AP World History Final Exam 2015
Guidelines for your writing:
(Understanding and Synopsis) What is the author’s thesis of the book? This can normally be
found in reading the preface, introduction, and the beginning pages of each chapter while
examining the table of contents to get a “feel” for the author’s presentation.
Suggested Length: 1 to 2 pages
(Praise and Compelling Section) Does the author support the thesis of her/his work well? After
identifying the thesis of the author’s work (the book), you are now responsible for honing in,
focusing on what examples she/he presents and analyzes; this is what makes a book compelling
(keeps you reading, grabs your interest, maintains your focus). Several examples should be
pointed out and explained in your paper (usually two at minimum, more if you wish) so that the
reader of your paper is convinced that you understand—or at least have tried to understand—the
text you have read.
Length: ½ to 1 page
(Criticism and Non-Compelling Section) Does the author present any clear bias, where in the
book, and how is it presented? Many of the books you have chosen to read contain a serious
amount of bias. If perhaps you have picked—and are reading—one of these biased books, make
sure that you identify the bias(es) in your paper, explain how the author presents it, and agree
with it or disagree. This means that you have the opportunity to write like a historian and engage
the author in a conversation where you get to argue with or support them. But, a word of caution,
BE CAREFUL! If you do engage in an argument with the author, you MAY NOT express any
opinions which are not supported with other, reputable sources. Point will be deducted if there is
any unsupported opinion of your own expressed in your papers.
Suggested Length: ½ to 1 page
(Postscript) What have you learned from reading this book? This is where you can write a
personal reflection on how this book has impacted the way you understand this topic, and
ultimately, how you understand history in general.
Suggested Length: ½ to 1 page
Rubric for Grading:
_____ All four of the requirements above must be met
_____ Your notes must be attached to the final copy of your paper when you turn it in, indicating
to me that you completed this assignment with fidelity.
_____ When using a direct quote, a page number must be parenthetically referenced as you will
see in the “Final Paper Example” below.
_____ Furthermore, direct quotes may never exceed the length of three lines, this implies that
you do not understand what you are writing about.
_____ You must write with proper grammar. You must write with complete sentences.
Additionally, the use of “should not” must be used in place of “shouldn’t.” More examples of
what not to use… “doesn’t” “hasn’t” etc.
The Process to Follow:
First, read and take notes, this is how I suggest that you go about tackling this task. Obviously,
my notes are typed here. But, you are going to need to hand write them, I would often switch
back and forth myself, from typed to handwritten. Why you might ask? It is actually much
easier to hand-write your notes for management purposes; it is easier to read a book and have a
notepad handy, next to you on your desk / table.
The Notetaking Process Example:
Notes on John Thornton’s work
Chapter One:
The isolation of Africa and the rest of the Atlantic worlds owes thanks to currents of the Atlantic, poor knowledge of the
prevailing winds and currents. Not until 15th century that Europeans began to develop the technology for successful navigation.
(16-17) Europeans were able to dominate the Atlantic trade and travel because of the availability of areas they could “practice”
in; the Mediterranean and the Baltic seas (22). The 1335 discovery of the Canaries was a watermark in European involvement in
Africa, possibly “re-discovered” in this year by accident by Lanzoroto Malecello. Page 25, reasons for European discovery other
than this accident. Zurara, Gomes Eannes de Zurara, connects with R.C. Davis saying that Euros hoped to contact Christian
alliance in defeating Moslems of N. Africa, reason for traveling atlantic route to W. Africa. But Thornton points out that this is
entertaining and possible, but once again economics drives the true reasons for exploration, not religious domination. The
Canary Islands were a great starting point, for the true reasons of exploration were to provide for Europeans that demanded
products like wine and sugar, both of which could be harvested on this island (28 - Agrees with D.B. Davis--sugar drives
slavery!) Another element for exploration’s drive... The Senegal River became known as the “River of Gold,” which was
enticing to Portuguese sailors (30-31). The Portuguese, like Gomes, accidentally stumble, step by step, onto more lands with
economic pay offs, like the accidental stumble into modern day Ghana where they found gold (32). Pages (36-42) sound a bit far
fetched when Thornton argues that African naval strength and American naval strength were tough enough to go toe to toe with
the Europeans (Portuguese) and remain sovereign for a long time. This is somewhat far-fetched, not as plausible as Thornton
attempts to make clear.
Chapter Two:
He opens the second chapter stating that in the 15th century, encounters were relatively peaceful between Africans and
Europeans, maybe. Hard to tell with Manning’s work bc he goes back only to 1500, can’t do with R. Davis’s work, D.B. Davis is
a maybe (must check on specifics in his text). Thornton also refutes Walter Rodney’s claims that Africa could not keep up with
Europe because it was economically less developed stating that before Europe was industrialized, it had an equal footing and
could have been an even match to deflect European contact (43-44).
Thornton argues that Africans did not exchange with Europeans for essential things, they did so purely because Africans too were
consumers who wanted foreign things for the reason of prestige. The Africans had everything they needed, only things they
wanted were absent. But did they know how? They may have had the resources to make such things, but what accounts are there
by Europeans indicating that they wore these garments of cloth they already had? or that they used Iron in large quantities that
was of a quality they had never seen, surpassed their own? (52) Thornton’s point not as strong arguing the case that Africans
welcomed Portuguese in moreso because the failure of the monopoly of trading (to be controlled under the crown) encouraged
the lower level income groups to illegally trade and side (defect) with Africans, giving them economic leverage to trade by being
recognized eventually by the Crown (60). He argues that the Kongo people allowed Portuguese outlaws (not under the Crown’s
trading recognition) assimilated to the culture, New Christians. My question, did the Kongo people really allow them to do so
(61-62)? Regardless, when this did happen, it would accidentally establish a foot -in to Africa for the 17th century’s trading
(66).
Summary...The whole chapter does much to est. that Europe and Africa had way too much in common for Europe to simply be
the dominator, the exploiter of a dark Africa. Not as good a chapter as the first.
Complementing the argument Thornton makes, “Europeans did not dominate,” a book review by Colleen Kriger in the Indiana U.
Press’s Africa Today,Vol. 47, No. 3/4, Sexuality and Generational Identities in Sub-Saharan Africa (Summer - Autumn, 2000),
pp. 198-199. Her quote, “In Part I, Thornton touches on debates about economic “underdevelopment,” arguing that Europeans
during this period did not have a dominant role in trade with African societies. He is one of the few historians who has shown an
interest in precolonial manufacturing in Africa, able to demonstrate Afr. societies were producing their own metalwares and
textiles, as well as importing them from overseas.”
Chapter Three:
72-74: Thornton sides with Fage and Eltis, disputes Walter Rodney. Slavery was not unique to Africa. Slaves to Africa were
property in that land was to Europeans. Slavery already deep rooted in Africa before Europeans arrived. Slavery in Africa was a
LEGAL establishment that was taxable, a way for govs to collect revenue. Supported on page 78. Elections are described, kings
were not always rulers with hereditary right to rule. When all land is state owned, property and profit could only be attained
through slavery and the state could tax this property... slaves. 84-85: Therefore, the value of women and wives goes up as slaves
were made of children and the great number of wives that could be attained. 86-87: Land laws in Africa stated anyone could
work it if it were vacant with slaves or free people.
Pages 90 to 115 accounted for in hand written notes
Chapter Four:
116: The Europeans, esp the Portuguese, did not impact the slave trade in Angola through superior military technology or
advancements. 117: Africans were not forced to part with slaves against their will by Europeans. The first trace of validity to
Manning’s work, demographic exhaustion had occurred in African by the late eighteenth century. Improved musketry did not
help the capture of slaves, it was already moving without the improved technology or European influence in wars, Ndonga and
Kongo. 124: surviving European record suggests they would not wage wars simply for slaves in 17th c. “only if price is right to
buy.” Dahomy in fact, was a mercenary state that effectively kept Europe out of their own affairs. Concludes Part I saying that it
was not slavery that caused the instablitiy in Africa’s political system. However, instability did lead to increased levels of
slavery, but it was internal, not influenced by the Euros.
Chapter Five:
Native Americans had to be paid a small wage under the Spanish Crown, therefore, using them as slaves would prove to be
economically more efficient. Slaves would not have politcal rights as the natives did under the crown, more useful. However,
there was slavery within the Native American societies in South America and Caribbean, 132, 133. Enslavement of NA’s not
useful, not enough to satisfy the demand by the Portuguese after the spanish. They were not accustomed to the Old World
diseases either (a known fact of even the uneducated). African Slaves further useful because they had experience with herding
cattle and riding horses much sooner than NA’s. Angolans possessed cattle raising experience, Senegambian Africans rode
horses well. 135. Africans also skilled divers for pearls in Venezuela and fishing along the rivers in Brazil (135-36). In
agreeance with D.B. Davis, Native Ams couldn’t bear the physical labor like the Africans (the modern man belief), therefore the
Spanish and Portuguese Crowns just stopped enslaving NA’s bc it wasn’t worth it to even try, obsolete (136). Africans imported
so much that together, they became a powerful group as they were intermixed with the Europeans, helping to eliminate the NA
presence and domination of Iberian America (140). This element shows that culturally, the Europeans and Africans would meld
together in Iberian America. the most recent scholarship supports economics as the main motivation to continue with African
slave use as opposed to epidemiological or racial reasons. For legal reasons, not racial, slaves were used in the Americas,
Bacon’s rebellion 1676 helped make this clear, some Africans were wrongly enslaved after indentured servitude and successfully
got redress (146-147). Further economic benefits of slaves, owners could hire them out like Samuel Matthews so they could
undercut free laborers in Boston and New York 1648.
What additional evidence does Thornton give to support David B. Davis’s argument that Africans made better slaves than Native
Americans; Africans were the more advanced and modern humans?
Chapter Six:
Slaves, Thornton argues, were significant shapers of culture in the Americas. They were not, as older scholars have argued, the
recipients of culture (152). The middle passage is described in detail after being first explained as a common breaker for African
culture, making them docile and hopeless. The conditions of the middle passage got better in the seventeenth century than
stereotypically believed (although it was still not pleasant). some were fed three times a day with corn (maize), palm oil, hippo
or elephant meat, sleeping mats, even the cleaning of the decks below with bad vinegar (156). Not only were conditions bad for
slaves, ships could often carry diseasefrom the Old World with them to the new, yellow fever, typhoid fever, small pox, measles
(157). Still, Cartagena Jesuits believed that even spending an hour in the holds of slave ships after a voyage would make one
sick. Middle passage not the end of the deadly journey for many, Spanish buyers transported Africans overland to Peru (160161). The psychological shock and adjustment is nearly impossible to judge based on the passages to New world itself, must be
accounted by the after events of enslavement. Other factor than mid passage that made culture harder to spread, the imbalance of
sex ratios among slaves where males made up commonly as much as 78% of the work force (166). Not the most compelling
piece, but Thornton sums up on p. 170 by stating that despite the harsh conditions, long hours, and attempts of masters to keep
the sexes apart, culture still managed to pop up, best example given on 170 of the clothing they wore in the 1559 report to
Manuel Cao. Culture did however flourish best where sex ratios were encouraged to be kept even like in Jamaica on p. 171.
Communities of African slaves were allowed to flourish in parts of the French Caribbean around the 1640’s and onward, largely
because the native population, like in Carib, couldn’t be captured and forced to labor. THis also happened in the Chesapeake Bay
region where it was better to allow community to form rather than expensively replace slaves or indentured servants (174-175).
Incentives even provided for African slaves to produce more tobacco for ex. to obtain “partial freedom,” done in 1600’s Virginia.
Another powerful vehicle for African culture to thrive in the Americas was the sexual and sometimes marriage of slave women
and their masters (181).
How does Thornton supplement our current views of the slave experiences in the Middle Passage? What new information does
he give us that describes the journey? For example, how often were slaves allowed to breath fresh air, how many times a day
were they fed depending on the European nationality of the ship’s command?
Chapter Seven:
“What type of culture developed among the slave societies of the Atlantic basin?” 183, the central question of chapter. “How
culturally heterogeneous were the slaves who came to America?” Heterogeneous they were, but, Not too much so and “how
successful were Africans in interacting with other Africans who shared their culture in the American setting of plantation or
mine, etc.?” they were often seeking others from their same nations of origin.
The fact that there are MANY different languages of Africa is a poor excuse to say that the African culture did not accurately
form in the Americas. Thornton argues that there were really just three different areas of different language families and that
trade (economics) through common rivers made it so Africans of different languages often communicated very frequently (189).
With the commerce element, other lingua francas developed and it was common to be multilingual in Africa as an African in the
16th cen. (190) Thornton legitimizes his argument using de Sandoval as his source. Art styles, with the commerce argument,
also flowed freely between the different states in Africa, uniting cultures as African! Languages were so interrelated that it is
cited on 191 that different languages could be learned in as little as three to five weeks. Politics was the true divider, but the
slaves didn’t have to set up governments in the new Americas (my thoughts). Thornton uses Mintz and Price, anthropologists as
his main people to dispute and argue against. Mintz and Price believe there was much diversity in Africa, Thornton argues it was
not as diverse as scholars have made it out to be. To further dispute the fact that African culture could not flourish in Americas,
it was common practice that slaves were loaded onto slave ships from the same region, culture obviously homogenous then (192).
Best argument supporting that slaves were broken up, breaking cultural formation, at the time of sale they were sent to different
masters and different locations across the American continents (195). some hoped to keep them together to limit chances of
rebellion (196). slaves arrived in blocks, ex p. 196, 1620-23 Brazil imported 15,000 Angolans. French and English imported
most all slaves from Gold Coast and Allada bc the supply was there and the price was right and dependable (196). Even when
slaves were of different origin serving on the same estates, it was likely they were allowed contact with slaves of neighboring
estates where they were likely to find another member of the same African place (199). The French in Remire actually allowed
some of their slaves to pick a husband or bride from incoming ships at ports to keep them together (200). Political units may
have even stuck together where they carried on elections of kings or queens inside of the enslaved communities. People were
interrogated to find out if this was the case to prevent uprisings like the case on p. 203, interrogation of Francisco de Veas.
How does Thornton argue for the fact that African culture could, and did flourish in the Americas quite well?
What European countries often encouraged slaves to marry from within their own African nationality? Why would they do such
things?
Chapter Eight:
Elements of culture that change easily: kinship and family structures are very fluid, political structures
Elements of culture that do no change easily: Language, philosophy and religion (which can be placed in this or the easy
category).
Elements of the intermediary: Material arts, types of houses, tools types, medicines.
This chapter is to deal with language and aesthetics in culture change from Africa to European contact, to arrival and interaction
in the Americas.
Languages blended, lingua francas developed because of three forces. Slaves would marry each other from different nations of
different languages, and they would have to develop a way to communicate with each other and their European masters (211212). Forming these lingua francas and with clashes of several different languages, CREOLES developed, first as pidgins
(languages with few words and rules, etc), then as creoles, first off the coast of Africa at Cape Verde, Sao Tome, and other
islands (213). As other Europeans came to the coast, they noticed that a creole of Portuguese style was prevalent, as De Sandoval
is cited on 216, addressing them in the Port. style “lengua de San Tome.” French missionaries like Pierre Pelleprat also
instructed newly arrived slaves in French, therefore lingua francas of creole forms of Port. and Fr. developed and were spread to
the second generation of slaves, first born in the Americas (217). Best way to preserve the national ID of Africa was to sing
songs in native languages (Angola, etc.) (217-18). Social structure section not as strong, presenting the only interesting point that
runaway slave groups may have organized based on African customs of hierarchy and command (221). Aesthetic culture has
been the easiest to preserve, notably music, which in African character is defined by the use of many percussion instruments and
a strong rhythm. To preserve the African music meant that of course, “specialists” had to be on the ships from Afr. to New
World (226). In addition to music, hairstyles easy to maintain from Africa, Pieter de Mares published a plate in 1602 from Benin
that described sixteen different hairstyles (230). The clothing and head / hair styles of African women seem to be well
documented on 232-233, Fancy imported and domestically blended fabrics worn of many colors, hairstyles elaborate, women
would cover their heads with a wrap, often indicating their Christianity (233).
All these blends make it easier to understand how America was very much a Euro-African world, not a place influenced by the
Native Americans. Especially not a place that only adapted the cultures of Europe alone, for the traditions had to stop in Africa
to develop first before arriving in America- Hairstyles, clothing, music, and languages.
Chapter Nine:
Religion, Europeans and Africans had enough in common to where they could blend religions. Africans as well as Euros
believed in two worlds, and that a supreme being controlled things and they were interconnected, etc. p. 236, Pieter de Mares
noted that Gold Coast people believed in another world and they passed there when they died. Both Euro / Afr believed in
revelations to understand the supreme being and other world. Africans used forms of divination (241) to explain the other
world’s intentions, often used div. in judicial decisions too, ex. jumping into a river to see if you drown or are thrown back to
shore in Allada, described by Jose d Naxera. Also believed in augury, which both div. and aug. believed to some extent by the
Europeans. Europeans often associated Africans augury with the devil, not of god. Central Africa, in Kongo and Angola,
possessions were commonly believed in, similar to Christianity, therefore Christianity took hold easily there. Alvarez, Cavazzi,
and Montesarchio all observed that animals could often be possessed and carried out revenge of rulers that died (245). African
priests had to continually verify their religious ranking through accuracy of predictions.
Cosmologies also carried themselves from Africa to the Americas, for example, in Cuba, the Santeria was practiced in Allada and
Whydah (253). Henri Labouret and Pierre Rivet in 1658 preserved that the Allada people also had a religion that recognized two
figures as the godheads, Vodu and Lisa, used to create a comparison to Christ (253).
Christian conversion of slaves took part in Africa before most were taken to Americas.
Hilton claims that Kongo Christianity in 16th and 17th centuries only partially Christian. They became more Christian in Kongo
because of “co-revelations.” African revelations dovetailed well with Christian ones and their conversions were accepted (255).
One MAJOR difference separating christianity and African Christianity was Afri. belief in continuous revelation, not accepted in
Catholic Portugal, Spain, Italy. BUT, if continuous revelation made sense to the clergy present in Africa, concessions and
conversions could be made to get the Africans to become Christians as in Kongo in 1491 (257). “Two Kongo nobles dreamed
simultaneously of a woman instructing them to convert to Christianity (257).” The clergy regarded this dream as being the
Virgin Mary, signs of grace.
Upon arriving in New World, religious views of Africa were less homogenous and had to mix somehow, Thornton argues well
that this blend created was much like the lingua franca ideal, and that a creole Christianity formed among Africans (268).
Africans still believed in continuous revelation in New World, not liked by the Mexican Inquisition (265). Africans were in
constant contact with Christianity in the new world also (266)
Slaves were not converted by Protestants because they thought slaves would convert to lighten work loads and obtain freedom
(269).
Thornton maintains that Africans were able to adapt to Christianity with ease, debunking the myth that Christians forced their
views on a defiant population of Africans. What evidence does Thornton give to support his argument, dominantly within
Chapter Nine?
Chapter Ten:
Historians have viewed runaways and resistance in several lights. First presented as a way to recover their cultural nationalism,
preserve their Africanism. Second, Marxist view, to protest work conditions and prove their value to owners (272-273). This
chapter is very similar to R.C. Davis’s point that slaves would revolt as a form of bargaining. In bondage, some type of revolt,
running away, was their only outlet, taste of freedom, position of power. These were characters of the temporary, or petit
marronners. The Grand marronners were more inclined to be seeking a new, preservation of their African culture they left behind
or had either no economic value, or sought to find new owners that needed their economic skills (of a lesser class) (280). The
Caribs, very interesting. Known as an unconquered people, they often took in runaways, however they would do this only when
in conflict with French and English, likely to return runaways after signing treaty. They also represent the dynamic of NA
cultures that often held slaves themselves, therefore runaways not always safe in their presence or homeland (288). Proves that
running away to NA’s not always smart, could be killed by either side. Compelling because of the attention Thornton gives to
the success of some runaway communities. Panama and Mosquito coast of Nicaragua = successful runaway places, In Brazil’s
Palmares region, thousands of runaways formed dozens of villages that could threaten colonial control (292). Interesting that
during the 1540’s to past the 1670’s, military support used to fend off runaway communities moreso than NA villages, specific
for reason of keeping other slaves from running (296).
How do Thornton and Robert C. Davis make similar arguments for why slaves tended to revolt as petit marronners? What new
insight does Thornton give concerning why slaves would seek grand marronnage as opposed to petit marronnage?
What types of problems and aid did the Carib people provide to both the European colonists and their African slaves?
What new information does Thornton provide to us concerning the successes of runaway communities? How does Thornton
compare and contrast the successful runaway communities with the already established Native Americans?
Chapter Eleven:
Will this be the non-compelling piece of my entry? Is Thornton adding anything new to what Manning or D.B. Davis already
said? NO? Then put it in.
Introduced as not very compelling. A Manning re-run is resonant as Thornton discusses how the Bight of Benin and Bight of
Biafra became the largest markets for slaves in the eighteenth century. Sugar is mentioned not far after Thornton reacquaints
readers with Manning’s figures, sending a message that D.B. Davis made us all so familiar with; sugar made the demand for
slaves to rise in the Americas. As Thornton is an expert on the Kongo region, demonstrated in his numerous references he gives
to his book titled Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, we can see how slavery thrived in the region. The Europeans
were attracted. In one sentence, Thornton does more than Manning in explaining why the Kongo was able to supply so many
slaves to the British and Dutch from the seventeenth century up to the end of the eighteenth with this direct quote. “The wars,
which began as a succession dispute in 1665, became more or less endemic in the eighteenth century (305).” Pages 310-311,
Thornton describes that wars in Africa were of political and economic nature, repeating much of what we have already discussed
as a cohort. In recounting the capture of Oladah Equiano, Thornton reminds us that oral tradition has not kept up the deeper
reasons for these wars between major states of Africa like Dahomey and its rivals such as Oyo. Equiano is reliable but not deep
enough, repeating things we are familiar with. Wars were “born of rivalries and diplomacy of which even modern-day oral
tradition is ingorant; others, according to Equiano, were products of the seductions of merchants who, because they would be
granted the right to purchase the captives to be enslaved, persuaded kings to make war on each other (310).”
Thornton argues heavily that it was the will of the elite kings and power hungry few that held power that drove the slave trades.
He does provide some instances of unsuccessful resistance, the Islamic accounts of Nasr al-Din and the Toubenan on 314 and the
group named ‘Abd al-Kadir on 315. But the reader is still asking, begging for a better reason as to why the continent of Africa
perpetuated the slave trade. Wars, yeah that’s the reason. But, the question of why is asked once again. Why were these wars so
rampant in Kongo every five years of the eighteenth century or so (306)?
Creoles did not cling to the family or common nations of slaves as the first generation did (328). Because of language, they lost
their identities with where their ancestors came from in Africa. Second generations rarely spoke anything other than the lingua
franca or colonial language (329). The conclusion of the last chapter, and ultimately the book, leaves us still asking questions.
Thornton has set us up for a sequel as it seems when concluding that African culture disappeared because it yielded to the newly
formed Afro-American creole culture, as D.B. Davis may argue as being the most advanced of all people and cultures of the
world (334). There is no poorer way to end such a comprehensive book than to leave a reader hanging like Thornton does at the
end of chapter eleven.
A strong point is made on page 320 that furthers the argument made in the subsequent chapter on African culture. How was
African culture arriving as opposed to surviving?
In what ways does Thornton repeat what he has already said earlier in the book in chapter eleven? Conversely, what specifics
does he add that are nice to know concerning African culture in America?
How did language unite Africans in America that would normally have been at war with one another in the continent of Africa
(322)?
*How did the churches help, as Thornton states in Chapter Eleven, “supplant the nation in a creolizing population (331)?”
*The power of language from the home African nations could be valuable in many ways. What were some of the ways in which
African languages were used by the slaves in the New World?
*In Chapter Ten, Thornton argues that slaves of direct African birth were the most volatile in terms of rebellion. In Chapter
Eleven he uses evidence from Genovese and Craton citing that it was the creoles who were the larger threat. Why does Thornton
give these opposing views and which one is better defended (333)?
The Final Paper Example:
Debunking Myths and Questioning Wars: Europeans and Africans on an equal playing field in
the early slave trade
Stewart W. Kincaid
HIS 5530
Dr. Bly
March 22, 2011
Synopsis:
John Thornton’s work, Arica and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 14001800, is a landmark work that provides a valuable introduction to students of history that wish to
call into question the stereotypes they have been accustomed to. Thornton steers his readers
through a textbook style work that reads with a more interesting personality than that of the lofty,
uninspiring discourse of common textbooks. A variety of topics are explored and footnoted that
present strong arguments for convincing readers that Europeans and Africans developed a
relationship through accidental encounters that were more egalitarian than the average human
believes. Patrick Manning’s work, Slavery and African Life, tells an insistent story of Africans
which were tragically stripped from their homes and cultures. Thornton moderates Manning’s
dominance by shedding a different light upon the story of how Africans and Europeans
interacted with each other, shaping an Atlantic world that became rich with African influence.
To demonstrate this equitable relationship, Thornton’s first two chapters establish that
Europe--most notably the Portuguese--and Africa--concerning the various cultural groups along
the western coast--had far too much in common for Europe to simply dominate a dark continent
that was not characteristic of Africa. In Chapter Three, Thornton lends an ear to what has been
presented in both Robert C. Davis’s Holy War and Human Bondage, and David Brion Davis’s
Slavery and Human Progress; slavery was not unique to Africa. Chapter Four furthers the point
that African slaves were not taken by force. African slaves were traded by a willing, cooperative
number of nations living along the African coast. Portuguese military forces could not
efficiently use their military forces to cause the people in the nation of Angola for example, to
submit to the will of a stronger power. Technological advancements of the Portuguese did little
to further the harvesting of slaves (116-117). The end of Chapter Four, and thus the first section
of the book, leaves readers with reasons to understand that slavery did not cause the instability in
Africa’s political system which spawned wars within the nations of the continent.
This instability experienced by many of Africa’s nations did lead to increases in the
number of slaves captured and sold. But these wars that came about from political instability, as
Thornton argues, were not influenced by the Europeans. It is at this point that readers look
forward to the pages that lay ahead in the second section, where hopefully, a deeper
understanding of these wars will be found. When finished reading the book’s final pages, some
may agree that this information cannot be adequately found in Thornton’s pertinent text.
However the second section does give useful insight to topics concerning the Africans and their
development as creoles, Christians, and defiant, powerful shapers of American communities with
distinct cultures and languages.
Compelling:
Thornton is a first in the field of history so far, that argues at the time of first contact,
Africa and Europe were equal players. Europe did not dominate Africa economically or
militarily in the fifteenth century. Thornton refutes Walter Rodney’s claims that Africa could
not keep up with Europe because it was economically less developed. Rodney, being a respected
scholar, is challenged by Thornton who supports that before Europe was industrialized it had an
equal footing and could stand up evenly to deflect European conflict (43-44). At the time of
European contact, Thornton argues that Africans possessed all material things they needed to
subsist. The only items that were absent from their material wealth were foreign luxury goods.
It was this taste for these luxury items that attracted them to create a relationship with the
Portuguese in the fifteenth century. The strongest example of this is demonstrated when
Thornton reveals that the African continent possessed iron, of a quality that surpassed any that
the Europeans had ever seen. Hence tools and weaponry lasted longer. When European artifacts
containing their own iron were found centuries later in Africa, it demonstrated their lust for
foreign entities. It was just for this reason, the items were foreign (52). Here, Manning would
argue is the beginning of the tragic loss of Africans.
The military forces of the Portuguese and Spanish who first drifted upon the African
shores would have automatically assumed that European forces would have dominated any
African naval resistance. Thornton is a first to confidently debunk this myth. This at first
sounds a bit far-fetched, but he argues that the Africa’s navies were tough enough to go toe to toe
with the Portuguese naval forces, consequently the African coastal nations remained sovereign
for a long time (36-42). This makes sense when considering that the Portuguese accidentally
landed on certain African islands, such as the Canaries. Portuguese sailors, such as Gomes,
unexpectedly landed on the coast of modern Ghana and surprisingly found pepper. The year
prior, he and his sailors reached one of the most gold rich places on earth, by accident, around
the year 1471. With good reports to the Crown, the Portuguese were encouraged to advance the
frontier and have further encounters with coastal natives (35). All of these journeys took place
aboard very non-advanced seafaring vessels which had much in common with those of the West
African nations. Evidence of such encounters that Thornton presents so well easily convinces
readers that the European military was not developed to the point where they could, or would,
negotiate with force.
Non-compelling:
A Manning re-run is resonant as Thornton discusses how the Bight of Benin and Bight of
Biafra became the largest markets for slaves in the eighteenth century. Not far after Thornton
reacquaints readers with Manning’s figures, sending a message that D.B. Davis made us all so
familiar with; sugar made the demand for slaves to rise in the Americas. As Thornton is an
expert on the Kongo region, demonstrated in his numerous references he gives to his book titled
Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, we can see how slavery thrived in the region. The
Europeans were attracted. Thornton does more than Manning in explaining why the Kongo was
able to supply so many slaves to the British and Dutch from the seventeenth century, saying that
“the wars, which began as a succession dispute in 1665, became more or less endemic in the
eighteenth century (305).” Thornton describes that wars in Africa were of political and
economic nature, repeating much of what we have already discussed as a cohort of history
students at Appalachian State University. In recounting the capture of Olaudah Equiano,
Thornton reminds us that oral tradition has not kept up the deeper reasons for these wars between
major states of Africa like Dahomey and its rivals such as Oyo. Equiano is reliable but not deep
enough, repeating things we are familiar with. Wars were “born of rivalries and diplomacy
(310).” Additionally, wars “were products of the seductions of merchants who, because they
would be granted the right to purchase the captives to be enslaved, persuaded kings to make war
on each other (310).” Thornton argues heavily that it was the will of the elite kings and power
hungry few that held power that drove the slave trades. But the reader is still begging for a better
reason as to why the continent of Africa perpetuated the slave trade. Why were these wars so
rampant in Kongo every five years of the eighteenth century or so (306)? Thornton has set us up
for a sequel. A second volume would adequately answer these questions left with little
substance. Thornton would be the right caliber of a scholar to undertake such tasks as he has
proven himself worthy in most of the eleven chapters of the particular work being analyzed.
Postscript:
Making light of the non-compelling features of this book, Thornton does demonstrate his
impeccable scholarship by referencing several works that may answer the things that are left out
in explaining the roots of wars in Africa. Chapter Four gives proper footnote to two scholars of
interest that may be able to further explain the roots of wars in Africa with more depth,
presenting them as not just wars meant to capture slaves, a “guerras de negros (101).” Philip
Curtin’s work, Economic Change, is a first of two works to explore in the future. Reading about
certain places such as Senegambia in Curtin’s work, a packed understanding of the whole
African continent’s wars may occur by examining African history on a micro scale. Adding to
what Curtin has to offer, Hilton’s Kingdom of the Kongo is attractively cited as a piece that could
give more astuteness to understanding the Angolan wars as more than just events meant to
capture humans as rewards for the victors. Consequently, after analyzing the former two works,
young history students such as myself may be able to draw more personal conclusions rather
than taking Thornton’s word directly from Africa and Africans. The question of why may
dissipate and myths will ever more be debunked.