Changing expectations of paid work v study time commitments between students and tertiary education institutions Edgar Burns School of Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Melbourne Noel Yahanpath Faculty of Business and Computing, Eastern Institute of Technology, Napier Abstract: This paper extends recent research by the authors into part-time semester work by tertiary degree students at one New Zealand polytechnic. Reading empirical work within the literature on the growing phenomenon of student paid work during the teaching periods of the academic year leads us to explore the culture shift that appears to be taking place in tertiary students’ expectations of early adult lifestyle and further education. The paper presents an argument for this interpretation of student paid work and speculates what policy and other consequences flow from this. Key words: semester employment; student loans; student paid work 1. Introduction The 1990s shift in New Zealand tertiary education to student loans has become a permanent feature of tertiary education in this country (Manthei and Gilmore, 2005, pp. 202-203). Student borrowing was initially understood as the main driver pushing students to part-time work to support their tertiary education. However, a more complex picture of student needs, expectations and motivation has been steadily emerging around the issue of student paid work as studies of this phenomenon continue to accumulate over time. 2. Research question The aim of this study is to explore the divergent views of the tertiary student and tertiary education institutions regarding study time commitment to complete tertiary education successfully. Our tentative conjecture is that today there is developing, if it has not already developed, a new student model (expectations) of what it is to be a tertiary degree student - held by students - that is at odds with the traditional model (expectations) of what a tertiary student is, and does, which is held by tertiary educators and administrators. While there are undoubtedly divergent emphases between different disciplinary and faculty sectors of tertiary environment, we intend to avoid a one-size-fits-all approach. Our prior work (Burns & Yahanpath, 2010; Yahanpath & Burns, 2011) and related discussions with students on the one hand and teaching colleagues and administrators on the other, lead us to a general hypothesis about the changing culture of tertiary education. The policy context of our attention to student semester time paid work is the inattention shown in the absence of reference to student paid work by policy makers that is clearly demonstrated, for instance, in the recent New Zealand Tertiary Education Strategy 1010-2015 (2010) document, and the recent UK Browne Report (2010). 3. Methodology Two sources of data are utilised in this paper. The first is an exploration of Robotham’s (2009) aggregation of nearly a score of studies on tertiary student part-time semester work. His table is reproduced here and from this some analysis of the collected evidence is made (Table 1). Our own current research data on student part-time paid work is then situated within this larger body of studies (Table 2). In the light of the discussion thus generated, a second step in exploring the wider implications of student paid work is to draw on a small part of our study to illustrate how talk of parttime paid work is only part of the story (Table 3). We currently have an article under review in which we present major findings from our research, following our replication of Manthei and Gilmore’s (2005) study. The data segment from our study used here serves only to demonstrate how the larger student paid work picture may be structured. 4. Findings and analysis Investigation of the literature on this topic led us well beyond these New Zealand studies encompassing variety of disciplines and various parts of the world. On way to efficiently summarise here some of that literature is to point to the summary table Robotham (2009, p. 326) prepared in similarly trying to review what this field of research was saying about student paid work. The table below reproduces Robotham’s Table 1 in which key results of nineteen previous studies were compiled in one place. Table 1: Summary of previous studies of part-time employment among full-time university students in the UK and internationally Study Lindsay and Paton-Salzberg Barke et al. Labour Research Department Long and Hayden Metcalf Curtis and Shani Curtis and Williams Curtis and Atkinson Hunt et al. Liddell and Rae Carney et al. Jones and Sloan Manthei and Gilmore Mihail and Karaliopoulou Year of Study Sample Size 1996 2000 2000 2001 2001 2002 2002 2004 2004 2004 2005 2005 2005 2005 193 879 286 34,752 782 359 368 193 2,737 216 756 784 83 466 % in part-time employment 57 36.6 72 72.5 46 55 59 85 49 68 50 46 81 32 Tam and Morrison Kulm and Kramer Moreau and Leathwood Salamonson and Andrew Curtis 2005 2006 2006 2006 2007 417 500 310 267 336 64 89 70 78 59 This table comprise nineteen studies accumulating across just over a decade period. A variety of sample sizes were used, mostly based on available cohorts for study, and discipline contexts investigated are similarly often related to researchers’ institutional location; most use student selfreport surveys, though note Rolfe (2002). The modest correlation (0.24) between year and percentage of students in part time work across these studies rises if the following studies are added in. The statistics indicate that significant emphasis has been placed on this subject more recently by the large number of studies undertaken since 2002. The relationship between time (year) and percent of students in paid employment is illustrated in Robotham’s table is visually in Figure 1 below. Given the disparate nature of some of these studies, there is clearly more opportunity for other studies to generate new data and further interrogate this set of data to develop more accurate measures of change through time. Figure 1: Percentage of students in part-time paid employment It is also possible to extract further information from the information in Robotham’s table, see Table 2 below. Table 2: Descriptive analysis of percentage in part-time employment Mean Standard error Median Mode Standard deviation Sample variance Kurtosis Skewness Range Minimum Maximum 61.8 3.9 61.5 46.0 16.5 272.1 -0.09 -0.01 27.0 32.0 89.0 The final column of the Table 1 above provides the percentage of students in each of the studies listed engaged in part-time paid employment. These range from 32 per cent to 89 percent, though all but two (32, 36.6) are 46 percent or above - that is, about half or more of the respective student cohorts. In our small study at a New Zealand polytechnic, the 69 percent of students engaged in parttime paid work is close to the median of Robotham’s compilation of studies (61.5%), especially the more recent studies; and may be closer to the two antipodean studies cited below. Outside that collection, and closer to home, McInnis and Hartley reported in 2002 (pp. 5-6) that, “In Australia, 78 percent of full-time enrolled students have some paid employment and 72.5 percent have paid employment during semester”, considerably more than the United Kingdom at that time. Recent Australian research by Hlvac, Peterson and Piscioneri (2011, p. 28) reports “over two thirds of students are likely to be engaged in some form of employment”. Reflecting on this wider literature, then, generates new questions around what it is to be a student/ what is it to be a worker? These questions are closely intertwined. We can examine these questions and issues from our current New Zealand study of student semester-time-paid-work in which we distinguished between full-time and part-time paid work using 32 hours per week as the cut-off point (Burns Yahanpath, 2010). Table 3: Percentages of students engaged in both paid work and study Paid work Part-time Study Part-time Full-time 10 55 Totals 65* Full-time Totals 20 15 35 30 70 100 * Figure differs from Table 2 mean/median since not all respondents specified hours worked. As can be seen from the Table 3, 55 percent of full-time students engaged in part-time work. Surprisingly, 15 percent of full-time students also work full-time. Especially, in the latter group we can clearly see a conflict between the expectations of Tertiary Education Institutions (TEI) and students. Even for mature-age students with high motivation and ability something has to “give” when subject prescriptions for this TEI are based on 150 hours of class contact and personal study time. Obviously such data is simply illustrative and not generalisable on its own, but it does offer an empirical scenario within which to think about the overlap of paid work in the realm of academic study. There are several implications from the above findings and analysis about student paid semester time employment. But the simple high percentages of students involved must be considered against two sets of background changes, some of which are internal to the study process and some external to it. These in turn make measuring the significance of the changes difficult, and also assessing the effect on tertiary education in practical and policy terms difficult as well. One of the internal factors is duration or hours worked per week. This is an important factor that should be considered beyond the simple high percentages of student in paid work. For example; four to six hours per week sits very differently from twenty hours. There is some suggestion that once about 12-15 hours have been reached, negative effects on students’ academic performance emerge. Another internal factor is the kind of studies being pursued, For example, applied professional fields have differences from fields such as music or arts. Further one has to question whether placements or internships are included in the meaning of paid work. Sometimes this revolves around different attitudes to academic study – nurses or business students sometimes not seeing themselves as “academic types”, or having a different orientation to work experience having a much higher value for subsequently getting employed post-degree. A different factor for first year or subsequent undergraduate years is significant insofar as confidence to “handle” both paid work and study is often raised in anecdotal student reports from students revising their earlier belief in their capacity to handle paid work and study. External factors that need to be considered include aspects not inherent in academic study but which students bring with them from their families and other social milieux. A general observation is that expanding the tertiary student cohort as government policy does not automatically create more academic high achievers but reaches further into the cohort who achieved less well in secondary education. This wider group of students has different needs for support, and different expectations of what tertiary education is for, and will do for them. An overlapping but different external factor is that wider inclusion (seen as a desirable government policy goal, Ministry of Education, 2010) brings students from what might be called working class backgrounds rather than middle-class or professional backgrounds. In achieving to some degree that intention, tertiary education is changed by the practices, instrumentality, differing social and cultural capitals such widened student cohorts bring. We conjecture that even beyond these ever changing underlying factors that complicate discussion of the importance or consequences of student paid work there is a broader shift going on. It is partly influenced by these and related factors, but can be stated as a general trend. Tertiary education today is seen in a different way by students and potential student than a generation ago. The distinctive lifestyle and physical living constraints required by minimal income (such as lower standards of dressing, or reduced access to music and phones) have to a considerable extent shifted today to an expectation and desire to live as young adults not as students per se. Being students can be fun, mixing with others of a similar age, and aiming to get credentialed to take a better kind of job than otherwise. But many students also want to dress well, eat out, expect to buy coffees and personal accessories, and take in entertainments. This depiction is not an absolute contrast to previous student eras; there have always been well-off and more constrained student lifestyles. But over five decades there has been a shift in New Zealand’s education sector from about seven percent of the population undertaking tertiary study to about one third. Now in a self-funding student loan environment, this places student preferences in a very different context. In our analysis we see the significance of student debt as a driver as did Manthei and Gilmore, but in our view it is only one aspect. We argue there is a culture shift of lifestyle in tertiary student expectation and motivations, and that paid work while studying is for many a central part of that experience and understanding of appropriate and “natural”, life stage. This, then, leads us to propose a two model view of tertiary education. There is a conventional model held by tertiary educators and administrators (and somewhat unreflectively by government policy makers) in which students enrol in tertiary education, mostly full-time, to rationally pursue their career-enabling studies in a field of their choice to gain the credentials they need for a professional career that adds value to their lives and to the larger economy. The other model is not held by educators but by students themselves. Increasingly it is not “read off” the conventional model but is an emergent student-derived model. With some degree of uncertainty, but applying a local rationality, not the formal rationality of neoliberal education policies (Hodkinson, 1998), student are encouraged to undertake tertiary studies a way forward in their working lives. But they do not bracket this part of their lives off from a subsequent period, but combine paid work earnings and tertiary study. On this understanding, each is desirable and necessary. For many, increasingly for most, this is not optional. The conventional view that some paid work is harmless, optional, an add-on, is empirically incorrect (for a variety of reasons as we have indicated earlier). The supposed non-negotiability of attending lectures and tutorials/labs and requirement to read/research for assignments meets the non-negotiability of hours of paid work, some lifestyle elements, and the entanglement of employer requirements contrasting to academic requirements. Such contrasting full-time pressures are very difficult to sustain, or are achieved at personal cost. Various negative consequences might be identified from low quality study (subjects or “degrees by Ds”), shortcutting via plagiarism and other cramming practices, student burnout or poor mental health, limiting recreation, and so on. On the institutional side there is pressure to soften grading practices, added workload to accommodate lateness, more mechanical teaching modes, or “repair” support services beyond simply academic staircasing. Our primary intention in this discussion is not to focus on negatives but to suggest that if there is indeed a firming but different model from which students operate, there is a central education policy tension emerging between inclusion and extension aims for tertiary education, and quality objectives such as retention, completion, and levels of performance. In our view, paid work in semester time is the great under-theorised “elephant in the room” of tertiary policy. Our article pointed out that in the hugely important UK government Browne report (2010, p. 39) it remarkably spoke of this widespread phenomenon of undergraduate semester-time paid work just once in its passing remark that students from low income families “need to rely on part time work or family contributions to make ends meet”. Whether students see themselves as primarily students - even when enrolled full-time or primarily as young workers who “do”/ “fit in” tertiary study, is to us a moot point, worthy of greater investigation. Student reality and education sector reality appear to be on divergent paths. 5. Limitations and areas for future research In this paper we have pushed beyond the discussion and conclusion in our substantive article reporting our recent research on part-time student paid work. In one sense, then, we are addressing a limitation of our previous work by here reflexively exploring - speculating, in the proper use of that word, not arbitrarily assuming certain things to be so - the formation of a shifting cultural definition of what it is to be a tertiary student today. Passing comments about the consequences of this new framing have been made, but our main interest here has been to delineate an alternative model to the conventional one as a possible interpretative model and as an empirically reasonable proposal. A danger point is that in speaking in this general way we open ourselves to challenges of overgeneralising. This danger is one reason why we have disconnected this discussion from the substantive research we have done, which would not by itself justify these ideas. Instead we have reinspected the wider sweep of paid work studies about tertiary students from which to make our case. The full-time/part-time data drawn from our current work is used here merely for scenario-building not broader evidence. If there is some merit in this proposal, then, further research work may be better served in framing up individual study results in a similar way rather than simply enumerating percentages of students in paid work, or the number of hours and so on, even if these averages are different for different faculties/ areas of tertiary study. The model might help address questions that differentiate the experience and effects of shifting student expectations and paid work experience. How much the contrasting model applies to the newer more widely included cohorts of student rather than the traditional student groups is open to debate and investigation. Although we have tried to advance a general discussion, it does seem reasonable to suggest that there a significant variations across the student population, in many ways. Is student ability important in analysing this? Is social class and occupational backgrounds relevant? Do media representations have a part to play? Do macro-policy setting and constraints (such as loan schemes, institutional cost parameters, tertiary provider competition, and job markets) have consequential effects in what students choose, or are able to choose? We see a significant limitation in research studies into student paid work, our own included, in the focus on self-report surveys. Other investigation methodologies such as focus groups and in-depth interviews are likely to offer quite different information, and are particularly important in substantiating what students think, and getting closer to how they actually act, and what they are responding to, in making decisions about paid work in those early years of their undergraduate studies. How they revise or adjust these decisions over time, and the compromises they make to meet conflicting pressures would make for a much improved evidential base not unlike the careful research work by Hodkinson (1998) mentioned earlier. 6. Conclusion This paper has explored implications of the research literature on tertiary student part-time paid work during semester time. We have argued this body of research speaks to fundamental themes in tertiary educational policy, but as we noted at the beginning of this paper it is largely ignored in policy discussions, pointing to the absence of reference to student paid work in the recent New Zealand Tertiary Education Strategy 1010-2015, document, and the recent UK Browne Report. If part-time paid work continues to be ignored we suggest that there will be consequences for achieving policy objectives since policy aims will be out of step with the empirical reality of student actions. 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