي ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ أرﺑـﺎب اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ واﳌﺘﺤﻜﻤـﲔ ﺑـﺴﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺿـﺪ ﻣﻘـﺪﻣﻲ ﻃﻠﺒـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺋﻞ وواﺳﻊ اﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أﻇﻬﺮت ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت أن اﳌﺘﻘـﺪﻣﲔ ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺸﺒﺎب‬
‫اﳌﻨـﺤﺪرﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺗﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺎت أﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺄرﺑﻌـﺔ إﻟـﻰ ﺧﻤـﺴﺔ ﻣـﺮات ﻣـﻦ اﻷﺷـﺨﺎص‬
‫اﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﳑﻦ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌﻮن ﲟﻬﺎرات وﻣﺆﻫﻼت وﺧﺒﺮات ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ردود إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ أﺛﻨﺎء اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ‪ .‬أﻇﻬﺮت ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ أﺣﺪث دراﺳﺔ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﳑﺎﺛﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺗﺴﻊ ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻋﺸﺮة ﺣـﺎﻻت‪،‬‬
‫ﰎ اﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎر ﺑﲔ اﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ذوي اﳌﺆﻫﻼت اﳌﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪة رب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻷي ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ٢٥.‬وﻗـﺪ ﻇﻬـﺮت ﻣﻌـﺪﻻت‬
‫أﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎع اﳋﺪﻣﺎت ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋـﺎت اﻷﺧـﺮى‪ ،‬وﻓـﻲ اﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟـﺼﻐﻴﺮة واﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻄﺔ‬
‫اﳊﺠﻢ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻷﻛﺒﺮ‪ .٢٦‬ﻫﺬا اﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﺬي أﺟﺮي ﲢﺖ رﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻳﻌـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ اﻵن اﳌﺘﺴﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺎ وذو دﻻﻟﺔ إﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﺴﻠﻮك اﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ أﺳﻮاق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺼﺤﺔ واﻷﻣﺎن‬
‫إن إﺳﺎءات ﺧﻄﻴﺮة اﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺎب اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ واﻷﻣﺎن ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮة إﻟـﻰ درﺟـﺔ ﻻ ﺗـﺆدي إﻟـﻰ ﺷـﻤﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻨﺎوﻳﻦ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬إن ﻣﻌﺪﻻت ﺣﻮادث اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒـﺎ ً أﻛﺜـﺮ ﺑـﻀﻌﻔﲔ ﺑـﲔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪.٢٧‬‬
‫ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ً ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ درﺟـﺔ أﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﻦ ﺧﻄـﺮ‬
‫‪ 23‬اﳌﺼﺪر اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 24‬أﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬اﳌﻼﺣﻈﺎت اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﳋﺒﺮاء ﺣـﻮل ﺗﻄﺒﻴـﻖ اﳌﻮاﺛﻴـﻖ واﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ ﻣﻴﺜـﺎق اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ )اﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪام‬
‫واﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ(‪) ١٩٥٨ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ :(١١١‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎت ﺣﻮل ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬آر‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ،.‬اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت ‪٤٠٣-٤٠٢‬؛ إﺳﺮاﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬آر‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ،.‬اﻟـﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪٣٨٨‬؛ إﺳـﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬
‫آر‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ،.‬اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪٤١٥‬؛ ﻣﻴﺜﺎق اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﻣﻌﺪل( ‪) ١٩٤٩‬رﻗﻢ ‪ :(٩٧‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈـﺎت ﺣـﻮل ﻓﺮﻧـﺴﺎ‪ ،‬آر‪ .‬ﺳـﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ،.‬اﻟـﺼﻔﺤﺎت‬
‫‪٦٤٢-٦٤١‬؛ إﺳﺮاﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬آر‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ،.‬اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت ‪٦٤٣-٦٤٢‬؛ ﺳﻠﻮﻓﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬آر‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،.‬اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت ‪٦٤٨-٦٤٧‬؛ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون )اﻟﻔﻘﺮات اﻟﺘﻜﻤﻴﻠﻴـﺔ(‪،‬‬
‫‪) ١٩٧٥‬رﻗﻢ ‪ :(١٤٣‬إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬آر‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ،.‬اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت ‪ ٦٤٥-٦٤٤‬وﺳﻠﻮﻓﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬آر‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬إي‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ،.‬اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.٦٤٨‬‬
‫‪ 25‬ﻛﺎدي‪ ،‬ﺋﻲ‪ .‬وﻓﻮروﻧﻲ‪ ،‬إف‪ :(٢٠٠٧) .‬اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ "اﳌﻨﺸﺄ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺢ وﻃﻨﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﺧﺘﺒﺎرات اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام أﺳـﻠﻮب‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ 26‬زﻏﺮز د ﺑﻴﺠﻞ ‪ ،‬آر‪ :(٢٠٠٠) .‬ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺳـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ .‬دراﺳـﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧـﺔ ﻷرﺑـﻊ دول أوروﺑﻴـﺔ )ﺟﻨﻴـﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﻤﻴﻞ دراﺳﺎت اﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﻣﻦ ‪www.ilo.org/migrant/publ/imp-list.htm :‬‬
‫اﻧﻈﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ (٢٠٠٨-١٩٩٥‬أﺑﺤﺎث ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )اﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﳊﺎﻟﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ 27‬ﺑﺮوﻧﺸﻮﻳﺞ‪ ،‬إس؛ ﻛﺎرﺑﺎﻟﻮ‪ ،‬إم‪ :(٢٠٠١) .‬اﻟﺼﺤﺔ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ )ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ واﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﺼﺤﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪58‬‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ٢٨.‬ﳝﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون إﻟـﻰ اﻟﺘﻮﻇـﻒ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋـﺎت ذات اﳋﻄـﻮرة اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﳋﻄﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ واﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻦ واﻟﺒﻨﺎء واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع ﻏﻴـﺮ اﻟﺮﺳـﻤﻲ؛ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻳﻜـﻮن اﻟﺘﻔﺘـﻴﺶ وإﻧﻔـﺎذ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺎ ً أو ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮد أﺻﻼ ً‪ .‬وﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻄﻠـﺐ اﳊـﻮاﺟﺰ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﻳـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺣﻮل وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﺗﺼﺎل وﺗﺒﺎدل اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎت واﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺎق وﻣﺮﻫﻖ و ‪ /‬أو ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻮن ﻣـﻦ ﺿـﻌﻒ‬
‫واﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﺤﻲ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮن ﻣﻌﺮﺿﲔ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎص ﻹﺻﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻷﻣـﺮاض اﳌﺘـﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒـﺎ ً ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻘﺒﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون‪ ،‬وﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ أوﺿﺎع ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﳋﻄﻴـﺮة ﺧﻮﻓـﺎ ً ﻣـﻦ ﻟﻔـﺖ‬
‫اﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎه إﻟﻰ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﺪان وﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﻢ أو ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﺆﻗﺘﻮن‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗـﺎدرﻳﻦ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳊـﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣﻨـﺎﻓﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ اﻟﺼﺤﻲ وﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ إﺻﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﳝﻴـﻞ ﻫـﺆﻻء إﻟـﻰ ﻋـﺪم‬
‫اﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻼج اﻟﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺘﻪ وﻋﺪم اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﻠﻰ أﺧﺬ إﺟﺎزة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎر إﻟﻰ‬
‫رﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻄﻔﻞ واﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻮاﺻﻼت‪ .‬ﻓﻀﻼ ً ﻋﻦ أن اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮن ﻧﻈﻢ اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟـﺼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫اﶈﻠﻴﺔ وﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻮن ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﻟﻐﻮﻳﺔ أو ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻫـﺬه اﳌـﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺗﺘﻔـﺎﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ واﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﻋـﺪد ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺪول‪ ،‬ﻫﻨـﺎك أﻳـﻀﺎ اﻟـﺼﻮر اﻟﻨﻤﻄﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﻢ "ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪا ً" ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وأﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺎﻗﻠﻮن ﻟﻸﻣﺮاض ﻣﻦ دون أي دﻟﻴﻞ داﻣﻎ‪ .‬وﻫـﺬا‬
‫ﻳﺆدي إﻟﻰ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺰال ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ ﻻ ﲢﺘﺮم اﺣﺘﺮاﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ً ﻓـﻲ دول أوروﺑـﺎ‪ .‬إن أﺣـﺪ‬
‫أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﻄﺮق ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻊ اﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮ اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺤﻘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت دون أي‬
‫ﻋﺎﺋﻖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ واﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺎ ً ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺼﻜﻮك اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮون اﻟـﺪاﺋﻤﻮن ﳑﺎرﺳـﺔ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﳊﻘﻮق ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﺆﻗﺘﲔ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﳑﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ وﺿـﻊ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ أن اﻟﻘﻴﻮد اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﲡﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺴﺆوﻟﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو أن ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا أﻋﻀﺎء ﻧﺸﻄﺎء ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت‪ ،‬أو أن ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮا ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺰال اﻟﻘﻴﻮد اﳌﻔﺮوﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋـﻀﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑـﺎت‪ ،‬وﺷـﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺻـﺐ ﻗﻴﺎدﻳـﺔ ﺳـﺎرﻳﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻔﻌﻮل ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪة ﺑﻠﺪان ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﳑﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﻮا ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﻮﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺮ‪ .‬أوﺿـﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﺌـﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أن اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ واﳊﻖ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ واﳌﻔﺎوﺿـﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ أن‬
‫‪٢٩‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﲟﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ دون أي ﲤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‪ :‬دور اﻟﻬﺠﺮة إﻟﻰ أوروﺑﺎ وأﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﺤـﺪﻳﺎت أﻣـﺎم اﳊـﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬وﺗﺘﻄﺮق ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت إﻟﻰ أﻫﻤﻴـﺔ ﻫـﺬه اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻓـﻲ اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎد اﳌﻌـﻮﻟﻢ‪ ،‬وأﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ اﻷﻫﻤﻴـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘـﺎﻧﻮن واﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬إذ أن‬
‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺪة إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق وﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮه‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﻮم ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ أﺳﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬وﻫـﻲ ﲟﺜﺎﺑـﺔ أداة ﻟﺘﻌـﺪﻳﻞ اﳌﻬـﺎرات‬
‫واﻟﺴﻦ واﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻲ ﻷﺳﻮاق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳌﺘﻐﻴﺮة‬
‫‪ 28‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٣‬ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎل اﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴـﺔ واﻟـﺼﺤﺔ‪ :‬دراﺳـﺔ ﺷـﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻈﺮة ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﻄﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎت‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ‪ ،IV‬اﳌﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬اﻟﺪورة ‪) .٩١‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ 29‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺒﺎدىء اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت‪ ،‬أﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻗﺮارات وﻣﺒﺎدىء ﳉﻨﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳉﻤﻌﻴـﺎت‬
‫ﻟﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ اﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬اﻟﻔﻘﺮة ‪ ٢٠٩‬ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ‪.٢١٥‬‬
‫‪59‬‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد واﳌﻬﺎرات اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻤﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻐﻴﺮات ﻓﻲ ﻇﺮوف اﻟـﺴﻮق‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤـﻮﻻت‬
‫اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺪد ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺒـﺎر اﻟـﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﺗـﻮﻓﺮ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻵﺧﺬة ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺨﻔﺎض وﺣﻘﻦ اﻟﺴﻮق ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ اﻷﺻﻐﺮ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻟﺰﻳﺎدة اﳊﻴﻮﻳﺔ واﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎر وﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮى اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪر ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أن ‪ ٩٥‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮع ‪ ٢٠٠‬ﻣﻠﻴـﻮن ﺷـﺨﺺ ﻳﻌﻴـﺸﻮن ﺧـﺎرج دول‬
‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪﻫﻢ أو ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﻄﻮن اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎ‪ ،‬وﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬وﻳﺸﻤﻞ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ اﻟﺒـﺎﻟﻐﲔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ اﻷﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر أن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻤﻠﻮن اﻷﻃﻔﺎل وﻛﺒﺎر اﻟﺴﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﻟﲔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠـﺪان أوروﺑـﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﻮﻟﻮدﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺎرج ﻋﺸﺮة ﻓﻲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ أو أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ‪ ٪١٥‬ﻓﻲ اﻳﺮﻟﻨـﺪا و‬
‫‪ ٪٢٥‬ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮا و ‪ ٪٤٠‬ﻓﻲ ﻟﻮﻛﺴﻤﺒﻮرغ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ وﻗﺖ ﻣﻀﻰ‪ ،‬أﺟﺮى ﻣﻜﺘـﺐ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻛـﺎة ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ اﺳـﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻗـﺴﻢ‬
‫اﻻﻛﺘﻮارﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪى اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﻌﺸﺮ اﳌﺎﺿـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﺒـﺆ ‪ -‬وﺑـﺸﻜﻞ دﻗﻴـﻖ ‪ -‬ﲟـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ أداء ﻧﻈـﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬أﺟﺮت ﻫﺬه اﶈﺎﻛﺎة ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻼ ﻟﻠﺤـﺴﺎﺑﺎت ﻟﻌـﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬ﻋﻠـﻰ أﺳـﺎس اﻻﺳـﺘﻤﺮار اﳌﻔﺘـﺮض‬
‫ﻟﻼﲡﺎﻫﺎت اﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﻋﺪد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ ،‬واﻧﺨﻔﺎض ﻋﺪدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬وﺳﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺪﻻت ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻘـﻮى‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأﻋﺪاد اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺪﻻت اﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﳌﺘﻮاﺿﻌﺔ‪ .‬أﺷﺎرت ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﶈﺎﻛﺎة‬
‫إﻟﻰ أﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ‪ ٤٠‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻵن‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻲ ﻟﻐﺮب أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻪ وﻓﻘﺎ ﳌﻌﺪل دﺧـﻞ‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬
‫اﻟﻔﺮد ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﰋ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ اﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ ‪ ٪ ٧٨‬ﳑﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬أي ﺑﺎﻧﺨﻔﺎض ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪.٪٢٢‬‬
‫وﺑﺤﺴﺐ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﻨﻮي اﻟﺼﺎدر ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﲡﺎﻫـﺎت اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن ﺣﺎﺟـﺔ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ ﻟﻸﻳﺪي اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرات اﳌﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ واﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﻫـﻲ ﻛﺒﻴـﺮة ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻫـﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻬـﺎ ﻟـﺬوي اﳌﻬـﺎرات‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮات اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻷﻋﺪاد اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدات‬
‫اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺷﻐﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﻗﻮى اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﺮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﺨﻔﺎض‬
‫اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﺎﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺷﻬﺪت ﻻﺗﻔﻴﺎ وﻟﻴﺜﻮاﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﻧﺨﻔﺎﺿﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪-١٩٨٩‬‬
‫ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن ﻣﻌﺪﻻت اﳋﺼﻮﺑﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴـﺎ ً ﻓـﻲ اﺳـﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ وأوﻛﺮاﻧﻴـﺎ ﺗﻘـﻞ ﻛﺜﻴـﺮا ً ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻹﺣﻼل‪ ٣١.‬ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﳌﻌﺪﻻت ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﻠﺪان اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻹﺣـﻼل أو دوﻧـﻪ‪ ،‬وﻓﺮﻧـﺴﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻲ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎءات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎت اﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻫﻲ أﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﻹﻋﺎﻟـﺔ ﻟﻠـﻀﻤﺎن‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﲔ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻳﻦ )‪ (٢‬ﻟﻜﻞ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ أﺷﺨﺎص ﻧﺸﻄﺎء اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺳﺘﺮﺗﻔﻊ إﻟﻰ‬
‫‪ ٤‬ﻟﻜﻞ ‪ ٧‬أﺷﺨﺎص ﺑﺤﻠـﻮل ﻋـﺎم ‪ :٢٠٥٠‬أي إﻣـﺎ ﺿـﻌﻒ اﳌـﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎت ﻟﻜـﻞ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﻋﺎﻣـﻞ أو ﺧﻔـﺾ دﺧـﻞ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻳﻦ ﲟﻘﺪار اﻟﻨﺼﻒ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮات اﳌﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﺳﻮف ﻳﺤﺘﺎج إﻟـﻰ ﺗـﺪﻓﻖ‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮي ﻳﻘﺎرب ‪ ٧٠٠٠٠٠‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﺤﻠﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪.٢٠٥٠‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرات اﳌﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻈـﺮ إﻟـﻰ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠـﻰ أﻧﻬـﻢ ﻗـﺎﺑﻠﲔ ﻟﻼﺳـﺘﻬﻼك‬
‫واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪ ،‬وأﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺼﺪر ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎدر اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ اﻟﺮﺧﻴـﺼﺔ وﺳـﻬﻠﺔ اﻻﻧﻘﻴـﺎد واﳌﺮﻧـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﺮﺿـﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ‪-‬‬
‫اﳊﻘﻴﺮة واﳋﻄﻴﺮة واﳌﻬﻴﻨﺔ ‪ -‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺸﻐﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ و‪/‬أو ﻻ ﻳﺮﻏﺒﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬
‫إن اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﳊﺴﺎس ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻐﺮي ﺑﻌﺾ أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮا ﻷﻧﻪ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻤﻜـﻦ دﻓـﻊ‬
‫أﺟﻮر ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﺿﺌﻴﻞ أو ﻣﻌﺪوم ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﻢ وﺗﺴﺮﻳﺤﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻮري‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎت اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 30‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻧـﺤﻮ ﺻﻔﻘﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﺪورة اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺴﻌﻮن ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﺎدس‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ .٣٨-٣٧‬ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮاﺑﻂ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/relm/ilc/ilc92/pdf/rep-vi.pdf‬‬
‫‪ 31‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ اﻟﺼﺎدر ﻋﻦ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻳﻈﻬـﺮ أن ﻣﻌـﺪﻻت اﳋـﺼﻮﺑﺔ ﻓـﻲ إﺳـﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺒﻠـﻎ ‪١.٢٩‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﻔﺘﺮة ‪ ،٢٠٠٥-٢٠٠٠‬ان ﻣﻌﺪﻟﻬﺎ أﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ١.٤٣‬ﻟﻠﻔﺘﺮة ‪.٢٠١٠-٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫‪60‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮات ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ إﻟﻰ أﻧﻪ ﻧـﺤﻮ ﻋﺸﺮة إﻟﻰ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﲔ وﺿـﻌﻬﻢ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬أو دون ﺗـﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬أو ﻻ ﳝﻠﻜـﻮن اﻟﻮﺛـﺎﺋﻖ‪ .‬ﺣـﺴﺐ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮات اﳌﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﳌﺸﺮوع ﻗﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ اﻟﺬي ﰎ إﻧﺸﺎؤه ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻋﺪد اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ ﻳﺘﺮاوح ﺑﲔ ‪ ٢.٨‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن إﻟﻰ ‪ ٦‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ‪ %١١‬إﻟﻰ‬
‫‪ %٢٣‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮع اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ٣٢.‬واﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ ﻫﻢ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻐﻼل وإﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪ .‬وﻣـﻊ‬
‫ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪو أن اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت ﺗﺘﻐﺎﺿﻰ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻇـﺮوف ﻣﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان‪ ،‬ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أن ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺰﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴـﺔ اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل وﻳﺨﻔـﺾ ﻣـﻦ ﺗﻜـﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ ،‬وﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳊﺎﻻت ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﳑﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﳌﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺎﻣﺸﻲ‪.‬‬
‫إن ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرات اﳌﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﺪﻳﺪا ﺑـﺴﺒﺐ ﻋـﺪم وﺟـﻮد ﻓﺌـﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ أن ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺧﻮل اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳـﻮدون اﻟـﺪﺧﻮل إﻟﻴﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﺣﺎﳌﺎ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﳌﻀﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋـﺎت ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ أو ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ وﻓﻲ ﻇﺮوف ﻋﻤﻞ اﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻴﺔ‪ ٣٣.‬ﻓﻲ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆﻛـﺪ ﺑﺤـﺚ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أن ﻗﻨﻮات ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ ﺗـﺴﻬﻢ ﻓـﻲ اﳊـﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﻳـﺐ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫واﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ً‪ :‬اﻷﺳﺎس اﳌﻌﻴﺎري‬
‫ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ أن اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺬي ﻳﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺘـﺮك ﻵﻟﻴـﺎت اﻟـﺴﻮق‬
‫وﺣﺪﻫﺎ‪ .‬وﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﰎ وﺿﻊ ﺻﻜﻮﻛﺎ ً ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ دوﻟﻴﺔ وأوروﺑﻴـﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳـﺪ اﳊـﺪ اﻷدﻧـﻰ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﺳﺮﻫﻢ واﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ً ﻋـﻦ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ ﺑـﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‪ .‬وﻟﻘـﺪ أرﺳـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺮص واﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻤﲔ واﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ واﳌﻬﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓـﻲ ذﻟـﻚ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐـﺾ‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫اﻧﻄﺒﺎق ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻇـﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ )ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﺪ اﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻟﻸﺟﻮر‪ ،‬وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪،‬‬
‫وﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬وإﺟﺎزة اﻷﻣﻮﻣﺔ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﺧﻤﺲ ﻓﺌﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺗﻀﻊ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮ ﻣﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺗـﻨﺺ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﻳﺎت اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻀﻢ اﳌﻴﺜﺎﻗﲔ ﺣﻮل اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﳊﻘـﻮق اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺖ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻨﺎول ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت وﺣﺎﻻت ﻣﺤﺪدة‪ :‬ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي‪ ،‬ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬اﻷﻃﻔﺎل‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وذوي اﻹﻋﺎﻗﺎت‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻨﺎﻓﺬة ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء اﳊﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻔﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻت ﻧﺎدرة‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺠﻮء واﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ،‬أي اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٥١‬وﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٦٧‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 32‬ﻛﻼﻧﺪﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﺔ ‪ :‬إﺣﺼﺎء ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺼﻰ‪ .‬اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت واﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬اﳌﺸﺮوع اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻲ اﳌﻤﻮل ﻣﻦ اﳌﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .٢٠٠٩-٢٠٠٧ ،FP6 ،DG RTD‬ﳌﺰﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣــﺎت ﳝﻜــﻦ زﻳــﺎرة ‪) http://clandestino.eliamep.gr‬اﻟﺘﻘــﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳــﺔ وﻣﻠﺨــﺼﺎت اﻟﺒﺤــﻮث( و‬
‫‪) http://irregular-migration.hwwi.net‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت(‪.‬‬
‫‪ 33‬أﺑﻴﻼ‪ ،‬أم‪ .‬آي‪" .‬اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ وأﺳﻮاق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ"‪ ،‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ CIEM ،‬ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ‪ ،‬اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺪ ‪ ،١٤‬اﻟﻌﺪد ‪ ،٧٩‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‪ -‬ﻓﺒﺮاﻳﺮ ‪.٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫‪61‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫‪.٥‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻘﻨﺼﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أي اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺸﺄن ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺎ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل اﻟﻮﺻـﻮل إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﳑﺜﻠﻲ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﳉﻨﺎﺋﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص وﺗﻬﺮﻳﺐ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻜﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻟﻠﺼﻜﻮك اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬وﳝﻜـﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﻤـﺎ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﻜﻮك ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن إﻃﺎرا ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳﺎ واﺳﻌﺎ وﻛﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﺿﻊ اﻹﻋﻼن اﻟﻌـﺎﳌﻲ‬
‫ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٤٨‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺷﺮﺣﺖ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺒﺎدئ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺮة اﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﲔ رﺋﻴﺴﻴﲔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳﺔ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﺣﻮل اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫واﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ٣٤.‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﺎر إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ اﳌﻴﺜﺎﻗﲔ‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻹﻋﻼن‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺑـ "اﻟﺸﺮﻋﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن"‪ ،‬اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻨﻄﺒـﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﺒـﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻣـﺖ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ اﻟﻌﻨـﺼﺮي‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬واﻷﻃﻔﺎل‪ ،‬واﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ :‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻨـﺼﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ اﻟﻌﻨـﺼﺮي‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻫـﻀﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﳌﺮأة‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫‪٣٥‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ )اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻴﺮون(‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮف ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺴﺒﻌﺔ ‪ -‬اﳌﻴﺜﺎﻗﺎن واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﳋﻤﺲ اﳌﺬﻛﻮرة أﻋﻼه ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟـﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﺪد ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ وﺗـﻀﻤﻦ ﺻـﺮاﺣﺔ اﻣﺘـﺪاد اﻧﻄﺒﺎﻗﻬـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧـﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ٣٦.‬وﻗﺪ ﻟﻮﺣﻆ أن اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺜـﺎﻗﲔ واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻟﻘـﻀﺎء‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ ﺿـﺪ اﳌـﺮأة‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ أن ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺟﺪا ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺼﻜﻮك اﻟﺴﺘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫إن ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻟﻔﺮص ﻣﻨﺼﻮص ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫دﺳﺘﻮر ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ ،(١٩١٩‬وإﻋﻼن ﻓﻴﻼدﻟﻔﻴﺎ )‪ ،(١٩٤٤‬وﻓﻲ إﻋﻼن اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳊﻘـﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ )‪ ،(١٩٩٨‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬وﻳﺆﻛـﺪ إﻋـﻼن ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻋﻮﳌﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ )‪ (٢٠٠٨‬دور ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬وأﻫﻤﻴـﺔ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت وﻫﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺟﻮﻫﺮي ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻜﲔ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ وﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ أن اﳌﺴﺎواة ﺑﲔ اﳉﻨﺴﲔ وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ‬
‫أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ إﺟﺮاءات ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺪة ﻣﻦ دﺳﺘﻮر ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﰎ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴـﺮ ﻋﻨﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫‪ 34‬اﻧﻈﺮ اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﳋﺎص ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪ واﳌﻔﺘﻮح ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ واﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ واﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم ﲟﻮﺟـﺐ ﻗـﺮار اﳉﻤﻌﻴـﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ‪ ٢٢٠٠‬أ‬
‫)اﳊﺎدي واﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ( ﻓﻲ ‪ ١٦‬دﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،١٩٦٦‬اﻟﺬي دﺧﻞ ﺣﻴﺰ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻓﻲ ‪ ٢٣‬ﻣﺎرس ‪ ،١٩٧٦‬واﳌﻴﺜـﺎق اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ اﳋـﺎص ﺑـﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪ واﳌﻔﺘﻮح ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ واﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ واﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺮار اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪ ٢٢٠٠‬أ )اﳊﺎدي واﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ( ﻓﻲ ‪ ١٦‬دﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،١٩٦٦‬اﻟﺬي دﺧـﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺰ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻓﻲ ‪ ٣‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪.١٩٧٦‬‬
‫‪ 35‬ﳝﻜﻦ اﻻﻃﻼع ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﻮص ووﺿﻊ اﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﻲ ﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪www.unhchr.ch :‬‬
‫‪ 36‬ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﻟﻮﺣﻆ ﻓﻲ اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ :‬وﺿﻊ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ،‬اﻟـﺪورة اﳋﺎﻣـﺴﺔ واﳋﻤـﺴﻮن‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ،A/55/205‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫‪62‬‬
‫‪٣٧‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﻫـﺬه اﳌﺒـﺎدئ ﺑﺤﺮﻳـﺔ ﺗﻜـﻮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت )اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ( واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤﺮر ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺨﺮة )اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﻘـﺴﺮي( وﻋﻤـﻞ اﻷﻃﻔـﺎل‬
‫وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام واﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ أﻋﻘﺎب اﻋﺘﻤﺎد إﻋﻼن ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٨‬ﺑﺸﺄن اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ إن ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺰام ﻧﺎﺷـﺊ ﻣـﻦ ﻋـﻀﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻻﺣﺘﺮام وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ وﲢﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺣﺴﻨﺔ ووﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮر‪ ،‬اﳌﺒﺎدئ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑـﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ :١٩٩٨ ،‬اﻟﻔﻘﺮة اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫إن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﻓﻘـﻂ ﺑـﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ اﻟـﻮاردة ﻓـﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ أوﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎﻻت اﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟـﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﺟﻮر‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬وﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪ ،‬وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻷﻣﻮﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ‬
‫وﻛﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺪد ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻘﺪر ﻣﻦ اﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻼﺋﻖ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أن ﺻﻜﻮك ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟـﻪ اﳋـﺼﻮص‪ .‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﲢـﺪد ﻣﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟـﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋـﻦ اﳉﻨـﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﲢﺘـﻮي ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬـﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒـﺎ ً ﻓﻘـﺮات‬
‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺛﻠﺔ ﺣﻮل اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻀﻴﻒ‪ ،‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﺮات ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺿـﺪ‬
‫‪٣٨‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬أﻗﺮت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﺘﻨﺎول ﻋﻠـﻰ وﺟـﻪ اﳋـﺼﻮص ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬
‫اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﺰز ﻓﻘﻪ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧـﺤﻮ ﻛﺎف ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﳌﻤﺎرﺳـﺎت‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﺑﻌﺎد اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ أﻛـﺪدت ﻣـﺮارا اﻟﻘـﺮارات واﻵراء اﻟـﺼﺎدرة ﻋـﻦ ﳉﻨـﺔ اﳋﺒـﺮاء‬
‫اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻧﻄﺒﺎق ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﺪ اﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻟﻸﺟـﻮر‬
‫وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ وﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت‪ ،‬واﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإﺟﺎزة اﻷﻣﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﺮرت ﳉﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت )اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت( اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ واﳌـﺸﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﳊﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ واﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ أن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺼﺮف اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺤﻖ ﻟﻬﻢ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ واﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .٤٠‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﲤﺖ اﻹﺷﺎرة ﺗﻜﺮارا ً إﻟـﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ )اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام واﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ( )رﻗﻢ ‪ (١١١‬ﻟﻌـﺎم ‪ ١٩٥٨‬دﻋﻤـﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻤـﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ أﺻﻮل ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮة؛ ﻣﺜﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ أدﻧﺎه‪.‬‬
‫اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪ 37‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‪) ،١٩٤٨ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(٨٧‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ واﳌﻔﺎوﺿـﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪) ١٩٤٩ ،‬رﻗـﻢ ‪،(٩٨‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺨﺮة )اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺴﺮي(‪) ١٩٣٠ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(٢٩‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ إﺑﻄﺎل اﻟﺴﺨﺮة )اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺴﺮي(‪) ،١٩٥٧ ،‬رﻗـﻢ ‪ ،(١٠٥‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﳌـﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘﻌـﻮﻳﺾ‪،‬‬
‫‪) ١٩٥١‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٠٠‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ )اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام واﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ(‪) ١٩٥٨ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١١١‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻦ اﻷدﻧﻰ‪) ١٩٧٣ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٣٨‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ أﺳـﻮأ أﺷـﻜﺎل ﻋﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫اﻷﻃﻔﺎل‪) ١٩٩٩ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪.(١٨٢‬‬
‫‪ 38‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ(‪) ١٩٥٢ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٠٢‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎت إﺻﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪) ١٩٦٤ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٢١‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎت ﻋﺪم‬
‫اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺒﺮ اﻟﺴﻦ واﻟﺒﺎﻗﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ اﳊﻴﺎة‪) ١٩٦٧ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٢٨‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ واﳌﺮض‪) ١٩٦٩ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٣٠‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺗـﺸﺠﻴﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ واﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪) ١٩٨٨ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٦٨‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻣﻮﻣﺔ‪) ٢٠٠٠ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪.(١٨٣‬‬
‫‪ 39‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ )ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻋﻦ اﳊﻮادث(‪) ١٩٢٥ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٩‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﳌـﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ )اﻟـﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ(‪) ١٩٦٢ ،‬رﻗـﻢ ‪(١١٨‬؛‬
‫واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳊﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪) ١٩٨٢ ،‬رﻗﻢ ‪.(١٥٧‬‬
‫‪ 40‬أﻧﻈﺮ اﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﻣﻦ " ﻣﻠﺨﺺ اﻟﻘﺮارات واﳌﺒﺎدىء ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑـﺎت ﻟﻠﻬﻴﺌـﺔ اﳊﺎﻛﻤـﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ" )‪،(٢٠٠٦‬‬
‫اﻟﻔﻘﺮات ‪ ٢٠٩‬ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ‪.٢١٥‬‬
‫‪63‬‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ "اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ" ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫إﻃﺎر ﻣﻌﻴﺎري ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬﻢ واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ذي اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺪول‪ .‬وﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻫﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﻣﻌﺪﻟﺔ( ﻟﻌﺎم ‪) ١٩٤٩‬رﻗـﻢ ‪ ،(٩٧‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ )أﺣﻜﺎم ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻴﺔ( ‪) ١٩٧٥‬رﻗﻢ ‪ ،(١٤٣‬واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.(ICRMW) ١٩٩٠‬‬
‫ﺗﻀﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺟﺪول أﻋﻤﺎل ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ وﻃﻨﻴـﺔ وﻟﻠﺘـﺸﺎور واﻟﺘﻌـﺎون ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﺑـﲔ اﻟـﺪول ﺑـﺸﺄن‬
‫ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﺣﻮل ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺒﺎدل اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻴﺎم‪ ،‬ﻋﻨـﺪ‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﻀﺎء‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻋـﻮدﺗﻬﻢ وإﻋـﺎدة اﻧـﺪﻣﺎﺟﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺗـﻨﺺ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻟﻌـﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ﻋﻠـﻰ أن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻴﺴﻮا ﻣﺠﺮد ﻋﻤﺎل أو ﻛﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ذوي أﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺰز اﳌﺒﺎدئ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ رﻋﺎﻳـﺎ‬
‫دول اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻮاﺣﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﻄﺮق اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ،١٤٣‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ﺻﺮاﺣﺔ إﻟـﻰ اﳊﺮﻛـﺎت اﻟـﺴﺮﻳﺔ أو ﻏﻴـﺮ اﳌـﺼﺮح ﺑﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻞ اﳊﺎﻻت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ أوﺟﺪت ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺣﻼ ً ﻟﻔﺠﻮة ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳـﺮﻫﻢ ﳑـﻦ ﻫـﻢ ﻓـﻲ وﺿـﻊ ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ وﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ رﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪول اﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻬـﻢ ودوﻟﻬـﻢ‬
‫اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ )ﻣﻮﻃﻨﻬﻢ(‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺣﺪ أدﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴـﺮ اﳌـﺼﺮح ﻟﻬـﻢ‪ .‬ﻳـﻮﻓﺮ اﻟـﻨﺺ‬
‫اﻟﻮاﺳﻊ واﳌﻔﺼﻞ واﻟﺘﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ اﻟﻮارد ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺼﻜﻮك ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳـﺔ ﻣﺤـﺪدة ﳝﻜـﻦ إدراﺟﻬـﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮة ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﻤﻮض ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ واﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻋﺒـﺮ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎت اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺸﺮون ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ واﺣﺪة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺻـﻜﻮك اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﺗﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺮة دوﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ أو ﻛﻼ ﺻﻜﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ؛ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻـﺎدﻗﺖ‬
‫أرﺑﻊ دول ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ووﻗﻌﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ دوﻟﺘﺎن‪ ،‬اﳋﻄﻮة اﻷوﻟـﻰ ﻧــﺤﻮ اﳌـﺼﺎدﻗﺔ‪ ٤١.‬ﻗﺎﺋﻤـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪ ٢٢‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ إﺣﺪى ﻋﺸﺮة دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ دول اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ واﺣﺪة أو ﻛﻼ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان ﻣﻘﺼﺪا ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻧـﺴﺎ‪ ،‬أﳌﺎﻧﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻟﻨـﺪا‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻨﺮوﻳﺞ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎل‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻮﻓﻴﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬أﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬واﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺺ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٥١‬وﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٦٧‬ﺑـﺸﺄن وﺿـﻊ اﻟﻼﺟﺌـﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮف اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻼﺟﺊ‪ ،‬وﲢﺪد ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺎﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ وﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ وﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻬﻢ‪ّ .‬‬
‫اﻷﻓﺮاد اﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﲔ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء‪ ،‬وﲢﺪد ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺪول ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪم اﻹﻋﺎدة اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗـﻨﺺ ﻋﻠـﻰ أﺣﻜـﺎم أﺧـﺮى‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ اﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺳﻔﺮ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ .‬وﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٦٧‬ﻣﺤﻞ اﳊﺪود اﳉﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻت اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻟﻬﺎ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳌﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ أن ﺣﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫اﻟﻴﻮم ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻓﺮاد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻘﻮن اﳊﺼﻮل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ وﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء اﳌﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﻬﻢ ﻋﺎدة ﻣـﺎ ﻳـﺪﺧﻠﻮن إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﲟﺠﺮد إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻮﻃﻴﻨﻬﻢ أو ﻣﻨـﺤﻬﻢ وﺿﻌﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﻌﻨﻰ أﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺴﻌﻮن وﻳﺤـﺼﻠﻮن ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻓـﺮص‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻳﻨﺪﻣﺠﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻄﺎف ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪان اﻟﻠﺠﻮء أو إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻮﻃﲔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 41‬ﻣﻮﻧﺘﻴﻨﻴﻐﺮو وﺻﺮﺑﻴﺎ‬
‫‪64‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺺ اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻن ﺣﻮل اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ وﺗﻬﺮﻳﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺎرﻳﻒ وﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص وﲡﺮﱘ اﻟﺘﻬﺮﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﰎ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ‬
‫اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﺪول واﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻت اﳌﻠﺤﻘﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷـﺨﺎص وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ ﺗﻬﺮﻳـﺐ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ دﻳـﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬ﻓـﻲ أﺟـﻮاء ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ اﳉﺮﳝـﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‪ .‬ﺗـﻨﺺ أﻫـﻢ أﺣﻜـﺎم اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻت ﻋﻠﻰ ﲡﺮﱘ اﻻﻋﺘﺪاءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺒﻬﺎ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻀﻴﻴﻖ اﳋﻨﺎق ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻮاﺋـﺪ اﳉـﺮاﺋﻢ‪،‬‬
‫وﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ وﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ أﻋﻀﺎء اﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ وﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ‬
‫اﳌﺸﺘﺒﻪ ﺑﻬﻢ وﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺘﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺼﻜﻮك ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ اﻟﻔﺮق ﺑﲔ ﺗﻬﺮﻳﺐ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺮ اﳊﺪود واﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ‪ -‬إذ ﻳﺘـﺄﻟﻒ اﻷﺧﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻦ اﳋﺪاع واﻹﻛﺮاه واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪ .‬ﻳﻨﺺ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻣﻨﻊ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺞ اﻟﻮﻗﺎﻳﺔ وﻣﻼﺣﻘﺔ اﳌﻬﺮﺑﲔ‪ ،‬وﺑﻌﺾ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺼﻜﻮك اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫أﺻﺪر ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻋﺪدا ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻜﻮك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻀﻼ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت أﺧﺮى ﻣﺤﺪدة ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‬
‫واﳊﺮﻳﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ (١٩٥٠ ،‬ﻟﻬﺎ أوﺳﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻧﻈﺮا ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬
‫اﳋﺎﺿﻌﲔ ﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف‪ ،‬ﲟﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺑـﺼﺮف اﻟﻨﻈـﺮ ﻋـﻦ وﺿـﻌﻬﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ .‬ورﻏﻢ ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد أﺣﻜﺎم ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﳊﺮﻳﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﺳﺘﻄﺎع اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎف ﻣﻦ اﶈﻜﻤـﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﳌﺮﻓﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ واﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﺣﺘﺮام ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺒـﺪأ‬
‫‪٤٢‬‬
‫ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻛﻮن اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ )‪ (١٩٦١‬واﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل اﻹﺿـﺎﻓﻲ ﻟـﻪ )‪ ،(١٩٨٨‬ﻓـﻀﻼ ﻋـﻦ اﳌﻴﺜـﺎق‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﳌﻨﻘﺢ )ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ، (١٩٩٦ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺪأ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﳌﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻋـﺪدا‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﺮاد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن وﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﻓﻲ دول ﻟﻴﺴﻮا ﻣﻦ رﻋﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﻐﻄﻲ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﳌﻬﻦ اﳌﺪرة ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ إﻗﻠﻴﻢ اﻟﻄﺮف اﳌﺘﻌﺎﻗﺪ اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬واﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳـﺮة‪،‬‬
‫وﺿﻤﺎﻧﺎت ﺿﺪ اﻟﻄﺮد‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺼﻜﻮك ﺑﺪاﻳـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻓﻘـﻂ إذا ﻛـﺎﻧﻮا ﻣـﻦ رﻋﺎﻳـﺎ‬
‫اﻷﻃﺮاف اﻷﺧﺮى اﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ أو ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎم داﺧﻞ أراﺿـﻲ اﻟﻄـﺮف اﳌﻌﻨـﻲ‪ .‬ﻏﻴـﺮ أن اﻟﻠﺠﻨـﺔ‬
‫اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ٤٣‬ﻗﺪ ﻣﺪدت ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺜﺎق ﻟﻴﺸﻤﻞ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‬
‫اﳌﻮﺟﻮدﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻷراﺿﻲ ﲢﺖ ﻇﺮوف ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻴﺜﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﳊﻴـﺎة واﻟﻜﺮاﻣـﺔ اﻹﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﶈﻚ‪ .‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻗﺮارﻫﺎ اﻟﺼﺎدر ﺣﻮل اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺸﻜﻮى اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ اﳌﻘﺪﻣـﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﻻﲢـﺎد‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺿﺪ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ رأت اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ أن "اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت أو اﳌﻤﺎرﺳـﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ ﲢـﺮم اﳌـﻮاﻃﻨﲔ‬
‫اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬داﺧﻞ أراﺿﻲ إﺣﺪى اﻟﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻫﻨﺎك ﺑـﺼﻮرة‬
‫‪٤٤‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﺎرض ﻣﻊ اﳌﻴﺜﺎق"‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ )ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ أوروﺑـﺎ‪ (١٩٧٧ ،‬أﺣﻜﺎﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳉﻮاﻧﺐ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﲔ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻃﺮاف اﳌﺘﻌﺎﻗﺪة‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻴﲔ‪ ،‬وإﺟﺮاء اﻟﻔﺤﻮص اﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ واﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرات اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬واﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ وﺗـﺼﺎرﻳﺢ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬وﺟﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮ‪ ،‬واﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ ،‬وﻇـﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬وﻧﻘـﻞ اﳌـﺪﺧﺮات واﻟـﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ واﳌـﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫‪ 42‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺒﺪأ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ ،‬أﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٢‬ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن واﳊﺮﻳـﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ )رﻗـﻢ ‪ ،( ETS ١٧٧‬اﻟـﺬي ﺑـﺪأ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٤‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،٢٠٠٠‬وﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﺮي ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 43‬ﻳﻮﺟﺪ إﺟﺮاءان ﻟﺮﺻﺪ اﻣﺘﺜﺎل اﻟﺪول ﻻﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬إﺟﺮاء ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ وإﺟﺮاء اﻟﺸﻜﺎوى اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻛﻼ اﻹﺟـﺮاءﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨـﺎك ﻫﻴﺌـﺔ ﻣـﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﳌﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻴﺜﺎق اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪.‬‬
‫‪ 44‬اﻻﲢﺎد اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﺮاﺑﻄﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺿﺪ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﺸﻜﻮى رﻗﻢ ‪ ،٢٠٠٣/١٤‬ﻗﺮار ﺣﻮل اﳌﻮﺿﻮع‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٥‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪.٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫‪65‬‬
‫واﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﺪة ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﺼﻞ وإﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤﻀﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﻮدة إﻟـﻰ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪ اﻷﺻـﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ إﺣﺪى ﻋﺸﺮة دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﳊﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺎﻹرﺷـﺎد اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﳌﺘـﺼﻞ ﲟـﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻋﺪدا ً ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎت ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء‪ ،‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ وﺛﺎﺋﻖ وﻣﺮاﺳﻼت‬
‫أﺧﺮى ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺲ واﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ وﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﲢﺪد اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت واﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﻷﺧﺮى ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﳊﻖ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة ﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻲ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ؛‪ ٤٥‬وﲢـﺪد ﻗﻮاﻋـﺪ ﻗﺒـﻮل وإدﺧـﺎل ﻣـﻮاﻃﻨﻲ دول اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟـﺚ‬
‫اﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﳌﺪة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ؛‪ ٤٦‬ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻷﻃﺮ ﻟﺪﻣﺞ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ؛‪ ٤٧‬ﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ اﳌـﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﳌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ واﻟﻔﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﻠﺠﻮء؛‪ ٤٨‬وﺗﺸﺘﺮط ﻗﻮاﻋـﺪ وأﺣﻜـﺎم ﺗﺘـﺼﻞ ﺑﻌـﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫أﺳﺎس اﻟﻌﺮق واﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪ ٤٩.‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت ذات ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎص ﺗﻌﺰز ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻣـﻦ أﺻـﻮل‬
‫‪٥١‬‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮة ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ "ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﳌﺴﺎواة اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ"‪ ٥٠،‬وﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﻃﺎر اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﻤﺔ اﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎت ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴـﺚ اﳊﻘـﻮق واﳌﺰاﻳـﺎ اﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣـﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﲔ ﻣﻦ داﺧﻞ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺪول اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺳﺘﻨـﻀﻢ إﻟﻴـﻪ ﻓـﻲ اﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﲔ ﻣﻦ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺺ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﳌﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ )ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ( ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﲢﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﳉﺪد‪ .‬ﲢﻈﺮ اﳌﻌﺎﻫـﺪة أي ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ ﻋﻠـﻰ أﺳـﺎس‬
‫اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺨﺺ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻷﺟﻮر وﻏﻴﺮ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓـﻲ ذﻟـﻚ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ وزراء اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻻﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻟـﻀﻤﺎن اﳌـﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻟﻔﺮص ﺑﲔ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ واﳌﺮأة‪ ،‬وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ أﻣﻮر أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﻟﻌﺮق أو‬
‫اﻷﺻﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ أو اﻟﺪﻳﻦ أو اﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ اﳉﻨﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﲤﻨـﺢ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ أﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﻋـﻼوة ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺑﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﺗﺨﺎذ ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻠﺠﻮء واﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق ﻣـﻮاﻃﻨﻲ دول اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺗﺨﺬت ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻣﻨــﺤﺖ رﻋﺎﻳـﺎ ﺑﻠـﺪان‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺎ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد ﺻﻚ ﻣﻠﺰم ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﻴﺜﺎق اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي اﻋﺘﻤﺪ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٠‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق ﻷن ﻣﻌﻈﻢ أﺣﻜﺎﻣـﻪ ﺗﻨﻄﺒـﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻷﺷـﺨﺎص‬
‫ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻫﻮ ﻳﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ واﺣﺪ‪ ،‬وﻷول ﻣﺮة ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ وﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‬
‫اﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫راﺑﻌﺎ ً‪ :‬إﻋﻤﺎل اﳊﻘﻮق‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫‪ 45‬ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ رﻗﻢ ‪ EC/٨٦/٢٠٠٣‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٢٢‬أﻳﻠﻮل‪ /‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﺣﻮل اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة أﻋﻀﺎء اﻷﺳﺮة اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﺿـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 46‬ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ رﻗﻢ ‪ EC/١٠٩/٢٠٠٣‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٢٥‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ /‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﺣﻮل وﺿﻊ ﻣـﻮاﻃﻨﻲ اﻟـﺪول اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜـﺔ اﳌﻘﻴﻤـﲔ ﳌـﺪة ﻃﻮﻳﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪم اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻣﻊ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 47‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬أﻧﻈﺮ اﳌﺒﺎدىء اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج )‪ (CBPs‬ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬واﻷﺟﻨﺪة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫‪ 48‬ﰎ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ‪ ،‬رﻛﺰ اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻨﺎﺷـﺌﺔ واﻟﻌـﺎﺑﺮة‬
‫ﻣﻦ إﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ وﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٧‬ﰎ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ واﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ اﺠﻤﻟـﺎورة ﻟﻼﲢـﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‪ .‬أﻧﻈـﺮ‬
‫‪ ٢٤٧ (٢٠٠٧) COM‬ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ١٦ ،‬أﻳﺎر‪ /‬ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫‪ 49‬أﻧﻈﺮ اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ اﻹﻃﺎرﻳﺔ ﻟﻌﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻟﻔﺮض اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ اﳌﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺔ‪ ٢٢٤ (٢٠٠٥) COM ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ١ ،‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان‪ /‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫‪ 50‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٢٩ ، EC/٤٣/٢٠٠٠‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان‪ /‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫‪ 51‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٢٧ ، EC/٧٨/٢٠٠٠‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ /‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ ‪.٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫‪66‬‬
‫ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺑﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻼ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ وﻓﻌﺎﻻ إﻻ إذا ﻛـﺎن‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﻣﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأن ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﻇـﻞ ﺳـﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‪ .‬ﺗـﻀﻊ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺲ اﻟﻘﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﳊﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﺪول‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ أﻧﻬـﺎ ﺗـﻮﻓﺮ‬
‫إﻃﺎرا أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون داﺧـﻞ اﻟـﺪول وﺑـﲔ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫ﺣﻮل ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ﲢﺪد ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺸﺎر إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ اﻷﺳﺎس ﻟﻠﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻧـﺤﻮ ﻛﺎف‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ أن إﻋﻤﺎل اﳊﻘﻮق واﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺄﻣﲔ أﻋﻤﺎل ﻻﺋﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻹﺟﺮاءات ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﳌﺜﻠﻰ ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻠـﺪان اﳌﻘـﺼﺪ ﻫـﻲ اﻋﺘﻤـﺎد اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻏﻴـﺮ ذﻟـﻚ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋـﺪ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ .‬اﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﳊـﺎل ﺧﻄـﻮة‬
‫ﺿﺮورﻳﺔ وﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻖ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟـﻮ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ اﻟـﺪول اﳌﻌﻨﻴـﺔ ﻻ ﺗـﺰال ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻣـﺴﺘﻌﺪة ﻻﻋﺘﻤـﺎد ﻛﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ‪ -‬وﻗﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﺖ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻌﻼ ‪ -‬اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻤـﻮذج ﻟﻮﺿـﻊ ﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت‬
‫وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫إﻻ أن إﻋﻤﺎل ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠـﺮد اﻋﺘﻤـﺎد اﻟﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن ﺗﻨﻔﻴـﺬ‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ واﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ وﺟﻮد ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺷـﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﺑﺮﻧـﺎﻣﺞ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻋﻤﻠـﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﺗﻐﻄـﻲ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ إدارة اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻔﺘـﻴﺶ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟـﻀﻤﺎن‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﻏﻴﺮ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎر‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺿﺮورة ﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﳌﻨـﻊ اﳌﻤﺎرﺳـﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻼﺋﻖ واﳌﻨﺘﺞ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎء واﻟﺮﺟﺎل ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻇﺮوف ﻣﻦ اﳊﺮﻳﺔ واﳌﺴﺎواة واﻷﻣﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﻮط اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ وﺿﻌﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ إرﺷﺎدات ﻣﻔﻴﺪة ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐـﺮض ﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺰ وﺗﻨﻔﻴـﺬ‬
‫وﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت وﳑﺎرﺳﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ وإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ودوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪ .‬ﻫـﺬه اﻹرﺷـﺎدات اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واردة ﻓﻲ اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﻷﻃﺮاف ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪:‬‬
‫اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﻷﺳﺲ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق إزاء ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ٥٢.‬وﻓﻲ ﺣـﲔ ﺗـﻮﻓﺮ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﺤـﺪ اﻷدﻧـﻰ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن اﻹﻃـﺎر اﳌﺘﻌـﺪد‬
‫اﻷﻃﺮاف ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ دﻟﻴﻞ اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﳌﺼﺎغ وﻓﻘﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎدىء واﳊﻘﻮق اﺠﻤﻟـﺴﺪة ﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻹرﺷﺎد واﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺆﻛﺪ اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﻷﻃﺮاف ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔﻋﻠﻰ ‪ -‬واﻹرﺷﺎدات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﺧـﺮى‪ -‬ﻋﻠـﻰ أن اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﺄوﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ واﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎت ﻓﻲ ﲡﺎرب اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻟﻠﻔﺌﺎت اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻟﺮﺟـﺎل‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺴﻌﻰ إﻟﻰ اﺳﺘﺌﺼﺎل ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧـﻪ ﻳﺘﻮﺟـﺐ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‬
‫واﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ واﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ أن ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﻌﲔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أن اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺪن أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻦ ﻓﻲ أوﺿـﺎع‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺿـﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺘـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ أو اﳌﻬـﺮﺑﲔ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﺮﺿـﺔ‬
‫ﻷﺷﻜﺎل ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻨﻒ واﻟﻈﻠﻢ واﻹﻳﺬاء اﳉﺴﺪي وﺳﻮء اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﲢﺪد اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ودرﺟـﺔ إدﻣـﺎج اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ودرﺟـﺔ‬
‫‪ 52‬اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﻷﻃﺮاف ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ :‬اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﻟـﻨﻬﺞ ﻗـﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳊﻘـﻮق إزاء‬
‫ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪.٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬
‫‪67‬‬
‫اﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺆدوﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳـﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ واﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان‬
‫اﳌﻀﻴﻔﺔ وإﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪاﻧﻬﻢ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪراﺗﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ دﺧﻮﻟﻬﻢ واﻛﺘﺴﺎب اﳌﻬﺎرات واﳌﻌـﺎرف اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺳـﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﻔﻴـﺪة ﻟﻬـﻢ ﺣـﺎل‬
‫ﻋﻮدﺗﻬﻢ إﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪاﻧﻬﻢ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ أو ﻋﻨﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار اﻟﺪاﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى‪ .‬وﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺮوف ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮا ً‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮا ً ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى وﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻜـﻮﻳﻦ رأس اﳌـﺎل اﻟﺒـﺸﺮي‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪاﻧﻬﻢ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻷرﺑﺎح اﺨﻤﻟﻔﻀﺔ إﻟﻰ درﺟﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮة ﻟﻠﻤﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫َّ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻐﻠﲔ أو اﻷرﺑﺎح اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون اﳌﺮﺣﻠﻮن اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﻐﺎدرة ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻮارد اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﺴﺮق ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﺘﻀﺮرﻳﻦ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺻﻮدرت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪان اﳌﻨﺸﺄ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺟﺰء ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻷرﺑﺎح إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻜﻮن ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت وﳑﺎرﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ وذات ﻣﺼﺪاﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﺗـﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟـﺎت ﻣﺪروﺳـﺔ‬
‫وﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺔ ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ اﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺨﺎوف اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺮﺗﻜـﺰ ﺗـﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ واﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ‪ ،‬ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرات اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫واﳌﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺘﻄﺮق اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺎت ﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت ﺗﺸﻤﻞ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻹﺷـﺮاف‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ ،‬وإدارة اﻟﻘﺒﻮل‪ ،‬وﺗـﺪرﻳﺐ ﻣـﺴﺆوﻟﻲ اﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ وإﻧﻔـﺎذ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬واﻻﻋﺘـﺮاف ﺑـﺎﳌﺆﻫﻼت‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟـﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻔﺘـﻴﺶ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬واﺳـﺘﻌﺎدة اﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫وﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻓﻲ ﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺔ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ذات ﻣـﺼﺪاﻗﻴﺔ وﻣـﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ إﻻ إذا ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺗﺄﺧـﺬ ﻓـﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒـﺎر ﻣـﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬
‫واﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت وﲡﺎرب أﻛﺜﺮ اﳌﺘﻀﺮرﻳﻦ اﳌﻌﻨﻴـﲔ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮ‪ .‬ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ اﳉﻬـﺎت اﳌﻌﻨﻴـﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﻴﺔ اﻟـﻮزارات‬
‫واﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺷﺆون اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑـﺎﻷﺧﺺ اﻟـﻮزارات اﳌـﺴﺆوﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺄﺧﺬ اﳌﺸﺎورات ووﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﳉﻬﺎت اﳌﻌﻨﻴـﺔ اﻷﺧـﺮى‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻷﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ؛ وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟﺘـﻲ ﲤﺜـﻞ ﻣـﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﶈﻠﻴﲔ؛ وﻫﻴﺌﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ؛ ودون ﺷﻚ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل واﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪.‬‬
‫إﻧﻔﺎذ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﺮﺧﺼﲔ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻨﻌﻜﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻓـﻲ ﻋـﺪم اﳌـﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ واﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ أن ﻳﺸﺠﻊ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ وﺗـﺴﻬﻴﻞ اﺳـﺘﺒﺪال اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ ﺑﻌﻤﺎل أﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌﻮن ﺑﺪرﺟﺔ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳـﺴﻬﻢ ﻓـﻲ ﺗﻮﺳـﻴﻊ أﺳـﻮاق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﳌـﺰدوج‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺨﻔﻴﺾ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻷﺟﻮر وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓـﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳـﺔ اﳌﻄـﺎف إﺛـﺎرة‬
‫اﻟﻨﺰاع ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ واﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ وﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت واﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻛﻤـﺎ وردت ﻓـﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٨٧‬و ‪ ٩٨‬ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ أن ﺗﺘﻤـﺴﻚ ﺑﻬـﺎ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان وﻓﻘـﺎ‬
‫ﻹﻋﻼن اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ .١٩٩٨‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ أﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﰎ اﻟﺘـﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻛـﻼ اﻟـﺼﻜﲔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ أوروﺑـﺎ‪ .‬وﻟﻘـﺪ ﰎ اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ ﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑـﺎت‬
‫واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت ﻛﺤﻖ أﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻜﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻹﻋﻼن ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻋﻮﳌﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪،٢٠٠٨‬‬
‫اﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﻠﻂ اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬا اﳊﻖ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎم ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻷﻫﺪاف اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ اﻷرﺑﻊ ﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫‪٥٣‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 53‬أﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺺ اﻹﻋﻼن ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---cabinet/documents/publication/wcms_099766.pdf‬‬
‫‪68‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻊ اﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﺿﺤﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﲔ أو ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﻛﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮﻧﺎ أﻋﻼه‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن ﻣﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺨﺮة )اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺴﺮي( وﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌـﺎت وﻋـﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺼﺤﺔ واﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﺟﻮر ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳﺲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻜﻤﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ واﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﻨـﺎء‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻲ‪ ،‬وﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﳉﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺮﻛﺰ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﺳﻴﻠﺔ رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺮﺻﺪ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ وﻇـﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﻼﺋﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻮ أداة إﺷﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬إن ﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﺘﻔﺘـﻴﺶ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﲡﺬب اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳـﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎرﺗﻔـﺎع ﻣﺆﺷـﺮات اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫واﻻﻋﺘﺪاء‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺼﺮﺣﲔ‪ .‬ﺗـﻮﻓﺮ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺘـﺎن اﻟـﺼﺎدرﺗﺎن ﻋـﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٨١‬و ‪ ١٢٩‬اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﳌﻌﻴﺎرﻳﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗﻨﻄﺒـﻖ‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ أو اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ واﻷدوات اﻹدارﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ اﻹﺷﺎرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ƒ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﺣﻮل اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮون‬
‫واﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﻣﺘﺜﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ƒ ﺿﻤﺎن اﻟﻄﺎﻗﺎت واﻟﻘﺪرات واﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﳌﺘﺨﺼـﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺳـﻴﻊ ﻧﻄـﺎق اﻟﺘﻔﺘـﻴﺶ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ إﻟـﻰ ﻣﻮاﻗـﻊ‬
‫وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ وﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻋﺎدة‪.‬‬
‫ƒ إﻧﺸﺎء وﺣﺪة ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ و‪/‬أو وﺣﺪة ﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﳌﻔﺘﺸﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻟﻜﻔﺎءة ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ ﺿﻤﺎن وﺟﻮد ﻧﻬﺞ ﻣﻨﺴﻘﺔ وﻣﺘﻨﺎﻏﻤﺔ وﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﻮاﻧـﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎت وﳑﺎرﺳـﺎت ﻫﺠـﺮة‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺒﻘﻰ اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ وﻣﺘﻤﻴﺰا ﻋﻦ إﻧﻔﺎذ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ٥٤.‬إذ أن اﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﻳﻘﻮض ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ .‬إن اﺳـﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﺘﻔﺘـﻴﺶ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﺜـﻮر ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺼﺮح ﺑﻬﻢ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺆدي إﻻ إﻟﻰ دﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﻛﺒﺮ ﻧـﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت ﺳﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻦ ﻳـﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ﺳﻮى أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺴﺘﻐﻠﻮن ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ذوي اﻷوﺿﺎع اﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﶈﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻮف ﻳﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪان اﳌﻘﺼﺪ ﻳﺴﻴﺮا ً إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻌﺐ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗـﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻧـﺪﻣﺎج‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ وﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎت ﳉﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة دورا ً ﻫﺎﻣـﺎ ً ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻨـﻊ ﺗﻬﻤـﻴﺶ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺰ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ أوروﺑـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎء ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺛﻼث دول ﺻﻐﻴﺮة‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻮل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ )اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام واﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ( رﻗﻢ ‪ .١١١‬وﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان ﺑﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺬه اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ اﻹﻗـﺮار‬
‫ﺑﺄن اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ داﻓﻊ وأﺳﺎس ﻣﺤﻈﻮر ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﺤﺘﻢ أن ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺟﺪول اﻷﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ واﻟﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ وﺿﻤﺎن اﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪ 54‬أﻧﻈﺮ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ .٢٠٠٦ ،‬اﳌﺴﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ‪) III‬اﳉﺰء ‪ ١‬ب(‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟـﺪورة ‪ .٢٠٠٦ ،٩٥‬ﺟﻨﻴـﻒ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻔﻘﺮات ‪ ٧٥‬ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ‪ ،٧٩‬و‪.١٦١‬‬
‫‪69‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﻘـﺪ ﰎ وﺿـﻊ ﺟـﺪول اﻷﻋﻤـﺎل ﻫـﺬا ﺧـﻼل اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﻀﻴﺮﻳﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي وﻛﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ وﻣـﺎ ﻳﺘـﺼﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ اﻟﺬي ﻋﻘﺪ ﻓﻲ درﺑﺎن ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠٠١‬أﺣﺪ أﺑﺮز اﻹﳒﺎزات ﻟﻬﺬا اﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﻫﻮ اﻹﺟﻤـﺎع ﺑﺎﻻﺗﻔـﺎق ﺑـﺸﺄن‬
‫ﺟﺪول اﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻫﺬا واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺑـﺄن ﺗﻘـﻮم ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان ﺑﻮﺿـﻊ ﺧﻄـﻂ ﻋﻤـﻞ وﻃﻨﻴـﺔ واﺿـﺤﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ وﻛﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺪﻣﺞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪.‬‬
‫اﳋﻄﻮط اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻷﺟﻨﺪة ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أﺳﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ إﻟﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ؛‬
‫ﺣﻈﺮ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ وﻛﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ وﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺗﻪ وإﺟﺮاءاﺗﻪ؛‬
‫ﺣﻈﺮ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﳉﻨﺲ وﻋﺪم اﳌﺴﺎواة ﺑﲔ اﳉﻨﺴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ؛‬
‫اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻹدارﻳﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬واﳌﺴﺎءﻟﺔ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﲔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ؛‬
‫إﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت ﻟﻠﺘـﺼﺪي ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ‬
‫ﺿﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ؛‬
‫اﺣﺘﺮام اﻟﺘﻨﻮع واﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت؛‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻮر اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻮع واﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻷﺧﺒﺎر ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﺗﺼﺎل؛‬
‫إدراج اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺪد اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ واﻟﺘﻨﻮع ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎﻫﺞ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ؛‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ واﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺎ ً‪ :‬اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ واﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬
‫ﻳﺒﺪو ﺳﺠﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ واﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄﺎ ً ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺸﻲء ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ أﻧــﺤﺎء‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ دورا ً رﻗﺎﺑﻴﺎ ً ﻫﺎﻣﺎ ً ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ أﺑﺪت اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻹﺷﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻋـﺪدا ً ﻣﺘﺰاﻳـﺪا ً ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻼﺣﻈـﺎت ﺑـﺸﺄن‬
‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺗﺨﺬﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﺪول ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌـﺼﺎدق‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أو اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت رﻗـﻢ ‪ ٩٧‬و ‪ .١٤٣‬ﺗﻄﺮﻗـﺖ ﳉﻨـﺔ اﳋﺒـﺮاء ﺑـﺸﺄن ﺗﻄﺒﻴـﻖ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﳌﻨﺘـﺸﺮ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﻘـﺴﺮي )اﻟـﺴﺨﺮة(‪،‬‬
‫واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل واﻻﻋﺘﺪاء واﻹﻳﺬاء اﳉﺴﺪي‪ ،‬واﻧﻌﺪام اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻷﺟﻮر وﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﲢﺪﻳﺪا ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ،١١١‬ﻓﻠﻘﺪ ذﻛﺮت ﳉﻨﺔ اﳋﺒﺮاء ﺑﺸﺄن ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫ﺧـﺎل ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ وﺑـﺄن اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٩‬أن "ﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﺮوري أن ﻧﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮب ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺪي ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮاﺻﻞ ﻋﺪد ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻪ ﻻ وﺟﻮد‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪاﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﻠﻦ ﻫﺬه اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت أﻧﻪ ﻻ داﻋﻲ ﻻﺗﺨﺎذ أي إﺟﺮاء ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﺗـﺮى اﻟﻠﺠﻨـﺔ أن‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺘﻌﺎرض ﻣﻊ روح اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ وﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ذات ﺷﺄن ﻓﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ"‪.٥٥‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺎوﻟﺖ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻘﺪ أﻋﻄﻰ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬ﺣﻮل اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﳉـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت‪ ،‬اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ ً واﺳﻌﺎ ً ﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﺑﻌﺾ اﻹﺟﺎﺑﺎت ﳌﻨﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم‬
‫‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬أﺷﺎر اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل واﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت واﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت‪ :‬اﻟـﺪروس‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻔﺎدة‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻌﻮﻗﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻓﻲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ وﺳـﻠﻂ‬
‫‪ 55‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﳉﻨﺔ اﳋﺒﺮاء ﺑﺸﺄن ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‪ ،٢٠٠٩ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ‪) III‬ﺟﺰء ‪ ١‬أ(‪ ،‬اﻟﻔﻘﺮة ‪.١٠٦‬‬
‫‪70‬‬
‫اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻻﲢﺎدات اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴـﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳـﺰ وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﺠﻤﻟﺎل‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ وﻳﻌﺎﻟﺞ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٩‬ﺣﻮل ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ اﻹﻛﺮاه‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ ﺧﻄﻴـﺮة‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻬﻢ اﳌﻄﺎف ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﺴﺨﺮة واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺴﺮي‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ّ‬
‫وﺛﻘﺖ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻹﺷﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳊﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﰎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﻟﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﲢﺴﲔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ٥٦.‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻻﺣﻈﺖ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻹﺷﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أن ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان ﻗﺪ اﺗﺨﺬت ﺧﻄـﻮات ﻓـﻲ اﻷﻋـﻮام اﻷﺧﻴـﺮة ﻟـﻀﻤﺎن ﲤﺘـﻊ اﻷﺷـﺨﺎص ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ ﺑﺎﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺗـﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻨـﺼﺐ ﻧﻘـﺎﺑﻲ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً‪ ٥٧.‬ﻋـﺰزت ﳉﻨـﺔ‬
‫اﳊﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ اﳊﻖ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬دون ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﻣﻦ أي ﻧﻮع‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ إﻧﺸﺎء وﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ واﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺨﺘﺎروﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ذات اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ أو ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻖ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻻﺣﻈﺖ ﳉﻨﺔ اﳋﺒﺮاء ﺑﺸﺄن ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﺑﺎرﺗﻴﺎح اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺟـﺮت ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان‬
‫‪٥٨‬‬
‫ﻧـﺤﻮ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺣﺘﺮام اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻬﺬا اﳊﻖ‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮن ﻣﺬﻛﺮات ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ووﺿﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻹﺷﺎرات إﻟﻰ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻤﲔ واﺿﺤﺔ وﻻ ﻟﺒﺲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬وﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻓﻜﺎر أﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ‪ ٩٧‬و ‪ ١٤٣‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬اﳌﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻰ واﺣـﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﻤـﺎ‬
‫أو ﻛﻼﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ‪ ١١‬دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮ أﻋﻼه‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺖ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم "ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﳌـﺴﺎواة اﻟﻌﻨـﺼﺮﻳﺔ"‪٥٩‬و "ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬـﺎت‬
‫اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام )اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ("‪ ٦٠‬إﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن وﻃﻨﻲ )وإن ﻛﺎن اﻟﺘﺤـﻮل اﻟـﺼﺤﻴﺢ واﻟﻜﺎﻣـﻞ ﻓـﻲ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻟـ ‪ ٢٧‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻌﺪ(‪ ،‬واﺿﻌﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ إﻃﺎر ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣـﺸﺘﺮك ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟـﺪول اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴـﺬ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬اﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت ﻫـﻲ اﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒـﺎت اﻟـﺪﻧﻴﺎ؛ وﻳﺠـﻮز ﻟﻠـﺪول‬
‫اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﺬل اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳉﻬﺪ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ أﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ أن دﺧﻠﺖ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎواة ﺣﻴﺰ اﻟﻨﻔﺎذ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺤﺪاث أو ﺗﻌـﺪﻳﻞ‬
‫اﳌﺮة اﻷوﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺿـﻊ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ ﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬه ّ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺸﺄن اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ؛ وﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻫﻤﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤـﺔ ﻫـﺬه اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬـﺎت إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن وﻃﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬وﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻨﻔﻴـﺬ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬـﺎت؛ ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎت اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺘﺤـﻮل‬
‫‪٦١‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺐء اﻹﺛﺒﺎت واﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ‪ -‬وﻧﻄﺎق اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك إﺷﺎرات ﻛﺜﻴﺮة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﲡـﺎر واﻟﺘﻬﺮﻳـﺐ واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ اﳉﺮﳝـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ وردت ﻓﻲ ﻣﺬﻛﺮات ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ اﻷﺧﻴﺮة ﺣﻮل اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ إزاء اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘـﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎت‬
‫‪ 56‬أﻧﻈﺮ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ‪ ١٠‬و ‪ .١٦‬ﳝﻜﻦ اﺳﺘﺨﺮاج ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﻼﺣﻈـﺎت ﺑـﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺎﻋـﺪة ﺑﻴﺎﻧـﺎت ‪ ILOEX‬ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل أداة اﻟﺘـﺴﺎؤل اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/index.htm‬‬
‫‪ 57‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﳉﻨﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪات ﺣﻮل اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎ ﻟﻼﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪.٢٠٠٨ ،RCE ،٨٧‬‬
‫‪ ،٢٠٠٩ ، RCE 58‬اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.١٦٥‬‬
‫‪ 59‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ‪ ٢٩ ،EC/٤٣/٢٠٠٠‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان‪ /‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫‪ 60‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ‪ ٢٧ ،EC/٧٨/٢٠٠٠‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ /‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ ‪.٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫‪ 61‬اﳌﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ )‪ (٢٠٠٨‬ﺗﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ رأب اﻟﻔﺠﻮة ﻓﻲ أﺣﻜﺎم وﻗﻮاﻋﺪ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام واﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪ .‬ﺑﻴـﺎن ﺻـﺤﻔﻲ‪ ٣١ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ /‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪،٢٠٠٨‬‬
‫‪http://ec.europa.eu/employment_social/fundamental_rights/pdf/news/ip08_155_en.pdf, 2008-10-16‬‬
‫‪71‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻠﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ وﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ أﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺳﻮى إﺷﺎرات ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ إﻟـﻰ أي ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺼﻜﻮك‬
‫اﻟﺜﻼث اﻷﻛﺜﺮ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺰال درﺟﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ ﺻﻜﻮك اﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻏﺎﻣﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺣﲔ أن اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻳﻘﻮم ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ً ﺑﺈﻋﺪاد ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت ﺑﺸﺄن اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﺴﻮدة اﻟـﻨﺺ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻔﻞ اﻹﺷﺎرة اﻟﺼﺮﻳﺤﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺼﻜﻮك اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆدي ﻫـﺬا اﻹﻏﻔـﺎل إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮ وﺿﻊ ﺻﻚ ﻳﺤﻴﺪ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ أﺛﺎرت ﻋﺪة أﺣﻜﺎم ﺻﺎدرة ﻓﻲ اﻵوﻧﺔ اﻷﺧﻴﺮة ﻋﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺪل اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وإن ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة داﺧﻞ دول اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻘﺎ ً ﺑﺸﺄن ﻣﺪى ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﳊﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ واﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺔ‬
‫اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬه ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﻜﻨﻚ ‪ ،Viking‬ﻻﻓﺎل ‪ ،Laval‬روﻓﺮت ‪ ،Rüffert‬واﳌﻔﻮﺿـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺿﺪ ﻟﻮﻛﺴﻤﺒﻮرغ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺜﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﺪة اﻟﺘﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﺠﻤﻟـﺎﻻت‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ اﺳﺘﻌﺮاض ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﺮارات‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﻋﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺬي‬
‫اﻋﺘﻤﺪﺗﻪ ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﺸﺆون اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺮﳌﺎن اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﺮار اﳌﻘﺘﺮح اﳌﻘﺪم ﻟﻠﺒﺮﳌﺎن اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‬
‫"أﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ اﳌﺴﺎس ﲟﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣـﺴﺐ اﻻﻋﺘـﺮاف ﺑﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺪول اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻴﺜﺎق اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻔﺎوض وإﺑـﺮام وﺗﻨﻔﻴـﺬ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎت‬
‫اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻹﺿﺮاب ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺪان ﺗﻌﺎون اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻠﺪان اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺑـﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻣﻴـﺪاﻧﺎ ﻣﻜﻤـﻼ ﳌﻌﺎﳉـﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ اﳉﺎﻧﺐ اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮم ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻲ وﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻘـﺪرات‬
‫ﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وﻏﺮب أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻟﺮوﺳﻲ وآﺳﻴﺎ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫أﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى‪ .‬أﺣﺪ اﻷﺑﻌﺎد اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻫﻮ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت واﻹدارة اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﳊﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻼﲢﺎد اﻻوروﺑﻲ ﻣﻊ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ دﻋﻢ ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟـﺴﻴﻄﺮة واﻻﻋﺘـﺮاض‬
‫واﻻﺣﺘﻮاء ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﺸﺮﻳﻜﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻢ ﳑﺎرﺳﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﺪود وﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺘﻬـﺎ‪ .‬ﻗـﺪ ﻻ‬
‫ﻛﺎف ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟـﻀﺮوري ﻟـﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة اﻟـﺬي ﻳـﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ٍ‬
‫اﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻘﻴﻢ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﶈﺮز ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄـﺎق أوﺳـﻊ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ أﻧــﺤﺎء أوروﺑـﺎ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق اﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ذات اﻟـﺼﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮﺳﻢ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪ .٢٢‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻔﻴـﺪ اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ أن ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ ﻫﻮ اﳌﺴﺆول ﻋﻦ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة )‪ (CDMG‬اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗـﻀﻢ ﻣـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﺪدﻫﺎ ‪ ٤٧‬دوﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪى اﻟﻌﻘـﺪﻳﻦ اﳌﺎﺿـﻴﲔ ﺑـﺈﺟﺮاء اﻟﺪراﺳـﺎت ووﺿـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‪ ،‬وﺳﺎﻫﻤﺖ ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﺪدت ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ إدارة اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬ﻳﻘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻋﺎدة ﺧﻄﻮط اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﳋﺎﺻـﺔ ﺑﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﻣـﺆﲤﺮات ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ ﻟﻮزراء ﺷﺆون اﻟﻬﺠﺮة؛ وﻳﺒﲔ ﺗﻄﻮر ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋـﻀﺎء أن ﺗﻮﺟﻴـﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎت ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑﲔ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮﻧﺎ أﻋﻼه‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻋـﺪة ﺻـﻜﻮك ﻣﻌﻴﺎرﻳـﺔ ﻣﺤـﺪدة ﺗﻨﻄﺒـﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻋﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻨﻄﺒـﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﻋﺰزت ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻮزراء ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ واﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﶈﺪدة ﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫‪72‬‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ً‬
‫ﺳﺎدﺳﺎ ً‪ :‬اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ُ ُ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎق ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﺠﻞ‪ ،‬إن ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ أﻛﺒﺮ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة؛ أﻧـﺸﺌﺖ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩١٩‬ﺑﻬﻴﻜﻞ ﺛﻼﺛﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ وﺑﻐﺮض وﺿﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ وﺧﻠـﻖ ﻓـﺮص اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪،‬‬
‫وﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ اﳊﻮار اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﲔ أرﺑﺎب‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺟﻬﻮد ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠـﻰ دراﺳـﺔ اﳌـﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮم أﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ وﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﳊﻠﻮل‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻧﺸﺎط ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺗﻘـﺪﱘ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون‬
‫اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻲ وﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻘﺪرات ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان ﻓـﻲ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ أﻧــﺤﺎء اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘـﺪﱘ ﺧـﺪﻣﺎت اﺳﺘـﺸﺎرﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣـﺎت‪،‬‬
‫وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ اﳊﻮار اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل إدﻣﺎج اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﻘﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﺟﺮاء اﺧﺘﺒﺎر ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﳌﺸﺎر إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﺎ ً‬
‫ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ درﺳﺖ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻋـﺪد ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪان ﻓـﻲ أوروﺑـﺎ‬
‫وأﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬أﺷﺎرت ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻷﺑﺤﺎث‪ ٦٢‬إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﳌﺪﻧﻴـﺔ اﻟـﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻗـﺎدرة‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ إﻧﺸﺎء آﻟﻴﺎت أﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﳉﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ‪ ،‬وإﺻـﻼح‪ ،‬ورﺻـﺪ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰﻳـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻟﻘﺪ أﻇﻬﺮت اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان أن اﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺻﺪ واﻹﺑﻼغ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أرﺑـﺎب اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺗﻨﻮع اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﻟـﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﺘﺒـﺮ أدوات ﻣﻔﻴـﺪة ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳـﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ دﻟـﺖ اﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﻮﺿـﻮح أن اﳌﺆﺳـﺴﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﻄﺮق ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﻔﻌﺎل‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫رﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﺮوع إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان "ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻨﻮع‪ :‬اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ" اﳌﺪﻋﻮم ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ً ﲟﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﺣـﻮل أﻋﻤـﺎل ﻣﻨﺎﻫـﻀﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ واﻻﻧـﺪﻣﺎج ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳌﻮﻗـﻊ اﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺘــﺸﻤﻞ ﺣــﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ١٦٠‬ﶈــﺎت ﻋــﻦ اﳌﻤﺎرﺳــﺎت‪ .‬أﻧﻈــﺮ ‪ www.ilo.org/migrant‬وأﻧﻘــﺮ ﻋﻠــﻰ راﺑــﻂ‬
‫‪.discrimination‬‬
‫ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺆﺷﺮات وﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ وأدوات ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗﻘﻴـﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﳑﺎرﺳـﺎت اﻟـﺪﻣﺞ وﻣﻨﺎﻫـﻀﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫درﺳﺖ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﳌﺆﺷﺮات اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺪﻣﺞ‪.‬‬
‫ﲡﻤﻴﻊ وإﻋﺪاد دﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎرﺳﲔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻟﺪﻣﺞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أدوات ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻛﺎء اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺼﻐﻴﺮة واﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪت ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻚ اﻟﺸﺮﻳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﺣﻮل اﻟﺪﻣﺞ واﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﻤﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻲ واﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎرﻳﺔ واﻟﺘـﺪرﻳﺐ وﺑﻨـﺎء اﻟﻘـﺪرات‪،‬‬
‫إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺗﻴﺴﻴﺮ وﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑـﺎ ﻓﺤـﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻞ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪان اﳌﻐﺮب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻏﺮب أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧـﺤﺎء ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ راﺑﻄﺔ اﻟـﺪول اﳌـﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬
‫وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى‪.‬‬
‫‪ 62‬أﻧﻈـﺮ ‪Zegers de Beijl (1991); G. Rutherglen, (1993); C. Ventura (1995); R. Zegers de Beijl in W. R. Böhning and R. Zegers de Beijl‬‬
‫‪(1995); U. Kulke in: A. Goldberg, D. Mourinho and U. Kulke (1996); R. Pérez Molina in Colectivo IOE and R. Pérez Molina (1996); K.‬‬
‫‪Vuori (1996); D.N. Addy (1997); N.-E. Hansen and I. McClure (1998); J. Doomernik (1998); B. Smeesters and A. Nayer (1999).‬‬
‫‪73‬‬
‫ﺗﻐﻄﻲ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﺮاﻫﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﻮﻗﺎز وﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ آﺳﻴﺎ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻟﺮوﺳﻲ‪ .‬وﺗـﺸﻤﻞ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﳉﻬﻮد اﻟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﳌﻮاءﻣﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وأﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗـﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻘـﻞ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫وﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮم ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺒﺬل ﺟﻬﻮد ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎون وﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻘﺪرات ودﻋﻢ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﺔ اﳌﻐـﺮب‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وﻏﺮب أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ وﺷﺮق أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻧﻈﻢ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ وإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ وﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎت ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﻫﺠـﺮة‬
‫اﻷﻳﺪي اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﻮدا ﻣﻜﺜﻔﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ اﻟﺪﻣﺞ وﻣﻨﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺪان اﳌﻘﺼﺪ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﺮﻳﻜﺔ‪ -‬اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑـﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﲢﺎدات أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫رﺣﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ وﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻋﻢ اﻻﲢـﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ وﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺎت اﻟـﺪول ﻣﺜـﻞ أﳌﺎﻧﻴـﺎ واﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴـﺎ‬
‫واﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ واﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻟﻬﺬه اﳉﻬﻮد‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﻮات إﻟﻰ اﻷﻣﺎم‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ واﳋﺒﺮة‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻷﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴـﺔ وأزﻣـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻨﻨـﺎ أن‬
‫ﻧﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺨﻄﻮات اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ إﻟﻰ اﻷﻣﺎم‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫‪.٥‬‬
‫اﻹﺻﺮار ﻋﻠﻰ إﺷﺎرة ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺔ إﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ودﻣﺞ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ وﺿـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴـﺪ ﻓـﻲ أي ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ أوروﺑـﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻘـﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫دﻋﻮة اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻮﻫﺮي ﻣﻊ اﳊـﺎﻻت ورﻓﻌﻬـﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺮﺻﺪ وﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻧـﺸﺎﻃﺎ ً‬
‫واﻟﻔﻌـﺎل‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻘﺪم ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻜﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻹﺷﺮاﻓﻲ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﺘـﺼﺪي إﻟـﻰ‬
‫اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك‪ ،‬وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺆﺳﻒ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪد ﻫﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ووﻓـﺮة‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺻﺪ وإﻧﻔﺎذ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻴﻚ ﻋـﻦ اﻟﻬﻴﺌـﺎت‬
‫اﻹﺷﺮاﻓﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪.‬‬
‫ﲢﺴﲔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ وﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ وﻧﻘـﻞ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎت‬
‫واﳊﺎﻻت ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ واﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﻔﻌﺎل ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٩٧‬ورﻗـﻢ ‪ ١٤٣‬ﺣـﻮل اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ً ﻋﻦ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻮل ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.١٩٩٠‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ذاﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ اﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﺪة ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﻮرﻳﺔ واﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟـﻞ اﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴـﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻷزﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ وﻛﺮاﻣﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﺗﺨـﺎذ اﻹﺟـﺮاءات‬
‫ﳌﻨﻊ ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﺬه اﻵﺛﺎر‪ ،‬إن ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﺪة‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ زﻋﺰﻋﺔ اﺳﺘﻘﺮار أﺳﻮاق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬واﺣﺘـﺮام‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮة‪ .‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ أن ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ‬
‫اﳋﻄﻮط اﻟﻔﻮرﻳﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻸزﻣﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺟﻌﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺒﺶ ﻓﺪاء‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻔﺎدي ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴـﻞ اﻟﻘـﺴﺮي ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫‪74‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو إﻋﺎدﺗﻬﻢ إﻟﻰ وﻃﻨﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻤﻊ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ اﻟﻌﻨـﺼﺮي وﻛـﺮه اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ اﳌﻮﺟـﻪ ﻧــﺤﻮ اﻷﻏـﺮاب ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﺻـﺮﻳﺢ وواﺿـﺢ‪،‬‬
‫وﻣﻼﺣﻘﺔ وﻣﻘﺎﺿﺎة ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﻲ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ‪.‬‬
‫زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻗﻪ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻟﺪﻋﻢ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻜﺮﳝـﺔ اﻟﻼﺋﻘـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬـﺔ ﺿـﻐﻮط زﻳـﺎدة‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻧﺘﻬﺎك ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ وﺧﻔﺾ اﻟﺮواﺗﺐ‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎج‬
‫اﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق اﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎد ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺷـﺨﺎص واﻟﻔﺌـﺎت اﻟـﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻔﻮاﺋـﺪ واﻻﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎت واﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪت ﺑﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮﻫﺎ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻀﺢ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﺎﺳﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴـﺰ واﻟﺘﻮﻛﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻬﻮج اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘـﻮق‪ .‬إن ﻫـﺬه اﻟﻨﻬـﻮج أﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻟـﻀﻤﺎن ﺳـﻴﺎدة ﺣﻜـﻢ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫وﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ وﺗﺮﺳـﻴﺦ اﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮاﻃﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬زﻳـﺎدة اﻹﻧـﺼﺎف ﻓـﻲ ﺗﻮزﻳـﻊ اﻟﺮﻓـﺎه اﳌـﺎدي واﻟـﻀﻤﺎن‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻫﻲ اﳌﻴﺪان اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ واﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن وﺿﻊ‬
‫إﻃﺎر ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻫﻮ أﻣﺮ ﻣﻠﺢ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ اﻟﺪﻋﻢ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ‬
‫أﺟﻞ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻓﻘﺎ ً ﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﺣﺘﺮام اﻟﺘﻨﻮع‪ -‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ اﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺴﻼم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ اﳋﻄﻮة اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ إﺣﺮاز اﻟﺘﺰام اﻟﺪول ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺘﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻌﺎم‬
‫‪ .١٩٩٠‬اﻷﻣﺮ اﳌﻜﻤﻞ ﻟﻬﺬا ﻫﻮ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﳉﻬﻮد اﻟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت وﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺿﻤﺎن وﺟﻮد ﻓﺮص ﻋﻤﻞ ﻻﺋﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج‪.‬‬
‫إن ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﺎدة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن واﻻﺣﺘﺮام ﲡﺎه اﻟﺘﻨﻮع ﻫﻮ ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﻃﺮاف اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وأرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬واﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك دور ﻗﻴـﺎدي ﺣﺎﺳـﻢ ﻳﺠـﺐ أن‬
‫ﺗﻀﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺣﺸﺪ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎت واﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ إﻃﺎر ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪.‬‬
‫‪75‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ ﻣﻔﻴﺪة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬
‫داﺋﺮة ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪:(NORMES‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/global/What_we_do/InternationalLabourStandards/lang--en/index.htm‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪:(MIGRANT‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/index.htm‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪:(ILOLEX‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/index.htm‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪:(APPLIS‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/public/db/standards/normes/appl/index.cfm?lang=EN‬‬
‫اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ‬
‫أﺑﻴﻼ‪ ،‬إم‪ .‬آي‪CIEM،" Mondialisation, marchés du travail et mobilité", in Migrations et avenir" .‬‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺪ ‪ ،١٤‬اﻟﻌﺪد ‪ ،٧٩‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ‪-‬ﻓﺒﺮاﻳﺮ ‪) ٢٠٠٢‬ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮاوﻧﺸﻔﺎﻳﻎ‪ ،‬إس؛ ﻛﺎرﺑﺎﻟﻮ‪ ،‬إم )‪ :(٢٠٠١‬اﻟﺼﺤﺔ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫)ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ واﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﺼﺤﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻛـﺎدي‪ ،‬ﺋـﻲ )‪Questions sur la mesure : que mesure-t-on ? pour quoi ? comment ?, Intervention :(٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫‪d’ouverture du colloque La mesure des discriminations liées à “l’origine”, ISM-Corum, 22 octobre, Lyon‬‬
‫‪.ISM-CORUM‬‬
‫ﻛﻼﻧﺪﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﺔ‪ :‬إﺣﺼﺎء ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺼﻰ‪ .‬اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت واﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة ﻓـﻲ أوروﺑـﺎ‪ .‬اﳌـﺸﺮوع اﻟﺒﺤﺜـﻲ‬
‫اﳌﻤـــــﻮل ﻣـــــﻦ اﳌﻔﻮﺿـــــﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴـــــﺔ‪http://clandestino.eliamep.gr .٢٠٠٩-٢٠٠٧ ،FP6 ،DG RTD ،‬‬
‫‪) http://clandestino.eliamep.gr‬ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟـﺪول وﻣﻠﺨـﺼﺎت اﻷﺑﺤـﺎث(؛ ‪) http://irregular-migration.hwwi.net‬ﻗﺎﻋـﺪة‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت(‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ )‪ ،(٢٠٠٩‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻧــﺤﻮ ﻧﻬـﺞ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣـﻞ‪ .‬ﺑـﻲ‪ .‬ﺗـﺎران وإرﻳﻨـﺎ‬
‫إﻳﻔﺎﻛﻬﻨﻴﻮك‪ ،‬ﻣﺎرﻳﺎ دا ﻛﻮﻧﺴﻴﺸﻮ ﺑﻴﺮﻳﻴﺮا راﻣﻮس‪ ،‬وآرﻧﻮ ﺗﺎﻧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺣﻮل اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة‪ ٢٢ ،EC/٨٦/٢٠٠٣ .‬أﻳﻠﻮل‪ /‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪.٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ :٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺣﻮل وﺿﻊ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ اﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﳌﺪة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪٢٥ ،EC/١٠٩/٢٠٠٣ .‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ /‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ ‪.٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ :٢٠٠٤ ،‬اﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج )‪.(CBPs‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ :٢٠٠٥ ،‬اﻷﺟﻨﺪة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ :٢٠٠٥ ،‬اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة )‪ .(GAM‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ )‪ ٢٤٧ (٢٠٠٧) (COM‬ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ١٦ ،‬أﻳﺎر‪ /‬ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ :٢٠٠٥ ،‬اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ اﻹﻃﺎرﻳﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻟﻔﺮض اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻛﺮات اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋـﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ ‪(٢٠٠٥) COM‬‬
‫‪ ٢٢٤‬ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ١ ،‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ‪ /‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪.٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٨-١٩٩٥‬أﺑﺤﺎث ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )ﺣﻮل اﺧﺘﺒﺎر ﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ(‪ :‬اﳊﺎﻟﺔ(‪ .‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻞ‬
‫‪76‬‬
‫اﻷوراق ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮاﺑﻂ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/info/imp_list.htm :‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‪ .‬إف‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻓﻨﻜﻴﺮك؛ إم‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻲ‪ .‬آي‪ .‬ﺟﺮاس؛ دي‪ .‬راﻣﺴﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﲟﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻣﻦ إم‪ .‬داﻧﻜﻮر‪ ،‬وإﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻓﻴﻼر‪ .‬أﺑﺤﺎث ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪.١٩٩٥ ، ٤‬‬
‫ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ ‪ .‬إﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻏﻮﻟﺪﺑﺮ‪ ،‬دي‪ .‬ﻣﻮرﻳﻨﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻟـﻚ‪ .‬أﺑﺤـﺎث ﺣـﻮل اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٧‬ﻫـ‪.١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬إم‪ .‬ﺋﻲ‪ .‬دي ﺑﺮادا‪ ،‬دﺑﻠﻴﻮ‪ .‬أﻛﺘﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮادا‪ ،‬وآر‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﻮﻟﻴﻨﺎ‪،‬‬
‫أﺑﺤﺎث ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٩‬ﻫـ‪.١٩٩٦ ،‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‪ :‬ﻧﺘـﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺎة ﻣﻦ اﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﳊﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬إم‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬أﺑﺤﺎث ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٢‬ﻟﻌﺎم ‪. ١٩٩٦‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﳌﻨﺸﺄ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‪ .‬أرﻳﺠﲔ‪ ،‬إس‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠـﺪ‪ ،‬إﻳـﻪ‪ .‬ﻧـﺎﻳﺮ‪.‬‬
‫أﺑﺤﺎث ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٢٣‬ﻫـ‪١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺋﻲ‪ .‬أﻻﺳﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺋﻲ‪ .‬رﻳﻨﻴﺮي‪ ،‬إﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺘﻮرﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻲ‪ .‬زﻳﻨﻜﻮن‪ ،‬أﺑﺤﺎث‬
‫ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٦٧‬ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﻷﺻﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ :‬دراﺳﺔ اﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ اﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎر ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ارﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺪي‪ ،‬وﻓـﺎﺑﺮﻳﺲ ﻓـﻮروﻧﻲ‪ .‬أﺑﺤـﺎث ﺣـﻮل اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٨٥‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ اﳉﻴﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪﻳﲔ ﻣﻦ أﺻﻮل ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ .‬ﻛﺎرﻳﻦ أﺗﺴﺘﺮوم‪ .‬أﺑﺤـﺎث ﺣـﻮل اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪.٢٠٠٨‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرك ‪ :‬دراﺳﺔ اﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﳊﺎﻟـﺔ‪ .‬ﺟـﺎن ﻫﺠـﺎرﻧﻮ‪.‬‬
‫أﺑﺤﺎث ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٨٧‬ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٨‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ :(١٩٩٨‬إﻋﻼن اﳌﺒﺎدئ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/declaration/thedeclaration/textdeclaration/lang--en/index.htm‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٣‬أﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎل اﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟـﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬دراﺳﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺑﻬﺪف وﺿﻊ ﺧﻄﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﺎدس‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺪورة اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة واﻟﺘﺴﻌﻮن‪) .‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ(‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺢ ﻫﺠﺮة اﻷﻳﺪي اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٤‬ﻧـﺤﻮ ﺻﻔﻘﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻌـﺎﳌﻲ‪ .‬ﻣـﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺪورة اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺴﻌﻮن‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪ ،٢٠٠٤‬اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﺎدس‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪.٣٨-٣٨‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٤‬ﻗﺮار واﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎت ﺑﺸﺄن ﺻﻔﻘﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻌـﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺆﲤﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﺪورة اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺴﻌﻮن‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ‪) .٢٠٠٤‬ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ(‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ .٢٠٠٦ ،‬اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﻷﻃﺮاف ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﺑـﺸﺄن ﻫﺠـﺮة اﻟﻴـﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪ :‬اﳌﺒـﺎدئ‬
‫واﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق إزاء ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻴـﻒ‪ .‬ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺗﻨﺰﻳـﻞ اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘـﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺮاﺑﻂ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/download/multilat_fwk_en.pdf‬‬
‫)ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮة أﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺮوﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺔ(‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ .٢٠٠٨ ،‬إﻋﻼن ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻋﻮﳌﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ‬
‫‪http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---cabinet/documents/publication/wcms_099766.pdf‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )‪ :(٢٠٠٧‬اﻟﻜﺴﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ‪ :‬ﻧـﺤﻮ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻒ دﻳﺘـﻮن ﺟﻮﻧـﺴﻮن‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻮﻛﺎ ﺗﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﺴﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻳﻐﻮري ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﺗﻴﺲ‪ ،‬راﻳﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ودﳝﺘﺮﻳﻮس ﺑﺎﺑﺎدﳝﻴﺘﺮﻳﻮ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎران ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‪" :(٢٠٠٧) .‬اﻟﻌﻮاﻟﻢ اﳌﺘﺼﺎرﻋﺔ‪ :‬ﺿﺮورة إﻳﺠﺎد ﻧﻬﺞ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق إزاء ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ"‬
‫‪77‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ :‬اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﲢﺖ اﳌﺮاﺟﻌﺔ‪ ،‬اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺪ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪) ،‬ﺑﺮوﻳﻼﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮوﻛﺴﻞ(‬
‫اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة )‪ :(٢٠٠٠‬وﺿﻊ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ،‬اﻟﺪورة اﳋﺎﻣـﺴﺔ‬
‫واﳋﻤﺴﻮن ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ،A/55/205‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‪.‬‬
‫زﻏﺮز دي ﺑﻴﺠﻞ‪ ،‬آر‪ :(٢٠٠٠) .‬ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬دراﺳـﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧـﺔ ﻷرﺑﻌـﺔ دول أوروﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫)ﺟﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪78‬‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎرن وﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺘﲔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة وﻳﺲ ﻣﺎس‬
‫ﻣﻨﺴﻘﺔ ﻣﺸﺮوع‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي ﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻓﺮاﻧﺲ ﺑﺎون‬
‫اﳌﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬي‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي ﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫‪79‬‬
‫اﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻷوﻟﺌﻚ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮن ﻣﻨﻜﻢ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي ﻟﻼﺟﺌـﲔ واﻟﻬﺠـﺮة )‪ (THP‬ﻧﻘـﺪم ﺑـﻀﻌﺔ أﺳـﻄﺮ‪ :‬إن‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي ﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺪى ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬وﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﻔﺰ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎش ﻋﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﻳﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺎ ً ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ أﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻨـﺬ ﻋـﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠١‬ﻛﻨـﺎ ﻧــﺤﺎول ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻂ أن ﻧﺨﺮج ﺑﺎﳊﻮار ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة إﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻧﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺮون‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺮورة ﺟـﺪا ً‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺬي ﰎ اﺧﺘﻴﺎره ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﳌـﺎ أﻧـﻪ ﻛـﺎن‪ ،‬وﻟﻔﺘـﺮة‬
‫ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ أن ﻧﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى دوﻟﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺳﻌﺎدﺗﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﰎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم اﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬وﻷول ﻣﺮة‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮر اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺪول‬
‫أﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺘﺪى اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣـﺎ ﻧـﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن ﻧﻘﻮﻟـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻷﻗـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻮ أن‬
‫اﻟﻨﻘﺎش ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ‪ -‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺆد إﻟﻰ ﺻﺮاع ﺑﲔ اﻟﺸﻤﺎل واﳉﻨﻮب‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫واﻟﺴﺆال اﻵن‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺘﺮﺟﻢ اﳊﻮار ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ إﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻨﺎ إﻟﻰ ﺟﻠـﺴﺔ ﻫـﺬا اﻟﻴـﻮم‪ ،‬وإﻟـﻰ اﻟـﻮرﻗﺘﲔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺘﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إن ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻲ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻴﻮم ﻫﻲ أن أزودﻛﻢ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﻘﺎرن اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ ﺑﺒﻌﻀﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬وأن أﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﻤـﺎ ﻣﻠﻴـﺎ ً ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼل ﺧﺒﺮﺗﻲ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﻜﺬا أود أن أﺳﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﻌﺾ أوﺟﻪ اﻟـﺸﺒﻪ واﻻﺧـﺘﻼف ﺑـﲔ اﻟـﻮرﻗﺘﲔ‪ ،‬أي ﺑـﲔ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ واﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻗﺒﻞ أن أﻧﺘﻘﻞ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ً إﻟﻰ اﻷﻣﺎم ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺮاﺣـﺎت إﻟـﻰ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪﺛﲔ و‪/‬أو اﳊﻀﻮر‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أﻣﺎ وﻗﺪ ﻗﻴﻞ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﻲ أود أن أﻫﻨﺊ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺿـﻮﺣﻬﻤﺎ وﻛﻤﺎﻟﻬﻤـﺎ‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻋـﺪاد‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎق اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ واﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻴﺎق اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ اﻟـﺬي ﺳـﺘﺤﺪث ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ‪ -‬أو ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺮى ﻻ ﲢﺪث ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﺪأ‪ ،‬أود أن أرﺣﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ ﻷﻧﻬﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺸﺘﺎ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻬـﺎ ﻗﻮﻳـﺔ‪ :‬ﳌـﺎذا ﻳﺠـﺐ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻼ ً ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﺿﻮع واﺿﺢ اﳌﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨـﻪ ﻣـﻊ ذﻟـﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠـﺐ ﻓـﻲ ﻧﻔـﺲ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ أن ﻳﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق "ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ"‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎل اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺧﺎن ﺑﺤﻖ‪ " :‬إن ﻟﺪى اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻼ ً ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ"‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إﻧﻪ ﳌﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﻬﺬه اﳊﻘﻮق وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬أن ﻧﺬﻛﺮ أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻮن ﲟﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﺪدة‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﳋﺎﺿـﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻘـﺎش اﻵن‪،‬‬
‫وأن ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻀﺮر ﻓﻲ ٍ‬
‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ داﺧﻞ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﲢﺪﻳﺎت اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬
‫أوﻻ ً‪ :‬اﳌﻘﺎرﻧﺔ‬
‫أ ‪ .‬أوﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺑﺪون أن ﻧﺴﻬﺐ ﻃﻮﻳﻼ ً ﺟﺪا ً ﻓﻲ اﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ وﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ً‬
‫وﺟﺪﺗﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺌﺎ‪ ،‬ورﲟﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ اﻟﺘﺼﻮر اﻟـﺸﺎﺋﻊ‪ ،‬أن اﻟﺘﺤـﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﺘﻤـﺎ ﻛﻼﻛﻤـﺎ إﻟﻴﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬وﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺮر اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻤﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎد إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت ﻛﺜﻴﺮة‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘـﺔ ﻣﺘـﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ورﲟﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻫﻲ اﳊﻠﻮل‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﺘﺎ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪان إﻟﻰ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت وإﺳﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷـﺎﻛﻠﺔ اﻷﺟـﻮر اﳌﺘﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻐﻴﺎب اﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإﻧﻜﺎر ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ اﻻﲢـﺎد وﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ ،‬واﳋﻮف ﻣﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﻌﺎد اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟـﺮﻏﻢ ﻣـﻦ أن ﻫـﺬا ﻳﺤـﺪث ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ داﺧﻞ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪.‬‬
‫‪80‬‬
‫اﳌﺜﺎل ‪ :١‬اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳋﻄﺮ وﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻣﺎ وﺟﺪﺗﻪ ﻣﻠﻔﺘﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ أن ﻛﻼ ﻣﻨﻜﻤﺎ أﺷﺎر إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﳝﻴﻠـﻮن‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮا ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﳋﻄﻮرة واﳌﺘﺴﺒﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮر‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺰراﻋﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎﺟﻢ‪،‬‬
‫َ‬
‫إﻟﻰ أن ُ‬
‫واﻹﻧﺸﺎء‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ؛‬
‫ƒ‬
‫وأن ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻼ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ‪ ،‬وﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﻫـﺬه اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋـﺎت ﺣﻴـﺚ اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑـﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺰ ﻣﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟـﺴﻼﻣﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺼﺤﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ أو ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﺬا ﺗﺘﻮاءم ﻣﻊ ﻛﻼ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أن اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر ﻓﻲ رﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻲ اﳊﻞ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ اﻟﻮاﺣـﺪ ﻣﻨـﺎ أن‬
‫ﻳﻌﺰز ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ أﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫واﻟﺴﺆال اﻵن ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻫﻮ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﺴﲔ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ؟ وﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻔـﺮد‬
‫أن ﻳﺘﺄﻛﺪ أن اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺎء اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ إﺟﺮاءات ﺻﺎرﻣﺔ ﺿﺪ "اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ"؟ ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫أود أن أﺳﻤﻊ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﺧﻼل اﻟﻨﻘﺎش‪.‬‬
‫اﳌﺜﺎل ‪ :٢‬اﻟﻘﻨﻮات ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺒﺤﺜﻮن ﻋﻦ ﻗﻨﻮات ﻫﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫وﺟﺪت ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎ آﺧﺮ ﻣﺜﻴﺮا ً ﻟﻼﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﻓﻲ ورﻗﺘﻴﻜﻤﺎ ُ َ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺴﻴﺎق اﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎن ﻧﻈـﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ وﺟـﻪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ إﻟﻰ اﻷوﺿﺎع ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎق اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ‪ -‬إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد ﻗﻨﻮات ﻫﺠﺮة ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺪﺧﻠﻮن اﻟﺒﻼد‪ ،‬أو ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮن ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إن اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻨﺴﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻘﺎش ﻋﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﻻ أﺟﺪه أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ورﻗﺘﻴﻜﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ اﳊﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ أﻓﻀﻞ ﳉﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫اﻹﺣﺘﻴﺎج ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬا‪ ،‬ﻓﻬـﺬا ﺷـﻲء ﻗـﺪ ﻧﺮﻏـﺐ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً أن‬
‫ﻧﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ب‪ .‬اﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎت‬
‫اﻻﺧﺘﻼف ‪ :١‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أﺿﻤﻦ ﺷـﻴﺌﺎ ً ﻋـﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻼﺟﺌـﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻨﻲ أﻋﻤﻞ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ،‬أﺷﻌﺮ أﻧﻨﻲ ﻣﻠﺰم أن ُ َ ِ َ‬
‫وﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‪" ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻼﺟﺌﻮن" ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮن ﻓﺌﺔ ﻣﺤﺪدة اﳌﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻀﻮي ﲢﺐ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﺄن "اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ" ﻳﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻫﻜـﺬا‬
‫ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻮن ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻸذى‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻘﻮن ﻓﻌﻼ ً ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻧﻈﺎم ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﳑـﺎ ﻳﺘـﺮك اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻌـﻮن‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻓﺌﺔ أﺧﺮى أو وﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ ،‬وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن أﺿﻴﻒ أﻧﻪ ﰎ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺼﺒﺎح‪ ،‬إﺻـﺪار ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺮ‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪا ً ﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء واﻟﻼﺟﺌـﲔ ﻓـﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨـﺪا‪ ،‬وﻫـﺬا‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أن ﻧﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻹﺟﺮاء اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ورﻗﺘﻴﻜﻤﺎ‪ ،‬وﺟﺪت أن اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻹﻃﻼق‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أﻧﻨﻲ أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن ﻫﺬا اﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن أﻣﺮا ً ﻣﻠﺤﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬واﳌﺜﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ واﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن‪ ،‬وﻫﻢ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮن ﺟﺰءا ً ﻛﺒﻴﺮا ً ﻣﻦ اﻟـﺴﻜﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ أﻓﺘﺮض ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﻄﺘﻲ ﻫﺬه أﻧﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺪم ﻧﺴﻴﺎن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻧﻘﺎش ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫‪81‬‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻣﺴﺮورا ً ﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ ورﻗﺔ ﺗﺎران وﻗﺪ ﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ً ﻋﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ وﻃﻠﺐ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻳـﻨﺺ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪ :‬إن أﺻﻮل ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪات اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻟﻬﺎ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻫﺠـﺮة ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒـﺎر أن‬
‫ﲢﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻵن‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄﺔ ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻷﻓـﺮاد اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳـﺴﺘﺤﻘﻮن‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﺧﺘﻼف ‪ :٢‬اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻻﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﺒﺎرز اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ ﻫﻮ أﻧﻪ ﰎ اﻟﺘﺒﻴﺎن ﺑﻮﺿـﻮح أﻧـﻪ ﻳﺒـﺪو أن ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻘـﺎرة اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ آﻟﻴﺎت ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻮﺟـﺪ ﻓـﻲ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ ﺳـﻴﺎق اﳊـﺪﻳﺚ ﻋـﻦ اﻻﲢـﺎد‬
‫اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق اﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‪) .‬اﺠﻤﻟﻠـﺲ اﻷوروﺑـﻲ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﺠﻤﻟﻠـﺲ‬
‫اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﺪاﻟﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫وﻫﺬا ﻳﻨﻘﻠﻨﻲ إﻟﻰ أول ﺳﺆال ﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ورﲟﺎ اﻟﺴﺆال اﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻲ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ أﻫﻤﻴـﺔ‪ .‬إﻟـﻰ أي ﻣـﺪى ﳝﻜـﻦ أن ﻳﻜـﻮن‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ واﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ إدارة ﻫﺠﺮة أﻓـﻀﻞ‪ ،‬أو‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺜﻼ؟ وﻫﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﳋﺒﺮات اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻷوروﺑـﻲ ﻣـﺜﻼ ً‪ ،‬إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻜـﺮار ﺑـﺄي‬
‫رﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ؟‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‪ :‬ﺳﺆال‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ أن أﻧﺘﻘﻞ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ً إﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت واﻟﻄﺮق‪ ،‬ﻟﺪي ﺳﺆال واﻗﻌﻲ آﺧﺮ أود أن اﺳﺄﻟﻪ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ ﻟﻮرﻗـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺎران‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻳﻘﺘﺮح ﺗﺎران أن ﻳﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻮر اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻮع واﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻷﺧﺒﺎر وإﻋـﻼم اﻻﺗـﺼﺎﻻت‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳋﻮف ﻣﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ اﻷزﻣـﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﻨـﻲ‬
‫أﺟﺪ أن ﻫﺬه ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﻲ أود أن أﺳﺄل‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ؟ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻓـﻲ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻨـﺎ أن ﻧـﺴﺘﺠﻠﺐ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﻟﺼﻮرة اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ؟ أود أن أﺳﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ً‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎت‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﻫﻞ ﻫﻲ رﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻴﺘﺔ أم ﻻ ؟‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أوﻻ ً وﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲء‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ورﻗﺘﻴﻜﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﺘﺎﻫﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮان إﻟﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ أﻫﻢ اﻷﻃﺮ ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﲟﻔﻬـﻮم ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ وﻓـﻲ ﻧﻔـﺲ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﺪم ٌ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻜﻤﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻣﻔﺎدﻫﺎ أﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎد أن ﲡﺪ إﺣﺪى اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ أو اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ ﺻـﺎدﻗﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫وﻫﻜﺬا‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﻮل ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺔ‪" :‬أن ﺗﻠﻌـﻦ داﺧـﻞ اﻟﻜﻨﻴـﺴﺔ"‪ :‬ﻟﻜـﻦ‬
‫أﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺬه رﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻴﺘﺔ؟ ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺳـﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺘـﻮ ﻫـﺬا اﻟـﺼﺒﺎح‪ ،‬ﻓﻠـﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻬﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﺔ أي ﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻟﺴﺆال ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻲ ﻟﻜﻲ أﺟﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬا ﻟﻴﺲ دوري‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ دوري ﻫﻮ أن أﺳﺄﻟﻜﻢ اﻟﺴﺆال ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗـﻞ‪ ،‬وأن‬
‫أﺣﻀﺮ إﻟﻰ داﺋﺮة اﻟﺸﻚ اﻟﺘﺴﺎؤل ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ واﺳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻞ ﻳـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻓﺮﻗﺎ؟‬
‫ﻫﺬا‬
‫‪82‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إن ﻛﻨﺘﻢ ﺳﺘﺴﺄﻟﻮﻧﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك وﻗﺖ اﻵن ﻟﻠﺤﺚ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳌـﺼﺎدﻗﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟـﺬﻟﻚ أرﻏـﺐ أن أﻗﺘـﺮح أن ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻷﻓﻀﻞ أن ﻧﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت واﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪات اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ً واﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﺖ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬـﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻜـﺎد‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮر ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﳉﻮاﻧﺐ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﺮض إرﺷﺎدا ً ﻧــﺤﻮ‬
‫ﻫﺠﺮة ﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ وﻣﺮﺗﻜﺰة إﻟﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺎب اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻀﺮورﻳﺔ‪ .‬أود ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫أن اﺿﻴﻒ إﻟﻰ ﻫﺬا أن ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻻﻫﺎي‪ ،‬وﲟﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻋـﺪة ﺧﺒـﺮاء‪ ،‬ﻗـﺪ أﻧﺘﺠـﺖ ﺧﻼﺻـﺔ واﻓﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺨﺪم ﻛﺄداة ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ )اﶈﺎﻣﲔ( ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أﻣﺜـﺎﻟﻜﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻫﺬه اﳋﻼﺻﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻜـﻮن ﻛﺘﻴﺒـﺎ ً ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺎ ً ﻳﺴــﻬﻞ اﻟﻮﺻـﻮل إﻟﻴـﻪ‪ ،‬وﻳﻌـﺮض ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳـﻦ اﳌﻮﻓـﺮ ﻟﻬﺎ ‪ -‬أﺻـﻼ ً ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ اﻟﺜﻤﺎن واﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ‪.‬‬
‫إﺷﺮاك ﻗﻄﺎع اﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻳﺸﺎر ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ إﻟﻰ أﺻﺤﺎب ﻣـﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺘﻨـﻮﻋﲔ‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ ﻛـﺸﺮﻳﻚ اﺳـﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫أود أﻳﻀﺎ ً أن أﺿﻴﻒ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ اﻻﺛﻨﲔ ﻣﻦ أﺻﺤﺎب اﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﳌﻬﻤﲔ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﻐﻔﻼ‪:‬‬
‫اﻷول ﻫﻮ ﻗﻄﺎع اﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﻗﻄﺎع اﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺼﺪرا ً رﺋﻴﺴﺎ ً ﻟﻠﺨﺮوﻗﺎت‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ وﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗـﺖ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫اﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻷﻋﻤﺎل داﻓﻌﺎ ً ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ً ﻷﺟﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ اﻟﻘـﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ أﻳـﻀﺎ ً‪ .‬وﺑﻮﺿـﻊ ﻛﻬـﺬا‪ ،‬ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﺗﻜـﻮن‬
‫اﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﳊـﻮار‪ ،‬وﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﺗﻜـﻮن اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻣﺪرﺟـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺟـﺪول أﻋﻤـﺎل اﳌـﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ )‪ (CSR‬ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎع اﳌﺸﺘﺮك‪.‬‬
‫إﻧﻨﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ أن ورﻗﺔ ﺗﺎران ﺗﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ أﻋﻤﺎل أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬واﻻﺋﺘﻼف اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻛﺸﺮﻳﻜﲔ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻠﲔ‪.‬‬
‫واﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻜﺒﺮى‪:‬‬
‫إن ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﻵﺧﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﻨﺴﻰ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻜﺒﺮى‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أن ﺗﻌﻨﻰ "ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ" اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨـﺸﺄ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬واﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺼﺤﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﳊﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﺎرك اﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺎت‬
‫اﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﺤﻠﻔﺎء ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫـﻮ اﳌﺜـﺎل ﻓـﻲ ﻧﻈـﺎم‬
‫اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫راﺑﻌﺎ ً‪ :‬ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق اﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻴﻮم ‪ -‬أﺛﺮ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻲ أﺟﻤﻞ‪ ،‬أود أن أﺳﺘﺤﻀﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﺎش اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎق اﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻴﻮم؛ وأﻋﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺸﺎر إﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ورﻗﺔ ﺧﺎن‪ :‬إن ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻵن ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ اﺿﻤﺤﻼل ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬واﻷردن‪،‬‬
‫وﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﲟﻌﻄﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻀﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺪوث اﻷزﻣﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ اﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻗﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎرة اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪83‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻲ أﺿﻴﻒ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻧﻨﻲ أود أن أﺣﺬر ﻣﻦ أﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ وﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ اﺿـﻤﺤﻼل‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨـﻲ‬
‫أﺧﺸﻰ أﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﳑﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫اﳋﻮف ﻣﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎت ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ ووﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎق اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أﺧﺸﻰ أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات ﺳﻮف ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ أﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ذات‬
‫اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﺷﻲء ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إﻧﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻮق ﻷن أﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺎذا ﻳﺸﻌﺮ اﳌﺘﺤﺪﺛﺎن‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﳊﻀﻮر‪ ،‬ﺣﻮل اﻷﺛﺮ اﻟﺬي ﺳـﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﻸزﻣـﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﻜﻮن اﻟﺘﺼﺮف ﺣﻴﺎل ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺎ ً‪ :‬اﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎج ‪ -‬إدراج اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻮار ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺑﺪأت ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ اﻟﻮرﻗﺘﲔ ﻟﻨﻬﺠﻬﻤﺎ اﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ وﺿـﻌﺘﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬أود أﻳﻀﺎ ً أن أﺟﻤﻞ ﺑﻬﺬه اﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ‪ ،‬أﻻ وﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ أﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ أن ﻧـﺪﺧﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ وﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬـﻢ أن ﻧـﺸﻤﻞ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻮارات ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮات اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺈﻋﺠﺎب‪ :‬إدراج‪ .‬وﻛﻤﺎ ﰎ إدراج اﳉﻨﺲ ﻓـﻲ ﺟـﺪول اﻷﻋﻤـﺎل ﻛﻌﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون واﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﻼﺟﺌﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪوام ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫وﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑـﻲ اﳋـﺎﻣﺲ‪ ،‬أﺳـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻓﻘـﻂ أن آﻣـﻞ أن‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون واﻟﻼﺟﺌﻮن "ﻣﺪرﺟﲔ دوﻣﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺟﺪول اﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪".‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫دﻋﻮﻧﻲ أﺧﺘﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻤﻨﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻟﻜﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ً ﺑﺤﻮار ﻣﺜﻤﺮ وﻣﻠﻬﻢ إﻟﻰ أﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻳﺎم اﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫‪84‬‬
‫ﻋﺮض وﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻣﻦ أوروﺑﺎ واﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺣـﻮل ﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮة ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت‪.‬‬
‫‪86‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺻﻼح اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻀﻮ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺧﺎرج ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮف اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜـﺎن ﻵﺧـﺮ‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ ﺑﺘﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﻣﻜـﺎن‬
‫اﺳﺘﻘﺮارﻫﻢ اﻻﻋﺘﻴﺎدي‪ ،‬وﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ اﳌﻜﺎن‪ :‬داﺧﻠﻴﺔ أو ﺧﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ اﻟﻜـﻢ‪ :‬ﻓﺮدﻳـﺔ أو ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺐ اﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ أو داﺋﻤﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ اﻹرادة‪ :‬اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻳﺔ أو اﺿﻄﺮارﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪87‬‬
‫اﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎت ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ وأﺧﺮى إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫اﻻﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺳﻊ اﺠﻤﻟﺎل اﳊﻀﺮي ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎب اﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺛﺮوات اﻟﺮﻳﻒ ﻧـﺤﻮ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎت اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺿﻐﻂ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﻮارد اﻷرﻳـﺎف‪ ،‬اﻻﺳـﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣـﻦ ﲢـﻮﻳﻼت اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج وﺗﺘﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻰ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺠﺮة اﳌﻮاﻃﻦ اﳌﺼﺮي ﻣﻦ اﳉﻨﻮب اﻟﻰ اﻟﺸﻤﺎل ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺠﻮار وادي اﻟﻨﻴﻞ واﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺎة اﻟﺮﻳـﻒ‬
‫اﻟﻰ ﺣﻴﺎة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ و ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻰ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻰ اﻟﺪول اﻻﺧـﺮى اﳉﺎذﺑـﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ودول اﳋﻠﻴﺞ وﻛﻨﺪا ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺷﻚ أن اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻷﺧﻴﺮة ﺷﻬﺪت ﺗﻐﻴﺮا ً ﻫﺎﺋﻼ ً ﻓﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وزﻳﺎدة واﺿﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌـﺪﻻﺗﻬﺎ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺑﻠـﻎ‬
‫ﻋﺪد اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٦‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ٧‬ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻛﻤﺎ ورد ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎت اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻮزارة اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌـﺪ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫اﳌﺸﺮوﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻫﻢ ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ وﺗﻄﻮر وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﻞ وﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت و ﺗﻄﻮر أﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻹﺗﺼﺎﻻت‪.‬‬
‫وﳑﺎ ﻻ ﺷﻚ ﻓﻴﻪ أن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻚ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة ﻓﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻳـﺴﺔ ﳉـﺮاﺋﻢ اﻹﲡـﺎر‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ و اﻹﻧﻀﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ ,‬واﻟﺘﻲ ورد اﻟﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳊﻘﻮق ﻛﻤﺎ ورد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ واﳌـﺼﺪﻗﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ أول ‪ ,٢٠٠٧‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ وﺛﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻓﺌﺎت‪:‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ واﻷﻃﻔﺎل واﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻧﺘﻘﺎل اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ اﳉﻨﻮب واﻟـﺸﻤﺎل ﻫـﻲ اﻟـﻀﻤﺎﻧﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﲢﻘﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﻓﺈن اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻟﻲ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻮى ﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻹﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ‬
‫اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮة ﻟﻠﻘﺎرات‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﺪ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺸﺮوﻋﺔ ﻫﻲ اﳋﻄﻮة اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻠﺴﺔ اﻹﲡﺎر واﳉﺮﳝﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻫﻢ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻨﻀﻤﺔ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ ‪ ٦٣‬وذﻟـﻚ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬــﻮري رﻗــﻢ ‪ ٤٤٦‬ﻟـﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٩١‬ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻮاﻓﻘـﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ ٢٦‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن ﻛﺎﻧﻮن أول ‪ .١٩٩٢‬وﻗﺪ ﰎ ﻧﺸﺮه ﺑﺎﳉﺮﻳﺪة‬
‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ وﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪد ‪ ٣١‬ﻓﻲ ‪ ٥‬آب ‪ ١٩٩٣‬وﻓﻘﺎ ً ﻟﻺﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ اﳌﻘﺮرة‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﲢﻔﻈـﺖ ﻣـﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺎدة اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ واﻟﻔﻘﺮة اﻟﺴﺎدﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺎدة اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻋﺸﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ وﺗـﻮﻟﻲ ﻣـﺼﺮ اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣـﺎ ً‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮا ً ﺑﻈﺎﻫﺮة اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ إﺣﺪى أﻫﻢ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟـﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ وذﻟـﻚ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫إﻃﺎر أﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻷﻃﺮاف وإﺳﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻮرة إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺻـﻴﺎﻏﺔ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺼﺪى ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳉﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ وﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة ﻟﻠﺠﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﺑﺮة اﳊﺪود‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ وﻋﻠﻰ رأﺳﻬﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻷﻓﺮاد‪ .‬ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺻﺪﻗﺖ ﻣـﺼﺮ ﻣـﻦ واﻗـﻊ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻬـﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌـﺎون اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت واﻷدوات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ذات اﻟـﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺗـﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﻗﻮاﻧﻴﻨﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺎت ﺻﺎرﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺮاﺋﻢ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨـﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ 63‬ﻣﺮﻓﻖ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﻘﺪم ﻣﻦ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺆون اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻼﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫‪88‬‬
‫أ‪ .‬اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫‪٦٤‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺟﺮﳝﺔ اﻹﺑﺎدة اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﳌﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٤٨‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻗﻤﻊ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص واﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﺑﻐﺎء اﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٤٩‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻀـﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٦٦‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺟﺮﳝﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي واﳌﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٧٣‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٦٧‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺮأة ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٥٢‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﳌﺮأة ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٧٩‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﳋﺎص ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٦٦‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﳋﺎص ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٦٦‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ وﻏﻴﺮه ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮوب اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ أو اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺳـﻴﺔ أو اﻟﻼإﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ أو اﳌﻬﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٨٤‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٨٩‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻌﺎب اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٨٥‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٩٠‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٨٢‬ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٩‬ﺑﺸﺄن ﺣﻈﺮ أﺳﻮأ أﺷﻜﺎل ﻋﻤـﻞ اﻷﻃﻔـﺎل‪ ،‬اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫اﻧﻀﻤﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗﻢ ‪ ٦٩‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل اﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎري اﻷول ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ واﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺒﻴﻊ اﻷﻃﻔـﺎل واﺳـﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﻢ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺒﻐـﺎء‬
‫وﻓﻲ اﳌﻮاد اﳋﻠﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٠٤‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٣٨‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻟﺴﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗﻢ ‪ ٦٧‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪١٩٩٩‬‬
‫ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻣﻨﻊ وﻗﻤﻊ وﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص وﺑﺨﺎﺻـﺔ اﻟﻨـﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔـﺎل‪ ،‬اﳌﻜﻤـﻞ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻷﱈ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬـﻮري رﻗـﻢ ‪٢٩٥‬‬
‫ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺮق اﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺠﻨﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ أﻳﻠﻮل ‪ ١٩٢٦‬واﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل اﳋﺎص ﺑﺘﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ )ﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫أﻳﺔ ﲢﻔﻈﺎت(‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٢٩‬اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺨﺮة واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻹﺟﺒﺎري ﻟﻌﺎم ‪) ١٩٣٠‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺪ ﻣـﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫أﻳﺔ ﲢﻔﻈﺎت(‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص واﺳﺘﻐﻼل دﻋـﺎرة اﻟﻐﻴـﺮ ﻟـﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٥٠‬وذﻟـﻚ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﺮار‬
‫اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗﻢ ‪ ٨٨٤‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪) ١٩٥٩‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ أﻳﺔ ﲢﻔﻈﺎت(‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻤﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻹﺑﻄﺎل اﻟﺮق وﲡﺎرة اﻟﺮﻗﻴﻖ واﻷﻋﺮاف واﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺎت اﻟﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﺮق ﻟﻌـﺎم ‪) ١٩٥٦‬ﻟـﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أﻳﺔ ﲢﻔﻈﺎت(‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٠٥‬اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﺮﱘ ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﺨﺮة ﻟﻌﺎم ‪) ١٩٥٧‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺪ ﻣـﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ أﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﲢﻔﻈﺎت(‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪) ١٩٦٦‬اﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗﻢ ‪ ٥٣٦‬ﻟﻌﺎم ‪(١٩٨١‬‬
‫اﻹﻋﻼن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪١٩٥٩‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﳌﺮأة ﻟﻌﺎم ‪) ٦٥ ١٩٨٠‬ﻗﺮار رﺋـﻴﺲ اﳉﻤﻬﻮرﻳـﺔ رﻗـﻢ ‪٤٣٤‬‬
‫ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.(١٩٨١‬‬
‫‪ 64‬وﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ وﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻨﻈـﺎم اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﳌـﺼﺮي‬
‫وﺗﻠﺘﺰم اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ و إﻧﻔﺎذ اﻷﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﺺ اﳌﺎدة ‪ ١٥١‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر اﳌﺼﺮي‪.‬‬
‫‪ 65‬ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ اﳌﺎدة اﻟﺴﺎدﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪول ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ – ﲟﺎ ﻓـﻲ ذﻟـﻚ اﻟﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻊ‪ -‬ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ أﺷـﻜﺎل اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑـﺎﳌﺮأة‬
‫واﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳌﺮأة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻐﺎء‪.‬‬
‫‪89‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﻗﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٥ - ١١‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن أول ‪ ،٢٠٠٠‬وﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻟﻬـﺎ اﻻﺧﺘﻴـﺎري اﳌﻜﻤـﻞ اﳋـﺎص ﲟﻨـﻊ وﻗﻤـﻊ‬
‫وﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻷﻓﺮاد وﺑﺨﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻓﻲ آذار ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬وﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺪ أي ﲢﻔﻈﺎت ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻋﺎم ‪) ٦٦ ١٩٨٩‬ﻗﺮار اﻟﺴﻴﺪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٢٦٠‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪.(١٩٩٠‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل اﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎري ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﺑﺸﺄن ﺑﻴﻊ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل واﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻐـﺎء وﻓـﻲ اﳌـﻮاد‬
‫اﳋﻠﻴﻌﺔ )ﻗﺮار اﻟﺴﻴﺪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ‪ ٢٩٥‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪.(٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫ﻣﻴﺜﺎق ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ اﻟﺬي أﻗﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ‪ ١٩٨٣‬واﻟـﺬي ﺣﻈـﺮ ﻓـﻲ ﻣـﻮاده اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل اﻷﺧﻼﻗـﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل وﻧﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﻨﺴﻖ اﳉﻬﻮد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟـﺔ‬
‫ورﻋﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ )ﻗﺮار اﻟﺴﻴﺪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٣٥٦‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪.(١٩٩٣‬‬
‫اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ورﻓﺎﻫﻴﺘﻪ اﻟﺬي أﻗﺮ ﺑﺄدﻳﺲ أﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ١٩٩٠/٧/٧‬واﻟﺬي ﺣﺚ ﻣـﻦ ﺿـﻤﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮاده اﻟﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف ﻣﻊ اﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﺘـﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻼزﻣـﺔ ﻟﻠﻘـﻀﺎء ﻋﻠـﻲ ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ أﺷـﻜﺎل اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨـﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل أو ﺳـﻮء اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ اﳉﻨـﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺿـﺎﻓﺔ إﻟـﻰ اﺗﺨـﺎذ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﲟﻨﻊ اﺧﺘﻄﺎف أو اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﻷي ﻏﺮض )ﻗﺮار اﻟﺴﻴﺪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﺮﻗﻢ ‪ ٣٣‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫‪.(٢٠٠١‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٨٢‬ﺑﺸﺄن ﺣﻈﺮ أﺳﻮأ أﺷﻜﺎل ﻋﻤﻞ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل واﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻔﻮرﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺎم ‪) ١٩٩٩‬ﻗﺮار اﻟﺴﻴﺪ رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٦٩‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪.(٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ب‪ -‬اﳌﻮاﺛﻴﻖ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﳌﻨﻀﻤﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﻮاﻧﺐ اﶈﺪدة ﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻓﻲ أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻟﻌـﺎم ‪١٩٦٩‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗﻢ ‪ ٣٣٢‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪١٩٨٠‬؛‬
‫اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﺸﻌﻮب ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٨٠‬اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗـﻢ‬
‫‪ ٧٧‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪١٩٨٤‬؛‬
‫اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٨٣‬اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗـﻢ ‪ ٣٥٦‬ﻟـﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫‪١٩٩٣‬؛‬
‫اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ورﻓﺎﻫﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٠‬اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬـﻮري رﻗـﻢ‬
‫‪ ٣٣‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪٢٠٠١‬؛‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﳌﺮأة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٢‬اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﻀﻤﺖ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮار اﳉﻤﻬﻮري رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٣٣‬ﻟـﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫‪.٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫ج ‪ -‬اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺪﻋﺎرة ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٦١‬وﻫﻮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻳﺠﺮم ﻛﺎﻓﺔ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻻﲡـﺎر ﻓـﻲ اﻷﻓـﺮاد‪ ،‬ﲟـﺎ ﻳﺘـﺴﻖ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت ﻣﺼﺮ ﲡﺎه اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳌﻨﻊ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﻟﻌﺎم ‪.١٩٥١‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﻏﺴﻴﻞ اﻷﻣﻮال اﻟﺬي ﰎ إﻗﺮاره ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن رﻗﻢ ‪ ٨٩‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٦٠‬ﻓﻲ ﺷﺄن ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ دﺧـﻮل وإﻗﺎﻣـﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻓـﻲ أراﺿـﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳـﺔ ﻣـﺼﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ واﳋﺮوج ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﳌﻌﺪل ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ أرﻗﺎم ‪ ٤٩‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٦٨‬و ‪ ١٢٤‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٨٠‬و‪ ١٠٠‬ﻟـﺴﻨﺔ ‪،١٩٨٣‬‬
‫وﻛﺬا ﻗﺮارات وزﻳﺮ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ اﳌﻠﺤﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻮاده‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻮﺣﺪ اﳉﺪﻳﺪ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٢‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬وﻻﺋﺤﺘـﻪ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳـﺔ ﺑـﺸﺄن ﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺎت إﳊـﺎق‬
‫‪ 66‬ﺗﻨﺎوﻟﺖ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻮادﻫﺎ إﻟﺰام اﻟﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ ﻧﻘـﻞ اﻷﻃﻔـﺎل إﻟـﻰ اﳋـﺎرج وﻋـﺪم ﻋـﻮدﺗﻬﻢ ﺑـﺼﻮرة ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺔ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ إﻟﺰام اﻟﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ واﻹدارﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ اﳌﻼﺋﻤـﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻄﻔـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﺔ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ أو اﻟﻀﺮر أو اﻹﺳﺎءة اﻟﺒﺪﻧﻴﺔ أو اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴـﺔ وإﺳـﺎءة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ أو اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل ﲟـﺎ ﻓـﻲ ذﻟـﻚ اﻹﺳـﺎءة واﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨـﺴﻰ‪ ،‬وﻣﻨـﻊ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﻢ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﻋﺎرة أو ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺎت اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺸﺮوﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪90‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪاﺧﻞ أو اﳋﺎرج‪ ،‬وﺿﻮاﺑﻂ إﺻﺪار ﺗـﺼﺎرﻳﺢ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‪ ،‬وﺿـﻮاﺑﻂ ﺗـﺸﻐﻴﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻄﻔﻞ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٢‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٩٦‬واﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﻮزارﻳﺔ اﳌﻨﻔﺬة ﻟﻪ واﻟﺘﻲ اﺷﺘﻘﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴـﺔ أﺣﻜﺎﻣـﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﻲ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻟﻌـﺎم ‪ ١٩٨٩‬واﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﺆﻛـﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ أﺣﻘﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﳑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪم ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﺪى ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ دوﻟﻴﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﳌﻮاﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﻫـﺬا‬
‫وﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺪؤوب إﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﻨـﲔ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻗﺪر ﺣﺮﺻﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ إﺿﻔﺎء اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﳊﻘﻮق ُ ِ‬
‫اﳌﺒﺎدئ وﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮاﺛﻴﻖ دوﻟﻴﺔ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺔ وواﺿـﺤﺔ ﻳـﺼﺎغ ﻣـﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬـﺎ اﻻﻟﺘـﺰام ﺑـﺎﺣﺘﺮام ﻫـﺬه اﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ وﺗﻨﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﻌﻰ إﻟﻰ إﻳﺠﺎد اﻵﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ وﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ إﻧﻔﺎذ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬وﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻓﻲ ذات اﻟﻮﻗﺖ إﻗﺮار ﻫﺬه اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟـﺼﻌﻴﺪ اﻟـﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒـﺎر أن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﳉﺮﻳﺪة اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﺎر ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﳌﺎﺛﻠﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻧﻀﻤﺎم ﻣﺼﺮ ﻟﻌﺪد ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﳊﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺛﻼﺛﻴﺔ اﻷﺑﻌﺎد ﺣﻴﺚ اﻧﻬﺎ دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ‪ Transit‬ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء ﺳـﻌﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ رﻋﺎﻳـﺎ اﻟـﺪول اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴـﺔ ﺟﻨـﻮب اﻟـﺼﺤﺮاء ودول ﺟﻨـﻮب ﺷـﺮق آﺳـﻴﺎ وﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳـﺎت اﻻﲢـﺎد‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﺘﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ وﺷﺮق أوروﺑﺎ )وأﻏﻠﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء( إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﻢ إﻣﺎ إﻟﻰ إﺳﺮاﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺒـﺮ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺮاء ﺳﻴﻨﺎء وﲟﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﺒﺪو ﺑﻐﺮض ﳑﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﺒﻐﺎء أو إﻟﻰ أوروﺑـﺎ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗﻌـﺪ ﻗﻨـﺎة اﻟـﺴﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻌﺒـﺮا ً‬
‫رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎ ً ﺗﺴﺘﻐﻠﻪ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻷﻓﺮاد وﺗﻬﺮﻳـﺐ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﺷـﺮﻋﻲ ﻋﺒـﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻔﻦ اﳌﺎرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻨﺎة‪ .‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ اﺑﺮز اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻨﺎﲡﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﳌﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻻﻧـﺴﺎن ﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﺟﺮﳝﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ,‬ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﻃﻔﺎل واﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ,‬اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ ,‬اﻟﻠﺠـﻮء وﻣـﺎ ﻳﻨـﺘﺞ ﻋﻨـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻓﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﻻﻫﻠﻴﺔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ اﻧﻬﺎ دوﻟﺔ ﻣﺼﺪرة ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻰ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ دوﻟﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ووﻓﻘﺎ ً ﳌﺎ ورد إﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳉﻬﺎت اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻌﻠﻢ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺟﻬﻮدا ً ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل‬
‫ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﻨﺎﻓﺬ اﳌـﺸﺮوﻋﺔ وﻏﻴـﺮ اﳌـﺸﺮوﻋﺔ ﻟﻠـﺪﺧﻮل إﻟـﻰ واﳋـﺮوج ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺒﻼد‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﺎوﻟـﺔ إﺣﻜـﺎم‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت اﻟﺘﺴﻠﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺸﺮوﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺮاﺋﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﻟﻠﻄﻔﻞ ﲤﺘﻌﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﻓـﺔ اﳊﻘـﻮق وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ أﺷـﻜﺎل اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل وﺗﺘﻤﺜـﻞ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻣـﺼﺮ ﻛـﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻘـﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎم اﻷول ﻟﻠﻄﻔﻞ اﳌﺼﺮي واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﳌﺪى اﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎم اﻟﺬي ﺗﻮﻟﻴﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻄﻔﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﻮد اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫أوﻻ ً‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﲤﺮات وورش اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﲟﻌﺎﳉﺔ اﺑﺮز ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌـﺼﺮﻳﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج و ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ اﻟﻮﻗﻮف ﻋﻠﻰ اﺑﺮز ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬﻢ وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺣﻠﻮل ﻟﻬـﺎ وﻗـﺪ ﻋﻘـﺪ ﻓـﻲ ‪ ٢٠٠٧/٨/١٨‬ﻣـﺆﲤﺮ ﺧـﺎص‬
‫ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج وﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﺺ اﻟﻰ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫وﺿﻊ إﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼت وإﻣﻜﺎﻧـﺎت اﳌـﺼﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج ﺗﻨﺘﻬـﻲ إﻟـﻰ ﺗﻌـﺪﻳﻼت‬
‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ وإﺟﺮاءات ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺗـﺴﺘﻬﺪف ﺗﻨﻤﻴـﺔ اﻟـﺮواﺑﻂ اﻹﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ و اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج واﻟﻮﻃﻦ اﻷم‪.‬‬
‫‪91‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج ﻳﺮﻋﺎه اﺠﻤﻟﻠـﺲ اﻟﻘـﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن وﺗـﺸﺘﺮك ﻓﻴـﻪ‬
‫وزارات اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ واﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎت اﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ واﳉﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج وﻳﻜـﻮن ﻟـﻪ ﺟـﺪول اﻋﻤـﺎل ﻳﻄـﺮح‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ‪:‬‬
‫أ‪-‬‬
‫ب‪-‬‬
‫ت‪-‬‬
‫ث‪-‬‬
‫ج‪-‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫‪.٥‬‬
‫‪.٦‬‬
‫‪.٧‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎء ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧـﺎت ﺣﺪﻳﺜـﺔ وﺷـﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻤـﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج وﲢﺪﻳـﺪ ﺳـﺒﻞ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون ﺑـﲔ اﻟﺒﻌﺜـﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﺪول اﳌﻀﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﺘﻴﺴﻴﺮ اﺟﺮاءات رﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﳌـﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج ﺗـﻀﻢ ﳑﺜﻠـﻲ اﻟـﻮزارات اﳌﻌﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫وﳑﺜﻠﻲ اﳉﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج وﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ اﻟﻰ ﺧﻄﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ذات اﻓﻖ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ واﺧﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﳌـﺪى )‪٣-١‬‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮات(‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ اﳉﻮاﻧـﺐ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴـﺔ واﻟﻔﻨﻴـﺔ واﳌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﳌـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌـﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻹﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎءات واﻹﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﺎرك ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎت ﲟـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻬﻴﺌـﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ واﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ وﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺪور أﺟﻬـﺰة اﻟﺪوﻟـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺷـﺆون اﳌـﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج وأﻫﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻟﺪى اﻟﺒﻌﺜﺎت اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﻨﺼﻠﻴﺔ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج ﺗﺸﺘﺮك ﻓﻴﻬﺎ وﺳـﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋـﻼم‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻹﻋﺪاد ﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج ﺧـﻼل ﺧﺮﻳـﻒ ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﺑﻌـﺪ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﺎت ﲢـﻀﻴﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻨـﺎﻗﺶ‬
‫اﻷوﺿﺎع اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول واﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺮاﻋﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫واﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺎت اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎﻻت اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻏﻴـﺮ اﳌـﺸﺮوﻋﺔ‬
‫وﻣﻼﺣﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮي اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ واﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪.‬‬
‫دﻋﻮة اﻷوﺳﺎط اﻷﻛﺎدﳝﻴﺔ وﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث ﻹﻳﻼء ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة وأوﺿـﺎع‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ‪.‬‬
‫وﺟﻮد ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺔ اﻟﺪﳝﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج‪.‬‬
‫اﻷﺳﺮاع ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺸﺮوع اﻟﺮﻗﻢ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻴﺸﻤﻞ اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺎرج وﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻘﻨﺼﻠﻴﺎت واﻟﺒﻌﺜﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج‪.‬‬
‫وﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﻋﻠـﻲ اﳌـﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج وﻓﻘـﺎ ﻷﻧـﻮاع اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج وﲟـﺎ ﻳـﻮﻓﺮ اﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ اﻟﻸزﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج وﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﳌﻌﺪﻻت اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ اﻋﻘﺒﺔ اﳌﺆﲤﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨﺔ واﻟﺬي ﺻﺪر ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ اﻋﻼن اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ ‪.٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪ ﲟﻘﺮ اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﻧـﺪوة ﲢـﺖ ﻋﻨـﻮان "ﲢـﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫وﻓﺮص اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ" ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٢٦/٢٥‬آذار ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬وﻗﺪ رﻛﺰت اﻟﻨﺪوة ﻋﻠـﻰ أﺑﻌـﺎدا ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫وﻣﻨﻬﺎ رؤى إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ وﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ودﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓـﻲ ﻣـﺼﺮ واﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ ﺑـﺸﺄن‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ وﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ وﺗﻌﻤﻴـﻖ اﻟـﻮﻋﻲ ﺑـﺴﺒﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴـﻞ ﺳـﻠﺒﻴﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ وﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل ﻃـﺮح رؤى وﲡـﺎرب ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻟﻠـﺪول اﳌـﺼﺪرة واﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ودور‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺳـﻊ ﻓـﻲ ﻫﺠـﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ وﻓـﺮت ﻓـﺮص ﻟﺘﺤـﺴﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻬﻢ ﲟﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﳑﺜﻠﲔ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ووزارة اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌـﺼﺮﻳﺔ وﺳـﻔﺮاء‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ اوﺿﺢ ﳑﺜﻞ وزارة اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﲔ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪92‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮا إﻟﻰ اﻹﺳﻬﺎم اﻻﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﺿـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺪ اﻟـﺪﻣﺎر اﻟـﺬي ﺧﻠﻔﺘـﻪ اﳊـﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﺷﺪد ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺘﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ دول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﻨـﺪ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮا إﻟﻰ أن ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﳌﺼﺪرة ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺼﻞ ﻋـﺪدﻫﻢ ﻣـﻦ ‪ ٦‬إﻟـﻰ ‪ ٧‬ﻣﻼﻳـﲔ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ ،‬وﺛﻠﺚ ﻫﺆﻻء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻮﻟﻮن اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ ً ﺑﻘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ً‬
‫اﻗﺎم اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة دورة ﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﲟﻘﺮ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺘﺮة ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢٦-٢٨‬آب ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﺰت اﻟﺪورة اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺑﻴـﺎن ﻋـﺪد ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة وﺑﻴﺎن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ واﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ وﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻠﻘـﺎة ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋـﺎﺗﻖ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻻﻓﺮاد واﻟﺪول‪.‬‬
‫راﺑﻌﺎ ً‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻧﺴﺎن دورة ﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﲟﻘﺮ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﲢﺖ ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠـﺮة وﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻻﻧﺴﺎن اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪار ﻳﻮﻣﲔ ‪ ٤‬و ‪ ٥‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺛـﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫‪. ٢٠٠٩‬‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪت اﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﺪورة ﺑﺤﻀﻮر ﺛﻼﺛﻮن ﻣﺘﺪرب ﳑﺜﻠﲔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﺠـﺎن اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﺑـﺎﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ وﳑﺜﻠـﲔ ﻋـﻦ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﻦ وزارة‬
‫اﳋﺎرﺟﻴﺔ‪ ,‬اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ,‬اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ,‬اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ,‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻣﻌﻬﺪ دراﺳﺎت اﻟـﺴﻼم‪,‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ,‬ﻣﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ ﺷﺆون اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ,‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎوﻟﺖ اﻟﺪورة اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺮض ﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻧﺴﺎن اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ,‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﺎر‪ ,‬ﺣﻘﻮق اﻻﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﲔ‪ ,‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ‪ ١١١‬ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٨٢‬اﳋﺎص ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج‪ ,‬اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑﲔ اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ وﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤـﻊ اﳌـﺪﻧﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﻣـﺼﺮ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺎ ً‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮم اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻴﻮﻧـﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻌﻘـﺪ اﳌـﺆﲤﺮ اﻷول ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺘـﺪى اﳊـﻮار‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ اﻟﺪاﺋﻢ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟـﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻔﺘـﺮة ﻣـﻦ ‪ ٩-٧‬ﻛـﺎﻧﻮن أول ‪ ،٢٠٠٩‬واﻟـﺬي ﺳـﻴﻨﺎﻗﺶ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ أﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ وﻣﺤﺎوره اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .١‬اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ‬
‫‪ .٢‬اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ .٣‬اﻹﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‬
‫‪93‬‬
‫اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺠﻮب اﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ‬
‫اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫واﻟﺴﻴﺪ أﻣﺒﺎرك ﺑﻮدرﻗﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻀﻮ‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻐﺎرﺑﺔ ﺧﺎرج اﳌﻐﺮب‬
‫‪94‬‬
‫إﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إذ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﲟﻨﺄى ﻋﻨﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﻰ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ دﻗﻴﻖ ﻟﻌﺪد اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟـﺪول‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ذات اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدات ﻓﻲ أوﺿﺎع اﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆدي ﻏﻴﺎب اﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎت اﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ أو اﻧﻌـﺪام أو ﻧﻘـﺼﺎن اﳌﻌﻄﻴـﺎت إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮرة ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ودﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﻬﺠﺮات‪ .‬وﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ ﻫـﺬه‬
‫اﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟـﺪ ﺗﻮاﻓـﻖ ﻋـﺎم ﺣـﻮل ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ اﳌـﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت اﳌﻔﺘـﺎح ﻣﺜـﻞ "اﻟﻬﺠـﺮات اﻻﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻳﺔ"‬
‫و"اﻟﻬﺠﺮات اﻟﺪاﺋﻤﺔ" و"اﻟﻬﺠﺮات ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻳﻀﺎف إﻟـﻰ ذﻟـﻚ أن ﻃـﺮق ﺟﻤـﻊ اﳌﻌﻄﻴـﺎت ﺗﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺼﻮرة ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﺔ وذات دﻻﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت اﳌﻘﺎرﻧﺔ اﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺪول‪.‬‬
‫وأﺧﻴﺮا‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮات ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ أو ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ وﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻏﻴـﺮ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒـﺎ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮن ﻧﺎدرة وﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول ذات اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﳌﺘﻄﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ اﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎت‪.‬‬
‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻬﻲ أن اﻟﻬﺠﺮات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﺖ اﻟﻴﻮم ارﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎ ﻛﺒﻴﺮا ﻋﺒـﺮ اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬إذ أن‬
‫ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ٢٠٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن وﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺧﺎرج ﺑﻠـﺪﻫﻢ اﻷﺻـﻠﻲ‪ .‬وﺗـﺸﻴﺮ ﺗﻘـﺪﻳﺮات اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ إﻟﻰ أن أﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‪ ،‬أي ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ١٢٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو ﻣﻦ أﻓﺮاد‬
‫أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻣﻦ اﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ أن ﻳﺘﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﺪد ﻓﻲ رﺑﻊ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳊﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬وإذا ﻛﺎن اﻟﻌﺪد اﻹﺟﻤـﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ارﺗﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻋﺪد اﻟﺪول اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ودول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻗﺪ ارﺗﻔﻊ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٧٠‬ﻛﺎن ﻋـﺪد دول اﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎل‬
‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ أول اﻟﺪول اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ ‪ ٦٤‬دوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ﺗﺰﻳـﺪ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫اﳌﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬إذا أﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺴﺒﺎن ﺗﻔﺘﺖ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ وﻳﻮﻏﻮﺳﻼﻓﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ واﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎن وﻣﺎﻟﻴﺰﻳـﺎ‬
‫وﻓﻨﺰوﻳﻼ ﻓﻘﺪ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ دول اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أن ﺑﻨﺠﻼدﻳﺶ وﻣﺼﺮ وأﻧﺪوﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺿـﻤﻦ‬
‫دول اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﲡﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﻓﻀﺎءات اﳌﻐﺎدرة أو اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻴﻮم اﻧﺸﻐﺎﻻ رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺪول‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت وﺑﺮﳌﺎﻧﺎت وﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت دوﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺮح اﻟﻴﻮم أﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻣﻀﻰ ﺿﺮورة وﺿﻊ وﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳌﻮارد اﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺪي ﻟﻬﺠﺮات‬
‫اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻬﺪف اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ دول اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ودول اﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮاء‪ ،‬وﻛﺬا ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮﻓﻊ ﻣﻦ رﻓﺎه اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ أن ﻋﺪد اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ أو اﻷﻣﻦ ﻋﺒـﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺮﺷﺢ ﻟﻼرﺗﻔﺎع‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻮﺳـﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠـﺔ ﺑﺘﺤـﺴﲔ ﺗـﺪﺑﻴﺮ أوﺿـﺎع‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق ﰎ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻋﺪة ﻧﺼﻮص دوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﻮل ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﻬـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳋـﺼﻮص‪ ،‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﻓﻲ ‪ ١٨‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن أول‪ ،١٩٩٠‬واﻟﺘـﻲ دﺧﻠـﺖ ﺣﻴـﺰ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻓﻲ اﻷول ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﲤﻮز ‪.٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫وﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﺠﻤﻟﻬﻮد اﳌﻌﻴﺎري اﻟﺬي ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﻪ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت وﻣﻨﻬﺎ أﺳﺎﺳﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٤٨‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻧﻈﺎم دوﻟﻲ ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻧﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ‪ ,‬اﳌﺮض‪ ,‬اﻟﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ‪,‬اﻟﻮﻓـﺎة‪،‬‬
‫واﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﺳﻨﺔ ‪١٩٣٥‬؛‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٩٧‬ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﺳﻨﺔ ‪١٩٤٩‬؛‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٤٣‬ﺣﻮل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوﺿﺎع ﺗﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ وﺣﻮل اﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺮص وﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺠﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﺳﻨﺔ ‪١٩٧٥‬؛‬
‫‪95‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٨٦‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﺳﻨﺔ ‪١٩٤٩‬؛‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٠٠‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول واﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ ‪١٩٥٥‬؛‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٥١‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﺳﻨﺔ ‪.١٩٧٥‬‬
‫اﳌﻐﺮب وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ اﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ واﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺘـﺄﻣﲔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻐﺎرﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب‪ .‬وﻳﺮاﻋﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺮﺟﻌﻲ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ ﻣـﻊ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﲢﺪﻳﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﻼءﻣﺔ‪ .‬وﺳﺘﺘﻤﺤﻮر ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﺬي‬
‫ﻳﻨﻈﻢ ﺷﺮوط ﻋﻤﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ اﻟﺘﻄﺮق ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎل ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬وﻛﺬا اﻟﺮﻫﺎﻧﺎت واﻵﻓﺎق‪.‬‬
‫اﻹﻃﺎر اﳌﺮﺟﻌﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪:‬‬
‫اﻋﺘﻤﺪت اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٩٠‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ دوﻟﻴـﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﻐﺮض ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻬﺸﺎﺷﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﻬﺪف ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺋﻴﺴﻲ إﻟﻰ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ واﺣﺘﺮام اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻛﺎﻧﻮا‬
‫ﻓﻲ وﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ أم ﻻ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲢﺎول إﻗﺮار ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ دوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬وﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺪول‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻬﺎ وﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ دوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻼءﻣﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﳌﺘﻌﺎرف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ دوﻟﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻻﲡﺎه اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﳌﺒـﺎدئ واﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟـﻮاردة ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺼﻜﻮك اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻹﻋﻼن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻬـﺪ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ اﳌﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑـﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴـﺔ واﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺈزاﻟﺔ ﻛﻞ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺈزاﻟﺔ ﻛـﻞ أﺷـﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ ﺿـﺪ اﳌـﺮأة‬
‫واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻬﺎ ﲡﺪد ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ أﻫﺪاف اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻬﺎدﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻧـﻮن‬
‫ﻣﺸﻐﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻠﺪﻫﻢ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫وﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻐﺮض‪ ،‬وﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺘﺰم اﻟﺪول اﻷﻃﺮاف‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت اﻟـﺼﻜﻮك اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺄﻣﲔ اﺣﺘﺮام وﺿﻤﺎن اﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﻌﺘﺮف ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪون ﲤﻴﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻟـﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫اﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ أوﻟﺖ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻈﺮوف ﻋﻤـﻞ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﻟﻬـﺬا اﻟﻐـﺮض ﰎ اﻋﺘﻤـﺎد ﻋـﺪة‬
‫ﻧﺼﻮص ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺄوﺿﺎﻋﻬﻢ ﻛﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳋﺼﻮص اﻟﻨﺼﻮص اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٤٣‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ ﻇـﺮوف ﺗﻌـﺴﻔﻴﺔ وﺑـﺎﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺎﳌـﺴﺎواة ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻔـﺮص‬
‫وﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪:‬‬
‫‪96‬‬
‫ﻳﺪﺧﻞ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺮص وﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﲟﻘﺘـﻀﻰ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ "اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ" ﻛﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﻬﺎﺟﺮ أو ﻫﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻵﺧﺮ ﺑﻐﺮض اﳊـﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﳊﻪ ﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ اﺳﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮا‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ دوﻟﺔ ﻃـﺮف أن ﺗﻠﺘـﺰم ﺑـﺎﺣﺘﺮام اﳊﻘـﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﳉﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وأن ﺗﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ وﺑﺼﻮرة ﳑﻨﻬﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ وﺟﻮد ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ ﻗـﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻧـﻮن ﻣـﺸﻐﻠﲔ داﺧـﻞ‬
‫إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬أو اﺳﺘﻘﺮوا أو ﻳﻌﺒﺮون ﻫﺬا اﻷﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬا ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﻬﺠﺮات ﻷﻏﺮاض اﻟـﺸﻐﻞ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﻗـﺪ ﻳﺨـﻀﻊ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﺧﻼل ﺳﻔﺮﻫﻢ أو وﺻﻮﻟﻬﻢ أو إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻟـﺸﺮوط ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺔ ﻟﻠـﺼﻜﻮك واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎت ﻣﺘﻌـﺪدة‬
‫اﻷﻃﺮاف أو اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ أو ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﻠﺘﺰم ﻛﻞ دوﻟﺔ ﻃﺮف ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟـﻀﺮورﻳﺔ ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺿـﻤﺎن اﺗـﺼﺎﻻت وﺗﺒـﺎدل‬
‫اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﳑﻨﻬﺠﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬وﻛﺬا اﻟﺘﺸﺎور ﻣﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺎت اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻠﻴـﺔ ﻟﻠﻤـﺸﻐﻠﲔ واﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻃﺒﻘـﺎ ﻟﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻌﻬﺎ اﻟـﺪاﺧﻠﻲ ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ اﻟﺘﺤـﺮي ﺑـﺼﻮرة ﻓﻌﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻋﻨـﺪ اﻟـﻀﺮورة ﺗﻄﺒﻴـﻖ ﺟـﺰاءات إدارﻳـﺔ وﻣﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫وﺟﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻏﻴـﺮ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻷﻏﺮاض اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺷﺮوﻃﺎ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻃﺒﻘـﺎ ﻟﻠﻤـﺎدة اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴـﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻀﻲ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻷﻏﺮاض اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎره ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ أو ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻘﺪاﻧﻪ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻪ اﻟﺬي ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐـﻲ أن ﻳـﺆدي ﻓـﻲ ﺣـﺪ ذاﺗـﻪ إﻟـﻰ ﺳـﺤﺐ‬
‫رﺧﺼﺔ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺠﺮ اﳌﻌﻨﻲ أو ﺳﺤﺐ رﺧﺼﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﻠﺰم ﻛﻞ دوﻟﺔ ﻃﺮف ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻠﻮرة وﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻃﺮﻗﺎ ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻼﺋﻤـﺔ ﻟﻠﻈـﺮوف‬
‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻨﻬﻮض وﺿﻤﺎن اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺮص واﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎل اﻟـﺸﻐﻞ واﳌﻬﻨـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﳊﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻔﺮدﻳـﺔ واﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻟﻸﺷـﺨﺎص اﳌﻮﺟـﻮدﻳﻦ ﻓـﻮق‬
‫إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻛﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو ﻛﺄﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻃﺮد ﻋﺎﻣﻞ أو أﺳﺮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻷﺧﻴﺮة ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺣﻮال أن ﺗﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﺒﺊ ذﻟﻚ اﻹﺟﺮاء‪.‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٤٨‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎم دوﻟﻲ ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻧﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﻋﻦ اﳌﺮض واﻟﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ واﻟﻮﻓﺎة‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪,‬‬
‫وﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻐﺮض‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﳌﺴﺠﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ أﺣﺪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء وﻛﺬا ذوي ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪون ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮع اﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﳌﻨﺼﻮص ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺟﻨـﺴﻴﺘﻬﻢ إذا ﻛـﺎﻧﻮا‬
‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﻓﻲ إﻗﻠﻴﻢ دوﻟﺔ ﻋﻀﻮ‪ ،‬وﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺤﻞ إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻬﻢ إذا ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ دوﻟﺔ ﻋﻀﻮ‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﻠﺘﺰم ﻛﻞ دوﻟﺔ ﻋﻀﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬داﺧﻞ اﻹﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺷﻬﺮا اﳌﻮاﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻋﺘﻤـﺎد‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﲔ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨـﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﺄﻣﲔ إﺟﺒﺎري ﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﻣﻨـﺤﺔ ﻟﺬوي ﺳﻦ ‪ ٦٥‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺄﺟﻮري اﳌﻘـﺎوﻻت‬
‫اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ؛‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﺄﻣﲔ إﺟﺒﺎري ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﻣﺨـﺎﻃﺮ اﳌـﺮض واﻟـﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ واﻟﻮﻓـﺎة ﺑﺎﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ ﳉـﺰء أﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺄﺟﻮري‬
‫اﳌﻘﺎوﻻت اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪97‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬
‫اﳌﺒﺎدئ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﳌﺪوﻧﺔ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﺪوﻧﺔ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ اﳉﺪﻳﺪة ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﲤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗـﺄﻣﲔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻐﺎرﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻐﺎرﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج‬
‫ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺎرﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﳌﻐﺎرﺑﺔ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻮﺟﻬﻮن ﻟﺪوﻟﺔ أﺟﻨﺒﻴـﺔ ﻗـﺼﺪ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﺆدى ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻳﺘﻮﻓﺮا ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻃـﺮف‬
‫اﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ وﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻜﻠﻔـﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺸﻐﻴﻞ )اﳌـﺎدة ‪ ٥١٢‬ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن رﻗﻢ ‪ ٦٥.٩٩‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﺪوﻧﺔ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ(‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌﺒﺮﻣﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪول واﻷﺟﻬﺰة اﳌﺸﻐﻠﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫وﺟﻮد ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﻘﻮم اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﳌﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﻣﺆﻫﻼﺗﻬﻢ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ وﻗـﺪراﺗﻬﻢ‬
‫اﳉﺴﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﺘﻜﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺘـﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻹدارﻳـﺔ اﻟـﻀﺮورﻳﺔ ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗﻴـﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻴـﻪ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻧــﺤﻮ دوﻟـﺔ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻹدارات واﳌﺸﻐﻠﲔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﲔ ﺑﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﻨﺸﻮر وزﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ واﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳌﻬﻨـﻲ رﻗـﻢ ‪ ٠٥ .٣٣٨‬ﺑﺘـﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٩‬ﺷـﺒﺎط ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬اﶈـﺪد‬
‫ﻟﻨﻤﻮذج دﻓﺘﺮ اﻟﺘﺤﻤﻼت اﻟﺬي ﺗﻠﺘﺰم وﻛﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮاﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﻟﺸﺮوط اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ اﻷﺟﻴﺮ اﳌﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج‪.‬‬
‫وﳌﻐﺎدرة اﻟﺘﺮاب اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻳﺘﻮﻓﺮ اﳌﺄﺟﻮر اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟـﺸﻐﻞ اﳌـﺬﻛﻮر‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻮﺛـﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺎدة ﻃﺒﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ؛‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻛﻞ اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﻮﺟﺒﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎم دوﻟﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﳋﺼﻮص‪.‬‬
‫وﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻛﻞ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻳﻠﺘﺰم اﳌﺸﻐﻞ ﺑﺈرﺟﺎع اﳌﺄﺟﻮر ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﻘﺘﻪ وﲢﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪ اﻻﻗﺘـﻀﺎء‪ ،‬ﺗﻜـﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺸﻔﺎﺋﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺮض أو اﳊﻮادث‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻐﺎدر اﳌﺄﺟﻮر اﻟﺘﺮاب اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳌﺪة أﻗﺼﺎﻫﺎ ﺳﺘﺔ أﺷﻬﺮ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺘﻢ وﺿﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﻤﻮذج ﻣﺤﺪد ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ اﳌﺮﺳﻮم رﻗﻢ ‪ ٢.٠٤.٤٦٦‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٢٩‬ﺷﺒﺎط ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬اﶈـﺪد‬
‫ﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﻣﺼﺎرﻳﻒ اﻟﻌﻮدة واﻻﺳﺘﺸﻔﺎء ﻟﻠﻤﺄﺟﻮر اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﻘﻊ ﻋﺪم اﺣﺘﺮام ﻫﺬه اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﲢﺖ ﻃﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻏﺮاﻣﺔ ﻣـﺎ ﺑـﲔ ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬و ‪ ٥٠٠٠‬درﻫـﻢ )ﺣـﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ٢٠٠‬و ‪ ٥٠٠‬دوﻻر‬
‫أﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺠﻠﺖ اﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﻮر ﻫﺠﺮة اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﳌﻐﺎرﺑـﺔ ﻧــﺤﻮ اﳋـﺎرج‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ‬
‫ارﺗﻔﻊ ﻋﺪدﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮس‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ أو ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﻮﻋـﺎ ﻛﺒﻴـﺮا ﻓـﻲ‬
‫‪98‬‬
‫ﻓﻀﺎءات اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﰎ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺪﻓﻘﺎت‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﳊﺎﺟﻴـﺎت‬
‫اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﻟﺪول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻟﻠﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد إﻃﺎر ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﲡﺴﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﺪة اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪول اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻨــﺤﻮ‬
‫اﻟﻮارد ﻓﻲ اﳉﺪول اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌﺒﺮﻣﺔ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻐﺮب وﺑﻌﺾ دول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ‬
‫أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٢١‬أﻳﺎر ‪١٩٦٣‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬
‫‪ ١‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ‪١٩٦٣‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ‬
‫‪ ١٧‬ﺷﺒﺎط ‪١٩٦٤‬‬
‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫‪ ١٤‬آﻳﺎر ‪١٩٦٩‬‬
‫إﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٢٥‬ﲤﻮز ‪٢٠٠١‬‬
‫إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٢١‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ‪٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫‪ ١٧‬أﻳﺎر ‪١٩٨١‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮاق‬
‫‪ ٢٠‬أﻳﺎر ‪١٩٨١‬‬
‫اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ‪ ٢٢‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن أول ‪١٩٨١‬‬
‫اﻷردن‬
‫‪ ٢٠‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎن ‪١٩٨٣‬‬
‫ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٤‬آب ‪١٩٨٣‬‬
‫اﳌﺼﺪر‪ :‬وزارة اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ واﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳌﻬﻨﻲ ‪٠٩ – ٠١‬‬
‫وﺑﺎﳌﻮازاة ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺪﻓﻘﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮوﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻮر ﺷﻜﻞ آﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳌﻮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﲡﺎه‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ أﺳﺎﺳﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺖ ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎت‪ ،‬وذﻟـﻚ اﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻠـﺐ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻴـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺸﻐﻞ اﳌﻮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺰراﻋﺔ واﻟﺒﻨﺎء واﳌﻄﺎﻋﻢ واﻟﻔﻨﺪﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﺑﻬﺪف ﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤـﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﳌﻐﺎرﺑـﺔ ﺑﺎﳋـﺎرج‪ ،‬ﻋﻤـﻞ اﳌﻐـﺮب ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻴـﻊ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻟﻠﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ دول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨـﺤﻮ اﻟﻮارد ﻓﻲ اﳉﺪول اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪99‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﳌﻮﻗﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٩‬ﲤﻮز ‪١٩٦٥‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ ‪ ٢٤‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ‪١٩٦٨‬‬
‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬
‫‪ ١٤‬ﺷﺒﺎط ‪١٩٧٢‬‬
‫إﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ‪ ٠٨‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ‪١٩٧٩‬‬
‫أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٢٥‬آذار ‪١٩٨١‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ ‪ ٠٤‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ‪١٩٨٠‬‬
‫اﻟﺪﳕﺎرك ‪ ٢٤‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎن ‪١٩٨٢‬‬
‫روﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٢٧‬ﲤﻮز ‪١٩٨٣‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎل ‪ ١‬ﲤﻮز ‪١٩٩٨‬‬
‫ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‬
‫‪ ٥‬آب ‪١٩٩٣‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬
‫‪ ٥‬ﺷﺒﺎط ‪١٩٨٧‬‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪا‬
‫‪ ١‬ﲤﻮز ‪١٩٩٨‬‬
‫اﳌﺼﺪر‪ :‬وزارة اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ واﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳌﻬﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺔ وﻓﻲ ﻃﻮر اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب‬
‫وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻛﻞ ﻣﺸﻐﻞ ﻳﺮﻏﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻋﻤـﺎل أﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ اﳊـﺼﻮل أوﻻ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗـﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﳌﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ‪ .‬وﳝﻨـﺢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ‪ .‬وﻳﻌﺘـﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺘﺄﺷﻴﺮة ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺴﺮﻳﺎن ﻣﻔﻌﻮل ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟـﺸﻐﻞ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻳﺨـﻀﻊ ﻛـﻞ ﺗﻌـﺪﻳﻞ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌﻘـﺪ أﻳـﻀﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺷﻴﺮة اﳌﺬﻛﻮرة‪ .‬وﳝﻜﻦ ﺳﺤﺐ ﻫـﺬا اﻟﺘـﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻓـﻲ أي وﻗـﺖ ﻣـﻦ ﻃـﺮف اﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ اﳌﻜﻠﻔـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ اﳋﺎص ﺑﺎﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻟﻨﻤﻮذج ﻣﻨﺸﻮر وزﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ واﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳌﻬﻨﻲ رﻗﻢ‬
‫‪ ٣٥٠.٠٥‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٩‬ﺷﺒﺎط ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬اﶈﺪد ﻟﻨﻤﻮذج ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ اﳋﺎص ﺑﺎﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ .‬وﻳﺘﻌﲔ أن ﻳﻨﺺ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫أﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ رﻓﺾ ﻣﻨـﺢ اﻟﺘﺮﺧﻴﺺ اﳌﺬﻛﻮر‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺘﺰم اﳌﺸﻐﻞ ﺑﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻜـﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻋـﻮدة اﳌـﺄﺟﻮر اﻷﺟﻨﺒـﻲ ﻟﺒﻠـﺪه‬
‫اﻷﺻﻠﻲ أو اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬
‫وﺑﻬﺪف ﺿﻤﺎن ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻛﻞ اﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮدع ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ اﺳﺘﺮﺟﺎﻋﻬﺎ إﻻ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ اﻹدﻻء ﺑﺸﻬﺎدة إدارﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف اﳌﻨﺪوب اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ اﳌﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻐﻞ ﻳـﺸﻬﺪ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ ﺑـﺄداء ﺗﻜـﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬
‫ﻋﻮدة اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ وﻛﺬا اﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ اﳌﺴﺘﺤﻘﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻣﺮاﻋﺎة ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻷﻃـﺮاف واﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻨـﺸﻮرة ﻃﺒﻘـﺎ ﻟﻠﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻊ‬
‫اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬واﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻣﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ ﻣﻐﺎرﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﳋﺎرج أو أﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب‪.‬‬
‫‪100‬‬
‫وﻳﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻛﺐ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺑﻌﺪم اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺮﺧﻴﺺ اﳌـﺬﻛﻮر أﻋـﻼه أو ﺑﺘـﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻣـﺄﺟﻮر أﺟﻨﺒـﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺘـﻮﻓﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮﺧﻴﺺ اﳋﺎص ﺑﻪ أو ﺑﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻣﺄﺟﻮر أﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻄـﺎﺑﻖ اﻟﺘـﺮﺧﻴﺺ اﳋـﺎص ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻊ اﳌﻘﺘـﻀﻴﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺈرﺟﺎع ﻣﺄﺟﻮر أو ﺑﺎﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻟﻼزم ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺮاﻣﺔ ﺗﺘﺮاوح ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬و ‪ ٥٠٠٠‬درﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ اﻷﺣﻮال‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ أﻣﻮر اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب ﺗﺮاﻋـﻲ ﻣﻘﺘـﻀﻴﺎت اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌـﺪدة‬
‫اﻷﻃﺮاف أو اﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮاب اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ )اﳌﺎدة ‪ ٥٢٠‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪوﻧﺔ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أن ﻣﺴﻄﺮة ﲡﻬﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﻮد ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب ﺗﻘﻀﻲ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮام ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﻫﺪاف رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ )اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻔﺎءات اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ(؛‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﳊﺎﺟﻴﺎت اﳌﻘﺎوﻻت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻔﺎءات اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ؛‬
‫ﻣﺮاﻋﺎة اﳊﺎﻻت اﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫•‬
‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﳌﺰدادﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب أو اﳌﻨـﺤﺪرﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ أم ﻣﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ؛‬
‫اﳌﻜﻠﻔﲔ ﲟﻬﺎم ﳌﺪة ﻣﺤﺪودة ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮوع ﺷﺮﻛﺎت أﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ؛‬
‫زوﺟﺎت أو أزواج ﻣﻐﺎرﺑﺔ؛‬
‫ﻣﻨﺪوﺑﻮن أو ﳑﺜﻠﻮن ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﳌﺪة ﻻ ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز ﺳﺘﺔ أﺷﻬﺮ؛‬
‫اﳌﺪرﺑﻮن أو اﻟﻼﻋﺒﻮن اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﻮن اﳌﺮﺧﺺ ﻟﻬﻢ؛‬
‫اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧﻮن اﳌﺮﺧﺼﻮن؛‬
‫اﻟﻼﺟﺌﻮن اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮن أو ﻋﺪﳝﻮ اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺨﺺ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﻌﺪد وﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺎت وأﺻﻮل اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﺑـﺎﳌﻐﺮب‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻣﺠـﺎل‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ دول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻟﻠﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ .‬ﻓﺤﺴﺐ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮات ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬ﺑﻠﻎ اﻟﻌـﺪد‬
‫اﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻟﺸﻐﻞ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ‪ ،٨٧٧٠‬وﲢﺘﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺎت اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ اﻟـﺼﺪارة‪ ،‬وﻋﻠـﻰ رأﺳـﻬﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮن )‪ ،(٢٤٦٤‬ﻳﺘﺒﻌﻬﻢ اﻷﺗﺮاك )‪ ،(١٦٨٢‬واﻹﻳﻄـﺎﻟﻴﻮن )‪ (٢٢٠‬واﻹﺳـﺒﺎن )‪ .(٢١٠‬أﻣـﺎ اﳉﻨـﺴﻴﺎت اﻵﺳـﻴﻮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﺄﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ رأﺳﻬﺎ اﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﻮن )‪ (٧٥٧‬ﻳﻠﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﻔﻴﻠﻴﺒﻴﻮن )‪ (١٨٧‬واﻟﻬﻨﻮد )‪.(١٦٣‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أن اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ واﻟﺼﲔ وﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﻮن ﳌـﺪد ﻣﺤـﺪودة ﻟـﺸﺮﻛﺎﺗﻬﻢ‬
‫اﻷم )ﺷﺮﻛﺎت ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺎت(‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻹﳒﺎز ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ )ﻃﺮق ﺳﻴﺎرة‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﻮات‪ ،‬ﻣﻮاﻧﺊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻄـﺎت ﺣﺮارﻳـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬اﺗﺼﺎﻻت‪ ،‬اﳌﺮﻛﺒﺎت اﻟﻔﻨﺪﻗﻴﺔ‪ .(...‬أﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺤﺘـﻞ اﻟـﺼﻒ اﻷول اﻟﻠﺒﻨـﺎﻧﻴﻮن )‪ (١٩٠‬ﻳﻠـﻴﻬﻢ‬
‫اﳉﺰاﺋﺮﻳﻮن )‪ ،(١٥٥‬واﳌﺼﺮﻳﻮن )‪.(١١٨‬‬
‫أﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺨﺺ اﻷﻓﺎرﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻋﺪد ﻋﻘﻮد اﻟﺸﻐﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب ﻓﻘﺪ وﺻـﻞ ‪ ،٨٩٨‬ﻣﻨﻬـﺎ ‪٤٢‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ دول ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب ﺑﺎﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت إﻗﺎﻣﺔ )اﳉﺰاﺋـﺮ‪١٥٥ :‬؛ اﻟـﺴﻨﻴﻐﺎل‪١٢٦ :‬؛ ﺗـﻮﻧﺲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .(٩٨‬وأﻏﻠﺐ اﳌﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ دول إﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﺟﻨﻮب اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﳋﺼﻮص اﻟﺴﻴﻨﻐﺎﻟﻴﲔ واﻟﻜﻮﻧﻐـﻮﻟﻴﲔ واﻹﻳﻔـﻮارﻳﲔ‬
‫واﻟﻜﺎﻣﻴﺮوﻧﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﳝﺎرﺳﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﳌﻜﺎﳌﺎت‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻛﻔﺎءات وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻘﻦ اﻟﻠﻐـﺎت‬
‫اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻮم‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ اﳌﻐﺮب ﻧـﺤﻮ اﳋﺎرج ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻧـﺤﻮه‪ ،‬إذ أن ﺣﺎﻻت‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻧـﺤﻮ اﳋﺎرج ﺗﻔﻮق ﺑﺨﻤﺴﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻧـﺤﻮ اﳌﻐﺮب‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺮﻫﺎﻧﺎت واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫إذا ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﺒﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺮب أن ﻛﺎن ﺑﻠﺪ ﻫﺠﺮة ﻣﻜﺜﻔﺔ ﻷﺳﺒﺎب اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳋﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﻴـﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮة ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻳﻔﻮق ﻋﺪدﻫﺎ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﻣﻮزﻋﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﻓـﻀﺎءات اﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﺑﺄوروﺑـﺎ‬
‫‪101‬‬
‫اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ودول اﳋﻠﻴﺞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻋﺪة اﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل ﻛﺎن اﳌﻐﺮب ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻠﺪ اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﺑﻔﻌﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎت اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺠﻊ اﳊﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮوﻳﺔ اﻧﻄﻼﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ واﺳـﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧــﺤﻮ اﳌﻐـﺮب‪ .‬وﻗـﺪ ﻣﻜﻨـﺖ ﻫـﺬه اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ٥٢٩٠٠٠‬أﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪.١٩٥٢‬‬
‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼل ﻓﻘﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺗﻄﻮرا ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻻﲡﺎه اﳌﻌﺎﻛﺲ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﻣﻬـﺎﺟﺮة اﻷوروﺑﻴـﲔ‬
‫ﺧﻼل ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﳋﻤﺴﻴﻨﺎت وﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺳﺠﻠﺖ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٦٢‬ﺑﺪاﻳـﺔ ﻗﻔـﺰة ﻫﺠﺮوﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻻﲡﺎه‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ارﺗﻔﻊ ﻋﺪد اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻐﺎرﺑﺔ ﻧـﺤﻮ أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ‪ ،‬وﻗﺎم ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻘـﺪ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت ﻟﻠﻴﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﳌﻐﺮب‪ .‬وﻗﺪ اﻋﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻌﻄﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻃـﺮف اﳌـﺄﺟﻮرﻳﻦ اﳌﻐﺎرﺑـﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﺎﻧـﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﻜﻨﻪ اﺗﺴﺎع ﻓﻀﺎءات اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة ﻧــﺤﻮ اﲡﺎﻫـﺎت أﺧـﺮى ﺟﺪﻳـﺪة ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ وﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا وﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ‪.‬‬
‫إﻻ أﻧﻪ اﺑﺘﺪاء ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٩٧٤‬ﺳﺘﻌﺮف اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﺮاﺟﻌﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﺎ ﻧﺎﲡﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﳉﺪﻳﺪة اﳌﻌﺘﻤـﺪة‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف دول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ أﺧﺬت ﲢﺼﺮ اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﻟﺘﺠﻤـﻊ اﻟﻌـﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬
‫واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻮﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻧـﺤﻮ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ واﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫أﻏﻠﺐ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎدئ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑـﲔ اﻟـﺴﻜﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ وﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺆﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺠﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨـﺤﻮ اﳌﺬﻛﻮر ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧـﻪ ﻣـﻦ اﳉـﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺴﺠﻴﻞ أن ﻫـﺬا‬
‫اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﺼﻮرة ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬وﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻣﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺔ اﳌﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻲ؛‬
‫ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻨﺪوﺑﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل؛‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ اﳌﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻀﻤﻮن ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد اﺗﻔﺎق‬
‫ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻐﺮب ودول إﻗﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻐﺎدر اﳌﺄﺟﻮر اﳌﻐﺮب‪.‬‬
‫وﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﻐﺮب ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎدق ﻋﻠـﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺠﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﲟﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﻈﻬﻴﺮ رﻗﻢ ‪ ٥-٩٣-٤‬ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ١٤‬ﺣﺰﻳـﺮان ‪ ،١٩٩٣‬ووﺿـﻊ وﺛـﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ‪ ٢١‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫أﺧﺬا ﺑﻌﲔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻋﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﺣـﻮل اﳌﻮﺿـﻮع ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻋﻦ ﻣﺆﲤﺮﻫﺎ اﳌﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ أول ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺑﺒﻮﻟﻴﻔﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﲟﺮاﻋـﺎة ﻛـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ اﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮة أو ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮة ﲟﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﻟﻠﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻟـﺸﻤﻮﻟﻲ واﳌﻌﻘـﺪ ﻟﻬـﺬه اﻷﺧﻴـﺮة‪،‬‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ اﻗﺘﺮاح ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ذات اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻴﺔ واﳌﻌﻴﺎرﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫أوﻻ ً‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻣﻮاﺻﻠﺔ اﳊﻮار ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺸﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﲟﻮﺿـﻮع‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة )اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ وآﺛﺎرﻫﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﻴﺌـﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺎت اﳊﺪﻳﺜـﺔ ﻟﻺﻋـﻼم واﻻﺗـﺼﺎل‪ ،‬ﻗـﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺒﺤـﺎر‪ ،‬اﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ (...‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ أﺟـﻞ ﺗﻘـﺪﱘ‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺰﻳﺊ واﻟﺘﺸﺘﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫‪102‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎل أﺳﺲ وﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺸﺘﺮك ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻟﺘﻘﻮﻳـﺔ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة؛‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ اﳊﻮار ﺣﻮل ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎت ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ اﻟـﺪول ذات اﻷوﺿـﺎع اﳋﺎﺻـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎل‬
‫اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ )دول أﺻﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬دول اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل واﺳﺘﻘﺮار‪ ،‬دول ﻋﺒﻮر أو ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ( ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻔﺎدة‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﲡﺎرب اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن واﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ؛‬
‫وﺿﻊ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﻟﻠﺰﻳﺎرات اﳌﺘﺒﺎدﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ أﻋﻀﺎء وأﻃﺮ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﻟﺘﺠـﺎرب واﻟﻮﻗـﻮف‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻛﺜﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ واﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ؛‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﲢﺎﻟﻒ )‪ (Coalition‬ﺑﲔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺤﻘﻮق ﻛﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻬﻢ؛‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ واﻟﺘﺤﺮي واﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎج ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻄﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫أﻳﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا وﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف أي ﻛﺎن دوﻻ أو أﻃﺮاف أﺧﺮى دوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ أو ﺷﺒﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ ﻟـﺪى ﻛـﻞ اﶈﺎﻓـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﻟﻠﺠﺎن اﻷﳑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺮاﻗﺒﺔ؛‬
‫إﻋﻄﺎء ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ واﻷدوات ﻟﻠﻔﺌﺎت اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻫـﺸﺎﺷﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ )اﻷﻃﻔـﺎل‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺎﻗﲔ‪(... ،‬؛‬
‫إﺻﺪار ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﺔ أو ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮل أوﺿﺎع ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎت اﻟـﺪول ذات‬
‫اﻷوﺿﺎع اﳌﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ أو اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮف دوﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﺰاﻋﺎت أو اﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎت ﺣﻮل ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ أو ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة واﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ دور ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻛﺈﻃﺎر دوﻟـﻲ ﻟﻠﺤـﻮار ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎل ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺎت اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫وﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺠﻮء وﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺸﻐﻞ واﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ واﳌﻮارد وﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻘـﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات اﻟـﺼﻠﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣـﻊ دﻋـﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ آﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺄوﺿﺎع اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ؛‬
‫اﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺠﻮء ودﻣﺠﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻮرة ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم؛‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻨﻬـﻮض ﺑﺘـﻀﻤﲔ اﻟﺪﺳـﺎﺗﻴﺮ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬اﻻوروﺑﻴـﺔ أﺳﺎﺳـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒـﺎدئ ﺣـﺴﻦ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ودﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺠﻮء وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻛـﻞ اﻟـﺪول واﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋـﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻟـﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٥١‬وﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮﻟﻬـﺎ ﻟـﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،١٩٧١‬ﻣـﻊ دﻣـﺞ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛـﺎت اﳉﺪﻳـﺪة‬
‫)اﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف أﻃﺮاف أﺧﺮى ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟـﺪول‪ (...‬وﻣﺮاﻋـﺎة اﻟﺘﺤـﻮﻻت ﻓـﻲ اﻹﻃـﺎر اﻟـﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻔﺎﻋﻠﲔ واﻷﻃﺮاف اﳉﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺐ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﻓﻲ ﺣﻖ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ؛‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺑﺈﳊﺎح ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺤﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ ﻃـﺮف دول‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻣﻊ إﻋﻄﺎء ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات وﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ أوﺿﺎع ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ؛‬
‫اﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت وﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ دول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل؛‬
‫ﲤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ وﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻷﺑﺤﺎث واﻟﺪراﺳﺎت ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة؛‬
‫وﺿﻊ أﺳﺲ وﺳﺒﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺪول اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﻣﻨﻬـﺎ‬
‫دول اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪.‬‬
‫‪103‬‬
‫اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺻﻼح اﻟﺸﺎرخ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ دور اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺷﺆون اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‬
‫‪104‬‬
‫اﳊﻤﺪ ﷲ واﻟﺼﻼة واﻟﺴﻼم ﻋﻠﻰ أﺷﺮف اﻷﻧﺒﻴﺎء واﳌﺮﺳﻠﲔ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ وﻋﻠﻰ آﻟﻪ وﺻﺤﺒﺔ أﺟﻤﻌﲔ وﺑﻌﺪ‪:‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ,‬اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪,‬‬
‫ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ أﺗﻘﺪم ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ اﳉﺰﻳﻞ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن واﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﻷردن‪,‬‬
‫ً‬
‫واﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮب‪ ,‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﻮدﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﺘﺪى وﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﻟـﺪﻋﻮة وإﺗﺎﺣـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن وذﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع "ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺳـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ"‪ ,‬وإﺛـﺮاء ﻣﻮﺿـﻮع اﳊـﻮار واﳋـﺮوج إن ﺷـﺎءاﷲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻮازن واﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ورب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻪ وﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ,‬اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪,‬‬
‫إن ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺗﻬﺪف ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺼﺖ اﳌﺎدة اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻬﺎ إﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫـﺎ‬
‫وﻓﻘﺎ ً ﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت وﻧﺸﺮ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻬﺎ واﻹﺳﻬﺎم ﻓﻲ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺿﻮء أﺣﻜﺎم اﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ وﺗﻜﻮن ﻫﻲ اﳉﻬﺔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺼﺔ ﺑﺈﺑـﺪاء اﻟـﺮأي واﳌـﺸﻮرة ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ‬
‫ﲟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﺗﻘﻮم اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺷﺆون اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة وﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫ﺻﺪور ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻨﺎ ً ﻧﺼﻮص ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﻔﺮق ﺑﲔ اﳉﻨﺴﲔ )ذﻛﺮ أو أﻧﺜﻰ( وﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ اﳌﺎدة )‪ (٤٠‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻈﺎم أن ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺮﺳﻮم اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎ ً‪ ,‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺬﻛﺮة اﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻋﻮدة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ إﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪه ﺑﻌﺪ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء‬
‫اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺪﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺻﺪرت اﻟﻼﺋﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﻧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ً ﺗﻔـﺼﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﲢﻤـﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫وﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ً اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪ‪ ,‬وﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ورد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﻘﺮة )‪ (١٣‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﺎدة )‪ (١٤‬ﺑﺄن ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﺪ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺤﺮر‬
‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳉﻬﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺪم ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻷﺟﺮ واﳌﻤﻴﺰات اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ,‬وﻧﻮع اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪,‬‬
‫وﻣﻜﺎﻧﻪ‪ ,‬وﻣﺪة اﻟﻌﻘﺪ‪ ,‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻧـﺼﺖ اﻟﻔﻘـﺮة )‪ (١٤‬ﻣـﻦ ﻧﻔـﺲ اﳌـﺎدة ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋـﺪم ﺟـﻮاز ﲢـﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﺗـﺐ‬
‫اﻹﺳﺘﻘﺪام إي ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ إﺳﺘﻘﺪاﻣﻪ وأن ﻳﺤﺼﻞ اﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺗﻌﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪,‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أوﺿﺤﺖ اﻟﻔﻘﺮة )‪ (١٧‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ اﳌﺎدة ﺑﺄن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻹﺳﺘﻘﺪام أن ﻳﺤﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻗﺒـﻞ ارﺗﺒﺎﻃـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻈﺮوف اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ واﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﳌﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ وﻛـﺬﻟﻚ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﺮارات اﳋﺎﺻـﺔ ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﻘﺪام‬
‫وﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ,‬إن ﳑﺎ ﲡﺪر اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﻮل ﻣﻮاﺋﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﺛﻴﻖ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎﻻت‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺧﺺ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة‪ ,‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت أو اﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻣﻦ وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ اﳊﻠﻮل اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﻌﻮﻗﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻄﺮأ ﻋﻠﻰ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ وﻓـﻲ ﺣﻴﻨـﻪ‪ ,‬أي أن اﻟـﻮزارة ﻋﻨـﺪ وﺟـﻮد‬
‫اﳋﻠﻞ أو ﻇﻬﻮر أي ﻋﺎﺋﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة أو ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ,‬ﻓـﺎﻟﻮزارة‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺈﺻﺪار اﻟﻘﺮار اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ دراﺳﺘﻪ واﻗﻌﻴﺎ ً ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ إﺻﻼح ﻫﺬا اﳋﻠﻞ أو ﲡـﺎوز ذﻟـﻚ اﻟﻌـﺎﺋﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ ارض‬
‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ,‬وﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ واﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ,‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺎء ﺻﺪور ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ُ ٢٠٠٥‬ﻣﻘﻨﻨﺎ ً ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت واﻟﻘﺮارات وذﻟﻚ ﲟﺮاﻋﺎة اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﻨـﺼﻮص ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻮاﺛﻴـﻖ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗـﻊ ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل ﻣـﻮاد وﻧـﺼﻮص ﻧﻈـﺎم اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻌﻮدي اﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻮاﻓﺪﻳﻦ‪ ,‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ إﻟﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ أراﺿﻴﻬﺎ‪ ,‬وﻗﺪ اﺗﺨﺬت ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻹﺟـﺮاءات‪ ,‬ﻓﻔـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎل ﻣﻨـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻮاﻓﺪﻳﻦ أو ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺻﺎدﻗﺖ اﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﺑـﺸﺄن‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎواة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﻷﺟﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤـﻞ ذي ﻗﻴﻤـﺔ ﻣﺘـﺴﺎوﻳﺔ ﺳـﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٧٨‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺻـﺎدﻗﺖ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام واﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ذات اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ,‬وﻣﻦ أﻫﻢ اﻟﻘﺮارات ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﺠﻤﻟﺎل‬
‫‪105‬‬
‫إﺻﺪار وزﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺮار اﻟﻮزاري رﻗﻢ )‪ (٣٧‬ﻋـﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ أن ﻳـﺴﺎوي ﺻـﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﻷﺟﻮر ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﺴﺎوي ﺷﺮوط وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ,‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺳـﻨﺖ اﻟـﻨﻈﻢ ﳊﻔـﻆ اﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﺼﺖ اﳌﺎدة )‪ (٤٧‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﺣـﻖ اﻟﺘﻘﺎﺿـﻲ ﻣﻜﻔـﻮل ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺴﺎوي ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ واﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ,‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺺ ﻗﺮار ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء رﻗﻢ )‪ (١٦٦‬اﻟﺼﺎدر ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪ وﺑﲔ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻓـﻖ اﳌﻌـﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ وﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﺼﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ أن ﻳﺤﺘﻔﻆ ﺑﺠﻮاز ﺳﻔﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪ وﺟﻮاز ﺳﻔﺮ أﻓﺮاد ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﻮز ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪ اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ داﺧﻞ اﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴـﺔ اﻟـﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ ﻣـﺎدام ﻳﺤﻤـﻞ رﺧـﺼﺔ إﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺳﺎرﻳﺔ اﳌﻔﻌﻮل ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪ ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ اﳉﻬﺎت اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ وﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻪ وﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻴﺸﺎ ً ﻛﺮﳝﺎ ً ﻣﺜﻞ إﺻﺪار رﺧﺺ اﻟﻘﻴﺎدة وﺷﺮاء اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات واﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻬـﺎﺗﻒ وﻏﻴـﺮ ذﻟـﻚ دون ﺷـﺮط‬
‫اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫إﻟﻐﺎء ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ أﻳﻨﻤﺎ ورد وإﺑﺪاﻟﻪ ﲟﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﳉﻨﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺮار ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ,‬أود اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻹﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺨﺬة ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻓﻘﺪ وﺿﻌﺖ وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻻﺋﺤﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳋﺪﻣـﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴـﺔ( وﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﻬﻢ "ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ وﺗﺆﻃﺮ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻄـﺮﻓﲔ ﺻـﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪/‬اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ" وﲟـﺎ ﻳـﻀﻤﻦ ﺣـﺴﻦ ﻣﻌـﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬﻢ وﺣـﺼﻮﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﻘـﻮﻗﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ,‬وﻗﺪ ﰎ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﻦ إﻋﺪادﻫﺎ وﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ً ﻗﻴﺪ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎدﻫـﺎ وإﺻـﺪارﻫﺎ‪,‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻼﺋﺤﺔ ﳑﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺄﺣﺪ أﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ اﻟﻬﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺼﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺆون اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫أﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎف ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻓﺌـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ وأﺻـﺤﺎب اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ‪ -‬ﲟـﺎ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﲤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﺠﺎن اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ )وﻫﻲ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت‬
‫اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﺔ اﳋﻼﻓﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﺔ اﳋﻼﻓـﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴـﺔ( وﺑﻨـﺎء ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻧﻈـﺎم‬
‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎء اﳉﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺼﺎدر ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬ﺳﻮف ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ اﳋﻼﻓﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ وزارة اﻟﻌـﺪل‪ ,‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻳـﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ً إﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ واﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓـﻲ ﻗـﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻛﺎﻓـﺔ‪ ,‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﳝﻜـﻨﻬﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻠﺠﻮء إﻟﻰ ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ,‬وإﻣﺎرات اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ,‬وﺣﻖ اﻹدﻋﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﳉﻬـﺎت ﻓـﻲ دﻳـﻮان اﳌﻈـﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫)اﻟﻘﻀﺎء اﻹداري(‪ ,‬وﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ً ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺴﻔﺎرة واﳉﻬﺎت ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ,‬اﻟﺴﻴﺪات واﻟﺴﺎدة‪,‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫إن ﻣﻦ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎف اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ إذا ﺗﻄﻠﺐ اﻷﻣﺮ أﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎل ﺗﺄﺧﺮ ﺻﺮف أﺟﺮه ﳌﺪة ﺛﻼﺛـﺔ أﺷـﻬﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ دون أﺳﺒﺎب ﻋﺎﺋﺪه ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ ذاﺗﻪ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ‪ -‬إذا رﻏﺐ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻓـﻮرا ً إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ آﺧﺮ دون ﺷﺮط اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻨﺎزل ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺻـﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻟﻘـﺪﱘ ‪ ,‬وذﻟـﻚ ﻣـﻊ إﻟـﺰام‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺪﻓﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪.‬‬
‫وﻹﻳﻀﺎح ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﺈن وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺈﺻﺪار ﻧـﺸﺮات‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ وﺗﺸﻤﻞ أرﻗﺎم ﻫﻮاﺗﻒ ﺳـﻔﺎرات ﺑﻼدﻫـﻢ واﳉﻬـﺎت اﳊﻘﻮﻗﻴـﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﺮﺟـﻊ ﻟﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ رﻏﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ )ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﻴﺐ اﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ اﻹرﺷﺎدي ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة(‪ ,‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﺸﺌﺖ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ً إدارة‬
‫ﻓﻲ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺸﺆون اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻮزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﲟﺴﻤﻰ )إدارة رﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة( ﺑﻬﺪف ﺗﻘـﺪﱘ ﺧـﺪﻣﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أﺻﺪر وزﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﺮار اﻟﻮزاري رﻗﻢ )‪ (١/١١١‬ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬اﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﲟﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ اﳌﻨﺸﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺧﺮ ﺻﺮف‬
‫أﺟﻮر اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ وﻧﺼﺖ اﻟﻔﻘﺮة اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮار ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻊ اﳌﻨﺸﺄة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺻﺮف أﺟﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﳌـﺪة‬
‫‪106‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺳﺘﻘﺪام ﳌﺪة ﺳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪,‬ﺟﺎء ﻗﺮار وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ رﻗﻢ )‪ (١/٧٣٨‬ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﳊﺎزﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة‪ ,‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﻀﻰ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺮار ﺑﺤﻀﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ أﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻴﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺄﺷﻴﺮات واﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ وﲢـﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺒـﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻨـﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗﺄﺷـﻴﺮة اﻟـﺪﺧﻮل أو‬
‫ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮة اﳋﺮوج واﻟﻌﻮدة أو رﺧﺼﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ واﻹﺧـﻼل ﺑﺎﻻﻟﺘﺰاﻣـﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺪﻳـﺔ واﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺪام ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ واﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻼإﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ‪ ,‬وﻧﺺ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺮار ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺐ أﻳﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫اﺨﻤﻟﺎﻟﻔﺎت ﲟﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺳﺘﻘﺪام ﳌﺪة ﺧﻤﺲ ﺳﻨﻮات إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت اﳌﻨﺼﻮص ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻧﻈﻤـﺔ‬
‫ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻋﻄﻔﺎ ً ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ وﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮا ً ﻋﻦ اﺣﺘﻀﺎن ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺮواﻓﺪ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﻤـﻲ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ,‬ﻓﺎن ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﺗﻌـﺪ ﻣـﻦ أﻫـﻢ اﻟﺮواﻓـﺪ ﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﻫـﺬه اﳊﻘـﻮق وﻋﻠـﻰ وﺟـﻪ‬
‫اﳋﺼﻮص اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ,‬وﲢﻘﻴﻘﺎ ً ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻘـﺪ ﻗﺎﻣـﺖ اﻟﻬﻴﺌـﺔ ﺑﺎﳌـﺸﺎرﻛﺔ واﻹﻋـﺪاد ﳌـﺸﺮوع ﻧﻈـﺎم‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺟﺮاﺋﻢ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ وﰎ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ دراﺳﺘﻪ‪ ,‬وﻗﺪ ﰎ رﻓﻌﻪ إﻟﻰ‬
‫اﳉﻬﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﲤﻬﻴﺪا ً ﻹﺻﺪاره ﺣﻴﺚ راﻋﻰ ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻈـﺎم ﻓـﻲ ﻛﺜﻴـﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﻮاﻧﺒـﻪ ﻣﺒـﺪأ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺟﺮاﺋﻢ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ واﳌﻘﻴﻤـﲔ‪ ,‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﳒـﺪ ﺻـﺮاﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑـﺎت‬
‫اﳌﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳉﺮاﺋﻢ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﳌﺪة )‪ (١٥‬ﺳﻨﻪ وﻏﺮاﻣﺔ ﻣﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﺗـﺼﻞ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫)ﻣﻠﻴﻮن رﻳﺎل ﺳﻌﻮدي( أو ﺑﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺎ ً‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪا ً ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻧﺸﺎء ﳉﻨﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺟﺮاﺋﻢ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻣـﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﳑﺜﻠﲔ ﻣﻦ اﳉﻬﺎت اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ وﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻋﺪة أﻣﻮر وﻣﻨﻬـﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌـﺔ أوﺿـﺎع ﺿـﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ووﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﲢﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻨﺸﻂ ﻋﻦ اﻟـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ ,‬واﻟﺘﻨـﺴﻴﻖ ﻣـﻊ اﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﺨﻤﻟﺘـﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻹﻋﺎدة اﺠﻤﻟﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻃﻨﻪ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺠﻨﺴﻴﺘﻪ أو إﻟﻰ ﻣﺤـﻞ إﻗﺎﻣﺘـﻪ ﻓـﻲ أي‬
‫دوﻟﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻣﺘﻰ ﻃﻠﺐ ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫واﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻻ ً ﻟﻠﺪور اﻟﺬي ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻓﻘـﺪ وﺿـﻌﺖ‬
‫اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﺎ ً ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ً ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ واﻋﺪت اﳋﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳـﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘـﻪ‬
‫وذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪة ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت وﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ اﳉﻬـﺎت ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ ﻣـﻦ وزارات وإدارات وﻣﻨﻬـﺎ وزارة اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ وﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﳋﻄﻮات اﳌﺮاد ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫اﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﻮﻣﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﺸﺄن وﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺔ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﲔ ﻋـﻦ أي‬
‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت أو ﲡﺎوزات‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﳋﺎص ﺑﺘﺤﺴﲔ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ ً وﺻﺤﻴﺎ ً وﻣﺮاﻋﺎة ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺼﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫أﺧﺬ زﻣﺎم اﳌﺒﺎدرة ﺑﺘﺤﺴﲔ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة ﻗﺒﻞ اﻧﺘﻈـﺎر اﻟﺘﻘـﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗـﺼﺪر ﻣـﻦ اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺎت‬
‫واﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫واﳉﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ ‪,‬اﻟﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ,‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﰎ اﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻲ وزﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﰎ ﻋﻘـﺪ‬
‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﻣﻄﻮل ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ وﻣﻌﺎﻟﻲ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ وأﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ وﻗﺪ أﻛﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻲ وزﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺪأ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون واﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ وأن ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻣﻌﻨﻴـﺔ ﺑﺤﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ وأن ﻫﻨـﺎك ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻌـﺎ ً ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎت اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ أﺑﺪا ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪه ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن وذﻟـﻚ ﻋﻨـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻄﺮق ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة واﳉﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ﻋﺪد اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ ﺑﻠـﻎ ‪ ٧‬ﻣﻼﻳـﲔ ﺗﺒﻠـﻎ‬
‫ﲢﻮﻳﻼﺗﻬﻢ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪاﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳌﺼﺎرف واﻟﺒﻨﻮك اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ إﻟﻰ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٦٠‬ﻣﻠﻴـﺎر رﻳـﺎل )‪ ١٦‬ﻣﻠﻴـﺎر‬
‫دوﻻر أﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ( ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺎ ً‪ ,‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻓﺎد ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎء ﺷـﺮﻛﺎت ﻣـﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺪام اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫وﻓﻖ أﺳﺲ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﲢﻔﻆ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ وﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻫﺬه اﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎت ﺑﺈﺣﻀﺎر اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ وﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻬﺎ‬
‫وﺗﺄﺟﻴﺮﻫﺎ وﺗﻜﻮن ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ ﺣﻴﺚ إن ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪ وﺻـﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻫـﻮ‬
‫‪107‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻞ اﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎم واﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻟﺪى اﳉﻬﺎت اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ,‬ﻟﺘﻘﺮ ﻻﺋﺤﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء وﺳﻴﺒﺪأ اﻟﺘـﺮﺧﻴﺺ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﺸﺮﻛﺔ واﺣﺪة وﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪,‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم‪ ,‬ﻓﺈن اﺧﺘﺼﺎص اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ أﺗﺎح ﻟﻬﺎ اﻻﻃﻼع ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة واﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻮﺟـﻮد‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻻﺑﺪ أن ﻳﺼﺎﺣﺐ ذﻟﻚ وﺟﻮد ﺑﻌﺾ اﻹﺷﻜﺎﻻت ﺳﻮاء ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ أو رب اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻠﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻼﻳﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ واﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ واﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﺎﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ واﻟﻘـﻮاﻧﲔ وﺷـﺮوط‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ,‬وﻗﺪ درﺳﺖ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ رﻏﻢ ﻋﻤﺮﻫﺎ اﻟﻘﺼﻴﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻻ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺛـﻼث ﺳـﻨﻮات ﻣـﺎ ﻳﻘـﺎرب )‪ (٢٣٥٦‬ﻗـﻀﻴﺔ ﰎ‬
‫إﻧﻬﺎء ﺟﺰء ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ واﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ إﻣﺎ أﺣﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺎت اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ أو ﻻ ﺗـﺰال ﻗﻴـﺪ اﻟﺒﺤـﺚ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ‬
‫اﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﺖ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ﺿﻌﻒ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻌﺪد ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ أو اﻻﺗﺼﺎل اﻟﻬـﺎﺗﻔﻲ‪ ,‬وﰎ إﻧﻬـﺎء‬
‫اﻹﺷﻜﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻣﻊ أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ أو ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪108‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﳝﺎم اﻟﺰﺑﻴﺪي‬
‫ﺑﺎﺣﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ دﻳﻮان اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎواة‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ‬
‫‪109‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺪاﺗﻲ وﺳﺎدﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎء اﳋﻴﺮ‪،‬‬
‫دﻋﻮﻧﻲ أﺑﺪأ ﺑﺄن أﻧﻘﻞ ﲢﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺪة ﻛﺎﺗﺮي ﻟﻴﻨﺎ ‪ -‬أﻣﻴﻨﺔ دﻳﻮان اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ ‪ -‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻌـﻀﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﺪى اﻟﺴﻴﺪة ﻟﻴﻨﺎ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻫﻨﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻫﺬا ﻛﻤﻔﺎﺟﺄة‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﺪى اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﺪد ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺟﺪا ً ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻋﺪد اﻟـﺴﻜﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻜﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺐ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻹﺣﺼﺎء اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ )إﺣﺼﺎءات اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ( ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٧‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ‪ ١,٢‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻓﺮدا ً‬
‫ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ ﳑﻦ وﻟﺪوا ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺒﻼد‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﺎدل ‪ %١٣‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺪاد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد‪ .‬إن ﻫﺬا ﻣـﻦ أﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻷرﻗﺎم ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا دون اﻷﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﳊﺴﺎب اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﺬﻳﻦ وﻟﺪوا ﻓﻲ اﻟـﺴﻮﻳﺪ ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻟـﺪﻳﻬﻢ واﻟـﺪ‬
‫واﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ وﻟﺪ ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺒﻼد‪ .‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ آﺧﺮ اﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎت إﻟﻰ أﻧﻪ ﺧﻼل ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬ﻫﺎﺟﺮ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ ‪ ١٠٠,٠٠٠‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٦٥‬دوﻟﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺷﻚ ﻓﻲ أن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻲ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬ﺑـﺮﻏﻢ‬
‫ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ وﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬وﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺎرب ‪ ٤,٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ً‬
‫ﻓﺮدا‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪم اﳌﺴﺎواة ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺎم أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺒﺎرة أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺠـﺐ أن‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻖ أو ﺗﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ‪ -‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺗﺪور ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻮل ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﺮى اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬إﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺪور ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺣـﻮل ﻛﻴـﻒ‬
‫ﻧﺮى أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ ‪ -‬أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺪور ﺣﻮل ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﺮﻳﺪ ﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻨﺎ أن ﻳﺒﺪو‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﻳﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن‬
‫اﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎم اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻼد ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻬﻞ ﺗﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄـﻮﻳﺮ ﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت ﺿـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ اﳉﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ﻣﺎ ذﻛﺮ أﻋﻼه‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﳉﻨﺲ واﻹﻋﺎﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻓﻌـﻼ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘـﻰ وإن‬
‫واﻵن‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ ﳑﻴﺰ ‪ -‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧـﺤﻴﺎز ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ً أن ﻧﻌﻠﻦ أن اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟـﺴﻮﻳﺪي ﳑﻴـﺰ‬
‫ﻛﺎن ﻟﺪﻳﻪ اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﻮر اﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻼد اﻟﺸﻤﺎل‪ .‬ﻣﺎ أﺷﻴﺮ إﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻨـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻮ ﻣـﺎ ﻛـﺎن ﻳـﺪﻋﻰ ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬
‫اﻷﺣﻴﺎن "ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي"‪ .‬إﻧـﻪ ﳕـﻮذج ﻳﺘـﺼﻒ ﺑﺪرﺟـﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﻹﻧﺘﻤـﺎء اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤـﻲ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ‬
‫واﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ‪ .‬إن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻷﻃﺮاف ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﺛﻼﺛـﺔ ‪ -‬وﻃﻨـﻲ‪ ،‬وﻣـﺴﺘﻮى واﺳـﻊ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ‬
‫َ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻗﺪ اﻋﺘﺒﺮت‪ ،‬وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪي‪ ،‬اﻵﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﳊـﻞ أي ﻧﺰاﻋـﺎت‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌـﺎ ً ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺨـﺼﺺ‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻒ اﻟـﺬي ﻳﻜـﻮن ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺎ ً ﳑﻴﺰا ً ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﻠﻚ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﻟﺴﺆال‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﳊﻞ اﻟﻨﺰاﻋﺎت ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ‪ -‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ‪-‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻸﻃﺮاف ﲤﺜﻴﻞ ﻗﻮي‪.‬‬
‫وﻫﻜﺬا ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣﺒـﺪأ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﳌﻔﺎوﺿـﺔ اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﻜـﺮة ﻫـﻲ أن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳉﻤﻴـﻊ‪ .‬ﻟـﺴﻮء اﳊـﻆ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻟﻮاﻗﻊ أن اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺎت اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪة‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮورة وﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺬاﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ اﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻔﺮد‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺬا اﳌﻔﻬﻮم‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق أﻓﺮادٍ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﲔ ﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎت أﻗﻞ ﲤﺜﻴﻼ ً أو ﳑﻴﺰ ﺿﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫إن اﻻﺧﺘﻼف ﺑﲔ اﳊﻘﻮق اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷوﺟﻪ اﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﺒﻪ اﻻﺧﺘﻼف ﺑـﲔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎت اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد‪ ،‬ﺟﺎء اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻟﻴﺴﺪ اﻟﺜﻐﺮات‪ ،‬أي ﻟﻴﻀﻤﻦ أن ﻣﺒﺪأ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻛﺎف‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻲ أن اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻐﺎﺿﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬وﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷوﺿﺎع ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ٍ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﺻﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ واﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎء اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﳉﻨﺲ واﻹﻋﺎﻗﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ اﳉﻨـﺴﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪110‬‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ إﻟﺰاﻣﻲ‪ ،‬أي أﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻓﺮﻋﻴﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺎت اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻮاﻋـﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي‪ .‬وﺑﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ آﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻫﻮ آﻟﻴـﺔ ﻟـﻀﻤﺎن اﻻﻟﺘـﺰام ﺑﺈرﺷـﺎدات‬
‫اﻹﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬واﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﺸﻤﻞ اﳌﺎدة اﻷﺳﺎس ﻓﻲ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ ‪ -‬اﳌﺎدة ‪.٧‬‬
‫وﻫﻜﺬا‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﺬ إدﺧﺎل اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻷول ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﺻﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ واﻻﻧﺘﻤـﺎء اﻟـﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻗﺒـﻞ ‪ ١٥‬ﺳـﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﰎ‬
‫ﲢﺴﲔ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻋﺪة ﻣﺮات‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺪ اﻟﺜﻐﺮات اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪة اﻟﺘـﻲ ﰎ اﻟﺘﻌـﺮف ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫أﺧﺮﻳﺎت‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎن ﻣﺮﻛﺰ أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻗﺪ أﻧﺸﺄ ﻋﺎم ‪ - ١٩٨٦‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﳝﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻄﺎت ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛـﻞ‬
‫ﺣﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ازدادت ﺳﻠﻄﺎت أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬وﻳﻌﺰى ذﻟـﻚ إﻟـﻰ اﻟﺘﻌـﺪﻳﻼت اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ً‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﻄﻮرات اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي واﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ أوﻛﻠﺖ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٨٦‬إﻟﻰ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٣‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺔ ﲡﺎه ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎت اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ ﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎت اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻨـﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ ﺿـﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ اﻟﻌﻨـﺼﺮي‬
‫واﻟﺘﻌﺼﺐ )‪.(ECRI‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻧﻪ ﻻ زال ﻫﻨﺎك ﺛﻐﺮات ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ً ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺎﺳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﺧﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻠﻊ‪ ،‬واﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ ،‬وﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ إﻧـﺸﺎء ﻣـﺸﺮوع أو ﳑﺎرﺳـﺔ ﻣﻬﻨـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗـﺄﻣﲔ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟـﺔ‪ ،‬واﳋـﺪﻣﺎت‬
‫واﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ أو ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳋﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻮم‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ إﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﻋﺪة أن ﻛﻞ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺳـﻮف ﻳﺤـﺼﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدٌ ﻟﻴـﺴﺪ اﻟﺜﻐـﺮات‪ ،‬وﻳﻘـﺼﺪ ﻣﻨـﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق وﻓﺮص ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮ‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ ً أن ﻳﻀﻤﻦ أن اﻷﺻﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ أو اﻻﻧﺘﻤـﺎء اﻟـﺪﻳﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤـﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻜـﻮن ﻟﻬﻤـﺎ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ ﺑـﺎﻷﻣﺮ ‪ -‬ﻻ ﻳﺆﺧـﺬان‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﺗﺨﺎذ ﻗﺮار‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺄﻛﺪ أﻧﻬﻤﺎ ﻳﺆﺧﺬان ﺣﻘﺎ ً ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻜـﻮن ﻟﻬﻤـﺎ‬
‫أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺮار ﻗﻴﺪ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬وﻫﻜﺬا ﻳﺤﻮل اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ أﻳﻀﺎ ً دون اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻮق ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ اﶈﻈـﻮر‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن ﻳﻔـﺮض‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌـﻞ‪ ،‬واﺟﺒـﺎت‬
‫اﺳﺘﺒﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺪارس‬
‫واﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﻟﻴﺘﺨﺬوا ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ وﻗﺎﺋﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺮوﻓﺔ دوﻟﻴﺎ ً ﺑﺘـﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ اﻹﻳﺠـﺎﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠـﻰ‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈـﺮ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن أن ﻳﺘﺄﻛﺪ أن ﻇﺮوف اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻳﻠﺰم‬
‫َ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪َ ْ ُ ،‬‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇـﻒ ‪ -‬ﲢـﺖ ﻃﺎﺋﻠـﺔ اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑـﺔ ﺑﻐﺮاﻣـﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻴـﺔ ‪-‬‬
‫أﺻﻮﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ أو اﻧﺘﻤﺎﺋﻬﻢ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎل آﺧﺮ ﻫﻮ أن‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ أن ﻳﺘﺨﺬ ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﻣﺰﻳﺪا ً ﻣﻦ اﳌﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ أو اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺬا إن ﻛـﺎن ﻗـﺪ ﰎ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ أو ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ وﺟﻮد ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎت‪.‬‬
‫إن ﺳﻠﻄﺎت أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ واﺳﻌﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪ .‬وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻮم‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻮﺻـﻒ ﺑﺄﻧـﻪ ﻛﻠـﺐ ﺣﺮاﺳـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ أن ﻗﺎﻋﺪة اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻖ ﻓﻲ أرﺟﺎء اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أن ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺗﻪ اﻷﺧﺮى‪:‬‬
‫اﻗﺘﺮاح ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼت ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ إﻟﻰ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﺮض أﻓﻜﺎر ﺣﻮل ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎت ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘـﺪﱘ اﳌـﺸﻮرة‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮر‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ أﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻧﺸﺮ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬه اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ‪ -‬ﻟـﻦ ﺗﻜـﻮن ﻓﻌﺎﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻴﻮم ﺑﺪون أدوات ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ُ ِ َ‬
‫ﺧﻮل أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ رﻗﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑـﺴﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ واﻟﻘﻄـﺎع‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ واﳌﺪارس ﻳﻠﺘﺰﻣﻮن ﺑﻮاﺟﺒﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﺗﺨﺎذ ﻧﺸﺎط إﻳﺠـﺎﺑﻲ‪ .‬وﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺄﻛﺪ أن‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﳊﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﳝﺘﻠﻚ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﻴﺤﻘﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻜﺎوى اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وأن ﳝﺜﻞ اﻷﺷـﺨﺎص ﻓـﻲ اﶈﻜﻤـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وإذا ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻞ أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ اﶈﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﻌﻔﺎة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻔﻘﺎت‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ُذﻛﺮ أﻋﻼه‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﳌﻬﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰا ً ﳑﻴﺰا ً‪ .‬إﺣﺪى اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ أن اﻟﺸﻜﺎوى اﳌﺘﻌﻠـﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺮﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬إﻟـﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺑـﺔ ﻋﻤـﺎل اﳌـﺸﺘﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ ﺗـﺮﻓﺾ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻜﻮى‪ ،‬أو ﲤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻓﻲ اﶈﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻸﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ أن ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺎ ً‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺳﺒﺒﺎن رﺋﻴﺴﺎن ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻛﻬﺬه‪ .‬اﻟـﺴﺒﺐ اﻷول أن اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑـﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﻘـﺪ‬
‫‪111‬‬
‫ﺑﺄن اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻧﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﶈﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻣﻔﻬﻮم ﺣﻴﺚ أن اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻜﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫أﻣﺎ اﻟﺴﺒﺐ اﻵﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ أن اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻦ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻋـﻀﻮﻫﺎ ﻓﻬـﻮ أﻛﺜـﺮ إﺷـﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن اﳊﺮﻛـﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻧــﺤﻮ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪي‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻔﺎوﺿﺎت اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق اﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﺑﺘـﻀﺎرب ﻣـﻊ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻟﻔﺮد‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﺴﺎؤﻻت ﺣﻮل اﳌﺪى اﻟﺬي ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﻦ أن ﲢـﺪد اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ ﻓـﻲ ﺣﻴـﺎة‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ أﻧﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ أن ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺧﻼﻓﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟـﻚ ﺗﻠـﻚ اﻟﻨﺰاﻋـﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ ﲤﻴﻴـﺰا ً‪ ،‬ﳝﻜـﻦ‬
‫اﻓﺘﺮاض أن ُ َ َ‬
‫ﲢﻞ ﺧﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺣﻞ اﳋﻼف اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺘﺮك ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﻳﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ‬
‫ﻫﺬا ﻣﻮﺿﻊ واﺣﺪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ اﻟﺪور اﳊﻴﻮي ﻷﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺎ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻧﺴﺎﻋﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‬
‫واﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﺑﺒﺮاﻣﺞ ﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬وﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻜﻴﻴﻒ اﻟﺒـﺮاﻣﺞ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ِ‬
‫اﻟﺪوام ﻟﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺸﻤﻞ ﺟـﺰﺋﲔ أﺳﺎﺳـﲔ ‪ -‬ﺟـﺰءا ً‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎ ً‪ ،‬وﺟﺰءا ً ﻳﻬﺪف إﻟﻰ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﲔ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﲔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻛﻈﺎﻫﺮة اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻨﺎ إﻃﻼﻗﺎ ً أن ﻧﻀﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ وﺣـﺪﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﻤـﺎ ﺑﻠﻐـﺖ ﻗﻮﺗﻬـﺎ ‪ -‬اﻟﺘﺰاﻣـﺎ ً ﻛـﺎﻣﻼ ً ﺑﻘﺎﻋـﺪة‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪم اﳌﺴﺎواة‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻃﻼق‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻧﺎدرا ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺟﺪﻟﻴﺎ ً‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻓـﻲ أن أﻣـﲔ اﳌﻈـﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺴﻂ أﻧﺸﻄﺘﻪ اﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺠﺎوزا ً اﳌﻤﺜﻠﲔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺳـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت أﻗﻞ ﲤﺜﻴﻼ ً ﻓﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬وﻧﻌﻨﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻷﻛﺜﺮ اﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻻ ً ﻟﻠﺘﻌـﺮض ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ‪ .‬إذا‬
‫ﻛﺎن ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ أن ﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻫﺬه اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ وﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘـﺪرﻳﺐ‬
‫ﰎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻬﺬه اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺑﺘﻜﺮار أﻛﺜﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ أﻛﺜﺮ إﻧﺘﺎﺟﺎ ً ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﺒﺎدﻻ ً‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪى أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗﺰودﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺧﺒﺮات أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬إﺣﺪى اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋـﺎت ﻫـﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻌﻠـﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬واﻷﺧﺮى ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﺷﺮق أوﺳﻄﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻨﺎ إﻟﻰ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺘﲔ ﻫـﺎﺗﲔ‪ُ ِ َ ُ ،‬‬
‫وﻧﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ آن واﺣﺪ‪.‬‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ‪ ١‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٩‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﺎك وﺟﻮد ﻷﻣﲔ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺪ ﰎ دﻣﺠـﻪ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎت اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺜﻼث اﻷﺧﺮى اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ‪ -‬أﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﳌﺴﺎواة اﳉﻨﺲ‪ ،‬وأﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺿﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ اﳉﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬وأﻣﲔ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳـﺎس اﻹﻋﺎﻗـﺔ‪ .‬وﻻ وﺟـﻮد ﻟﻠﻘـﻮاﻧﲔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﻨﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﻷﺻﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ أو اﻹﻧﺘﻤﺎء اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﰎ دﻣﺠﻬﻢ ﻣـﻊ اﻟﻘـﻮاﻧﲔ اﻷﺧـﺮى ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺴﺎواة وﺣﻴﺪ ﳝﻨﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺳﺲ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒـﺎ‪ ،‬وﻗـﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫ﻧـﺤﻦ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ‪ -‬ﻫﻲ دﻳﻮان اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪي ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎواة‪ ،‬وﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺎﺋـﺔ ﻣﻮﻇـﻒ‬
‫واﺣﺪ ﳝﻨﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ أﺳﺲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰎ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﺔ أﻣـﺮ اﻧﺘـﺪاب أﻣـﲔ اﳌﻈـﺎﻟﻢ ‪ .‬ﻫـﺬا اﻟـﺪﻣﺞ‬
‫ﻳﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎدئ ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬا ﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲء‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬أذا ﻣﺎ ﰎ ﲡـﺎوز اﻣـﺮأة ﻣـﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﺗـﺪي‬
‫ﺣﺠﺎﺑﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أن ﺗﺮﻓﻊ ﺷﻜﺎوى ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﻗﻒ اﻷﻗﻮى ﻳﺠﻠﺐ ﻣﻌـﻪ ﲢـﺪﻳﺎت ﺟﺪﻳـﺪة أﻳـﻀﺎ ً‪ .‬ﻛﻴـﻒ ﳝﻜـﻦ أن ﻧﻜـﺸﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻫﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ اﳉﻨﺲ واﻟﻌﺮق واﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮد ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ أﻏﻠـﺐ اﻷﺣﻴـﺎن ‪ -‬إﻟـﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ ﺿـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ أﺳﺲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺪي اﳉﺪﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨـﺎك ﲢـﺪ‬
‫آﺧﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أن اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ اﻟﻼ‪ -‬ﲤﻴﻴﺰي ﻻ ﻳﻐﻄﻲ اﻟـﺸﺮﻃﺔ واﻟﻨﻈـﺎم اﻟﻘـﻀﺎﺋﻲ ذاﺗـﻪ‪ .‬وﻫﻨـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟـﺪ ﺣﺎﺟـﺔ‬
‫‪112‬‬
‫إﻳﺪاع ﻓﻲ اﻟـﺴﺠﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﺳﺘﺒﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻃﺮاف اﳌﺘﻮرﻃﺔ أن ﺗﺘﺼﺮف ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺪوث اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻓﺈذا ﻣﺎ ﰎ‬
‫ٌ‬
‫أﺧﺬ َ ﻃﻔﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧـﺤﻮ ﺧﺎﻃﺊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺸﺆون اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ اﻹﺻـﻼح ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺣـﺪوث‬
‫أو ُ ِ‬
‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﳊﺎل‪ ،‬أﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﺪة ﺣﻴﺚ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ُﻳﺤﺘﺎج إﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻞ‬
‫إﻟﻰ ﺣﻮار ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻬـﻢ ﻣـﺸﺘﺮك ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻷﻗﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺒﺎرات أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺆاﻟﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺪي ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن ﻧﻀﻤﻦ أﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﺮك ﺛﻐﺮات ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم؟‬
‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن ﻧﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻟﻜﻲ ُﻳﻌﻤﻢ اﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺎم اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻌﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ؟‬
‫‪113‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة ﺳﻬﻴﻠﺔ زﻳﺘﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺴﻘﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎرﻳﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬
‫‪114‬‬
‫أوﻻ ً‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫أ‪ -‬ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮف ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻏﺰو وﻫﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﺪ ﳉﻮء‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌـﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺑـﺴﺒﺐ ﺿـﻌﻒ اﳌﻌـﺪل‬
‫اﻟﺪﳝﻮﻏﺮاﻓﻲ‪ ،‬اﺣﺘﺎﺟﺖ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎؤوا ﻣﻦ اﳌـﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮات ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎل‬
‫أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ واﻟﻬﻨﺪ اﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮة وﺟﻴﺰة‪ ،‬ﺧﻼل اﳊﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪ ،‬اﺣﺘﺎﺟﺖ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ "إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﻋﻮه ﺟﻨﻮد‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﶈﻠﻴﲔ ﻗﺪﻣﻮا ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮات اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،١٩٤٥‬ﰎ ﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﺳﺘﻤﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ ‪ ٦٠‬ﻋﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬أدﺧـﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼت ﺣﺴﺐ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺘﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ اﳊﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﻌﺖ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮ‪.‬‬
‫أﻏﻠﻘﺖ ﻫﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ رﺳﻤﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٩٧٤‬ﺑﻌﺪ أزﻣـﺔ اﻟـﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬وﺣﺎوﻟـﺖ اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ﺿـﺒﻂ ﺗـﺪﻓﻖ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺧﻮل ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮ‪ ،‬اﻟـﺬي أﺻـﺒﺢ‬
‫ﻋﺪل اﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻣـﺮات‬
‫ﳝﺜﻞ اﳉﺰء اﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ‪ .‬واﺑﺘﺪاء ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎت وﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ّ ٢٠٠٦‬‬
‫ﻋﺪة ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة؛ أﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ "ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪﺧﻮل واﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ وﺣﻖ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧﺐ"‪.‬‬
‫ب‪ -‬ﺗﻄﻮر ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،١٩٨٤‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬أدﺧﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻬـﻢ اﻋﺘـﺮف ﺻـﺮاﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ ﺑﺤـﻖ‬
‫اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎل ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺺ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺗـﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻣﺪﺗـﻪ ﻋـﺸﺮة ﺳـﻨﻮات اﺳـﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻠـﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫أوﺗﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﻜﻴﺎ ﳝﻨـﺢ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﳑﺎرﺳﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺨﺘﺎرﻫﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧـﺤﺎء اﻷراﺿـﻲ اﻟﻔﺮﻧـﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻨـﺢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ دﺧﻠﻮا اﻟﺒﻼد ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ وأﻗـﺎﻣﻮا ﻓـﻲ ﻓﺮﻧـﺴﺎ ﺛـﻼث ﺳـﻨﻮات‪،‬‬
‫وﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮن إﺛﺒﺎت ﺑﺄن ﻟﻬﻢ رواﺑﻂ أﺳﺮﻳﺔ أو ارﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎت ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﻈﺮة ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﻟﻢ ﺗﺪم‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬اﺑﺘﺪاء ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،١٩٨٦‬أﻋﺎدت اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ اﻟﻨﻈـﺮ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ وﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎم ﻟﺘﺼﻌﻴﺐ وﺿﻊ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ّ‬
‫اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬ﲢﻮل اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن إﻟﻰ "ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪﺧﻮل واﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ وﺣﻖ اﻟﻠﺠـﻮء ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧـﺐ"‪ ،‬ﺑﻬـﺪف ﺗﻮﺣﻴـﺪ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫اﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ أدﺧﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ورﲟﺎ ﺗﺒﺴﻴﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻛـﺎن ﻟـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫اﳌﺴﻌﻰ ﻋﻮاﻗﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻛﺴﺔ ﺟﻌﻠﺘﻪ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪا‪ .‬أﺿـﻒ إﻟـﻰ ذﻟـﻚ أن ﻫـﺬا اﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻤـﻞ اﻹﺻـﻼﺣﺎت‬
‫اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺣﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻘﺪم ﻧﻘﻄﺘﲔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﲔ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺷﻴﺎن ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﺎم ﺑﺎﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪:‬‬
‫أوﻻ‪ ،‬اﻋﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺻﺮاﺣﺔ ﺑﺄن اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮ واﳊﻴﺎة اﳋﺎﺻﺔ أو اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء "ﻫﺠﺮة ﻗﺴﺮﻳﺔ"‪.‬‬
‫وﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎل اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎرﻛﻮزي )وﻛﺎن ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ وزﻳﺮا ﻟﻠﺸﺆون اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻫﺠﺮة "ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑﺔ"‪ ،‬وﺣﻀﻮر‬
‫اﻟﻨﺎس إﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻷﺳﺒﺎب ﻻ ﻳﺠﻌﻠﻬﻢ "ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺐ" وﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺳﻌﻰ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن إﻟﻰ وﺿﻊ اﳌﺰﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻄﻠﺒﻮن ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺳﺒﺎب اﳌﺬﻛﻮرة‪ .‬اﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻳﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳـﻨﻮات ﺑﻔـﺮض ﺷـﺮوط ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻬـﺎ ﻣﺜـﻞ "اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣـﻞ‬
‫اﳉﻤﻬﻮري"‪ .‬وﻳﻮﺳﻊ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن أﻳﻀﺎ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻺدارات اﶈﻠﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨــﺢ ﺗـﺼﺎرﻳﺢ اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺸﺠﺐ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون واﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎت ﺑﲔ اﻹدارات واﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ اﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮن ﺑﺘـﺸﺪد‬
‫وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﻲ‪ .‬وﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ اﳌﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺮﻏﺒﻬﺎ واﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ واﳌﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﳑﺎرﺳﺘﻬﺎ )ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻘﻴﻮد(‪.‬‬
‫‪115‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﻀﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة "اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺎرة" واﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ اﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺘﺬب اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل ﻣـﻦ أﺻـﺤﺎب اﳌﻬـﺎرات‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل إذن إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻷﺻﺤﺎب"اﻟﻜﻔﺎءات واﳌﻮاﻫﺐ"‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﳝﻨـﺢ اﻟﺸﺨﺺ اﳌﻌﻨـﻲ اﳊـﻖ ﻓـﻲ اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﳌﺪة ﺛﻼث ﺳﻨﻮات‪ ،‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺰوج أو اﻟﺰوﺟﺔ واﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أن اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻮﻗﻔﻮن دراﺳﺘﻬﻢ ﻷﺳﺒﺎب‬
‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ اﻟﺒﻘﺎء واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬اﳌﺴﺎر اﳉﺪﻳﺪ اﻵﺧـﺮ ﻟﻠﻬﺠـﺮة ﻫـﻮ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺨﺘﺎرون ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﳊﺎﺟﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد‪ .‬وﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﺘـﺼﺎرﻳﺢ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﻳﺤـﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬وﺗﺒﻠﻎ اﳌﺪة اﻟﻘـﺼﻮى ﻟﻺﻗﺎﻣـﺔ اﳌﺆﻗﺘـﺔ ﺳـﻨﺔ واﺣـﺪة‬
‫وﳝﻜﻦ أن ﲢﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﺎن ﻋﺪة‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﺗﺨﺺ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺄﺑﺤﺎث أو ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮن ﻓﻲ اﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻓﻲ اﳌﻬﻦ اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ راﺗﺐ‪ :‬ﳑﻦ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن ﻋﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ داﺋﺮة اﻹﺷﺮاف ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة واﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻮﺳﻤﻴﻮن‪ :‬ﻋﻘﺪ ﳌﺪة ﺳﺘﺔ أﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﺔ وﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺪﻳـﺪ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﻓﺘـﺮة ﻻ ﺗﺰﻳـﺪ ﻋـﻦ ﺛـﻼث‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮات‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﳊﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﺧﺎرج ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻔﻮن اﳌﻨﺘﺪﺑﻮن‪ :‬اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن اﳌﺒﻌﻮﺛﻮن ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﺎرج ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬إﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﺻـﺎﳊﺔ ﳌـﺪة‬
‫ﺛﻼث ﺳﻨﻮات ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻪ ﺑﺮاﻳﺲ ﻫﻮرﺗﻴﻔﻮ وزﻳـﺮ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‪ ،‬واﻟـﺪﻣﺞ‪ ،‬واﻟﻬﻮﻳـﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ اﻟـﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪" ،‬اﻟﻘـﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ" وﰎ ﺗﺒﻨﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٧‬‬
‫وﲟﻮﺟﺐ اﳌﺎدة ‪ ،٤٠‬ﻳﻨﺺ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﻌﻞ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻧﻈـﺎﻣﻲ إذا ﻃﻠـﺐ رب‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ذﻟﻚ ودﻓﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬وﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎع ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‬
‫وﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﺪا ﻣﺪﺗﻪ ﺳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٧‬ﻛﺎن دﺧﻮل ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ اﳉﺰء اﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ‬
‫إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻨـﺤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس "اﳊﻴﺎة اﻷﺳﺮﻳﺔ واﳋﺎﺻﺔ"‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ﻣﻨـﺢ ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﲢـﺖ ﺑﻨـﺪ "ﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﺑﺮاﺗـﺐ"‬
‫ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن "اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﻟﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﺮاض" )اﻟﺬي ﳝﻨـﺢ اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﻟﻔﺮﻧـﺴﻴﲔ وﻋﻤـﺎل‬
‫ّ‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ(‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ‪ ٢٤‬ﲤﻮز ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﻣﺤـﺪدة وإﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺻـﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴـﻒ‪ .‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻛـﺎن ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿـﺢ أن ﻫـﺆﻻء اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻘﻮد ﻗﺼﻴﺮة اﳌﺪة وﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮة ﻣﻊ إذن إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻗـﺼﻴﺮ اﻷﻣـﺪ‪ .‬اﻟـﺸﺮوط‬
‫اﳌﺸﺪدة ﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﻂء اﻹﺟﺮاءات ﻳﻀﺎف إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌـﺴﺘﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻬـﺎ ﲤﻨـﻊ دﺧـﻮل‬
‫ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬اﻟﻬﺪف ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻏﻠﺐ إﺟﺒﺎر اﳌﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮك اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻋﻘﻮدﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ً‪ :‬ﺣﺠﺞ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺮر ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة واﻟﺮﻓﺾ‬
‫ﺻﺮح ﳑﺜﻠﻮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺑﺄن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌـﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻔﺮﻧـﺴﻴﺔ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰاﻣـﺎت‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺘﻲ وﻗﻌـﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ وﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﻌﺎم ‪.١٩٨٣‬‬
‫أ‪ -‬اﳊﺠﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪ :‬اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻳﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -١‬اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ وﻗﻌﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪:‬‬
‫وﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬
‫‪116‬‬
‫‪ .١‬اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ .٢‬اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ .٣‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي‬
‫‪ .٤‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‬
‫‪ .٥‬اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‬
‫‪ .٦‬اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ .٧‬اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة رﻗﻢ ‪٩٧‬‬
‫‪ .٨‬اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة رﻗﻢ ‪ ١١١‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫‪ .٩‬اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ واﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ اﳌﻨﻘﺤﺔ‬
‫‪ .١٠‬اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ )ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺤﻔﻆ واﻹﻋﻼن(‬
‫اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺼﺪق ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬
‫‪ .١‬اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ .٢‬اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة رﻗﻢ ‪ ١٤٣‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪ -٢‬اﻟﺮﻓﺾ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺪرس ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻼﺣﻆ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘـﺔ ﻣـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺄن ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ‬
‫اﳊﻘﻮق ﻣﻨﺼﻮص ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ وﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮب‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻼﺣﻆ أن اﻟﻔﺠﻮة ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ وﺑﲔ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫أ(‬
‫ب(‬
‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺣﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺮة واﳊﻴﺎة اﳋﺎﺻﺔ واﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أوﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ودﻋﺖ إﻟﻰ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺸﺪد ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻷن اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓـﺎ ﺑﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﻧـﺼﻮص دوﻟﻴـﺔ أﺧـﺮى‬
‫وﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ أدﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬اﻟﻀﻌﻔﺎء ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص‪.‬‬
‫ب( ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻴﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ وﲟﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﺎم ‪ .١٩٨٣‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻘﻴـﻮد‪ ،‬وﻗـﺪ أﺻـﺪرت ﻓﺮﻧـﺴﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧـﺎ أﻋﻠﻨـﺖ ﻓﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﲢﻔﻈﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ أﻋﻠﻨﺖ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ أن إﻋﺎدة ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮوط ﻧﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﳌﺎدة‬
‫‪ ،٢.١٢‬أي أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻮارد ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ وﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮة وﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ اﻟﺘﺤﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﺪ ‪ ١٨‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﺒﻨﺪ اﻷﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻷن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻫـﻢ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﲔ ﻣﻦ دول ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪117‬‬
‫ج( اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻚ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة‬
‫اﳌﺎدة ‪ ٤١‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة‪ :‬اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت واﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟـﺸﺆون اﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ‪ -‬اﳊﻘـﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺪا ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻮ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ,‬ﻣﻦ ذا اﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب وﻳﺤﻖ ﻟﻪ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎت اﶈﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫واﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ؟ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻖ ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌـﺎم ‪ ،١٩٨١‬ﺗﻌﻬـﺪ ﻣﺮﺷـﺢ اﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳـﺔ ﻣﺘـﺮان ﲟﻨــﺢ‬
‫اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﻖ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﻋﺪه‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ وﻇﻬﻮر "اﳉﺒﻬﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﺣﺰب‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻳﻨﺎﻫﺾ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة واﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ذﻟﻚ اﳊـﲔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤـﺖ ﺣﻤـﻼت ﺑﻬـﺪف اﻟﺘـﺮوﻳﺞ ﻟﺘـﺼﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة‬
‫ﻧﺼﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة ﲢﺖ اﻟﺒﻨﺪ ‪.٤٤‬‬
‫"ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ" واﻟﺬي ﻫﻮ أﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ إدارﻳﺔ رﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ اﻷﺳﺮة واﳊﻖ ﻓـﻲ اﳊـﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﻴـﺎة‬
‫أﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﺒﺪأ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺎم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،١٩٧٨‬وﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺠـﺐ أن‬
‫ﻳﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪم اﳌﺴﺎواة‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة ﻫﻮ اﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪة‪ ،‬وأﺻﺒﺢ اﻵن "ﻫﺠﺮة ﻗﺴﺮﻳﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﳝﻴﻞ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺒﺪأ‬
‫ﻳﺤﺪ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪرة اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ أﻓـﺮاد أﺳـﺮﻫﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﻠـﺪﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻷن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺤﺼﻮرا ﺑﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ وأن‬
‫ّ‬
‫اﻷﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪرة اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ واﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺎت اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ اﳌﺘﺰوﺟﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫إﺟﺮاء ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة ﻻ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ إﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪد ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺌﺎت اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪:‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ƒ‬
‫أوﻻ‪ ،‬زوج‪/‬زوﺟﺔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻦ‪/‬اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ وأﻃﻔﺎﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺤﻖ ﻟﻬﻢ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬زوج‪/‬زوﺟﺔ وأﻃﻔﺎل ﻻﺟﺊ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ و"ﻋﺎﻟﻢ"‪ ،‬و"اﻟﻜﻔـﺎءات واﳌﻮاﻫـﺐ" أو "اﳌـﻮﻇﻔﲔ اﳌﻨﺘـﺪﺑﲔ" ﳑـﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ‪ ،‬أﺳﺮة ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﺘﺮة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ دوﻟﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ وﻳﺤﻤـﻞ ﺗـﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬
‫إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬وﻳﺤﻤﻞ إذن إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻌﻀﻮ وﻳﺨﻀﻊ ﻟﺸﺮوط اﳌـﻮارد اﳌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ واﻟﺘـﺄﻣﲔ؛ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﺰوج‪/‬اﻟﺰوﺟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة إﻻ اﻟﺰوج‪/‬اﻟﺰوﺟـﺔ واﻷﻃﻔـﺎل دون ﺳـﻦ ‪ ١٨‬ﺳـﻨﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﺰوﺟـﺎن ﻳﺠـﺐ أن‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﺰوﺟﺎن رﺳﻤﻴﺎ وأﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﺳﻦ أي ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻦ ‪ ١٨‬ﺳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﺪد اﻟﺰوﺟـﺎت ﻓـﻲ ﻓﺮﻧـﺴﺎ ﻋﺎﺋﻘـﺎ أﻣـﺎم‬
‫ﻟﻘﺼﺮ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ وﻟـﺪوا ﺧـﺎرج إﻃـﺎر اﻟـﺰواج أو ﻛـﺎﻧﻮا أﻃﻔـﺎﻻ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻤﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة‪ .‬وﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻪ إﻻ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل ا ّ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺒﻨﲔ‪ .‬وﳝﻜﻦ اﻧﺘﻬﺎك ﻫﺬا اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎل رﻓﺾ اﻹدارات اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻨـﺢ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺷـﺠﺒﺖ ﺣـﺎﻻت‬
‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺑﺮزﻫﺎ رﻓﺾ ﻣﻨـﺢ أزواج اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪف ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺰﻳﺠﺎت اﻟﺰاﺋﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫د( إﺟﺮاءات ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻚ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة‬
‫اﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺺ اﳌﺎدة ‪ ٧‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺪأ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ واﻟﻮارد ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻨﺪ "ل‪ "٤٥ -١٢٢ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﺬا ﻳﺘﻌﲔ‬
‫أن ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ اﳌﻮﻇﻒ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ وﻣﻦ ﺷـﺮوط اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ واﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﻧﻔـﺴﻬﺎ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﻳﺘﻤﺘـﻊ ﺑﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻒ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋـﺪم اﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳـﺪ أو اﻧﺘﻬـﺎء ﻣـﺪة اﻟﺘـﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻻ ﺗـﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺎﻟـﺔ ﺧﺎرﺟـﺔ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫‪118‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﺑﻞ داﻓﻌﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎ وﺟﺎدا ﻹﻧﻬﺎء اﳋﺪﻣﺔ‪ :‬وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻘﻮد إﻟﻰ ﻗﻴﺎم رب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺈﺟﺮاءات إﻧﻬـﺎء ﺧﺪﻣـﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻮﻇﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ دﻓﻊ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺾ اﻟﻌﻘﺪ‪ .‬إﻻ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺪودا ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﳌﻮﻇﻒ اﻟـﺬي ﻻ ﻳـﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻠﺒﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺷﺮط اﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺬا ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺄي ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻀﺎت ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺒﻠﻴﻎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻷﺳﺒﺎب ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ زاﻟﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ أﻧﺸﺄت ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌـﺎم‬
‫‪" ٢٠٠٥‬اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ وﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎواة"‪ .‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﺸﻜﺎوى ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ؛ وﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎء اﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ أو اﳌﺰﻋﻮم ﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺼﺮ إﻟﻰ اﳌﺪرﺳﺔ دون أي ﺷﺮوط ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑـﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‪ .‬إﻻ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﳌﺒﺪأ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ إرﺳﺎل ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل‬
‫ّ‬
‫أﻧﻪ رﻏﻢ ﻫﺬا اﳊﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺑﻌﺾ رؤﺳﺎء اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت ﻳﻄﻠﺒﻮن إﺑﺮاز ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ أوﻟﻴـﺎء اﻷﻣـﻮر ﻛﺠـﺰء ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻮﺛـﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫اﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ .‬إﻻ أن ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﳌﻌﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬واﻷﻫﻞ‪ ،‬وﺟﻤﺎﻋـﺎت ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‬
‫وﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻰ "ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻼ ﺣﺪود" ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻮن اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺼﻐﺎر اﳌﻬﺪدﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬واﻷﻃﻔﺎل اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤـﻞ‬
‫أوﻟﻴﺎء أﻣﻮرﻫﻢ وﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻫﻞ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ب‪ -‬اﳊﺠﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ :‬اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻻ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ واﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ‬
‫ﲡﺎدل ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺑﺄن اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﺗﻀﻊ ﻋﺮاﻗﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ أﻣـﺎم اﳌـﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ وأن ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒـﺎت ﺗﺘﻌـﺎرض ﻣـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن وﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن وﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ورﻛﺰت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﻌﻬـﻢ‪ .‬وﺗﻔﻬـﻢ‬
‫اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ أن ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﺗﻬﺪف إﻟﻰ ﻣﻨـﺢ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺎ إﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻫـﺬا ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﳌﻮاد ﻣﻦ ‪ ٣٦‬وﺣﺘﻰ ‪ ٥٦‬ﺗﺘﻨﺎول ﻓﻘﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ واﻟﺒﻨـﻮد اﻷﺧـﺮى ﺗﻬـﺘﻢ ﺑﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﲤﻴـﺰ‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﺑﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ وﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ اﻟﺬي ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ و‪/‬أو ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺮم اﳌﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺪ اﻷدﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﻋﺪدا ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺎوزات اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﺪم اﳋﻠﻂ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻌـﺪم ﻣﻮاﺟﻬـﺔ ﺗـﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ وﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺗﻬﻢ ‪ % ٩٠‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﲔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧـﺴﻴﲔ واﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻠـﻮن ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ ﻫﻢ أﻧﺎس دﺧﻠﻮا اﻟﺒﻼد ﻣﻦ دون إذن أو ﺳﻤﺔ دﺧﻮل‪ ،‬أو ﺷﺨﺺ اﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺗـﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺘـﻪ‬
‫وﻟﻢ ﻳﺠﺪده‪ .‬ﻟﺪﻳﻪ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ وأﺻﺒﺢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ƒ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ أﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻣﻦ دون ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫رب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺆول ﻋﻦ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ‪ .‬وﻳﻀﻊ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎت ﻟـﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﺘﻐﻠﻮن ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬واﻟﻬﺪف ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ رب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺬي ﻳـﺴﺘﻐﻞ اﻟﻮﺿـﻊ‬
‫)ﺑﺪﻓﻊ أﺟﺮ ﻣﺘﺪن‪ ،‬وﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ اﻟﻀﺮاﺋﺐ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وزﻳﺎدة ﺳﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ‪ ،(...‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟـﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫وﻳﺴﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻮاز ﻣـﻦ ﺳـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻻ ﻳﺨـﻀﻊ ﳊﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ .‬وﻳﺘﺤﻤـﻞ رب اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻋـﺎدة‬
‫اﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎت‪.‬‬
‫‪119‬‬
‫ج‪ -‬اﳊﺠﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ :‬ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ أن ﺗﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﻊ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻷوروﺑﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻤـﺎل اﻟـﺴﻴﺎدة اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴـﺔ ﻳﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ إﻏـﻼق‬
‫اﳊﺪود اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻗﺮروا أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﺣﺪة ﻣﻨﺴﻘﺔ ﳌﻨﻊ ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫ﻣﻦ إﺿﻔﺎء اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ آﻻف اﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ‪ .‬اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬أن اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﻵﺧـﺮﻳﻦ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻟـﺪﻳﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻣﺘﺸﺪدة ﺣﻴﺎل ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺣﺪودﻫﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺸﺄوا ﺗﺮك ﻫـﺆﻻء ﻳﺘﺠﻮﻟـﻮن ﻟﻴـﺴﺘﻘﺮوا ﻓـﻲ اﺠﻤﻟـﺎل اﻟـﺬي‬
‫ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة "ﺷﻨﺠﻦ"‪ .‬أﺿﻒ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ زﻳﺎدة ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻗـﺪ ﻳﻔﻬﻤـﻮا‬
‫ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﻪ إﺷﺎرة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ اﳊﺪود‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺠﺔ زاﺋﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻵن اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻻ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻟﻠﺪول واﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﺪﻓﻖ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻷﺳﺮﻫﻢ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻴـﺸﻮن ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪ اﻻﺳـﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻘـﻮق أﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫـﺎ‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ً‪ :‬اﳋﻼﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ وﻗﻠﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻔﺠﻮة ﺗﺘﺴﻊ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ اﻟﻘـﻮل ﺑـﺄن‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻘﻴﻮد اﻷﺧﻴﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق ﺗﻬﺪف إﻟﻰ ﻋﺪم ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳـﺸﺠﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺎم ﺳﻮق ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ /‬وﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻚ اﻟﺸﺮوط اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗـﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻫـﺪة اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‬
‫اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﳋﺘﺎم‪ ،‬أود أن أﻃﺮح اﻟﺘﺤﺮك اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة‪.‬‬
‫اﻫﺘﻤﺖ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻨﺬ إﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬وﺗﺪﺧﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻛـﻞ ﻣـﺮة وﻋﺮﺿـﺖ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ رأﻳﺎ ﺣﲔ ﺑﺪا أن اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻳﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ وﻳﻨﺘﻬﻚ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫أﻋﻤﺎل اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺟﺪا أﻳﻀﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎل ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺟﻤﻌﻴﺎت اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻮﺛﻘﲔ‪،‬‬
‫وﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬واﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﲡﻤﻌﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ أﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ "ﻣﺘﺤﺪون ﺿﺪ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة اﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ اﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ"‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺤﺖ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎت اﳉﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮن ﻫﺠـﺮة ﺻـﺎرم ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳـﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﰎ ﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌـﺎت اﳌﺆﻳـﺪة‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘﺮار اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ وزﻳﺎدة اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻟﺪى اﻟﻨﺎس‪.‬‬
‫ﳕﺎذج ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻤﻼت‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮون‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ! ‪ /‬ﻏﺪا ً اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﺮات ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺶ ﻣﻌﺎ‪ /‬ﻳﻜﻔﻲ إذﻻﻻ ً‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺗـﺸﺎرك ﻓـﻲ دﻋـﻢ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻤـﺔ اﻟﻌﻔـﻮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،Emmaüs, Gisti ،‬وﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﺎل ﺷﻤﺎل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،Cimade ،‬وﻓﺮﻧـﺴﺎ أرض اﻟﻠﺠـﻮء‪،‬‬
‫وﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ واﻷﺧﻮة ﺑﲔ اﻟﺸﻌﻮب )‪.(Mrap‬‬
‫وﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮن أﻳﻀﺎ اﻻﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬أﺑﺮزﻫﺎ اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎل ﺑﻴﻮم اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ اﳌﻌﺮوف ﺑﺎﺳـﻢ‬
‫"‪ ١٨‬دﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ"‪.‬‬
‫وﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎل ﻣﺤﺠﻮب اﻟﻬﻴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ دور أﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ اﳉﻤﻊ ﺑﲔ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ واﻟﺒﺮﳌﺎن‪ ،‬وأﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ زﻳﺎدة اﻟـﻮﻋﻲ ﻟـﺪى اﻟـﺮأي اﻟﻌـﺎم واﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ أن اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪120‬‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪-‬اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ ﻓﻲ إﻋﻼن ﻣﺮاﻛﺶ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻷوروﺑـﻲ ﻓـﻲ إﻋـﻼن ﺑـﺮﻟﲔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻼ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮح ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎ ﻛﺮوز ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻷول ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺑﺄﻧـﻪ ﻳﺘﻌـﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎت ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫وﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن أن‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أن ﺗﺸﺠﻊ دوﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة وﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ُ .‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﺠﻊ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﳊﻤﻼت‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﺼﺢ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬واﳌﺆﲤﺮات واﳌﻨﺸﻮرات‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة وﺧﻠﻔﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ُﻧﺼﺤﺖ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻷﺳﺒﺎب اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﺧﻠﻒ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ وﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺳـﻮء‬
‫اﻟﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻮاﺋﻖ اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﻟﻮﺟﺎت اﶈﺎﺟﺠﺔ ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻮاﺣﻲ اﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﺗﻠﻚ‪ ،‬وأﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪121‬‬
‫أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ اﻻﲢﺎدﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة ﺑﺘﺮا ﻓﻮﳌﺮ‪-‬أوﺗﻮ‬
‫رﺋﻴﺴﺔ وﺣﺪة ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﳉﺰء اﳌﻜﺮس ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻈﻮر اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ُ ،‬ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪122‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻼﺣﻈﺎت اﻷوﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻪ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺳﺄﻗﺪم اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳـﻒ اﻟـﺪوﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﲔ اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻲ واﻻﲢﺎدي اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﺄﻧﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻌـﺪﻫﺎ إﻟـﻰ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺳﺄﻗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻟﺬي ﲢﻘـﻖ ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺼﺮاع ﺿـﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ وأﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ّ‬
‫اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﺒﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈـﻮر ﻳﻌﺘﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ .‬وأﺧﺘـﺘﻢ ﻣﻄـﺎﻟﻌﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺮاح اﻷرﻛﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻳﺪﻣﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺞ ﺧﺎص ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﻋـﺎم‬
‫وﻓﻲ اﻟﺪور اﻟﺬي ﳝﻜﻦ ﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻠﻌﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -١‬اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎك ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻳﺤﺪث اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺒﺮ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮون ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻓـﻲ أوﺿـﺎع اﺳـﺘﻐﻼﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌـﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو‬
‫ﺷﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮق ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻹﻛﺮاه‪ ،‬أو اﳋﺪاع‪ ،‬أو اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮن‪ .‬وﻳﺤﺮم اﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ إرادﺗﻪ اﳊﺮة وﻗﺪرﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‪ .‬اﻟﻄﺮق اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ واﻷﻫﺪاف اﳌﺮﺟـﻮة ﻣﻨﻬـﺎ ﺗﺘﻐﻴـﺮ ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺮار‪ .‬ﻓﻔـﻲ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧـﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻳﺠﺮي اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻴﺔ واﳌﺆذﻳـﺔ ﺑـﺪﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ اﻹﺟﺒـﺎر‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻐﺎء‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬أو اﻟﻜﺪح ﻓﻲ اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ أوﺿـﺎع أﺷـﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﻨـﺰع أﻋـﻀﺎﺋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬أو‬
‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻗﺘﺮاف اﳉﺮاﺋﻢ‪ ،‬أو ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺰاﻋﺎت اﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻤﺔ راﺑﻄﺔ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ واﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﺣﻮال‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻮن ﺿـﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡـﺎر‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮون‪ .‬اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ أن ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺗﺒـﺪأ ﻋﻨـﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺨـﺬ اﻟـﻀﺤﻴﺔ اﶈﺘﻤﻠـﺔ ﻗﺮارﻫـﺎ‪ /‬أو ﻗـﺮاره اﳊـﺮ ﺑـﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬
‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮون ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ اﳋﺪاع أو اﻹﻛﺮاه ﻗﺪ ﻳﺒﺪأ ﻓﻲ أي ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ اﳌﻨـﺸﺄ‬
‫)ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬واﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎت اﳋﺎدﻋﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋـﺮض ﺗـﻮﻓﻴﺮ وﺳـﻴﻠﺔ ﻧﻘـﻞ(‪ ،‬أو ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻠـﺪ اﳌـﺮور )ﻣـﺼﺎدرة وﺛـﺎﺋﻖ اﻟـﺸﺨﺺ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪات‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻨﻒ( أو ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻘﺼﻮد )اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮن‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻨﻒ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻨﻒ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻳﺘﻢ وﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺾ اﻷﺣﻴـﺎن ﺣـﺴﺐ ﺣﻠﻘـﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﻧﺘﻬـﺎك اﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻀﺤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎك ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ اﳌﻨﺸﺄ ﻟﻠﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺸﺮط اﳌﺴﺒﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‬
‫وﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻗﺮار اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬ﺧﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر‪ُ ،‬ﻳﺨـﻀﻊ اﳌﺘـﺎﺟﺮون اﻟـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻨﻒ‪ ،‬واﳊﺠﺰ وﻳﻨﻜﺮوا ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺼﺮف ﺑﺒﺪﻧﻬﻢ؛ وﻳﺨﻀﻌﻮﻫﻢ ﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻬﻴﻨﺔ وﻏﻴـﺮ إﻧـﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫وﻟﻸﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ اﻟﺪول ﻣﻦ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﻬﺎ ﳊﻘـﻮﻗﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻘـﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌـﺎﻗﺒﺘﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫وﻋﺪم ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ وإﻧﺼﺎﻓﻬﻢ وﺗﻌﻮﻳﻀﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ورﻏﻢ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻴﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻊ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﲢﺖ ﻋﻨﻮان ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﲢﺖ ﻋﻨﻮان ﻣﺤﺎرﺑﺔ‬
‫اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز اﳊﺪود اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ أﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﺖ اﳌﺴﻤﻰ ذاﺗﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﻳـﺐ‬
‫اﺨﻤﻟﺪرات‪ ،‬أو اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ واﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪات اﻹرﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺪ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼد ﻛﺜﻴـﺮة‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ‬
‫وﺿﻊ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ وﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮء وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أﻧﻬـﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﻋﺎدة‪ ،‬أو ﻳﺠﺒﺮون ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﺧﻄﺮة‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﺘﺸﻲ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺘﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ( أو ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ أو ﻣﻮﺻﻮﻣﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺒﻐﺎء وﲡﺎرة اﳉﻨﺲ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻼل اﻻﻋﻮام اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ واﻟﺒﻌﺪ اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺗﻜـﺮر اﻋﺘﺒـﺎر‬
‫اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﰎ اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺄن أوﺿﺎع اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﳌﺘـﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻬـﻢ ﺗﺮﻗـﻰ إﻟـﻰ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮى‬
‫اﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻷﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮن‪ ،‬وﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳﺔ اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺎﻗﻢ‬
‫اﳉﺮاﺋﻢ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺒﻬﺎ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮون ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺮد ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ وﻏﻴـﺮ اﳌﻼﺋـﻢ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣـﺎت ﻓـﻲ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ أﻧــﺤﺎء‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﺪ اﳌﻨﺸﺄ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﻠﺪ اﻟﻌﺒﻮر‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻘﺼﻮد‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﳒﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ وﺣﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ اﳌﻠﺰﻣـﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺜـﺎل‬
‫ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺿـﺪ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ ﺑـﺄن "اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ ﻳـﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﺗﻌﺪﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮاﻣﺘﻪ وﺳﻼﻣﺘﻪ"‪ .‬وﻣﻨﻊ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻓـﻲ اﳌـﺎدة ‪ ٥‬ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻴﺜـﺎق‬
‫اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺮق واﻷﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﺰم اﳌﺎدة ‪ lit g،٤‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫‪123‬‬
‫"ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل اﳌﻴﺜﺎق اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﺒـﺸﺮ واﻟـﺸﻌﻮب اﳌﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺤﻘـﻮق اﻟﻨـﺴﺎء" اﻟـﺪول ﺑﺎﺗﺨـﺎذ اﻹﺟـﺮاءات‬
‫اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ "ﳌﻨﻊ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎء وإداﻧﺔ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﺮﻓـﻲ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻫـﺬه اﻟﺘﺠـﺎرة وﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻨـﺴﺎء‬
‫اﳌﻌﺮﺿﺎت ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺮ"‪.‬‬
‫رﻏﻢ اﻋﺘﺮاف اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﺑﺄن اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧـﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن ذﻟـﻚ ﻟـﻢ ﻳﺘـﺮﺟﻢ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫ﳑﺎرﺳﺎت ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ وﻓﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺪول‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺘﻄﻮر ﺑﻘﺪر ﻛﺎف ﻧﻬﺞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﻨﻈﻮر ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻣﺎزال ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ إﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول واﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫وﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬وﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲢﺪﻳﺪا ﲟﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ وﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻻﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ وﺛـﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺾ اﳊـﺎﻻت ﻳـﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ ﻛﺬرﻳﻌـﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌـﺪي ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺣﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٢‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻃﺮح أول ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ دوﻟﻲ ﻣﻠﺰم ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ "ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻣﻨﻊ‪ ،‬وﻛـﺒﺢ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷـﺨﺎص‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل"‪ ،‬اﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﲟﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌـﺎﺑﺮة ﻟﻠﺤـﺪود ﻟﻠﻌـﺎم‬
‫‪ .١٩٩٩‬ﻳﻨﺺ اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ واﺳﻊ ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻤﻞ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل واﻟﻨﺴﺎء وﺗـﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ واﺳـﻌﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬أي اﻷﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨﺴﻲ‪ .‬وﻳﻌﻮد ذﻟﻚ إﻟﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟـﺪول‬
‫اﻷﻏﺮاض اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ واﳌﺴﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫اﻷﻃﺮاف أﻧﻪ رﻏﻢ اﺧﺘﻼف أﻫﺪاف اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ واﻟﻄﺮق اﳌﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﺈن اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻜﻮن اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﲔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺮف ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﻞ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة )ﲡﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬وﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬وﲢﻮﻳـﻞ‪،‬‬
‫وإﻳﻮاء‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل اﻷﺷﺨﺎص(‪ ،‬اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ أو اﳋﺎدﻋﺔ )اﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻘﻮة أو أﺷـﻜﺎل‬
‫اﻹﻛﺮاه اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬واﻻﺧﺘﻄـﺎف‪ ،‬واﻻﺣﺘﻴـﺎل‪ ،‬واﳋـﺪاع‪ ،‬أو إﺳـﺎءة اﺳـﺘﺨﺪام اﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﺳـﺘﻐﻼل ﺳـﻮء وﺿـﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺸﺨﺺ اﻟﺦ‪ (.‬وأن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻫﺪف اﺳـﺘﻐﻼﻟﻲ أو ﻣـﺆذ )اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل ﻓـﻲ اﻟـﺪﻋﺎرة‪ ،‬أو أﺷـﻜﺎل اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫اﳉﻨﺴﻲ اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬اﻷﺷﻐﺎل أو اﳋﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﻻﺳﺘﺮﻗﺎق أو ﳑﺎرﺳﺎت ﺷﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺳـﺘﺮﻗﺎق‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳـﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻧـﺰع‬
‫اﻷﻋﻀﺎء(‪ .‬وﺑﻌﻜﺲ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﳋﺎص اﻟﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔـﺎل‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ إﻻ اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻬﺪف اﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈن اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻹﻛﺮاه أو اﳋﺪاع ﻟﻴﺲ ﺿﺮورﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﺒﻮر اﳊﺪود‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ داﺧـﻞ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪ اﻟﻮاﺣـﺪ‪ .‬اﻻﲡـﺎر اﻟـﺪاﺧﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺤﺪث ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﺪول أﻳﻀﺎ‪ .‬ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﻔﺼﻮﻟﻮن ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺰوﻟﻮن ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﻟﻐﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺎ وﻣﺠﺮدﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪرﺗﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ‪ .‬اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت واﻷﺿـﺮار‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ داﺧﻞ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﺎﻋﺔ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺮض ﻟـﻪ اﻟـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﻨﻘﻠﻮن ﻋﺒﺮ اﳊﺪود‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺮﺳﻢ اﻟﺒﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﺧﻄﺎ واﺿﺤﺎ ﺑﲔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ وﺗﻬﺮﻳﺐ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺪﺧﻮل ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺸﺮوع إﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺮﳝﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ أو ﺣﺮﻛـﺔ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺮض اﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻇﺮوف اﻟﺸﺨﺺ واﻟﺬي ﻗﺪ ﻳﺮﻗﻰ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﳑﺎرﺳﺎت ﺷﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ ﻗـﺎدت إﻟـﻰ إدﺧـﺎل أﺣﻜـﺎم ﺟﺰاﺋﻴـﺔ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪة أو ﺗﻌـﺪﻳﻞ اﻷﺣﻜـﺎم‬
‫‪67‬‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ اﳌﻀﺎدة ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ دول ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ وﺿﻊ إﻃﺎر ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻘـﺮار ﺣـﻮل‬
‫اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻳﺠﺒﺮ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﲡﺮﳝﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﺨﺪام ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﳕـﻂ اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳـﻒ اﻟـﺬي اﺗﺨـﺬ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫‪ 67‬وﻓﻖ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﺨﻤﻟﺪرات واﳉﺮﳝﺔ‪ ،‬أﻗﺮت ‪ ٩٨‬دوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ ﲡﺮم اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﻬﺪف اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻓﻲ اﳉﻨﺲ واﻷﺷـﻐﺎل اﻟﻘـﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﺨﻤﻟﺪرات واﳉﺮﳝﺔ‪ :‬اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻋﻦ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎط ‪ ،٢٠٠٩‬ص ‪.٨‬‬
‫‪124‬‬
‫ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛﻮل ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ‪ .‬إﻻ أن اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء اﺧﺘـﺎرت ﺣﻠـﻮﻻ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤـﺔ إﻃـﺎر ﻋﻤـﻞ اﻟﻘـﺮار‪ ،‬ﺣـﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻨﺎﻓﺬة وﳑﺎرﺳﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺪول‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺰاﺋﻲ واﺣﺪ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺎت اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨﺴﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺧﺎرﺟﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ أدﺧﻞ اﳌﺸﺮﻋﻮن اﻷﳌﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ﻧﺼﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪا ﻳﺠﺮم اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ ﺑﻬـﺪف اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳋﺒﺮة ﺣﻮل اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴـﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﻠـﻲ ﻟﻬـﺬا اﻟﺒﻨـﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎت ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن واﶈﺎﻛﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﻣﺎ اﻟﺬي ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ وأوروﺑﺎ؟‬
‫اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺎس ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ اﻷﻋﻤـﺎر واﻷﺟﻨـﺎس‪ ،‬رﻏـﻢ أن اﻟﻨـﺴﺒﺔ اﻷﻛﺒـﺮ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻣﻦ ذوي اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ أﺧـﺬ‬
‫اﳉﻮاﻧﺐ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺠﻨﺲ اﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ وﻫﺸﺎﺷﺔ وﺿﻊ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﺑﻌﲔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر‪ .‬وﲡﺮي اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ أو اﺨﻤﻟﺎدﻋﺔ وﻟﻌﺪد ﻻ ﻳﺤﺼﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻏﺮاض اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻴﺔ واﳌﺆذﻳﺔ ﺟﺴﺪﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ وﺳﻂ وﻏﺮب أوروﺑﺎ )وﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﻮب ﺷﺮق آﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وأﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وأﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإن‬
‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ أﻗﻞ( إﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺮب‪ ،‬ووﺳﻂ‪ ،‬وﺟﻨﻮب أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪو أن اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﻟﻠﻮاﺗﻲ ﻳﺠﻠﱭ ﻹﺟﺒﺎرﻫﻦ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﺣﺘﺮاف اﻟﺒﻐﺎء ﳝﺜﻠﻦ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻀﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺘـﺎﺋﺞ دراﺳـﺔ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪة ﳌﻜﺘـﺐ اﻷﱈ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﺨﻤﻟﺪرات واﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ أﻧــﺤﺎء اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ‪.٦٨‬‬
‫]اﻹﺣﺼﺎءات اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ[ واﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﳋﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﳉﺮاﺋﻢ ﲢﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪم اﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻷرﻗﺎم واﻹﺣﺼﺎءات‪.‬‬
‫اﻷﻏﺮاض اﻷﺧﺮى ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺒﻐﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺰواج أو اﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﲢﻤﻞ اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﲢﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﺪ ﻗﺪرة اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺐ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة‪] .‬اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮات اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ[‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺮم ﺻﺮاﺣﺔ إﻻ‬
‫ﻓﻲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻹﺟﺒﺎرﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﺴﺮا ﻟﻢ ّ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﺘﺮة وﺟﻴﺰة‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨﺴﻲ داﺋﺮة ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟـﺸﺮﻃﺔ‪ ،‬وأﻗﻴﻤـﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﱘ اﳌﺸﻮرة واﳌﺄوى ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ آﻟﻴﺎت ﺗﺸﺎرك ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ،‬وﻻ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﺪ أي ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﻨﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻷﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أن اﳌﻌﺎرف اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢـﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ وأﳌﺎﻧﻴـﺎ ﻣـﺎ زاﻟـﺖ ﺷـﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺎﻟـﺔ اﳊﻘـﻮق‬
‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﺳﺘﻨﺸﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ دراﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻓـﻲ اﻻﲢـﺎد اﻷوروﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒـﲔ‬
‫ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ اﻟﻨﻘﺺ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬واﳌﻼﺣﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ وﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺨﺼـﺼﺔ اﻟﺘـﻲ ﺗﻠﺒـﻲ اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟـﺎت‬
‫اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٤‬اﻹﳒﺎزات واﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ اﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ اﻹﳒﺎزات ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﺮاع ﺿﺪ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺮء أن ﻳﺬﻛﺮ أوﻻ "أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ازدﻳﺎد اﻟـﻮﻋﻲ"‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ واﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ أوﺳﺎط اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت‪ ،‬واﳌـﺸﺮﻋﲔ‪،‬‬
‫واﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم‪ .‬واﻋﺘﺒﺮ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻷﻏﺮاض اﻻﺳـﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨـﺴﻲ أﺣـﺪ أﺷـﻜﺎل اﻟﻌﻨـﻒ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ .‬ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﺮة اﻷﻳﺪي اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻣـﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻢ آﺧـﺬة ﻓـﻲ اﻟﺘـﺼﺎﻋﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬وازدﻳﺎد اﻻﻧﺘﺒـﺎه ﻟﻬـﺬه اﳌـﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻳﻠﻘـﻲ اﻟـﻀﻮء ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ‪ ،‬واﻷﺷـﻐﺎل اﻟﻘـﺴﺮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳﺔ‪ .‬واﻧﺘﻘﻞ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ "ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻬـﻮاﻣﺶ إﻟـﻰ اﻟﺘﻴـﺎر اﻟﺮﺋﻴـﺴﻲ ﻓـﻲ اﳊـﻮار‬
‫واﶈﺮﻓـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ"‪ .٦٩‬ورﻏﻢ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴـﺎن ﻋﻠـﻰ اﻟـﺼﻮر اﻟﻨﻤﻄﻴـﺔ‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﺮﻗﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎدت زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻮﻋﻲ إﻟﻰ "ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت‪ ،‬وﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎت واﺳـﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﺗـﺸﺎرك ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ أﻃـﺮاف ﻋـﺪة" ﺗـﻀﻢ‬
‫‪ 68‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﺨﻤﻟﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﺨﻤﻟﺪرات واﳉﺮﳝﺔ‪ ،‬ص ‪ ٢٣٢‬وﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 69‬ﺟﺎﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪ ،‬آن‪ :‬اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﻴﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬اﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة واﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬ص ‪.١٦٣‬‬
‫‪125‬‬
‫اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺳـﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜـﺎل‪ ،‬أﻗﺎﻣـﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ وﻃﻨﻲ ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺑﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ وزارة اﳌﺮأة‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟـﺴﻠﻄﺎت ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‬
‫واﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺟﺮى ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﻰ ﳑﺎﺛﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﻟﻔﺪراﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟـﺪول اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨﺖ "ﻣﻘﺮرا وﻃﻨﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﺎ" ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻐﺮض‪ .‬وﺗﺒﻨﺖ دوﻻ أﺧﺮى ﺧﻄﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ وﻃﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﺿﺪ اﻻﲡﺎر‪ .‬وﻃﻮرت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﻦ واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻓﻲ أوروﺑـﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻃـﺎ إرﺷـﺎدﻳﺔ وأﻗﺎﻣـﺖ آﻟﻴـﺎت ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴـﺔ وﻃﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﲟﺸﺎرﻛﺔ أﻃﺮاف ﻋﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل "وﺿﻊ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ"‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﺮات ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ وﻣﻬﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ أﺛـﺮ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛـﻮل ﺑـﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻘـﻮاﻧﲔ‬
‫اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ وذﻛﺮﻧﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺿﺪ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ )‪ (٢٠٠٥‬وﺿﻌﺖ اﻻﲡﺎر‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎق ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ووﺳﻌﺖ اﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﳌﺎ ﻫﻮ أﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺎل اﳉﺮﳝﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ )ﺣـﺴﺒﻤﺎ اﻋﺘﺒـﺮ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛـﻮل‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ( وأﻧـﺸﺄ ﻫﻴﺌـﺔ ﳌﺮاﻗﺒـﺔ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴـﺔ )آﻟﻴـﺔ ﺟﺮﻳﺘـﺎ ‪ .(GRETA‬وﻃـﻮرت أدوات إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﻮب آﺳﻴﺎ واﻷﻣﻴﺮﻛﻴﺘﲔ‪ .٧٠‬وإﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪات اﳌﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃـﻮرت‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻠﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت دوﻟﻴﺔ وإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﻮاﻣﺶ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ أﺟﻨﺪة ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻧﻌﻜﺲ أﻳـﻀﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ "ﻋﻤـﻞ آﻟﻴـﺎت‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن"‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻮ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ إﺟﺮاءات اﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﻷﺟﻬـﺰة ﻣﻌﺎﻫـﺪة اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة ﻋـﻼوة‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ "اﳌﺮاﺟﻌﺔ اﻟﺪورﻳﺔ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﺟﺮى اﻧﺘﺪاب ﻣﻘﺮر ﺧﺎص ﻟﻼﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷـﺨﺎص‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ .٢٠٠٤‬وﻗﻀﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻷوروﺑﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻗـﻀﻴﺔ ﺳـﻴﻠﻴﺎدان‬
‫ﺿﺪ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺑﺄن اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻮﻋـﺎ ﻣـﻦ اﻷﺷـﻐﺎل اﻟﻘـﺴﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﻌﺒﻮدﻳـﺔ وأن اﻟﺒﻨـﺪ ‪ ٤‬ﻣـﻦ اﶈﻜﻤـﺔ‬
‫اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻳﺨﻠﻖ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪول اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر‪.‬‬
‫اﺗﺨﺬت اﻟﺪول إﺟﺮاءات ﻓﻲ اﳊﻘﻮل اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻏﻄﺎﻫـﺎ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛـﻮل ﺑـﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ‪ -‬اﳌﻼﺣﻘـﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﻗﺎﻳـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﺪى ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪول ﺷﺮﻃﺔ ﻣﺪرﺑﺔ‪ ،‬وادﻋﺎء ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬وﻗﻀﺎة‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﺸﺄت دواﺋﺮ ﺷﺮﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺨﺼـﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ ﻟﻠﻨﺼﺢ واﻹرﺷﺎد وﻣﺄوى ﻟﻠﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬وﺷﻨﺖ ﺣﻤﻼت وﻗﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ دول اﳌﻨـﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﺎوﻟـﺖ اﻟـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫اﶈﺘﻤﻠﲔ وﻓﻲ دول اﳌﻘﺼﺪ ﺗﻨﺎوﻟﺖ اﻟﻌﻤﻼء اﶈﺘﻤﻠﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺎل ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬اﻹﻛﺮاه ﻋﻠﻰ اﺣﺘﺮاف اﻟﺒﻐﺎء‪ .‬ووﻓﺮت ﻟﻠـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺠﺮي اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ آﻣﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﲤﺜﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ زال ﻓﻲ دول‬
‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ وﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﻣﺆﻗـﺖ وﻻ ﻳﻐﻄـﻲ اﻟﺒﻠـﺪ ﻛﻠـﻪ‪ .‬وﰎ إدﺧـﺎل اﳊـﺪ اﻷدﻧـﻰ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋـﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﳌﻨـﺢ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺠﺮي اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺪي اﻷﺑﺮز واﻷﻫﻢ ﻫﻮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أﻧﻪ رﻏﻢ ﻛﻞ اﳉﻬﻮد واﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﳌﺬﻛﻮر أﻋﻼه‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺰال اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﺰدﻫﺮا ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ أﺟﻤﻊ‪ .‬رﲟﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻄﺮق واﳌﺴﺎرات اﳌﺘﺒﻌﺔ واﻷﻏﺮاض ﻣﻦ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﺮت‪ .‬اﻟﺘﺤﺪي اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻫـﻮ‬
‫اﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎر إﻟﻰ اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﺸﻤﻞ اﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎر إﻟﻰ ﺻﻮرة ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﺠـﺎرة‪ ،‬وأﻳـﻀﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﻟﺜﻐﺮات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﻮل ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎل ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣـﲔ ﺗﺘـﻮﻓﺮ ﺑﺤـﻮث‬
‫وإﺣﺼﺎءات رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻷﻏﺮاض اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻷﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺎزاﻟـﺖ‬
‫أرﺿﺎ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف إﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪد ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن‪ .‬وﻳﻨﻄﺒـﻖ اﻷﻣـﺮ ذاﺗـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ اﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎر إﻟﻰ اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﳝﺜـﻞ إﺷـﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت اﳋﺎرﺟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎت ﻓﺮض اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨﺴﻲ ﺧﺎرج ﻫﻴﺎﻛـﻞ اﳉﺮﳝـﺔ اﳌﻨﻈﻤـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫"واﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﳋﻔﻴﺔ" ﻣﺜﻞ اﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻴﻮت‪ ،‬أو اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﻬﺪف اﻟﺰواج‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﺧﺎرﺟـﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﺻـﻼﺣﻴﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻌﺜﺎت اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل أﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﻋﻮة إﻟﻰ ﻧﻬـﺞ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈن‬
‫‪ 70‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﻣﻨﻊ وﻣﺤﺎرﺑﺔ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻟﻠﺒﻐﺎء‪ ،‬وﺗﺒﻨﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺪول اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻮب آﺳﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻌـﺎون اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤـﻲ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌـﺎم ‪٢٠٠٢‬؛‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﺪول اﻷﻣﻴﺮﻛﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻨﻘﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺻﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﲟﻨﻊ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ‪ ،‬واﺟﺘﺜﺎث اﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪.‬‬
‫‪126‬‬
‫اﳌﻼﺣﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﻴﻄﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ أن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ وإﺟﺮاءات‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ زاﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺪا ﻓﺘﺮة ﺗﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﻗﺼﻴﺮة ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺷـﻬﺮ واﺣـﺪ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜـﻦ ﻟﻠـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﰎ اﻟﺘﻌﺮف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ أن ﻳﺴﺘﻌﻴﺪوا ﺻﺤﺘﻬﻢ وأن ﻳﺄﺧﺬوا ﺑﻌﲔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻳﺮﻳﺪون اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺸﻬﻮد‬
‫ﺿﺪ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌـﺎون ﻣـﻊ اﻻدﻋـﺎء‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎم واﶈﻜﻤﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻧﻬﺠﺎ ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ اﳊﻘﻮق وﻣﺤﻮره اﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ زال ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﻤﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﳝﻜـﻦ أن‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ دﻋﻢ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر وﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﶈﺎرﺑﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٥‬اﻷرﻛﺎن اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻬﺞ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺳـﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫وﻗﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣـﻦ اﳊـﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻳﻜـﻮن ﺿـﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡـﺎر راﻏﺒـﲔ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻬﺠـﺮة‬
‫وﻳﻔﻘﺪون اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﺧﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬واﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﳊـﺼﻮل ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎت وﻣـﺪﺧﻞ إﻟـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻼج أﻣﻮر ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻬﻢ وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﺎرات ﺧﺮوج ﻟﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ أوﺿـﺎع اﻻﻋﺘﻤـﺎد‬
‫اﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺐ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺨﻄـﻮط إرﺷـﺎد ﺗﻔـﺴﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻋﻦ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﺘﻲ رﻓﻀﺖ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ أو اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ )ﻣﺜﻞ دول اﻻﲢﺎد اﻷوروﺑﻲ(‪ .‬وﻋﻨﺪ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ أﻃﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺠﺮة اﻷﻳـﺪي اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌـﲔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪول أن ﺗﺘﺠﻨﺐ اﻟﺒﻨﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺰز اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ رﺑﻂ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻌﻘﺪ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻣﺤـﺪد واﺣـﺪ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﻨﺎﻫﺾ وﺻﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳉﻨﺲ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أن ﲢﺚ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻨـﺰﻟﻴﲔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻬﻢ اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ وﺿﻊ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻌﺜﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺸﺠﻊ "ﻣﺒﺪأ ﺑﺬل ﺟﻬﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ" ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻼﺣﻘـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻘﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﳝﻜﻦ اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟـﻰ إﻋـﻼن‬
‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ .٧١‬وﻳﺠﺐ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﳉﻨﺎﺋﻴـﺔ ﳌﻨـﻊ ﲡﺮﳝﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ ﻟـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ دوﻟﻴﺎ وﻣﺤﻠﻴﺎ‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳊﻘﻮق اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ وﺿﻌﺎ‬
‫ﻫﺸﺎ‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺸﻮرة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ورﻓـﻊ اﻟﻈﻠـﻢ ﻋـﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﻮﻳـﻀﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮض ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة‪ ،‬واﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬وﻳﺘﻌـﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ اﳋـﺪﻣﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ أن‬
‫ﲢﺘﺮم ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ اﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺮك‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎت اﳊﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗـﺼﺮﻳﺢ إﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻟﻠـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺒﺮز وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﻛﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن إﺻﺪار ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ اﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻣﻨﻔـﺼﻼ ﻋـﻦ دور‬
‫اﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﳉﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺮاﻗﺐ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﻌﺪى‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ إﺻﺪار ﺳﻤﺎت اﻟﺪﺧﻮل وﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ اﳊﺪود اﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨـﺴﺎء‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﻟﺸﺎﺑﺎت ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳉﻨﺲ‪ .‬وﳝﻜﻦ ﻹﺟـﺮاءات‬
‫‪ 71‬ﻗﺮار اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ١٠٤ /٤٨‬ﻓﻲ ‪ ٢٠‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن اﻷول ‪ ،١٩٩٣‬وﺛﻴﻘﺔ اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة رﻗﻢ ‪ A/RES/48/104‬اﳌﺎدة ‪ ٤‬ج(‪] :‬ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪول[ أن ﺗﺒﺬل ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﺰم ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺪ وﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﻊ أﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ارﺗﻜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﻋﻤـﺎل ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺒـﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ أو أﻓﺮاد‪.‬‬
‫‪127‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر أن ﺗﻀﻊ ﻗﻴﻮدا ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﳊﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺮء ﻓﻲ ﻣﻐﺎدرة ﺑﻠﺪه‪ .‬وﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺎت‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘـﺸﺪﻳﺪ اﻹﺟـﺮاءات اﻷﻣﻨﻴـﺔ ﺑﺤﺠـﺔ ﻣﺤﺎرﺑـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺮوج ﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﻳﺄﺧـﺬ ﺑﻌـﲔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒـﺎر ﺟـﻨﺲ اﻟـﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر‪ .‬وﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪول أن ﲤﺘﻨﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺻﻮر ﳕﻄﻴﺔ ﻟﻨـﺴﺎء ﻛـﺎﻧﻮا‬
‫ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺎﺟﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﻔﻞ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻤﺎت اﶈﺪدة ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎل‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻬـﺶ ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﺧـﺎص‬
‫ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل ﻳﺠﺐ أﺧﺬه ﺑﻌﲔ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻓﻲ إﺟﺮاءات ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪128‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﻞ رﺟﺐ‬
‫رﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫اﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ(‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻋﻦ أوﺿﺎع اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪129‬‬
‫‪ -١‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎة ﻓﻲ ﺻﻤﺖ‬
‫اﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﺮأة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻫﻨـﺎك‪ ،‬وﻳﺮﻛـﺰ ﻏﺎﻟﺒـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ وﺿﻮﺣﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻤﺎل اﻹﻧﺸﺎءات‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ اﻟﻔﺌﺘﲔ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻋﺸﺮات آﻻف اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬اﻟﻠـﻮاﺗﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺮﻛﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻬﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ أﺳﺮا وﻣﻨﺎزل وﻳﺠﺌﻦ إﻟﻰ اﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻠﻒ أﺑﻮاب ﻣﻐﻠﻘﺔ وداﺧﻞ أﺳـﻮار ﻣﻨـﺎزل أﻧـﺎس‬
‫آﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء واﻷﻃﻔﺎل اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻫﺸﺎﺷﺔ ﻓـﻲ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤـﻊ واﻷﻛﺜـﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺿـﺎ ﻟﻸﻣـﺮاض‬
‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺒﺪو اﻷوﺿﺎع أﺳﻮأ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻘﺎ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﺈن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻲ ﻫﻮ "ﻓﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻓـﻲ‬
‫اﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن واﻷردن"‪ .‬وﺗﻘﺪر اﻟﺴﻔﺎرات اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ واﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺔ ﺑـﺄن ﻫﻨـﺎك ‪ ٧٠‬أﻟـﻒ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻴﺔ أﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﻦ ﻣﻦ أﺻﻮل ﺳﺮﻳﻼﻧﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإﻧﺪوﻧﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻨﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻠﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻦ رﺳﻮم ﺗﺼﺎرﻳﺢ ﻋﻤﻞ وﻫﺠﺮة ﻓﺎدﺣﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﳌـﺸﺎﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻋﻤﻞ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ )أو ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪدة(‪ ،‬وأﺟﻮر ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺄﺧﺮ ﻓـﻲ دﻓـﻊ اﻷﺟـﻮر‪ ،‬وأوﺿـﺎع ﻣﻌﻴـﺸﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻴـﺮة‬
‫وﻗﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﻌﺎﻧﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺣﺠﺰ ﺟـﻮاز اﻟـﺴﻔﺮ وﻫـﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﺿـﺎت ﺑـﺸﻜﻞ ﺧـﺎص ﻷذى‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻲ‪ ،‬وﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬وﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺟﺪا ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺳﻮء اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻹﻧﺼﺎﻓﻬﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن إﻟﻰ إﻳﻼء اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﺧﺎص ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻘﻄﺎع "اﳋﻔﻲ" ﻣـﻦ اﻟـﺴﻜﺎن واﳌﻌـﺮض‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﻟﺴﻮء اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٢‬اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎت أﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﳌﻜـﺎن اﻟـﺬي ﻳﻌﻤﻠـﻦ ﻓﻴـﻪ ‪ -‬اﳌﻨـﺎزل‬
‫اﻷﺳﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳋﺎدﻣﺎت ﻻ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻈﲔ ﺑﺎﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻫـﺎ ﻫـﺬا‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ .‬وﻷﻧﻬﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎت ﻛﻌﺎﻣﻼت‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﺤـﻖ ﻟﻬـﻦ ﳑﺎرﺳـﺔ اﳊﻘـﻮق واﳊﺮﻳـﺔ اﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣـﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤـﺎل وﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻦ وﻇﺮوف ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻬﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ أن اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳـﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮن دﺧـﻮل اﻟﺒﻠـﺪ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ ،‬وﻣﻐـﺎدرة دول ﻣﻌﻴﻨـﺔ إﻻ‬
‫ﲟﺴﺎﻋﺪة‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﻴﻠﻬﻢ أو رب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﺈذن ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺄﺧﻮذ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم "اﻟﻮﺻﺎﻳﺔ" واﻟﺬي ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻪ ﳝﻨـﺢ اﻟﻌـﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻓـﻲ اﳌﻨـﺎزل إﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻣﻜـﺎن‬
‫ﺳﻜﻦ رب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻫﻮ اﻷﺳﺎس اﻟﺬي ﲤﻨـﺢ ﺳﻤﺎت اﻟﺪﺧﻮل ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﲔ ﺳﻤﺎت اﻟﺪﺧﻮل ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫وﺣﺴﺐ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﺮض ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﲔ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻔﻴﻠﻬﻢ )رب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ(‪.‬‬
‫وﺣﻴﺚ أن وﺿﻌﻬﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار رﻋﺎﻳﺔ رب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺤﺎوﻟﻮن اﻟﻔـﺮار‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻷوﺿﺎع اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﻳﺨﺎﻃﺮون ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻘﺎل‪ ،‬واﳊﺒﺲ اﻹداري ﻟﻔﺘﺮة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺴﻔﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﺟﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ أن اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ‪ /‬أو اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل اﻟﻠﻮاﺗﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﻧﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮء اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻮى ﺿﺪ رب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﻻت ﺗﺮﻛـﺖ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ اﻟـﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻣﻨـﺰل‬
‫‪130‬‬
‫ﻛﻔﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺪم ﺑﺸﻜﻮى ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮض اﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﺠﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٤‬اﻟﻌﻘﻮد‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺸﺮوط وﻓﻖ رﻏﺒﺔ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت ﻛﺜﻴﺮة )رﲟـﺎ أﻏﻠـﺐ اﳊـﺎﻻت( ﻻ ﻳﻜـﻮن‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﻋﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻃﻼق‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ أوﺟﺪت وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﺪا ﳕﻮذﺟﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ إﻟﻰ أي ﻣﺪى ﻫﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪم وﻣﺎ ﻣـﺪى ﻓﺎﺋﺪﺗـﻪ‪.‬‬
‫أﺿﻒ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﺮض ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ أن ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺳﻔﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮة ‪ -‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ اﳊـﺎﻻت‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﻧﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺪم وﺿﻮح اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻳﻨﺘﻬﲔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺄﺷﻜﺎل ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ :‬واﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻫﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺟﻠﻴﺴﺎت أﻃﻔﺎل‪ ،‬وﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪن ﻓﻲ أﻋﻤﺎل اﳌﻄﺒﺦ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻒ‪ ،‬وﻳﻌﻤﻠﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨـﺰل رب‬
‫اﻷﺳﺮة اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻞ وﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎزل أﻗﺎرﺑﻪ أﻳﻀﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٥‬اﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك اﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ذات اﳌﺼﺪاﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤـﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻮن ﻟﺴﻮء ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻔﻈﻴﺔ وﺑﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻀﺮب‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤﺮش اﳉﻨـﺴﻲ‪ ،‬واﻻﻏﺘـﺼﺎب ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ووﻛﻼء اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺮاوح ﺑﲔ ‪ ٣٠‬إﻟﻰ ‪ ٤٠‬ﺑﺎﳌﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت اﻻﻧﺘﺤﺎر اﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﳉﺘﻬـﺎ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎت اﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳊﺎﻻت ﺟﺮى ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﻔﺎرات اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟـﺸﺮﻃﺔ؛ إﻻ أن ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ اﻟـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻳﺨﺸﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم ﺑﺸﻜﻮى ﺿﺪ أرﺑﺎب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬رﻏﻢ أن ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ اﳊﻖ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٦‬اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت أﺧﺮى ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻟﺪى اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻀﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻟﻔﺤﺺ ﺻﺤﻲ إﻟﺰاﻣـﻲ ﻳﺘﻌﻠـﻖ ﺑﺎﻟـﺼﺤﺔ اﳉﻨـﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫واﻹﳒﺎﺑﻴﺔ دون ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺘﻬﻦ أو اﺳﺘﺸﺎرﺗﻬﻦ‪ .‬وﻻ ﺗﺘﻮﻓﺮ أي ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن ﺣﻮل ﻗﻀﻴﺔ اﳊﻤـﻞ وﻛﻴـﻒ ﻳﻌﺎﳉﻬـﺎ‬
‫أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻋﻤﻞ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ )أو ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪدة(‪ ،‬وأﺟﻮر ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴـﺔ وﺗـﺄﺧﺮ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟﻮر وأوﺿﺎع ﻣﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻴﺮة وﻗﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﺣﺴﺐ دراﺳﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ﻛﺎن ﻣﻌﺪل ﺳﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻟﻠﺨﺎدﻣـﺔ اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴـﺔ ‪١٠٨‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ‪ ١٠١‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ‪ ١٠٥‬ﺳـﺎﻋﺎت‪ .‬وﲢـﺼﻞ ﻫـﺆﻻء‬
‫اﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻟﻪ ﻳﻮم ﻋﻄﻠﺔ واﺣﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻬﺮ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻠﻮاﺗﻲ ﺟﺮت ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻬﻦ ﲢﺪﺛﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻴـﺪ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﻦ‪ .‬وأﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻛﻞ اﻣﺮأة ﺟﺮت ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻬﺎ أن رب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺠﺰ ﺟﻮاز ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬وﻟﻢ ﲢﺼﻞ أي واﺣﺪة ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺑﺪل ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ وﻗﺘﺎ إﺿﺎﻓﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﺗﺄﻛﺪت ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺮر اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ اﳋﺎص ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ وﺛﻼﺛﺔ آﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻜﻠﻔﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻴـﺎم‬
‫ﺑﺈﺟﺮاءات ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ :‬اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳋﺎدﻣﺎت اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات ﻣﺠﺒﺮات ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻣـﺎ ﺑـﲔ ‪ ١٥‬إﻟـﻰ ‪ ١٧‬ﺳـﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﻌﺔ أﻳﺎم ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﻋﺒﺮت ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮي )‪ (CERD‬ﻋـﻦ ﻗﻠﻘﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺰ واﻟﻌﻨـﻒ ﺿـﺪ اﻟﻨـﺴﺎء‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬واﻓﺘﻘﺎرﻫﻦ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وأﺑﺮز ذﻟﻚ اﻷﻣـﺮ أﻳـﻀﺎ ﻣﻔـﻮض اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤـﺪة‬
‫‪131‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻲ ﻟﺸﺆون اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻘﺮر اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﳋﺎص ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ اﺗﺨﺎذ ﺧﻄـﻮات ﻓﻌﺎﻟـﺔ ﳌﻨـﻊ وﺗـﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬
‫اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﳋﻄﻴﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد ﺑﺎﻟـﺪﻳﻮن‪ ،‬وﺣﺠـﺰ ﺟـﻮاز اﻟـﺴﻔﺮ‪،‬‬
‫واﳊﺒﺲ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬واﻻﻏﺘﺼﺎب‪ ،‬واﻻﻋﺘﺪاءات اﻟﺒﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٧‬اﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎر ﳌﺪﺧﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل ﻗﺎدرات أو ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪات ﻟﻠﺠﻮء إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘـﻀﺎء ﻹﻧـﺼﺎﻓﻬﻦ ‪ -‬اﻟﻜﺜﻴـﺮات ﻣـﻨﻬﻦ ﻏﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺪرﻛﺎت ﳊﻘﻮﻗﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻦ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪﻫﻦ‪ .‬أﺿـﻒ إﻟـﻰ ذﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﺛﻤﺔ دﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﲢﺎﺑﻲ أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓـﻲ اﳋﻼﻓـﺎت اﻟﺘـﻲ ﻳﻜـﻮن اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫أﻃﺮاﻓﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺮت اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻛـﺮارﻳﺲ ﺣـﻮل ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﺑﻌـﺪة ﻟﻐـﺎت‪ ،‬وزودت اﻟﺒﻌﺜـﺎت اﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‬
‫ّ‬
‫وﺷـﻐﻠﺖ ﺧﻄـﺎ ﺳـﺎﺧﻨﺎ ﻟﻠـﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬إﻻ أن اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘـﺪم ﻣـﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮة‬
‫ﺑﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎت ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳊﻘﻮق‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺴﻤﺢ اﶈﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﻠﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺷﻜﺎوى ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻋﻦ ﺿﺮر ﳊﻖ ﺑﻬـﻢ أو ﻟﻠﻌـﻮدة إﻟـﻰ اﻟـﻮﻃﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈذا رﻓﻊ اﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ دﻋﻮى ﺿﺪ رب ﻋﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻓﻲ وﺳﻌﻪ )اﳌﺸﺘﻜﻲ( ﻣﻐﺎدرة اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺧـﻼل ﻓﺘـﺮة اﺳـﺘﻤﺮار‬
‫اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺤﻖ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ وﻇﻴﻔـﺔ أﺧـﺮى ﻃﺎﳌـﺎ أن اﻟﻘـﻀﻴﺔ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫زاﻟﺖ ﻗﻴﺪ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺪت ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺬ إﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٢‬اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻟـﺬﻳﻦ رﻓﻌـﻮا‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ اﶈﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﻮﻳﻀﺎت ﻛﺎﻧﺖ داﺋﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﺳﺤﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴـﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﺪة ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ اﶈﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺛﻼث ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻏﺘﺼﺎب‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮة إﻟﻰ اﻟﻔﺸﻞ اﻟﺘﺎم ﻓﻲ اﶈﺎﻛﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﻌﺪم ﳒﺎح ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻞ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻜﻔﻼء ﻓﻲ اﶈﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎرت ﺗﻮﺻـﻲ‬
‫اﻷﻓﺮاد ﲟﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺣﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻮﺳـﺎﻃﺔ ﺑـﲔ ﺳـﻔﺎراﺗﻬﻢ وﻛﻔﻼﺋﻬـﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ ﺗﻠـﻚ اﻟﻮﺳـﺎﻃﺎت‬
‫ﲤﺨﻀﺖ ﻋﻦ دﻓﻊ اﻷﺟﻮر اﳌﺘﺄﺧﺮة وﺗﺴﻔﻴﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫أﺑﻠﻐﺖ اﻟﺴﻔﺎرة اﻟﺒﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﺠـﺎح ‪ ٢٠٠‬ﻗـﻀﻴﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻼل اﻟﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺑـﲔ اﻟﻜﻔﻴـﻞ واﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ‪،‬‬
‫وأﺣﺎﻟﺖ ‪ ١٣٥‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ و‪ ٤٠‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤـﺎﻣﲔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤـﺎ أﻋـﺎدت اﻟـﺴﻔﺎرة اﻟﺒﺎﻛـﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ ‪٧٥٠‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼ إﻟﻰ وﻃﻨﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ أﻳﻠﻮل ﺳﺎﻋﺪت ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎدﻣﺔ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻀﺮب ﻣﺒﺮح ﲟـﻀﺮب ﻛﺮﻳﻜـﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪ ﻛﻔﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﻗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ورﻗﺪت ﻓﻲ اﳌﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰ ﳌﺪة ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋـﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬رﻓﻌـﺖ اﻟـﺴﻔﺎرة‬
‫اﻟﻬﻨﺪﻳﺔ ﺷﻜﻮى ﺿﺪ ﻛﻔﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻀﺮب‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘـﺎت ﻣﺎزاﻟـﺖ ﻣـﺴﺘﻤﺮة‪،‬‬
‫واﳋﺎدﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﻃﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﻠﻮاﺗﻲ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺒﻠﺪﻫﻦ ﲤﺜﻴﻞ دﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻷﻧـﻮاع أﺳـﻮأ ﻣـﻦ ﺳـﻮء‬
‫اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻷذى اﻟﺒﺪﻧﻲ واﳉﻨﺴﻲ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد ﺑﻌﺜﺔ دﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻠﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﻟﺪى اﻟﻌـﺎﻣﻼت‬
‫اﻟﻬﺎرﺑﺎت أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻳﻠﺠﺄن إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ‪ ١٣‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮان ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﻃﻠﺒﺖ ﺧﺎدﻣﺔ ﺳﺮﻳﻼﻧﻜﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮارﻫـﺎ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺰل أﺳﺮة ﻛﻔﻴﻠﻬﺎ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ اﻟﺬي زﻋﻤﺖ أﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﻲء ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬وزﻋﻤﺖ اﳋﺎدﻣﺔ ﺑﺄن زوﺟـﺔ ﻛﻔﻴﻠﻬـﺎ واﺛﻨـﲔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ أﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ اﻟﻜﺒﺎر ﻳﺴﻴﺌﻮن ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬وزﻋﻤﺖ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺠﺒﺮوﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳـﺒﻌﺔ أﻳـﺎم ﻓـﻲ‬
‫‪132‬‬
‫اﻷﺳﺒﻮع وﻳﺪﻓﻌﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ راﺗﺒﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب ‪ ١٣٢‬دوﻻرا ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻬﺮ )‪ ٥٠‬دﻳﻨﺎرا ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺎ(‪ .‬ﻛﻔﻴﻞ اﳋﺎدﻣـﺔ أﻧﻜـﺮ اﻻدﻋـﺎءات‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ واﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻧﻬﺎء ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺘﻪ وﰎ ﺗﺴﻔﻴﺮ اﳋﺎدﻣـﺔ ﲟـﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﺟﻤﻌﻴـﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﲤﻮز ‪ ،٢٠٠٨‬ﺑﺪأت وزارة اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻮى ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴـﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺔ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳋﺎدﻣﺎت ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ﺗﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺄن إﺣﺪى وﻛﺎﻻت ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻮاﻃﺌﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫إﺳﺎءة ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻷﻓﺮاد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻐﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻣﺎزاﻟﺖ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎت ﺟﺎرﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ ٥٠٠‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‪ ٦٥٠‬ﻋﺎﻣﻼ أﺟﻨﺒﻴﺎ أرﺳـﻠﺘﻬﺎ وزارة‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ إﻟﻰ اﳌﺪﻋﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ورﻓﻊ دﻋﺎوي‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٨‬اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺪأت اﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮة ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ اﺗﻔﻘـﺖ اﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ﻣـﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ أﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ وﺣﺪة ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪدة ﻣﺠـﺎﻻت اﻟﺪراﺳـﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻓﺤـﺔ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ‪ .‬اﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ وﻓﺮت اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻣـﺄوى‪ ،‬ورﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﺻـﺤﻴﺔ أوﻟﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﻠـﻴﻢ‪ ،‬وﻣﻮاﺻـﻼت‬
‫ﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﲟﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬و"ﻣﺆﺳـﺴﺔ ﻓـﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻴﺶ"‪ ،‬وﺻﻨﺪوق إﻏﺎﺛﺔ اﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ دوﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﺄوى ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺎص ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻣـﻦ ﺿـﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺳـﻮء اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ‬
‫واﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ اﺛﻨﺘﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻮدة إﻟﻰ وﻃﻨﻬﻦ‪.‬‬
‫إﻻ أن اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻻ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺻﺮاﺣﺔ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﲢﺪث ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎؤوا ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﻮب ﺷـﺮق‬
‫آﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﺟﻨﻮب آﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﺮن اﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬واﻻﲢﺎد اﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﺘﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻦ أوﺿﺎع ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺠﺰ‬
‫ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ اﳊﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺮﻫﻴﺐ اﻟﺒﺪﻧﻲ واﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ أﺑﻠﻐﻮا أﻧﻬـﻢ أﺧـﻀﻌﻮا‬
‫ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﳉﻨﺴﻲ ﲡﺎرﻳﺎ؛ إﻻ أن أﻛﺜﺮ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﺷﻴﻮﻋﺎ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻋﻤﺎل اﻹﻧﺸﺎءات ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻬـﺮة‬
‫واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻘﺪر ﺑﺄن ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﻬﺮة أو ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻲ اﳌﻬﺎرة ﻳﺨﻀﻌﻮن ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺒـﺪﻳﻞ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻓﻲ وﻃﻨﻬﻢ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﺛﻢ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ اﳌﻮاﻓﻘـﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴـﻊ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻨﺪ وﺻﻮﻟﻬﻢ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﻟﺬي ﺳﻴﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬داﺋﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ أﺟﺮ أﻗﻞ وﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ .‬وﻳﻌـﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻋﺪم دﻓﻊ أﺟﻮرﻫﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺪﱘ وﺟﺒﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻼﺋﻤﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌـﺮض ﻟﻺﺳـﺎءات‬
‫اﻟﺒﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﺪم ﻣﻨـﺤﻬﻢ أﻳﺎم راﺣﺔ و‪/‬أو اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺪﻋﺎرة ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤـﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻓـﻲ اﻟﻌـﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﻛـﺎن ﻫﻨـﺎك دﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﻠـﻰ أن ﻋـﺪدا ﻣـﻦ اﻟﻨـﺴﺎء‬
‫اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺎت‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻼﻧﺪ أﺟﺒﺮن ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﲡﺎرة اﳉﻨﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳋﺪاع أو اﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ورﻏﻢ أن اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﻟﺘﺎﻳﻼﻧﺪﻳﺎت ﻳﺄﺗﲔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻃﻮﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮن ﻋﺮوض ﻋﻤﻞ زاﺋﻔﺔ واﻹﻛﺮاه‬
‫اﻟﺒﺪﻧﻲ ﻹﺟﺒﺎرﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﲡﺎرة اﳉﻨﺲ‪.‬‬
‫اﳋﻮف ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺴﻔﻴﺮ واﳋﻮف ﻣﻦ اﻧﺘﻘﺎم رب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﳝﻨﻊ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم ﺑـﺸﻜﻮى‬
‫إﻟﻰ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت‪.‬‬
‫ﲟﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ أن ﺗﻔﺮض ﻏﺮاﻣﺔ ﻣﻘـﺪارﻫﺎ ‪ ٢٦٥٠‬دوﻻرا )‪ ١٠٠٠‬دﻳﻨـﺎر ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨـﻲ( و‪/‬أو‬
‫اﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﳌﺪة ﻻ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ رب ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺪان ﺑﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ أﺷﺨﺎص ﻗﺴﺮا‪ .‬وﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻔـﻼء وﺿـﻊ‬
‫ﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﻣﻘﺪاره ‪ ٢٦٥‬دوﻻرا )‪ ١٠٠‬دﻳﻨﺎر ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ( ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺎرب‪.‬‬
‫‪133‬‬
‫‪ -٩‬اﳋﻼﺻﺔ‬
‫اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ واﺳﻌﺔ ﻟﻜﻦ اﳊﻠﻮل ﳑﻜﻨﺔ‪ ،‬إذا ﻣﺎ اﺗﺨﺬت اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺧﻄﻮات ذات ﻣﻐﺰى‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻳﺪﻋﻮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﻐﻄﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬واﺗﺨﺎذ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻀﺮورﻳﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬه‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻢ أن ﺗﺘﺒﻨﻰ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻼﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﲤـﺸﻴﺎ ﻣـﻊ ﺑﺮوﺗﻮﻛـﻮل ﺑـﺎﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮ واﳌﻌﺎﻫـﺪات‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ ﻋﻠـﻰ أﻧﻬـﺎ ﺟـﺮاﺋﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ وﺿـﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻮدة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻳﺘﻌﲔ أن ﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﺎور ﻣﻊ اﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫وﻛﻤﺎ أوﺻﺖ ﻣﻘﺮرة اﻷﱈ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﺸﺆون اﻻﲡـﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒـﺸﺮ ﺑﻌـﺪ زﻳﺎرﺗﻬـﺎ ﻟﻠﺒﺤـﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﻲ ﺗـﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻷول‪-‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﻋﻮ إﻟﻰ إﻟﻐﺎء ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وإﻗﺎﻣﺔ آﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻻﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﻌﻘـﻮد‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎزل أرﺑﺎب ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ اﻟﺪوري ﺑﺤﻀﻮر أرﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ إﺟﺮاءه ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻋﻘـﻮد ﺟﻤﻴـﻊ اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻓﺌﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ وﻗﻒ اﺧﺘﺒﺎر ﻧﻘﺺ اﳌﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﳌﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‪/‬اﻹﻳﺪز اﻹﻟﺰاﻣﻲ ﻟﻔﺌﺎت ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺟﺰء ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣـﻦ اﻗﺘـﺼﺎدﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠـﺐ أن ﳝﻨــﺤﻮا ﺣﻘﻮﻗـﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻠـﺔ وﻋﺎدﻟـﺔ‬
‫وﻣﺪﺧﻼ ﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ إﺟﺮاءات ﻳﺘﻢ ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻬﺎ إﺑـﻼغ اﻟـﺴﻔﺎرات أوﺗﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﻜﻴـﺎ ﻋﻨـﺪ اﻋﺘﻘـﺎل ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬وﻳﺘﻌـﲔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت أن ﺗﺴﻬﻞ زﻳﺎرة ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻲ اﻟﺴﻔﺎرة اﳌﻌﻨﻴﲔ ﻟﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫أﺧﻴﺮا‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﻋﻮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ إﻟﻰ اﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴـﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘـﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳـﺔ ﺣﻘـﻮق اﻟﻌﻤـﺎل اﳌﻬـﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫وﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻓﺮاد أﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬واﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪات ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﺸﺄن‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟـﻚ اﳌﻌﺎﻫـﺪة‬
‫رﻗﻢ ‪ (١٩٤٩) ٩٧‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ورﻗﻢ ‪ (١٩٧٥) ١٤٣‬اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮات ﻓﻲ ﻇـﺮوف ﺳـﻴﺌﺔ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﺘﺮوﻳﺞ ﳌﺴﺎواة اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺮص واﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪134‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻠﺴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺠﻮب اﻟﻬﻴﺒﺔ‬
‫اﻷﻣﲔ اﻟﻌﺎم‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﳌﻐﺮب‬
‫اﳌﻘﺮر‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﺮزاق روان‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ وﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﳌﻐﺮب‬
‫‪136‬‬
‫ﰎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﺷﺔ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺪرت ﻋﻦ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ اﻟﺬي اﻧﻌﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﺑﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‬
‫اﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺧﻼل اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺗﺒﲔ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮف ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻔﺎوت اﳊﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎك ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ ﻣﺮاﻋﺎة ﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮاﻣﺠﻬﺎ اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة وﻫﻨﺎك ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى اﻟﺘﻲ رﻛﺰت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ اﳉﻮاﻧﺐ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ أوﻟﻴﺘﻪ‬
‫وﺣﺪﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫وﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل أن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﲡﺎه ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺠﻤﻟﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫ﺣﺚ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﺑﻠﺪاﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﺎدق ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وأﻓﺮاد ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت‬
‫ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻳﻼﺣﻆ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﺠﻤﻟﻬﻮدات ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺬﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﺠﻤﻟﺎل‪.‬‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎون ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳌﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﺗﺮوم اﻟﻨﻬﻮض‬
‫ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺪوات وﺣﻠﻘﺎت دراﺳﻴﺔ ودورات ﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺪوات ودورات ﺗﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﲢﺴﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﺎﺋﺪة اﻟﺴﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﲟﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫رﺻﺪ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳑﺎ أﻣﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ إﳒﺎز دراﺳﺎت‬
‫وﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت وﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ذﻟﻚ أﺳﺎﺳﺎ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺠﻮء واﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﻳﻼﺣﻆ‬
‫وﺟﻮد ﺗﻔﺎوت ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﺠﻤﻟﺎل ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إذ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ اﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت‬
‫وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﺑﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ وﻣﻼءﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن أو ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬وﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺷﺮﻋﺖ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٥‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﻜﺎوى اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮض ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻻﺟﺌﲔ‬
‫أو ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻳﺠﺎد ﺣﻠﻮل ﻟﻬﺎ وﺗﻀﻤﲔ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﻨﻮي ﺑﻨﻮدا ﺣﻮل ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٦‬‬
‫إﺳﻬﺎم ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ دور اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎواة وﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‪.‬‬
‫إدﻣﺎج ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﺗﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﳋﻄﻂ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ أو ﻟﻠﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ‬
‫اﳋﺼﻮص‪.‬‬
‫‪.٧‬‬
‫‪.٨‬‬
‫رﺻﺪ ﺟﻬﻮد ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﻇﻮاﻫﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﻌﺮف ﺗﻨﺎﻣﻴﺎ ﺧﻼل‬
‫اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧﻴﺮة ﻛﻈﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ وﻇﺎﻫﺮة اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺸﺮ وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ زاوﻳﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﺗﲔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲟﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ودور اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺘﻪ ﻻﺣﻆ ﻛﻞ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﲔ أﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻔﺎوت اﳊﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﻣﺪى ﺗﻘﺪم ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ وﻣﻼءﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎك ﻫﻮة ﺑﲔ اﻟﻨﺼﻮص اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﳑﺎ وﺟﺐ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﻒ اﳉﻬﻮد ﻟﺘﺤﺴﲔ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻻﺣﻆ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن وﺟﻮد ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﺠﻤﻟﺎل ﺳﻮاء ﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ وﻛﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ واﳋﻮف ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻹﺳﻼم واﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺟﻮد ﻓﺠﻮات وﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﺿﻤﺎن ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫‪137‬‬
‫اﳊﻘﻮق اﳌﺘﺴﺎوﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬أو ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ واﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﲡﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ‪.‬‬
‫وأﺧﻴﺮا ﺗﻄﺮق اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﺷﺔ ﻟﻸزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ وﻻﺣﻈﻮا ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﲤﺖ اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻬﺎك ﺟﺮاء اﻷزﻣﺔ‪ ،‬واﻋﺘﺒﺮوا ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻻﻋﺘﻨﺎء ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ زاوﻳﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺧﺎص‪.‬‬
‫‪138‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫رﺋﻴﺲ اﳉﻠﺴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻲ اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻮق‬
‫اﳌﻔﻮض اﻟﻌﺎم‬
‫اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫اﻷردن‬
‫اﳌﻘﺮرة‬
‫اﻟﺴﻴﺪة رﻧﺪة ﺳﻨﻴﻮرة‬
‫اﳌﺪﻳﺮة اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‬
‫‪139‬‬
‫اﺗﻔﻖ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎش ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻄﺮق إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ اﺗﺨﺬ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﻮات ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﳊﻮار‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وأوروﺑﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط‪،‬‬
‫وﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ اﳋﻄﻮات اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺗﺨﺬت ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ اﻟﺘﺮاﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺘﲔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﺎور اﻟﻨﻘﺎش اﻟﺜﻼث اﻷﺧﺮى اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺣﺪدت ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎش ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫وﺗﺒﲔ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺗﻔﺎوت ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﺎن‬
‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ أن ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻓﻌﻼ ً ﺑﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﻮط ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻀﻤﺎر ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻀﻤﲔ‬
‫ﺧﻄﻂ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎت وﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺧﻠﺼﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪.١‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وأوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬اﻗﺘﺮح اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﺿﺮورة‬
‫‪.٢‬‬
‫أن ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﻛﺄداة ﻣﻼﺋﻤﺔ ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ واﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫واﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وأن ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً أداة‬
‫ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲟﻮاﺋﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎم‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﳌﻬﻤﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻤﺎل اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪.‬‬
‫‪.٣‬‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎم اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وأوروﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ دوﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ واﳌﺼﺎدﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺎدل اﳋﺒﺮات وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻵﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ "اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺪﻳﺔ" ‪Treaty-based‬‬
‫‪ ،machinery‬وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺪد اﺳﺘﺨﺪام آﻟﻴﺔ "ﳉﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ" وآﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ‪.UPR‬‬
‫اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام آﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻠﻮﺑﻲ واﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ‪“lobbying and ،‬‬
‫”‪ advocacy‬واﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪور اﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﻣﻊ‬
‫اﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎم إﻟﻰ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬واﳊﻀﻮر ﻓﻲ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﳋﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺠﺎن اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت‪ ،‬وﻋﻠﻰ رأﺳﻬﺎ ﻟﺪﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻵﻟﻴﺎت اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫وأﻫﻤﻬﺎ اﻵﻟﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أي ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬واﶈﻜﻤﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﺮﳌﺎن اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ .‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫أﻳﻀﺎ ً ﻣﻊ اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﺪاﺋﻤﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ً‪.‬‬
‫‪.٤‬‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻗﻮاﻧﲔ وﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت ﻣﺘﻮاﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫اﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ً ﺑﺄن ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت‬
‫ﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﲔ ذات اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ودﻓﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻨﺠﺎﺣﺎت‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻹﺧﻔﺎﻗﺎت‬
‫ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﺎم‪ .‬واﺗﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ أن ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺪم اﶈﺮز ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﺠﻤﻟﺎل وﺗﺒﺎدل اﳋﺒﺮات واﻟﺘﺠﺎرب‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﻨﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٥‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﺮق اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن إﻟﻰ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ اﻟﺘﻈﻠﻤﺎت‪ ،‬ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎف اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻟﻜﻲ ﳕﻜﻦ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص‪ ،‬ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﲡﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ واﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻟﻬﺆﻻء اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ وأن ﻫﻨﺎك ‪ ٨‬دول ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻛﻬﻴﺌﺎت وﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﳝﻜﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ‪،‬‬
‫واﶈﻜﻤﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﺮﳌﺎن اﻷوروﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺮض اﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﶈﻜﻤﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬واﻗﺘﺮح أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻲ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ دﻋﻮة ﳑﺜﻼ ً ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ أوروﺑﺎ أو ﻣﻦ اﶈﻜﻤﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻟﻠﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪.‬‬
‫‪140‬‬
‫‪.٦‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت إﻋﻼن‬
‫اﻟﺮﺑﺎط ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻜﺎوى اﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻬﺎت اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﻜﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ .‬وﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺘﺢ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺮف‬
‫"ﺑﺎﳋﻂ اﻟﺴﺎﺧﻦ" ﺑﻐﺮض ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻜﺎوى اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٧‬‬
‫أﺷﺎر اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن إﻟﻰ ﺿﺮورة اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ودواوﻳﻦ اﳌﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ وﻓﻲ أوروﺑﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﺣﻮل ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ واﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ اﳌﺴﺠﻠﲔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﻐﺮض ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ وأﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص إﻟﻰ ﺿﺮورة ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻻﲢﺎدات اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪.‬‬
‫‪.٨‬‬
‫اﻟﺮﻓﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺪرات واﻟﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن وﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﺪى اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻵﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮاﻛﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﳊﻘﻮق واﳊﺮﻳﺎت ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺮ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻵﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ وأﻛﺪ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮورة اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ اﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﻠﻔﲔ ﺑﺈﻧﻔﺎذ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن واﳌﺴﺆوﻟﲔ‪ ،‬واﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ اﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬
‫وﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ اﳉﻬﺎت اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮام ﺗﺎم ﳊﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﳌﻬﻤﺸﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪.٩‬‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺐ واﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪف ﻧﺸﺮ وﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ً وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﳉﻬﻮد اﳌﺒﺬوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ وﺗﺜﻘﻴﻒ واﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺑﻌﺾ اﶈﺎوﻻت ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻹدﻣﺎج ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﳌﻨﺎﻫﺞ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإدﺧﺎل ﻣﺴﺎﻗﺎت ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﳌﺪارس واﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ً وﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫واﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﳌﺘﺮاﻛﻤﺔ ﻟﺪى اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﺠﻤﻟﺎل‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮ ﺗﺒﺎدل‬
‫اﳌﻤﺎرﺳﺎت اﻟﻔﻀﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﻨﻬﻮض ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺜﻘﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ اﻷدﻟﺔ اﳌﻌﺪة ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ وﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫‪ .١٠‬أﺷﺎر اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن إﻟﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻻﺣﺘﻼل اﻻﺳﺮاﺋﻴﻠﻲ وﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻊ إﻏﻼق اﳌﻌﺎﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ أدى إﻟﻰ ارﺗﻔﺎع اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ وﺗﺒﻠﻮر وﺿﻊ ﺧﺎص ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺪ اﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫اﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ .‬وﰎ اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ ﺿﺮورة ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﳌﺴﺘﻀﻴﻔﺔ ودول اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﺨﻤﻟﺘﻠﻔﺔ واﻟﺴﻤﺎح ﻟﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎرﺳﺔ ﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .١١‬اﻗﺘﺮح اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﺿﺮورة أن ﻳﺨﺼﺺ اﳊﻮار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬اﻷوروﺑﻲ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎ ً ﺧﺎﺻﺎ ً ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻠﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎره ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎ ً ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺎ ً أﺷﻴﺮ إﻟﻴﻪ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮة ﺧﻼل‬
‫اﻟﻨﻘﺎش‪.‬‬
‫‪ .١٢‬ﺿﺮورة ﻣﺄﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺟﻠﺴﺎت اﳊﻮار‪ ،‬ووﺿﻊ آﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪة‬
‫ﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ واﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﺮوﻛﻴﺎ اﳌﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ اﻷردﻧﻲ‬
‫ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬واﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ اﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎري ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ اﳌﻐﺮب‪ ،‬واﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﺪﳕﺎرﻛﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫‪141‬‬