Dan Quint
Fall 2011
Lecture 23
Logistics
Remaining lectures
Today: some interesting digressions
Wednesday: efficiency, recap
Next week: review, practice problems
Homework 4 due Thursday, 11:59 p.m.
Final: Thursday Dec 22
12:25-2:25, 6210 Social Science
Cumulative, more weight on second half of semester
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Duress/necessity source: http://news.yahoo.com/man-sues-former-hostages-saysbroke-promise-190902970.html
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Models in
Economics
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Imagine you’re a physicist
Economists (at least theorists) work the same way
The world is too complicated to study “as is”
So we make a simple model
Try to leave in the “important parts” for studying a particular question
Realize that our results follow from the assumptions that we made, and may or may not be relevant to the real world
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Many assumptions get made differently in different situations
“Are people risk averse?”
Ask a sociologist, you get an answer
Ask an economist, he’ll say, “It depends on what type of problem you’re studying”
For some questions, risk aversion is important
How people choose investment portfolios
How people save for retirement if they don’t know how long they’ll live
For other questions, risk aversion plays no role
Including risk aversion complicates model, without adding insight
So we assume agents are risk neutral – not because they are, but because we’re focusing on something else
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What does it take to do economic theory?
Reduce a situation to a tractable model
Solve the model
Interpret the model
Judgment
(Which assumptions to make)
Technical ability
Judgment
(How much to
“trust” results, given the model/ assumptions behind them)
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Another way to think about this:
“All models are wrong, but some are useful.”
– George Box (Statistician)
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The idea of a “standard” model
We said: some assumptions (risk neutrality) get made differently in different settings
Other assumptions get made so consistently that they become a part of the “standard way” that economists look at the world…
…almost become a part of conventional wisdom
And then we start to forget that they were assumptions in the first place
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Basically all mainstream microeconomics is based on two premises
People have preferences
Allowed to like whatever they like…
…but assumed to understand all their options, and how they rank them
And people optimize
People pick whichever option they like most…
…subject to what they can afford
To put it another way, people are rational
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We’ve been assuming this throughout the semester
“People respond to incentives according to what they correctly perceive to be their own rational best interest”
Property/nuisance law
each knows own threat point, can bargain with each other to transfer ownership of entitlements to whoever values them most
Contract law
can negotiate efficient contracts, courts can enforce them correctly
Tort law
people know effects of their actions, react rationally to incentives
courts can assign liability and assess damages correctly
Criminal law
even criminals react rationally to incentives, commit crimes when benefit outweighs expected cost
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But rationality is a strong assumption
Very useful assumption
Led to lots of predictions about how laws affect behavior…
…and therefore what types of laws would lead to efficient outcomes
But conclusions are only as valid as the assumptions
Today:
How these assumptions sometimes fail in real life…
…and therefore why we may be skeptical about some of the semester’s conclusions
But, you’re still being tested on those conclusions!
Think of today as a digression
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Behavioral Law and Economics
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Behavioral economics
How peoples’ actual behavior differs from predictions of
“standard model”
Started out ad-hoc
Take a prediction of the standard model, e.g., expected utility maximization
Do an experiment – put a bunch of undergrads in a room and make them play a game
Or look for instances in real world where prediction was violated
Over time, generated some fairly robust conclusions
Systematic ways behavior differs from perfect rationality in a number of different situations
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Behavioral economics
What’s important is that deviations from standard predictions of economics are not random
Not random errors
But consistent, systematic biases
At its best, behavioral economics holds itself to a “higher standard” than traditional economics
Traditional economics: makes assumptions (rationality and optimization), derives predictions
Asks whether predictions seem right, but doesn’t spend much time questioning the assumptions
Behavioral economics looks to justify the assumptions as well
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Behavioral economics – sources
Two recent “pop economics” books that are supposed to be pretty good:
Effect of behavioral economics on law and econ:
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Jolls/Sunstein/Thaler discuss three different
“uses” for economics
Positive
“Increase in expected punishment will lead to decrease in crime”
Or, an explanation for the laws that do exist, as outcomes of some process (evolutionary, legislative, etc.)
Prescriptive
“To achieve efficiency, the law should specify injunctive relief when transaction costs are low, and damages when TC are high”
Normative
What should be the goal of the legal system?
(For this class, we’ve assumed it’s efficiency)
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Behavioral economics has implications for all three of these
Positive
Goal of any positive model is to mirror actual behavior
Prescriptive
If people respond differently than standard model predicts…
…then the law should be designed differently to account for this
Normative
If people seem to make “incorrect” choices, should we force them to choose “correctly”?
If people do not optimize based on stable preferences, even the definition of efficiency becomes unclear
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The goal of behavioral law and economics
To give a more accurate model of how people actually behave…
…and use that model to reconsider the positive, prescriptive, and normative conclusions of law and economics
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So, how does behavior typically differ from the standard model?
Bounded rationality
We make mistakes…
…and use simple heuristics or “rules of thumb” to make choices
Bounded willpower
Even when we know what we “should” do, don’t always do it
Means commitment devices can have value
Bounded self-interest
We aren’t totally selfish, even in anonymous situations with strangers
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Behavioral biases in how we evaluate alternatives
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Trading experiment from Cornell
Similar to the first experiment we did in this class
44 students in an advanced undergrad Law and Econ class
Half were given tokens
Each was given a number – how much they could exchange a token for at the end of the experiment
Given an opportunity to trade
As you’d expect, people with high token values bought them from people with low token values
This was with tokens – which had objective, artificial value
Reran experiment with coffee mugs
Half the students were given Cornell mugs
Then they were given opportunity to trade
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Trading experiment from Cornell
Since the mugs were given out randomly…
If each person knew exactly what a mug was worth to them…
…we’d expect half the mugs to change hands
Since half the mug owners would have above-average values, and half would have below-average values
Instead, only 15% of the mugs were traded
On average, people who got a mug asked more than twice as much money for them as people who didn’t get a mug were willing to pay
And the effect remained if the experiment was repeated
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Endowment effect
Conclusion from the Cornell experiment: having something makes you value it more
If you have a mug, you value mugs more than if you don’t
“Endowment effect”
Existence of this bias seems robust
One of the chapters in Sunstein book shows 12 studies where
Willingness To Pay for something is compared to Willingness To
Accept an offer for something people already have
Every time, people who have something value it more than people who don’t – typically by 3X or more!
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Endowment effect – so what?
Contradicts Coase Theorem
Coase: without transaction costs, initial allocation shouldn’t affect final allocation, since whoever starts with something, it will get traded to whoever values it most
But endowment effects mean initial allocation does matter in predicting final allocation
Plus, if preferences depend on who starts with the object, it’s not even clear how to define efficiency!
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Endowment effect – so what?
Using injunctive relief for private nuisances
When TC small, clarify threat points and let parties bargain
Endowment effect: initial allocation effects preferences, outcome
Calculating damages
Suppose someone with two arms thinks losing one would be a catastrophe, like a $10,000,000 loss
Someone with one arm realizes he’s OK that way, thinks damage done was $500,000
What should construction company owe a worker who lost an arm?
Should they take precautions that cost $3MM per lost arm saved?
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Context dependence
Price
“Second-cheapest wine” effect
Quality/features
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Behavioral biases in how we perceive probabilities
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Hindsight bias
Once something happens, people overestimate what its likelihood was
One year before last election, what was chance Obama would win?
In November 2007, Intrade had Obama at 7%
Famous study (Baruch Fischhoff)
Nixon’s historic 1972 visits to China and USSR
Students asked to assign probabilities to various outcomes
After visit, asked to recall what probabilities they reported
For the things that happened, 78 of 103 students gave higher probability estimates after than they gave before
(For things that didn’t happen, 58 of 102 – much weaker effect)
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Hindsight bias – so what?
Determining negligence (Hand Rule) requires figuring out the probability something would happen, after it happens
Example: risk of factory fire is 1 in 1,000, harm is $1,000,000, company chooses not to install $10,000 sprinkler system
Fire occurs, jury thinks risk was 1 in 50, finds company negligent
Publiclyowned companies must disclose “material risks” to investors
Judges/juries will find negligence more often than “should”
Jolls/Sunstein/Thaler suggestions for dealing with this
Keep jury in the dark about what happened
Raise standard of proof for finding negligence
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Similar bias – perception of probability skewed by availability and salience
People overestimate probability of a certain type of accident if they’ve recently observed a similar accident
“Availability” – memory of a recent accident is available in your mind, colors your judgment
“Salience” – how vivid the memory is
Explains environmental/safety regulations covering “hot topic” without regard for cost-benefit
Made worse because some people may deliberately keep the accident available for private gain
“Availability entrepreneurs” – think of U.S. politicians after 9/11/01
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“Self-serving bias”
Relative optimism when both sides have same information
Example
Loewenstein, Issacharoff, Camerer and Babcock (1993), “Self-Serving
Assessments of Fairness and Pretrial Bargaining”, Journal of Legal Studies
80 students asked to negotiate settlement for tort case
Some chosen at random to represent plaintiff, others defendant
Given facts of actual case from Texas – car hit motorcyclist, who was suing for $100,000
Actual (retired) judge examined case and gave ruling (secret)
Students would negotiate a settlement (or fail to reach an agreement and accept judge’s ruling minus costs)
Before negotiations started, students asked to predict how judge had ruled, and what they thought was “fair” settlement
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“Self-serving bias”
What happened?
What do you think is a fair settlement?
How do you think judge ruled?
Actual judge’s ruling
Students representing plaintiff
$37,028
$38,953
$30,560
Students representing defendant
$19,318
$24,426
So what?
Pretrial settlements may be hard to reach…
…and sharing information may not be solve the problem
(all students had exactly same information)
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Bounded willpower
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How people discount the future
People discount future events…
…but not in the way standard model predicts
Standard model: if discount factor is 11%,
$100 today = $90 in a year = $81 in two years = $73 in three = …
Drop in value between “now” and “later” is more severe than between two future times
Example: $100 today versus $150 in six months…
…or $100 in six months versus $150 in a year
So what?
Longer prison sentence may have weak deterrence effect
(Also, people may not save enough for retirement)
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Bounded self-interest
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“Ultimatum game”
Player 1 proposes a way to divide up $10
Player 2 says yes or no
Yes: they each get the proposed share
No: they both get nothing
Backward induction: only equilibrium is for 1 to keep almost everything, 2 to say yes
Experiments: offers less than $3-4 are often rejected, many people offer fairly even split
Shocking to economists, obvious to everyone else:
People sacrifice their own well-being to help those who are being kind to them
And sacrifice their own well-being to punish those who are unkind
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One interpretation of bounded self-interest
People care not only about their own payoff, but also about
“fairness”
But fairness is not objective – not all offers < $5 rejected
Preference for fairness could explain lots of rules we see:
Rules against scalping tickets
Rules against predatory pricing during emergencies
Rules against usury (very high interest rates)
Any voluntary transaction should be a Paretoimprovement…
…but prices which are too “unfair” are sometimes illegal
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Jolls/Sunstein/Thaler prescriptive and normative
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Jolls/Sunstein/Thaler
Lots of interesting stuff on positive aspects
Less on prescriptive and normative
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One prescriptive suggestion
How people respond to information depends on how it’s presented
Example: choosing between safe and risky retirement investments
So if government is putting out information, should think about how “framing” changes its effect
Safe driving ads used to be, “Drive carefully, or you’ll kill someone”
But everyone believes they’re a good driver
When ads changed to, “Drive carefully, there are other BAD
DRIVERS out there you have to watch out for!”
They started having more of an effect
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Jolls/Sunstein/Thaler’s conclusion: the case for “anti-antipaternalism”
Antipaternalism
Government shouldn’t tell people what to do
J/S/T stop short of advocating paternalism
If behavioral bias leads individuals to make mistakes, could also lead government bureaucrats to make mistakes in telling people what to do!
“Anti-antipaternalism”
We shouldn’t automatically reject paternalism, since it may have a role sometimes
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Unenforced laws
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We saw last week…
Optimal criminal system will not detect/punish every crime, for two reasons
Some crimes may be efficient (rare)
When cost of deterrence is positive, it’s not worth paying enough to deter every crime
But we still assumed most crimes are inefficient, and main reason not to punish them all is cost
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However…
There are a lot of old laws in many states that seem inefficient
Massachusetts: can’t buy alcohol on Sundays
Many states still have laws passed a long time ago
In some cases, law is enforced
Tim Wu, “American Lawbreaking” – many laws that we, as a society, have basically decided not to enforce at all
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(Example I found online last semester)
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Tim Wu, “American Lawbreaking” (Slate) http://www.slate.com/id/2175730/entry/2175733/
Begins with New York prosecutors sitting around office, choosing celebrities (John Lennon, Mother Theresa) and coming up with obscure crimes they could be charged with
“obstructing the mails,” “false pretenses on the high seas”
“Full enforcement of every last law on the books would put all of us in prison for crimes such as “injuring a mail bag.” No enforcement of our laws, on the other hand, would mean anarchy. Somehow, officials must choose what laws really matter.”
“Tolerated lawbreaking is almost always a response to a political failure
– the inability of our political institutions to adapt to social change or reach a rational compromise that reflects the interests of the nation and all concerned parties. That’s why the American statutes are full of laws that no one wants to see fully enforced – or even enforced at all.”
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First example doesn’t perfectly fit premise, but interesting
“Over the last two decades, the pharmaceutical industry has developed a full set of substitutes for just about every illegal narcotic we have.”
Rather than legalizing street drugs…
…society has developed Ritalin, vicodin, oxycontin, clonazepam, etc…
…which may serve legitimate medical purposes in some instances, but also mimic highs of cocaine and other drugs
Marijuana: several cities where police chiefs or DAs have announced they won’t prosecute possession
Philadelphia law will treat possession as a ticketable offense
Medical marijuana in California and elsewhere
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Wu’s second example: pornography
Apparently, there’s porn online
And it’s basically all illegal
Federal law prohibits using a “computer service” to transport over state lines “any obscene, lewd, lascivious, or filthy book, pamphlet, picture, motion-picture film, paper, letter, writing, print, or other matter or indecent character.”
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Wu’s second example: pornography
In 1968, Congress set up a commission to investigate
Commission recommended we repeal all obscenity laws, replace them with laws to protect children and control public display
Nixon and other politicians condemned report as “morally bankrupt”, insisted they would continue war on pornography
A few well-publicized prosecutions in 70s and 80s, halted in
90s
2005: Attorney General Alberto Gonzalez tried to pressure local prosecutors to crack down, but nothing happened
One Miami attorney: “compared to terrorism, public corruption, and narcotics, [pornography] is no worse than dropping gum on the sidewalk.”
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Wu’s second example: pornography
So pornography is technically illegal, rarely prosecuted
What’s developed is unofficial zoning system – rather than prohibiting behavior, it’s regulated
Prosecuted when it crosses certain lines
Ignored otherwise
Super Bowl wardrobe malfunction – when something gets on primetime network TV, people freak out
Child pornography still prosecuted
But “mainstream” porn left alone, so functionally legal
So as a society, we’ve functionally legalized porn…
Not through legislation or courts…
…but through general concensus among prosecutors, FCC, FBI, local police, etc., to do nothing about it 51
Wu’s other examples: copyright law, illegal immigration, Amish and Mormons
Amish refuse to pay Social Security taxes, do not accept benefits, do not educate children past eighth grade
Mormons to some degree still practice polygamy
Wu discusses history of legal treatment
Again, what’s emerged is de facto zoning
Mormon polygamist went on Sally Jessy and Springer to discuss his lifestyle, he was tried and convicted
But when it’s done quietly, in scattered communities outside of big cities, polygamy still goes on and is basically tolerated
Amish are open about how they live, but keep to themselves, and nobody worries about it
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This all doesn’t really fit into our framework of criminal law
You’d think crimes are crimes because society wants them to be crimes
But in some cases, society doesn’t care whether something is a crime, but doesn’t care enough to make it legal either
Or, political system is “broken” enough that some things can’t be fixed, we adapt by ignoring certain laws
More obvious example: speeding
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So what’s my point for today?
Throughout the semester, we’ve been assuming rationality
Of individuals, of businesses, etc.
This has led to a number of conclusions
Today: like with all economics, our conclusions are only as strong as our faith in our assumptions
When we apply these conclusions to the real world, need to be aware of how they depend on assumptions, how robust they are when assumptions are violated
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