HMONG PARAPROFESSIONAL WOMEN ON DOMESTIC VIOLENCE:
KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE
Mai Her
B.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2008
PROJECT
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK
at
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
Spring
2010
HMONG PARAPROFESSIONAL WOMEN ON DOMESTIC VIOLENCE:
KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE
A Project
by
Mai Her
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Francis K. Yuen, DSW, A.C.S.W.
____________________________
Date
ii
Student: Mai Her
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University
format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to
be awarded for the Project.
______________________________, Graduate Coordinator
Teiahsha Bankhead, Ph.D., L.C.S.W.
Division of Social Work
iii
________________
Date
Abstract
of
HMONG PARAPROFESSIONAL WOMEN ON DOMESTIC VIOLENCE:
KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE
by
Mai Her
Domestic violence against Hmong women is not reflected in empirical studies and is
attributed to underreporting and under utilization of services. Limited empirical studies
suggest that domestic violence is not a problem among the Hmong population. This study
examines the knowledge and the help seeking practices of forty-one paraprofessional
Hmong women in the Sacramento region. Paraprofessional Hmong women have valuable
knowledge that can significantly improve the human service system but there are not
many skilled Hmong professionals. This exploratory study aims to reveal the prevalence
of domestic violence in the Hmong culture and the cultural values that conceal it. The
outcomes revealed that the fear of bringing shame on a family clan is a cultural value that
deters Hmong women from seeking professional help. Factors that would encourage
utilization of professional services are trust, confidentiality, and knowledge of the Hmong
culture. Considering service providers implemented these factors, Hmong women would
be more likely to utilize or refer someone to the services.
____________________________, Committee Chair
Francis K. Yuen, DSW, A.C.S.W.
_______________________
Date
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to recognize my project advisor, Dr. Francis K. Yuen, for his
dedication and commitment in guiding me to complete my project. Dr. Yuen’s support,
faith, and humor were the forces that made me believe in me.
I owe great gratitude to the forty-one participants that made this study possible.
Thank you for your voices and your vision. You have given Hmong and API domestic
victims a piece of your strength and compassion.
Thank you, to my family for your support and being so patient with me. To my
soul mate and best friend, Tobias K. Sanders, your faith, love, and patience are the
building blocks to my success and personal growth.
Thank you, to Hmong Women’s Heritage Association for your support. It is my
hope that service agencies for domestic violence can utilize this study’s findings to
improve and implement services to save Hmong and API victims of domestic violence.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................... v
List of Tables ............................................................................................................ viii
Chapter
1. THE PROBLEM……………….………………………………………………… 1
History of the Hmong People ........................................................................... 3
Fears of Seeking Professional Help .................................................................. 4
Background of the Problem .............................................................................. 5
Statement of the Research Problem .................................................................. 7
Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................... 8
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................... 9
Definition of Terms......................................................................................... 10
Assumptions.................................................................................................... 11
Justifications ................................................................................................... 11
Limitations ...................................................................................................... 12
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...................................................................... 13
Domestic Violence among Asian Immigrant/Refugee Women...................... 14
Patriarchal Family Systems and Domestic Violence ...................................... 19
Fear of Shame ................................................................................................. 20
Asian American Help Seeking Practices ........................................................ 22
Acculturation................................................................................................... 29
Domestic Violence among Asian Pacific Islanders in California ................... 31
3. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................... 36
Design ............................................................................................................. 36
Sampling ......................................................................................................... 37
Instruments ...................................................................................................... 38
vi
Protection of Human Subjects ........................................................................ 38
4. DATA ANALYSIS AND STUDY FINDINGS ................................................... 40
Demographics ................................................................................................. 40
Knowledge of Domestic Violence Services ................................................... 41
Help Seeking Practices among Hmong Women ............................................. 42
Utilization of Professional Help...................................................................... 44
Approaches to Domestic Violence.................................................................. 45
Contributions to the Well Being of Hmong Women ...................................... 46
Cross Tabulations............................................................................................ 47
Discussion ....................................................................................................... 51
Emerging Findings .......................................................................................... 54
5. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS ............................................................ 56
Conclusions ..................................................................................................... 56
Implications for the Hmong Community ........................................................ 57
Implications for Social Work .......................................................................... 58
Recommendations ........................................................................................... 60
Appendix A. Hmong Paraprofessional Women on Domestic Violence:
Knowledge and Practice Survey ......................................................... 62
Appendix B. Informed Consent Form ...................................................................... 66
Appendix C. Domestic Violence Community Resources ......................................... 67
Appendix D. Hmong Women’s Heritage Association .............................................. 69
References ................................................................................................................... 70
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Page
1.
Table 1 Help Seeking Practices among Hmong Women…………………...….. 43
2.
Table 2 Approaches to Domestic Violence…..……………….……………...... 46
3.
Table 3 Born in the US and Honor Clan Leadership Regardless
Cross Tabulation……………………………………………………….……..... 48
4.
Table 4 Age of Participant and Seek Professional Help First
Cross Tabulation..........................................................................................…… 49
5.
Table 5 Level of Education and Know Availability and Legal Rights
of Domestic Violence Services Cross Tabulation………………..….…………..50
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1
Chapter 1
THE PROBLEM
Domestic violence is a complex issue that exists among all kinds of people from
many different races, beliefs, and religions. The controversy whether domestic violence is
a public or private matter can be arguable depending on an individual’s culture or values.
There are empirical studies that explore and identify the causes of domestic violence but
very few of them incorporate the multifaceted dynamics of domestic violence within
different cultures. For many years, the empirical studies that researched domestic
violence among intimate partners have been on White women and women from
predominant minority races such as Hispanic and African American. In these empirical
studies, the inclusion of Asian races were grouped together and generalized as “Other”.
The message communicated from the exclusion of Asian races is that domestic violence
does not affect the Asian population or is nonexistent. Paraprofessional Hmong women
are acculturated and educated who are faced in a double bind of respecting traditional
norms and practicing American values. The limited information of paraprofessional
Hmong women and their help seeking practices further desolates their hopes for help.
Therefore, the current study focuses on paraprofessional Hmong women, domestic
violence, and their help seeking practices within the Hmong and American cultures.
Services addressing domestic violence for Asian women are needed but have not
been available. Many agencies have served the Asian Pacific Islanders (API) population
in various capacities for differing reasons, but none has the expertise to serve victims of
2
domestic violence in a culturally appropriate manner. The situation is compounded when
the recipients were immigrants or refugees. My Sister’s House is the first non-profit
organization in Sacramento that services API domestic violence victims and their
families by providing multicultural support services including counseling, legal services,
linguistics, and employment skills training and placement (N. Guanzon Valmores,
personal communication, September 12, 2009). In the annual report 2006-2007, My
Sister’s House has provided 32 battered API women with over 2006 nights of safety,
shelter, basic needs and case management (Yoshihama & Dabby, 2009). According to
U. S. Census of 2000, Sacramento alone housed over 15,000 Hmong residents, which
translate to less than 0.5 % of utilization of My Sister’s House services among the
Hmong population. Although the agency has provided much needed services to the API
populations in the Central Valley, Mrs. Guanzon Valmores asserts that the Hmong
community continues to face cultural challenges in seeking help from My Sister’s House.
The Hmong culture is a highly patriarchal structure where honor and family
harmony are the foci of happy and successful living. When in violation of honor and
family harmony, the individual brings shame on their family clan and is close to
impossible to redeem a family name and their honor. Shame is a primary concern that
paraprofessional Hmong women face because they are divided in respecting their cultural
norm of seeking help within the family system or seeking professional help. Many
paraprofessional Hmong women are faced with the dilemma of seeking help in a country
that can offer them safety by their legal rights or honor their family clan leaders knowing
they will encourage them to stay in the marriage. If they resort to seeking professional
3
help, legal intervention can be necessary therefore publicizing a familial problem and
bringing shame onto the family. Domestic violence is a highly secretive matter in the
Hmong culture and only discussed within the domains of the family clan. If this
information was shared among the external community, shame and disgrace will be
brought upon the family and punishable by isolation and shunned from the Hmong
community. The extreme fear of bringing shame can account for the high rate of
underreporting in the Hmong community. Domestic violence between intimate partners
have been a common tool used in the homelands (i.e., Laos and Thailand) to maintain
control and power over their wives and have been a continued practice since their
immigration to the United States in the 1970s.
History of the Hmong People
The history of the Hmong people traces back as far as 2700 B.C. as written in
historical record from Chinese archives. The Hmong resided on the lands of China for
4000 years separately from the Chinese without interest in assimilating into the Chinese
culture. The Hmong were then threatened and served with ultimatums of staying and
conforming or leave. The Hmong people who chose to leave migrated and settled into
Vietnam, Thailand, Burma and Laos. In these regions, the Hmong people constructed
villages on the mountaintops and supported their way of life by leveling the trees of the
forests and cultivating the land. The calling of their assistance in World War II by the
American government interrupted the peaceful lives of the Hmong people. Hmong
soldiers were to protect American soldiers by using their knowledge of the terrain to gain
power and a lead over Vietnam. The incentive of being recruited was the offer of passage
4
and entrance to America by the United States’ government. This deal resulted in the
transportation of Hmong refugees to the United States in the mid 1970s.
The early Hmong civilization was not governed by politics or elected individuals,
instead; they were free people and the elders of family clans maintained peace. Harmony
was established through reputations of family clan elders and the marriage between clans
further developed relationships with other clans. When a dispute did arise, the
complainants were presented in front of their respective clan leaders and a resolution
would be reached. When domestic violence disputes were brought to the elders’ attention,
the woman was advised to stay in her marriage and obey her husband for the interest of
the clans’ relationships and harmony. Divorce was discouraged but when it occurred, the
woman was blamed and her family would be shamed. These practices within the Hmong
culture have not changed much even in the face of acculturation as it started to manifest
in the early generations of the first immigrants. Forty years later after the first arrivals of
Hmong immigrants in the 1970’s, empirical studies have missed the intricacies of how
the Hmong people were impacted by American laws that regulated domestic violence.
Fears of Seeking Professional Help
API women, including paraprofessional Hmong women, living in Northern
California have many fears surrounding seeking professional help outside of the
community. One of these fears includes calling the police in hopes that they remove the
perpetrator only to be disappointed when they do not. Once the police are called and the
perpetrator was not removed, the abuse continues and becomes more severe. This
situation contributes to the underreporting of domestic violence in the API communities
5
because the trust and protection from the police has been severed. This fear is the cause
of lack of knowledge of the American legal system and the process in which a perpetrator
meets the standards of being removed.
Another fear is the lack of knowledge of culturally sensitive resources that assists
women and their families. These services include finding a safe and secure shelter that
provides the hope of life after an abusive relationship. As the API community is tightly
knitted, the knowledge of access and exposure to these services are restricted. Due to the
taboo of speaking of domestic violence and its existence, API women also fear isolation
and being alone believing that they suffer in silence because no one can possibly
understand or have experienced the same abuse. When no one is talking or
acknowledging the existence of abuse, it is difficult for abused women to find their
voices and seek help especially when the collective community denies it as a problem.
Background of the Problem
Empirical studies have provided some evidence of the high prevalence of abuse
on women by the hands of an intimate partner and illustrated the extensiveness of the
epidemic. Tjaden and Thoennes (2000) conducted the National Violence Against Women
Survey (NVAW) to gather information on experiences as children and adults on abuse
and violence. According to their findings, violence by the hands of an intimate partner is
the primary violent act against women where 64 % of the women surveyed were victims
of rape, physical assault or stalked by a current or previous partner, husband, boyfriend or
date. The survey also asserts that 40 to 60 % of Americans of API descent will be a
victim of intimate partner abuse or sexual violence in their lifetime. On a national scale,
6
these statistics are astounding and unfortunately, does not paint an accurate picture of its
prevalence in the API populations due to underreporting.
Yoshihama and Dabby (2009) authored the report Facts & Stats: Domestic
Violence in Asian, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander Homes that listed various facts
on API populations including Cambodian, Chinese, Filipino, Hawaiian, Japanese,
Korean, South Asian, and Vietnamese but did not include Hmong specifically. The report
revealed that the proportion of Asian women (9.7 %) had experienced a type of physical
or sexual abuse sometime in their life by a former or current intimate partner. This rate
was the lowest when compared to White women (26.8 %), Hispanic women (20.5 %),
African American women (29.2 %), multiracial women (43.1 %), American
Indian/Alaska Natives (39 %), and other women (29.6 %). The lowest prevalence rate
among Asian women do not translate that it is not a problem. The report identified a
reoccurring statistic in the frequency of abuse. For example, the report highlighted a
study conducted in Boston of 160 South Asian women where 40.8 % reported to being a
victim to physical or sexual abuse from their intimate partner sometime in their life. In
the same study, 36.9 % reported to have experienced a form of abuse in the past year. The
report also presented a similar study conducted in Boston that included 30 Vietnamese
women recruited from a civic association where 47 % reported have been a victim of
abuse sometime in their life and 30 % reported to have experienced abuse within the past
year. Considering that Yoshihama and Dabby’s (2009) report was of recent, it did not
include statistics from the Hmong population and insinuates that domestic violence is not
prevalent in the Hmong community. The limited statistics on the Hmong population calls
7
for further investigation as to the causality of under utilization of services and
underreporting.
Understanding the reasons that contribute to the underreporting of domestic
violence are vital because once the reasons are identified, they can be crucial instruments
in creating culturally sensitive services to induce professional help seeking practices. The
majority of API cultures are structured with a patriarchic system that disempowers
women where women are subjected to the demands of the men in their family and their
husbands. The patriarchal structure also subjects women to cultural gender roles that
prohibit them to socialize with outside communities, seek professional help, pursue or
receive an education. The challenge in acknowledging culture and domestic violence is
being able to respect them both without violating the other. This in itself is a difficult
feat. There are many races in the United States and their exclusion on empirical studies
and academic journals translates that they are unidentified or insignificant therefore
unworthy of attention and saving. The continued oversight of recognizing the importance
of multicultural dynamics in domestic violence can be a life sentence of silence, suffering
and possibly death to its victims.
Statement of the Research Problem
The Hmong people have grown significantly in numbers since its first
immigration to the Unites States in the 1970’s. Existing domestic violence statistics do
not reflect its prevalence in the Hmong population because as a taboo topic, domestic
violence is a family secret and forbidden to be openly discussed. The wealth of empirical
knowledge on domestic violence has been concentrated on the dominant and predominant
8
cultures with limited information on specific cultures, such as the Hmong culture, and has
discounted their domestic violence victimization. This study aims to bring to light the
prevalence of domestic violence, the reasons behind under utilization of services, and
underreporting of abuse in the Hmong community.
This researcher believes that paraprofessional Hmong women are the bridge
between the Hmong and American cultures. Paraprofessional Hmong women hold key
information in how they have learned to balance and navigate the ideals, practices, and
values each culture holds. The skills paraprofessional Hmong women have accumulated
in linguistics, access to services, and from their education are invaluable to future
program development. These skills are essential in order to create accessible and
culturally competent services to protect and encourage Hmong and API women to seek
professional help without the fear of bringing shame to their families.
Purpose of the Study
This study aims to identify the factors that contribute to the under utilization and
underreporting of domestic violence among paraprofessional Hmong women. The
primary aim of this study is to discover the required and favorable attributes
paraprofessional Hmong women seek in professional services in order for them to
increase their utilization. The secondary aim of this study is for local service agencies
(My Sister’s House, Hmong Women’s Heritage Association, and WEAVE) to utilize this
study’s outcomes for program development or enhance existing programs. The
information and outcomes generated by this study will provide these agencies some
insight as to what paraprofessional Hmong women consider important when seeking
9
professional services. My study will function as a guide as to what paraprofessional
Hmong women consider as missing important factors and components in the delivery of
culturally competent services.
Theoretical Framework
A guiding theoretical framework for this research is the feminist theory.
According to Kallivayalil (2007), the feminist theory focuses on women’s empowerment
to overcome the powers that oppress them. The feminist theory has often been used as a
therapeutic modality for victims of domestic violence because it helps women in realizing
and harnessing their inner strengths. Service providers advocate for victims of domestic
violence to leave their abusers by helping them identify and use their strengths to escape
their relationships by means of additional community services. Although feminist therapy
has been commonly utilized, trained, and practiced by service providers, it is important to
recognize that the feminist theory and therapy was created with the cultural values and
practices of White women in mind. The scope that feminist theory has created neglected
the sociocultural context of minority women, specifically API women.
The values expressed by feminist theory conflicts with the values of API women
because the two are from very different cultural structures. In American culture, feminist
theory encourages women to be powerful, independent, and self-sufficient individuals. In
contrast, this directly conflicts with most API cultures because they are structured with
patriarchal systems where women are considered worthless, subordinate, and property. In
this aspect, feminist theory fails to acknowledge the complexities of cultural values and
ways to incorporate them in empowering minority women who are victims of domestic
10
violence. On the other hand, the multicultural framework acknowledges the diversity
within different communities and recognizes that society is no longer made up of the
dominant culture. The recognition of a multicultural context is vital because when
cultural barriers and conflicting values are identified, it creates an opportunity to reinvent
services that can meet diverse cultural needs. With the integration of a multicultural
framework, feminist theory has a greater chance of being effective in addressing the
needs of battered API women (Kallivayalil, 2007).
Definition of Terms
 Clan – a group of people who share the same last name. In the case of Hmong people,
individuals with the last name of Vang for example, belong to the Vang clan.
 Culture – social principles taken on by a group unified by race/ethnicity, gender, class,
religion, sexual orientation, region, national origin, age, beliefs and values (Raj &
Silverman, 2002)
 domestic violence (interchangeable with intimate partner violence) - “pattern of
coercive behaviors that may include repeated battering and injury, psychological
abuse, sexual assault, progressive social isolation, deprivation, and intimidation”
(Krishnan & Cutler, 2005, p 601).
 immigrant and refugee – An immigrant is an individual who is not native born of the
country where they permanently reside. A refugee is an individual who was forced to
flee their country and cannot return due to inability or fear. For this study, they are
native Hmong women who have migrated to the U.S. and resided in the Sacramento
region.
11
 paraprofessional – individuals who are trained in working in varying professions but
are not professionally licensed or credentialed. For this study, they are childcare
workers, teacher aides, medical assistants, students, and sales representatives.
Assumptions
The assumptions this study encompasses are the following:
(1) Paraprofessional Hmong women are torn between the Hmong and American
values in help seeking practices.
(2) Paraprofessional Hmong women want to seek professional help for domestic
violence because it is more effective than traditional help from family clan
leaders.
(3) Current service agencies are not properly trained in providing culturally
sensitive services in addressing domestic violence in the Hmong culture.
(4) The acculturation level of paraprofessional Hmong women provides them
with some power in seeking professional help.
Justifications
The outcomes of this study will equip service providers with an insight on the
barriers that impede the utilization of services and how to improve existing services to
best cater to the needs of Hmong and API women. This study will outline the features
currently missing in service providers that deter Hmong women from utilizing services
and underreporting their abuse. The help seeking practices of victims of domestic
violence have long since changed from the first generation to the generations of today.
Domestic violence victims are in need of information and guidance to access the help
12
available to them. The current academic knowledge on the impacts of domestic violence
on Hmong women is limited and extends the message that domestic violence is not a
shared issue with dominant and predominant populations. This study will contribute to
the academic literature with evidence that domestic violence exists and is prevalent in the
Hmong community, and Hmong women need help.
Limitations
Due to the sensitive nature of the data gathered for this study, the snowball
method was used to ensure that respondents who participated did so voluntarily. The
information gathered requested the opinions of the respondents and not their personal
experiences. The sample gathered in this study is not a national representation of the
Hmong population because their recruitment was specifically from the City of
Sacramento.
13
Chapter 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Domestic violence occurs across the board without discrimination of race, social
class and status. In American society, domestic violence is currently a public and
punishable crime where it was once considered a private and familial dilemma. With a
variety of cultures within America, domestic violence has been socially treated
accordingly to the culture it occurred in with minimal legal action (Raj & Silverman,
2002). In many minority populations, specifically the Asian Pacific Islander (API)
populations, the perception of acceptance of domestic violence has created confusion and
conflict between and within the dominant and minority cultures. There are limited
empirical studies that measure the pervasiveness of domestic violence in API
communities, which sends false messages that it is not a problem. The misconception of
domestic violence as a cultural norm excuses the fact that domestic violence is severe in
API communities. In an attempt to better understand the relation between domestic
violence and culture, this review will discuss several themes related to the perceived
acceptance of domestic violence.
Domestic violence against women can hold an immense amount of power over
women including immigrant and refugee women. Abuse has been a successful tool in
creating fear in subordinating women who are uneducated in immigration laws to stay in
their relationship with their abusing male counterpart. Several have suggested that
domestic violence has a high prevalence in cultures with a patriarchal structure
14
(Adelman, Erez, Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2003; Raj & Silverman, 2002; Cutler & Krishnan,
2005). Women are voiceless in a patriarchal culture and thus are perceived as powerless
and defenseless and can be exposed to abuse from other family and community members.
A closer look of Asian Americans’ help seeking practices would find that they often start
within the informal social system of family and friends. However, acculturation to the
American culture may be a determining factor in the decision of the victim in seeking
help whether inside or outside of the family. The acculturation to American culture and
adoption of American values has had evidence of increased probability of rejecting
domestic violence (Raj & Silverman, 2002; Alvie, Bachaus, DeKeseredy & Schwartz,
2005). Still it is important for services to include culturally competent and sensitive
approaches to reach their maximum effectiveness.
Domestic Violence among Asian Immigrant/Refugee Women
Recent studies have started to focus on the impact of domestic violence on Asian
immigrant and refugee women in America. These studies have exposed the vulnerability
of immigrant and refugee women to physical, emotional and financial abuse, their legal
status threatened by their abuser and enduring violence due to the lack of education of
their rights (Raj & Silverman, 2002; Cutler & Krishnan, 2005; Kasturirangan, Krishnan
& Riger, 2004; Grossman & Laundry, 2007). When these vulnerabilities are coupled with
the pressures of maintaining loyalty to their culture, immigrant and refugee women face a
multitude of social and cultural constraints.
There are many reasons as to why immigrant women may want to come and live
in America. Some come to America socially and financially attached to their male
15
partners, to engage in a relationship with a man with citizenship status to gain citizenship
or believing that their connection with a male citizen will offer them more opportunities
(Raj & Silverman, 2002; Grossman & Laundry, 2007; Kasturirangan, et al, 2004). Due to
the desire of establishing permanent residence in America, immigrant women will not
report their abuser because they may be fearful of being deported and risk losing custody
of their children. Some factors that both immigrant and refugee women share that
contribute to their fear of reporting their abusers are that they are isolated from family,
friends, and support persons who can help them, language barriers and illiterate in
reading English (Raj & Silverman, 2002). In order to establish and maintain control,
abusers will capitalize on the fear they create because these women are not aware of their
rights.
The U. S. Census of 2000 defines the Asian population as “people having origins
in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent”.
Since 1990, the census has expanded their racial categories to include seventeen race and
ethnic categories, which provided a more accurate depiction of different populations. The
Asian population in America is noted as 3.6 % where California consists of 10.9 % of
that population, 32.9 % are foreign born in Asia. Many of them are not immigrant
women. Immigrant women who are uneducated about their legal rights face the fear of
deportation and debilitates from protecting themselves. Self-protection becomes more
difficult when trying to live up to the expectations and pressures of gender roles in their
culture. Although refugee women do not face the threat of deportation, they are still
subjected to the expected gender roles of their culture. According to Raj and Silverman
16
(2002), “gender roles not only serve as a justification for abuse, but they also increase
women’s vulnerability to abuse by keeping them isolated, subservient to male partners,
and self-sacrificing to community and family” (p 370). Raj and Silverman (2002)
compiled several studies that explored how gender roles contribute to the vulnerability of
women to domestic violence in various populations. For instance, in Asian American
populations, gender roles dictate that females are expected to place family and the
cultural community before themselves for the interest of maintaining family cohesion,
follow and serve her husband, and remain silent and isolated from social connections.
According to the listed gender role expectations, an immigrant and refugee woman faces
the judgment of turning her back on her culture if she reports her abuser. The fear of
judgment from the cultural community resonates just as strongly as her fear for her
abuser and can ultimately result in a self-sentence as a silent victim of violence.
The involvement of children further complicates the situation because they need
and require as much if not more protection than their mother requires. With the absence
of self-empowerment and handicapped by fear and lack of knowledge, immigrant and
refugee women cannot provide that protection. All women including immigrant and
refugees face the risk of losing custody of their children because they are not familiar
with America’s justice system or support services and heavily rely on their abusing
partners for guidance (Raj & Silverman, 2002; Cutler & Krishnan, 2005; Kasturirangan,
et al., 2004; Grossman & Laundry, 2007) . Immigrant women share the fear of losing
custody of their children in addition to being deported alone or along with her children.
This provides the abuser with ammunition in controlling refugee women and immigrant
17
woman by threatening the loss of their children. The thought, let alone the very act of
losing children may not be an option especially if the children are the woman’s only
social circle and support system.
Raj and Silverman (2002) conducted a report that gathered information on
cultural and contextual factors that contribute towards and increase immigrant women’s
susceptibility to domestic violence. The report included expected factors such as gender
roles, acceptability, and legal vulnerability but the underlining commonality was that the
immigrant women did not have family members in close proximity to support and protect
them. This report provides some insight that a probable result if immigration is leaving
the comfort and familiarity of family and friends in their home country. Unfortunately,
there are many dangers of not having family and loved ones in close proximity when
involved in an abusive relationship (Raj & Silverman, 2002; Raj, Livramento, Santana,
Gupta, & Silverman, 2006; Kasturirangan, et al, 2004; Krishnan & Cutler, 2005).
Abused immigrant and refugee women can suffer extreme isolation from social
supports that can offer help and relief from their abusers. Often, isolated immigrant and
refugee women view their male abusers as the only companionship they have and can
result in fear of being alone in an alien world. Another danger that compounds this fear is
that abused immigrant and refugee women can feel they have nowhere to turn to for
support and help therefore succumbing to their treatment. According to Kasturirangan, et
al. (2004), immigrant women do not trust calling the police for help especially if they are
not documented residents and fear the possibility of deportation. Without knowledge of
support services abused and isolated immigrant and refugee women are left alone to
18
defend themselves. These dangers are well known to the male abusers and acted on at
every opportunity to maintain their power and control.
The abuser’s efforts to maintain their power and control are also accomplished
through financial abuse, language barriers and lack of knowledge of their rights (Raj &
Silverman, 2002; Kasturirangan, et al., 2004). Immigrant and refugee women are more
likely to become dependent on their male abusers when they do not know how to speak,
read, write or understand the English language. These skills come hand in hand with
having the ability to work and earn their own living. Without these capabilities,
immigrant and refugee women can become fully dependent on their male abusers. This
allows the male abusers to manipulate and threaten the livelihoods and wellbeing of their
victims as they please with confidence that they do not know better. Isolation from
support circles decreases the survival chances because immigrant and refugee women are
kept from people knowledgeable of the law and services.
Knowledge of the rights of immigrant women can make the difference between
life and death. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) of 1994 provides immigrant
women protection from their abusers by creating provisions that promote awareness and
understanding of their safety. The VAWA provision states that if an immigrant woman
and her children are abused or treated cruelly by her citizen or permanent resident spouse,
she can file for permanent residency for herself and her children (“Subtitle G –
Protections,” n.d.). This provision was created with the awareness that male abusers can
use themselves as translators and manipulate the application process. Another concern is
that male abusers make empty promises of filing permanent residency applications and
19
then use it as an advantage to control their spouses. Although the VAWA provisions can
protect immigrant women from their abusing spouses, it does not offer refuge from
abusing family members or cultural expectations when it comes to domestic violence.
The act of balancing two distinct cultures is complicated and becomes complex
when domestic violence is involved. It is important to learn the patterns of multicultural
help seeking practices in order to understand how practices can evolve and work
effectively for victims and survivors of any descent, age, or culture. Domestic violence
affects immigrant and refugee similar to acculturated Asian American women and shares
a likeness in their fears and reservations about seeking professional or legal help. As
America continues to open its doors to a plethora of different races and ethnicities,
human service providers and law enforcement would be well advised to recognize their
changing needs. Domestic violence does not occur in a vacuum and addressing it
involves a continual awareness and knowledge of different cultures, cultural dynamics,
and values. The remaining review will outline the major challenges and barriers that
acculturated Asian American women face and the help seeking options they practice as
victims of domestic violence.
Patriarchal Family Systems and Domestic Violence
Several studies have explored the Asian American cultures and have concluded
that patriarchal family structures increase the prevalence of domestic violence. For
instance, Foo (2002) provides a close look into the Hmong culture and the culture’s
patriarchic structure:
20
Hmong culture is highly patriarchal. Hmong women were and are considered far
less valuable than men. A good temper, work skills, obedience to husband and
parents [are] the characteristics most valued in young women. Men controlled
decisions affecting the lives of all family members (p. 101).
In the Hmong culture, great emphasis is put on the connectedness and relationships
created by marriages with different clans. A successful marriage translates to healthy clan
and familial relationships. Traditionally in the homeland (i.e., Laos and Thailand)
successful polygamy marriages equates to increased help on rice lands and communicates
the wealth of a family (Foo, 2002; Va, 2007). Hmong marriage practices focus on the
how the marriage between clans benefit the clan collectively. Divorce is discouraged and
frowned upon even though the abused spouse may have attempted several ways to
reconcile or leave. If divorce does occur it brings shame to the family clan and the
woman is blamed for the unsuccessful the marriage. The belief that collectivism
supersedes individualism has been practiced in the homelands of Laos and Thailand and
continues to be practiced in America.
Fear of Shame
Bringing shame upon a family clan has been an act that most Hmong people try
to avoid. Unfortunately, involving the police or discussing domestic violence matters
outside of the family is considered as a practice that brings shame onto the family. Shame
is a profound concept and can be so painful and unbearable that it is remedied through
murder and suicide (Foo, 2002; Kaiser, 2004). For instance, in Wisconsin in 1998 a 13year-old Hmong girl killed her infant because her pregnancy was the result of being raped
21
by her cousin. The Hmong clan elders rejected her and isolated her for the shame she
brought to her family. Another incident later that year in 1998, a 24-year-old woman
killed six of her children, her first child whom was the result of a rape at 13 years old.
She was forced to marry her perpetrator to avoid bringing shame onto her family name.
Rape by no means is an exception to protecting Hmong women. In such cases, the blame
is bestowed among women and the perpetrator is required to make a public apology and
marry the Hmong woman as a way to repair the relationship between clans and for the
sake of saving face and avoiding shame (Foo, 2002).
Shame is further compounded by the stresses of adjusting to life in America in
terms of financial distress and power dynamics. The extreme patriarchal structure within
the Hmong culture has given privileges to men bestowing them power to abuse and
murder women in the name of distrust and fear. Women have been found to adjust easier
to life in America by pursuing an education and therefore attaining a higher paying job
but are abused by their husbands due to suspicions of infidelity (Foo, 2002; Kaiser, 2004;
Katsurirangan, et al., 2004). This is mainly due to the notion that some Hmong men feel
that a woman’s proper place is in the home caring for their children and obeying her
husband. With Hmong women becoming financially independent and making financial
decisions, men feel they need to reestablish their power, dominance, and control through
abuse and violence.
Foo (2002) disclosed the findings of a survey conducted by the Boston Asian
Task Force that revealed the rate of acceptance and acknowledgment of the existence and
practice of domestic violence among Cambodian, Chinese, Korean, South Asian, and
22
Vietnamese cultures. This study found that 20-25% of the participants believed that the
abuse of their spouse was acceptable under certain circumstances. The highest rate
among the cultures surveyed regarding the principle that a victim should not disclose her
abuse was the Korean culture. Overall, the respondents in this study correlate with the
beliefs among Hmong men that women are the property of men and are forbidden to
divorce their husbands, as this will bring shame onto their families.
In patriarchal family structures, studies have shown that women are not only
abused by the hands of her husband but members of his family as well (Kaiser, 2004;
Krishnan & Cutler, 2005; Raj & Silverman, 2002; Raj, et al., 2006). A common practice
among the majority of today’s Asian American women is becoming a member of a joint
family system when she marries (Raj, et al., 2006). In a joint family system, a married
couple lives with the husband’s family allowing them to have children and become
financially stable, while the new wife provides relief for her husband’s family around the
house (Raj, et al., 2006; Foo, 2002; Va, 2007). Although this may be perceived as a
helpful stepping stone into starting a family, Raj, et al.’s (2006) findings suggest a joint
family system provides the mother-in-law with power and subjects the daughter-in-law to
the demands and abuse of her new family.
Asian American Help Seeking Practices
Kaiser’s (2004) study explored the help seeking protocols of the Hmong culture
where the participants were Hmong men over the age of 40. Kaiser (2004) offers an
intimate look into the cultural proceedings when dealing with domestic violence through
an interview with a respected member of the Hmong community and a seasoned human
23
service provider by the alias of KX. In this interview, KX discusses the gender roles of
both the husband and wife and the proper steps of action to take when seeking help for
domestic violence. For an in depth understanding, KX provided the interview with an
example of one of his female family members who came to him for help. KX’s cousin
was 50 years old and had been married for 35 years when she approached him for help
due to abuse when she confronts her husband of cheating on her. KX’s cousin explained
that she refuses to call the police fearing that her husband will divorce her. She also
expressed how she went to her husband’s family for relief but they essentially had given
up on the marriage due to his unwillingness to change. Her next step was to turn to her
cousin, KX, and her original clan elders for help. Due to the fear of bringing shame to the
family, the clan elders encouraged KX’s cousin to stay in her marriage, advised her to try
and avoid her husband’s beatings and stated that she may be at fault by triggering his
anger. KX explained to his cousin that she needed to be a good wife by following the
tradition of caring for the children and obeying her husband. By doing so, her husband
will come around in appreciating her value and realize what he was doing was wrong.
After this family meeting, KX did not know if his cousin’s abuse had continued and
ultimately assumed it did not because she simply did not mention it again.
Kaiser’s (2004) interview presents evidence that supports the collectivist nature of
the Hmong culture where the interest of the clan is superseded by the interest of the
individual. When there is a dispute between married couples, the protocol is to involve
the respective family members first and is frowned upon to involve outside parties. In
Kaiser’s (2004) study, some respondents denied the presence of domestic violence while
24
other men acknowledged that abuse was acceptable. An outcome identified two main
reasons that would motivate a man to abuse his wife: “literally asking for it or not
performing her role properly” (p 43). Surprisingly, Kaiser’s (2004) background
information gathered from Hmong women human service providers affirmed the two
reasons. The service providers went on to explain how they understand the inner
happenings of the culture and ideologies and how they support the Hmong battered
women they provide services to by communicating messages such as “don’t ask for it” (p
43). An additional outcome of the study showed that some men believed that Hmong
women purposely involved the police to cause them strife when they have not physically
abused them. When the police do get involved, the situation can become a driving force
to further oppress women due to the misconception that domestic violence is an
acceptable practice in the Hmong culture. The fallacy of domestic violence as a cultural
norm has increased the divide between minority populations and the dominant culture by
reinforcing stereotypes (Adelman, et al., 2003; Grossman & Lundy, 2007).
The justice system in America is structured with officials of the dominant culture
and their ethics and values are translated in the execution of laws with little to no
consideration of multicultural dynamics (Adelman, et al. 2003; Grossman & Lundy,
2007). The lack of cultural knowledge creates the fear of stereotyping, judgment, and
shame that can result from involving the police and is the popular motivation and
reasoning some Asian American populations prefer to keep domestic violence a private
issue.
25
Adelman, et al. (2003) discusses the conflicting values between collectivism and
individualism and the struggle it creates regarding policing domestic violence disputes.
The main issue their study poses is how to police domestic violence while respecting the
cultural norms of a group and the rights of the individual. As a group, women in general
are disadvantaged by their gender in the American and Asian American cultures. In the
American culture, societal gender roles dictate that women are subjected to sexism by
their male counterparts at work, in public, and in the home. Women in minority
communities are likely to fall victim to being sexually discriminated within their cultural
community based on their cultural beliefs, values and ideologies such as being expected
to obey their husbands, rear the children, and isolate from family and friends
(Kasturirangan, et al, 2004, Adelman, et al., 2003.
In addition to sexual discrimination, Asian American women may also suffer
from racial discrimination (Adelman, et al., 2003; Grossman & Lundy, 2007). Due to the
complexity of domestic violence and culture, Adelman, et al. (2003) noted that law
enforcement might be hesitant in answering and addressing minority domestic disputes.
Grossman and Lundy (2007) conducted a study using data from Illinois Coalition Against
Domestic Violence (ICADV) collecting information on demographics, abuse type,
relationship to the abuser, referral sources, and needs. The populations that participated
were White (62.3 %), African American (25.8 %), Hispanic American (9.9 %), American
Indian (0.3 %), and Asian American (1 %). In regards to referral sources, the findings
show that African Americans were most likely to be referred by the police for services
and intervention. The minority populations were noted as most likely to be referred by
26
social service programs, where in contrast, the White population was not. The referral
source of the White population was found to be most likely from legal service providers.
Asian Americans, on the other hand, had a considerable outcome of being referred by
friends and the least percentage of referrals from the police. It is speculated from the
study that the Asian American population may have reservations in seeking help from the
outside community and resort to resources within their community due to familiarity and
understanding.
The limited studies on domestic violence and culture have come to recognize that
an essential component to the identity of a culture revolves around the virtues of the
women. Therefore; when violence is used as an instrument to regulate behaviors that
deviate from cultural norm, it is appeared to be an accepted practice (Adelman, et al.,
2003; Kaiser, 2004; Raj & Silverman, 2002). As this misconception is reverberated
through society among the dominant culture, the police may begin to understand and
accept this mistreatment and abuse as a cultural norm. This is a dangerous
misunderstanding as Adelman, et al. (2003) points out that the police will avoid minority
domestic disputes and arresting the perpetrators because the behavior is considered
routine and expected in the culture. The institutional racism as described here by the
police perpetuates the oppression of women and ultimately takes away one of the most
valuable help seeking resources battered minority women have.
Morash, Bui, Stevens, and Zhang, (2008) conducted a study with Vietnamese
women to explore the reasons why they stay in their abusive marriages. The outcome
revealed that Vietnamese women who value the principle of keeping their family together
27
are at greater risk of abuse. They place the interest of their children first and ensure that
the family stays together in order to provide them with stability. An intact family also
translates to the community the women’s level of self worth. Another finding revealed
that a reason as to why an abused woman may refuse to leave her husband is due to her
fear of him. She may have become financially and linguistically dependent on her
husband and fear that she will be unable to survive on her own (Raj & Silverman, 2002;
Kasturirangan, et al., 2004). Although the motivations behind domestic violence in Asian
American cultures can overlap or have their own unique motives, the help seeking
practices are not universal either. Bui and Morash (2007) identified in their study on help
seeking practices that one third of their 129 respondents of Vietnamese women sought
help from the police, court personnel, advocacy groups, community elders and counseling
services (as cited in Morash, et al., 2008). One third of the respondents replied they
turned to casual networks of support through friends and family.
Leung and Cheung (2008) conducted an additional study that supports the
findings from Morash, et al. (2008) regarding help seeking practices in the Vietnamese
culture in addition to the help seeking practices of Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese,
and Korean cultures. The study included 1,577 respondents: 610 Chinese, 517
Vietnamese, 154 Indian, 123 Korean, 101 Filipino, and 72 Japanese. Out of the
respondents, 55 % were female and 43.6 were male. The findings indicated that the
dominant groups that ranked high in prevalence of domestic violence rates was between
the Vietnamese and Filipino cultures whereas the lowest prevalence rate fell among the
Chinese and Japanese cultures. The causality behind the high rates of prevalence was due
28
to family and relationship concerns such as children’s connection to their cultural roots,
poor communications between family members and financial hardships. When measuring
the help seeking practices for family matters, 47.2 % of Koreans had the highest
prevalence of seeking help from their medical doctor. In the Japanese culture, 2.8 % of
the respondents answered they would not be likely to utilize religious figures for help,
72.2 % felt they would seek help from friends and 23.6 % of taking no action to solve
family problems. Ultimately, the Vietnamese and Chinese respondents had the lowest
rate of 7.5 % and 7.7 %, respectively, in seeking professional mental health services and
were inclined to seek help and advice from medical doctors and friends; whereas, the
Filipino and Indian populations had the highest rate (both 17.8 %) in seeking professional
mental health services. Leung and Cheung’s (2008) study offers an insight on the
different values and ideologies within Asian American populations that can contribute to
understanding the underreporting of domestic violence. It is because of the differences in
values and ideologies that create the underreporting of domestic violence and under
representation of services.
Due to the absence of empirical literature on domestic violence in the Asian
American communities (Yick & Oomen-Early, 2008), Leung and Cheung’s (2008)
findings are a great contribution to the study of help seeking practices regarding domestic
violence in Asian American cultures. The study also emphasizes the importance of
awareness and recognizing the impact of culture and its influences on the individual’s
perception of domestic violence. One of the outcomes of Leung and Cheung’s (2008)
study indicated that out of the 259 respondents who acknowledged to have experienced
29
domestic violence, 35.7 % reported that partner violence was a concern and 45 % felt
they did not have concerns with their spouse. These findings support the low rates of
under utilization of services because cultural norms dictate them to feel they do not need
services. These outcomes provide evidence of the conflicting values regarding domestic
violence in the American and Asian American cultures that many human service
providers are currently facing.
Acculturation
The efforts to measure the level of acculturation to the American culture have
been a complicated charge due to the vast and differing perceptions and classifications
(Salant & Lauderdale, 2003). Researchers who have studied the effects of acculturation
have concluded that acculturating into the dominant culture increases the occurrence of
domestic violence (Raj & Silverman, 2002; Kasturirangan, et al., 2004; Adelman, et al.
2003; Grossman & Lundy, 2007). Culture does not occur in a vacuum because it is
always shifting according to the people and settings it consists of. Studies show that by
adapting American values and ethics, the ideologies behind traditional cultural norms are
changed and trigger feelings of insecurities and loss of control that ignite abusive
behavior. Foo (2002) describes how Hmong women are becoming educated, obtaining
jobs, and becoming financially independent from their husbands. The newly acculturated
role enables Hmong women to have a sense of power and independence, but at the same
time contradicts the traditional expectations of cultural gender roles. In turn, the shift in
power dynamics can cause Hmong men to react abusively in their attempt to revert to the
cultural norm.
30
In contrast to the correlation of a high-level acculturation and domestic violence,
there also exists a correlation of a low level of acculturation and domestic violence
(Grossman & Lundy, 2007; Kasturirangan, et al., 2004). Women who lack the linguistic
and literacy skills of the dominant culture are at risk for domestic violence because they
are dependent on their abuser in many aspects. In the event that they do seek help, the
inability to speak and understand the language can become a barrier for services. Another
concern is the ability to locate help that offers services of the same language and
understanding of the culture. Asian Americans consist of many different cultures and
subcultures with various dialects and navigating through the human services system can
be discouraging when under represented. Women can also be isolated from social support
circles and therefore are helpless in locating and seeking help. Isolation is dangerous
because it is a tool used by abusers to conceal the violence and maintain control over
women.
Both high and low levels of acculturation can increase the occurrence of domestic
violence but some studies have found that by adopting some values of the dominant
American culture, women can find strength and a voice to reject domestic violence (Alvi,
et al., 2005; Kasturirangan, et al., 2004). These studies have shown that obtaining an
education and financial independence can empower women to shift their ideologies of
gender roles that subject them to abuse and violence. An education can provide women
the knowledge of locating services available to them as well as how to navigate services
to accommodate their needs therefore increase the frequency and likeliness of seeking
professional help. By having the knowledge of cultural practices and expectations along
31
with the strengths of an education and financial independence, a woman can be
empowered to entertain her options of honoring her cultural practices or seek professional
help.
Domestic Violence among Asian Pacific Islanders in California
The U. S. Census of 2000 describes the Chinese and Japanese populations to have
resided in America for generations, while other Asian populations such as Hmong,
Cambodian and Vietnamese were recent immigrants. The Chinese and Japanese
ethnicities have been included in the U.S. Census since 1860 and 1870, respectively.
Since then, the census has added four Asian ethnicities to make a total 6 different Asian
races seen on both the 1990 and 2000 census with an option to write in a race that was
not specified. Since the expansion to include other Asian ethnicities, the census
documented an increase of the Asian population from 6.9 million in 1990 to over 10
million in 2000. The significant increase in population size provides support to the notion
that accurate information cannot be gained by making collective generalizations of a
homogeneous group. The generalized categorization of “Asian/Other” is found in many
empirical studies and assumes that this category is for those who are of an unidentified
race. For example, the Office of Women’s Health conducted a study over a four year
span (1998-2001) involving 15,334 participants. The study was designed to evaluate the
utilization of services, awareness of illnesses and prevalence of violence among women
in California. In the study, 843 (2.3 %) had experienced domestic violence or violence by
an intimate partner (Weinbaum, Stratton, Roberson, Takahashi, & Fatheree, n.d.).
Another finding indicated that the Asian/Other populations had a domestic violence
32
prevalence rate of 4.8 %, White population of 5 %, Hispanic population of 7.9 %, and
African American population of 8.5 %. The findings noted that 92.8 % of the Asian
American population would seek services in one form or another but was not specific in
the preferred type of services. Which Asian American population prefers seeking help
within the family? Or, in the community? What about seeking legal or medical help? As
this researcher is of Asian descent, she is very interested in what this study has concluded
about the help seeking practices in her culture.
In an additional study from the U. S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice
Statistics: Intimate Partner Violence in the United States (2007), domestic violence had
significantly decreased between 1993 and 2005 across the spectrum of fatal-nonfatal,
gender, race and victim/offender relationships. Disappointingly, the races that were
studied in this report were mainly White, African American and Hispanic. Even in 2005,
no API populations were included and the problem is likely to exist but the extent is
unknown to the government. This provides some evidence to the scarcity of empirical
studies on API populations and issues on violence against women. The limited
information does not conclude that the problem exists; it does however, indicate further
research as to the reasons why API populations are excluded.
The underreporting of domestic violence in API communities is due to several
reasons and many of them related to cultural ideologies, beliefs, and values. Many
women suffer in silence due to the cultural pressure of bringing shame onto the family by
talking openly about her abuse to informal and formal support circles (Kasturirangan, et
al., 2004; Kaiser, 2003; Xiong, Tuicompepee, LaBlanc & Rainey, 2006). The Hmong
33
culture operates on a tightly knit internal social system that values the connections and
relationships with others. Domestic violence is a taboo topic because it is considered a
family secret and talking openly about it is strictly frowned upon. When a member of the
Hmong community acts in a manner that brings shame, it devalues the individual’s
family and they risk abandonment and isolation from the community.
In the Hmong community, familial disputes are private and discourage the
involvement of public institutions, especially the police (Rai, 2001; Warrier, Marin &
Masaki, n.d.; Raj & Silverman, 2002; Xiong, et al., 2006). Challenges that can cause
Hmong women to become intimidated to utilize the police as a helping source, therefore
underreporting, can be because of language barriers, unfamiliarity of the system, and fear
of lack of understanding of the Hmong culture. In addition, some women may fear
becoming a victim of racism as some law enforcement officers are not trained in
understanding multicultural domestic disputes, make matters worse by perpetuating
stereotypes, and can ultimately endanger the woman’s life (Warrier, Marin & Masaki,
n.d.).
Alvi, et al. (2005) conducted a qualitative study with women of all races over the
age of 18 that explored social components such as relationships, health and wellness,
quality of life, and social experiences. The study sample was collected in October 2001
and consisted of African Americans women (53.5 %), Hmong women (27.8 %), White
women (9.7 %), Hispanic women (4.9 %), North American women and Other (both
2.1%) totaling 144 women. When the respondents were asked questions about their
endorsement of male privilege such as “A man is entitled to have sex with his wife
34
whenever he wants it” or “A man is the ruler of his home”, the population who agreed
most were the Hmong respondents, while the White respondents had the lowest scores.
When the respondents were asked about their methods of confronting the abuse such as
“A wife should move out of the house if her husband hits her” or “It is never acceptable
for a husband or lover to hit his wife or girlfriend”, the Hmong respondents had the
lowest scores while the White respondents had the highest scores. This finding suggests
that the Hmong and White respondents had two opposite attitudes towards men and
attributed to differences in cultural ideology and values.
The Hmong culture values the harmony of the collective family where the
culture’s ideologies are strongly rooted and reinforced. This is strength for the Hmong
people where it provides mutual support, comfort, and preservation of the culture. When
domestic violence is concealed collectively as cultural standard, it manifests into a crisis.
Unfortunately, the domestic violence crisis among the Hmong people is overlooked. The
U.S. Census of 2000 specifies that California houses 65,095 Hmong people; 15,814 of
them reside in Sacramento. The Criminal Justice Statistics Center released their Report
on Arrests for Domestic Violence in California 1998 (1999) and showed that out of
56,892 calls, 40.6 % came from the Hispanic population, 34.3 % from the White
population, 19.2 % from the African American population, and 6 % from the Other
populations. It is not practical to surmise that the exclusion of the Asian populations in
the data set from the Criminal Justice Statistics Center translates that it does not exist, but
this is the message that is communicated to the API populations, the viewing public, and
the dominant culture. The limited empirical studies and research journals also suggest
35
that domestic violence is tolerated as a cultural norm, expected to occur, and be accepted.
These false notions are dangerous because the lives and safety of API women are at
stake.
Paraprofessional Hmong women are the bridge that connects the Hmong and
American cultures and their knowledge can save many API victims of domestic violence.
Some paraprofessional Hmong women are natives of the homelands (i.e., Laos and
Thailand) and come into contact with main society but are not fully acculturated in the
main society. These women are vital to creating sensitive and competent programs
because they are skilled in navigating successfully between two cultures but often are
behind the scenes.
36
Chapter 3
METHODOLOGY
The Hmong culture fosters a perceived acceptance of domestic violence that
clashes with American laws and values. This perceived acceptance has negatively
affected the Hmong community in regards to developing fear towards the justice system
and human service agencies. This fear has deterred paraprofessional Hmong women in
seeking services when the cultural help seeking practices have failed them. The
ideologies and recommendations generated from this study were from paraprofessional
Hmong women of various acculturation levels, education levels, and experiences. The
purpose of this study is to explore Hmong paraprofessional women’s knowledge of
services available to domestic violence victims and their help seeking practices between
the Hmong and American cultures. The respondents were collected through the snowball
strategy and recruited only from the Sacramento region.
Design
This is an exploratory survey study designed to gather quantitative data through a
four-page questionnaire with 26 items (see Appendix A). The data collection instrument
aimed to assess the target population’s knowledge and about domestic violence services
and inquired about respondents’ help seeking behaviors between the Hmong and
American cultures. Since this study targeted paraprofessionals, the survey did not need to
be translated because they were literate in reading and writing English. Contacting
respondents were through telephone and e-mails to schedule meeting times. The
researcher reviewed with all of the respondents the study’s purpose, intent, and
37
emphasized that the questions requested opinions and not direct experiences.
Confidentiality was discussed and explained to all of the respondents. The researcher was
the sole individual responsible for collecting, viewing, and analyzing any information
provided by the respondent therefore the information would be impossible to trace. For
ease of data collection and analyzing purposes, each of the surveys was numbered to
maintain confidentiality. The information gathered throughout the study was grouped
together, analyzed, and presented as a whole. All of the records created in this study will
be stored in a secure location and will be properly destroyed 6 weeks after the project is
approved. The researcher assured all of the respondents that participation was entirely on
a volunteer basis and they may end their participation at any time. The researcher
disclosed that she was not allowed to explain the questions on the survey to avoid
possible influence of the respondents’ answers.
Sampling
A purposive convenience sampling method with a snowball strategy was used for
gathering respondents. This present study included the knowledge and opinions of 41
paraprofessional Hmong women who resided in the Sacramento region. The researcher
gained support from Sacramento’s Hmong Women’s Heritage Association and allowed
their staff members to participate in this study (see Appendix D). In return, the researcher
will share the generated outcomes with Hmong Women’s Heritage Association to create
or enhance domestic violence programs. Friends, fellow student peers, and family
members were asked to participate. The researcher also solicited friends and family
members of participating respondents’ social networks to be included in this study. The
38
researcher’s contact information was distributed to those who were interested and contact
was made shortly thereafter to schedule a meeting time. All of the respondents of the
survey were paraprofessional Hmong women between the ages of 18 and 43 who
considered themselves knowledgeable and/or interested in the research topic.
Instruments
The survey instrument consisted of 26 items and covered five main research
hypotheses: Hmong women’s limited knowledge of domestic violence services continue
to be major in Sacramento, CA; Cultural and social factors that contribute to help seeking
practices of Hmong paraprofessional women; Paraprofessional Hmong women are more
ready in the utilization of outside/professional help; Paraprofessional Hmong women
have their own unique approach in addressing domestic violence issues; and
Paraprofessional Hmong women are keys to the service delivery system but more training
and education is needed. This instrument was developed based on reoccurring themes
identified in the literature review, information gathered from service providers, and
personal knowledge of this researcher.
Protection of Human Subjects
An informed consent was signed and obtained at the time of the interview (see
Appendix B). A brief explanation of this study was provided on the informed consent to
notify the respondents of this study’s purpose. In addition, an explanation of
confidentiality guidelines and the proper disposal of all information gathered were
provided to ensure the respondent’s privacy. A list of community resources (see
Appendix C) was given to the respondent in the case that they feel they were
39
psychologically harmed while participating in this study. A contact name and number of
the researcher was noted on the consent form in case any of the respondents needed to
speak with her.
The application for Protection of Human Subjects was submitted and approved by
the Division of Social Work at California State University, Sacramento on January 28,
2010 and assigned with the approval number 09-10-024. The level of risk or discomfort
the respondents was minimal because the study did not focus on personal accounts of
domestic violence but inquired about the knowledge of services available to them, help
seeking practices and perspectives on possible gaps in the human services arena.
Although the respondents were not asked to share personal accounts, they may have
experienced a low level of discomfort or nervousness in answering the survey questions.
If the respondent felt they have experienced any psychological harm, they can reference
the list of service providers given to them attached with their informed consent form.
40
Chapter 4
DATA ANALYSIS AND STUDY FINDINGS
It is important to consider the difficulties Hmong women experience in a
multicultural setting when deciding to honor their traditional practices or turn to new
resources. Family clan leaders have expressed their fear of losing the Hmong heritage due
to rapid assimilation and acculturation into the American culture. This fear is one of
many that have been passed to younger generations and is reflected in the findings of this
study. Although this study did not specifically explore the experience of the respondents,
their contribution to this study represents the challenges that Hmong women face today
trying to find a balance with two distinct cultures.
This study collected quantitative data through a purposive convenience sampling
method using the snowball strategy. The survey questionnaire (see Appendix A)
consisted of 26 items that requested the respondents’ opinions surrounding the five
hypotheses that guided this study. The respondents were informed that they could answer
or skip any of the questions or discontinue their participation. As a result, forty-one
respondents participated in this study. In this chapter, the outcomes of each hypothesis
are discussed separately and then their relationships are explored.
Demographics
The respondents in this study were paraprofessional Hmong women. Out of the
total number of respondents (n=41), majority (n=26) of the respondents were born in
United States, 14 were foreign born, and one did not respond. The respondents who were
41
foreign born disclosed that 10 of them had lived in the United Stated for over 21 years
while 4 of them answered they had resided here for less than 20 years. The respondents
varied in age ranging from 18 years old, to 43 years old; but the high frequency is
21years old. All of the respondents had an education level higher than a high school
diploma. Majority (n=18) of the respondents had some college and was followed by 14
respondents whom held a bachelor’s degree.
Knowledge of Domestic Violence Services
The first hypothesis investigated the notion that paraprofessional Hmong
women’s limited knowledge of domestic violence services continues to be prevalent in
Sacramento. There were five statements in the knowledge section of the data collection
tool and inquired about the familiarity, availability, access, process, and legal rights of
domestic violence services. The outcomes illustrated a reoccurring pattern where the high
frequency transpired among the group who were somewhat familiar with domestic
violence services (34.1 %, n=14), somewhat familiar with availability of services (36.6%,
n=15), somewhat familiar with access to services (48.8 %, n=20), and somewhat familiar
with the legal rights to services (41.5 %, n=17). The results reveled that the majority of
the respondents (41.5 %, n=17) did not know the process of receiving domestic violence
services. The outcomes provided evidence that among all of the respondents, the high
percentages of knowledge of domestic violence services was where they were somewhat
familiar with domestic violence services and particularly unfamiliar with the process of
receiving services.
42
Help Seeking Practices among Hmong Women
The second hypothesis this study explored the influence and impact of cultural
and social factors that contributed to the help seeking practices of paraprofessional
Hmong women. There were eight questions in this category and inquired about how
Hmong cultural expectations and judgment from family influence paraprofessionals’ help
seeking practices. Most of the respondents felt that cultural expectations and norms
somewhat prevented Hmong women from seeking professional services. For instance,
43.9 % (n=18) respondents felt that Hmong women would somewhat bring shame to their
family if they sought professional help outside of their family. When asked if shame
would be a major reason for a Hmong woman to not seek help outside of the Hmong
community, 46.3 % (n=19) stated they somewhat agreed. As many as 36.6 % (n=15) felt
that a Hmong woman who openly talked about being a victim of domestic violence
would bring shame to her and her family. When questioned about the level of comfort
and confidence paraprofessional Hmong women feel in seeking help from their clan
leaders, 53.7 % (n=22) replied they would somewhat feel comfortable and confident.
Only one respondent answered that Hmong women would feel comfortable and confident
in seeking help from their clan leaders. Aside from seeking help from family clan leaders,
48.8 % (n=20) believed somewhat that other options existed and 19.5 % (n=8) believed
that there were no other options. One question that did acquire a definite “yes” occurred
where 43.9 % (n=18) replied they felt Hmong women would utilize professional services
if the providers were sensitive to and knowledgeable about the Hmong culture (see Table
1).
43
Table 1
Help Seeking Practices among Hmong Women
Shamed for Seeking Outside
Don’t Know
No
Somewhat
Yes
N (%)
N (%)
N (%)
N (%)
3 (7.3%)
9 (22%)
18 (43.9%)
11 (26.8%)
1 (2.4%)
9 (22%)
19 (46.3%)
12 (29.3%)
2 (4.9%)
9 (22%)
15 (36.6 %)
15 (36.6%)
1 (2.4%)
17 (41.5%)
22 (53.7%)
1 (2.4%)
4 (9.8%)
8 (19.5%)
20 (48.8%)
9 (22%)
3 (7.3%)
3 (7.3%)
17 (41.5%)
18 (43.9%)
7 (17.1%)
15 (36.6%)
13 (31.7%)
6 (14.6%)
8 (19.5%)
14 (34.1%)
14 (34.1%)
5 (12.2%)
Help
Fear of Shame as a Major
Reason
Talking Openly of Domestic
Violence Brings Shame
Comfortable and Confident
seeking Clan Help
Other Options for Help
Besides Clan
Seek Outside Services if
Sensitive to Hmong Culture
Different Religion Still Seeks
Clan Help
Limited to Clan Help Only
44
While Shamanism is the religion practiced in traditional Hmong communities,
other religions are starting to accumulate Hmong believers. When the respondents were
asked about help seeking practices for women who practice Shamanism, 14.6 % (n=6)
respondents replied they believe Hmong women would follow tradition and seek help
from family clan leaders. On the other hand, 36.6 % (n=15) answered they believed that
Hmong women do not have to honor the traditional help seeking practices if they do not
practice Shamanism. When the respondents were asked if they believe Hmong women
are limited to seeking help from clan leaders only, a split result occurred where 34.1
(n=14) between feeling that Hmong women were not limited to traditional help seeking
practices and felt Hmong women were somewhat limited.
Utilization of Professional Help
The third hypothesis predicted that paraprofessional Hmong women are more
ready in the utilization of outside professional help. The results from the section inquired
about contact and referrals made to domestic service agencies. The findings revealed the
high frequency indicating that more than 80 % of the respondents replied they did not
have contact or made referrals to My Sister’s House, Women Escaping A Violent
Environment (WEAVE), or the police. From the results, two of the respondents often
made referrals to My Sister’s House within the last 12 months, one of them often made
referrals to WEAVE or the police within the last 12 months. On average, 46.3 % (n=19)
respondents believed that Hmong women do not seek outside help when trying to resolve
domestic disputes. According to the results, 61 % (n=25) respondents believed that
professional help was not contacted due to cultural factors.
45
Approaches to Domestic Violence
The fourth hypothesis inferred that paraprofessional Hmong women had their own
unique approach in addressing domestic violence issues. The aim in this section was to
ask the respondents what they believed to be important factors if they were to consider
seeking professional services. Only one survey was missing this information. The
respondents were given six factors to choose from and were instructed to rank the top
three factors they felt were important if they were to seek professional help. The factors
the respondents chose from were trust, confidentiality, knowledge about the Hmong
culture, day care, accessible, and non-judgmental. The results indicated that the most
important factor voted by 85.7 % (n=35) was trust followed by confidentiality (78 %,
n=32), and finally knowledge about the Hmong culture (48.8 %, n=20). If these factors
were available, 41.5 % (n=17) respondents answered they would agree to utilize or refer
someone for professional services and 39 % (n=16) strongly agreed. In contrast, 4.9 %
(n=2) respondents believed they would honor the Hmong practice of turning to clan
leaders for help no matter what.
The responses to their preference of seeking help between Hmong clan leaders
and professional services were mixed and scattered. When the respondents were asked of
their opinion in the order of seeking help, 29.3 % (n=12) respondents disagreed that
Hmong women should seek help from their clan leaders first then resort to professional
services if their families did not help them. In contrast, 34.1 % (n=14) respondents
believed that Hmong women would seek professional help first because it is more
effective (see Table 2). The outcomes support the hypothesis that paraprofessional
46
Table 2
Approaches to Domestic Violence
Don’t Agree
Kind of
Agree
Strongly
N (%)
Agree
N (%)
Agree
N (%)
N (%)
More Likely to Utilize or Refer
if Ranked Factors Existed in
0 (0%)
7 (17.1%)
17 (41.5%)
16 (39%)
20 (48.8%)
12 (29.3%)
6 (14.6%)
2 (4.9%)
12 (29.3%)
13 (31.7%)
12 (29.3%)
3 (7.3%)
Seek Professional Help First
8 (19.5%)
15 (36.6%)
14 (34.1%)
3 (7.3%)
I Am Better Off Than Most
7 (17.1%)
6 (14.6%)
18 (43.9%)
8 (19.5%)
Agencies
Honor Clan Leadership
Regardless
Honor Clan First then Seek
Professional Help
Hmong women have created a unique way of approaching domestic violence issues.
Although the results display a couple definite answers, the remaining opinions were
scattered.
Contributions to the Well Being of Hmong Women
The fifth hypothesis stated that paraprofessional Hmong women are keys to the
service delivery system but more training and education is needed. The concluding
section of the survey tool inquired about the knowledge the respondents had about the
47
Hmong culture and the skills to navigate between the Hmong and American cultures. The
results represent the level of skill among the paraprofessional Hong women who
participated in this study. The respondents were instructed to check from a list of skills
they believe they possessed. The list included: Understanding the Hmong Culture, Read
the Hmong Language, Navigate Between Two Cultures, Translate the Hmong Language
into English (vise versa), Speak the Hmong Language, Write the Hmong Language,
Understand Different Levels of Acculturation, and Balance the Roles and Expectations of
Two Cultures. The results indicated that 12.2 % (n=5) respondents felt they were skilled
in all of the listed capabilities with the same outcome who felt they were skilled in seven
out of the eight. The highest percentage (80.5 %, n=33) was shared between
understanding the Hmong culture, navigate between two cultures, and balancing the roles
and expectations of two cultures. When the respondents were asked of the likeliness of
utilization of professional services if services providers possessed their capabilities, 40
respondents replied between likely and very likely (61 %, n=25 and 36.6 %, n=15
respectively) with one missing response.
Cross Tabulations
In order to gain a deeper insight to the help seeking practices of paraprofessional
Hmong women, cross tabulations were created to compare their birth place, age, and
level of education of respondents with survey outcomes. This study revealed no
difference between the respondents who were born in America and foreign born that
Hmong women should seek help from clan leaders first regardless of their knowledge of
other helping sources (see Table 3). Chi square analysis did not identify a statically
48
significant difference between foreign born and American born respondents in regard to
their help seeking behaviors (X2=0.62, def=1, p>.10).
Table 3
Born in the US and Honor Clan Leadership Regardless Cross Tabulation
Honor Clan Leadership Regardless
Born in the US
Total
Don't
Kind of
agree
agree
Yes
14
9
No
6
20
Agree
Strongly
agree
Total
1
1
25
3
4
1
14
12
5
2
39
Another cross tabulation between birthplace and seeking professional help first
concluded that 19 respondents who were born in the America kind of agreed and agreed
Hmong women would seek professional help first. However, in seeking professional help
first, 9 would somewhat feel shamed and 8 definitely would feel shamed for doing so.
An additional finding tabulated the age of the respondents with the preference of
seeking professional help first. The high frequency of responses fell within the 18-25
years old age group where they agreed that Hmong women would seek professional help
first (see Table 4). In a similar cross tabulation of the age of respondents with seeking
help from clan leadership first then seeking professional help, a high frequency occurred
in the 18-25 years old age group. These respondents disagreed that Hmong women would
seek professional help after their clan leaders was not successful helping them.
49
Table 4
Age of Participant and Seek Professional Help First Cross Tabulation
Seek Professional Help First
Don't
Kind of
agree
agree
Agree
Strongly
agree
Total
Age of
18-25
5
10
10
1
26
Participant
26-33
1
4
3
2
10
34-41
1
0
1
0
2
42 +
1
0
0
0
1
8
14
14
3
39
Total
Another cross tabulation compared age and likeliness of utilization or referral of
services if the services included the factors they considered were important (i.e., trust,
confidentiality and knowledge about the Hmong culture). The findings concluded that a
high frequency occurred in the 33 years old and younger age groups agreed they would
be likely to utilize or refer professional services if the important factors were present. A
low frequency was identified (n=1) in the 42 and older age group and did not agree they
would utilize or refer professional services even if the important factors were present.
The cross tabulation of level of education and knowledge of domestic violence
services revealed that higher education provided knowledge on domestic violence
services, women’s legal rights, and accessibility (See Table 5).
50
Table 5
Level of Education and Know Availability and Legal Rights of Domestic Violence
Services Cross Tabulation
Know Availability of DV Services
Don't Somewhat Familiar
know
Very
familiar Total
Participant Level High School/GED
4
0
0
0
4
of Education
Some college
5
8
5
0
18
AA Degree
1
0
2
1
4
Bachelor Degree
2
7
4
1
14
12
15
11
2
40
Total
Know Legal Rights to DV Services
Don't Somewhat Familiar
know
Very
familiar Total
Participant Level High School/GED
2
2
0
0
4
of Education
Some college
5
9
4
0
18
AA Degree
1
0
3
0
4
Bachelor Degree
3
6
4
1
14
11
17
11
1
40
Total
51
Discussion
The respondents from this study had varying opinions about help seeking
practices in both the Hmong and American cultures. The findings of this study provide a
valuable insight to the complexities of seeking help practices and receiving proper,
effective, and compassionate help. The researcher hypothesized that Hmong women had
limited knowledge about domestic violence services in the Sacramento area. The study
data reports that knowledge, awareness of domestic violence services, process of
receiving services, and legal rights to services are chronically low in the Sacramento area.
The findings in this study are consistent with the hypothesis and supports that knowledge
about services is low. The data also indicated a trend based on frequency distributions
that the more education a Hmong woman had, the more knowledgeable she was of
domestic violence services.
The researcher also hypothesized that cultural and social factors contributed to the
help seeking practices of Hmong women. The majority of the responses in this section
support the hypothesis that cultural and social factors do influence and drive help seeking
practices of paraprofessional Hmong women. The respondents identified that bringing
shame to a Hmong woman’s family was a major factor that deterred Hmong women from
talking openly and seeking professional help. Although the findings determined that the
respondents believed other options existed besides seeking clan help, it was agreed that
utilization of professional services would be practiced if the services understood the
Hmong culture. The findings also revealed that religion contributes to help seeking
52
practices. The respondents agreed that a Hmong woman who does not practice the
traditional religion of Shamanism is not obligated to seek help from clan leaders.
It was further hypothesized that paraprofessional Hmong women are more ready
to utilize professional help. The outcomes from this study do not support the hypothesis
as evidenced by the report of low contacts or referrals to domestic service agencies. As
discussed in Chapter 2, My Sister’s House is the first and currently the only provider for
domestic violence victims of Asian Pacific Islander decent that offers safety, a shelter,
counseling, and legal advice. WEAVE also provides the same services but includes
services to a diverse population. The police are also a point of access to services. The
findings revealed that contact or referrals to the mentioned agencies were very low. In a
span of 12 months, 2 respondents out of 41 had contact with or referred Hmong women
to My Sister’s House or WEAVE and one referral for a Hmong woman to contact the
police. The data indicated that paraprofessional Hmong women who participated in this
study are not likely to utilize professional help.
It was also hypothesized that paraprofessional Hmong women have a unique
approach in addressing domestic violence issues. The findings are consistent with the
hypothesis as evidenced by the varying of percentages in their approaches when faced
with choices of turning to family clan leaders or professional help. The findings were
clear that the most important factors in service delivery were trust, confidentiality, and
knowledgeable of the Hmong culture. Considering these factors were implemented, the
respondents replied they would be somewhat more likely to utilize or refer someone to
the services. The answers to the remaining questions about whether Hmong women seek
53
help first from family or professionally, the respondents were not set on one particular
preference or order.
An additional hypothesis the researcher proposed was paraprofessional Hmong
women are keys to the service delivery system but more training and education is needed.
The findings in this study support the hypothesis that paraprofessional Hmong women
have valuable knowledge to offer that can significantly improve the service delivery
system but the low outcome (12.2%, n=5) of skilled respondents indicated a deficit of
skilled paraprofessionals and much needed training and education. The data illustrated
that the respondents are most skilled in the Hmong culture, navigating between two
cultures, speaking the Hmong language, and balancing the roles of two different cultures
but few are capable of all of the skills.
The findings in this study contradict the current mainstream literature because it
has neglected to acknowledge the multicultural challenges Hmong women face with
domestic violence. The implications for the missing academic knowledge is
underreporting of domestic violence is communicated to mainstream literature and
society that it is not a problem. Mainstream literature has failed to recognize the
multicultural lens that Hmong women have to see and live in the world through and has
failed to protect and serve them. To talk openly about domestic violence is taboo and
Hmong women are shamed by others for it therefore are withdrawn and sentence
themselves to silence for the interest of the collective group.
Another identifiable implication for missing information is the scientific and
empirical research that has categorized the Hmong people in the “Other” group with
54
unidentifiable and unremarkable traits. By doing so, scientific and empirical researchers
communicate to the Hmong people and to all people that Hmong are insignificant and
unworthy of attention and services. In order to shift the mainstream, it is vital for Hmong
women to become aware of the dangers of silence and start the healing process to
transform themselves from victims to survivors.
Emerging Findings
The data presented in this study reflect an unusual observation made by the
researcher. In an attempt to gather data, the researcher contacted an organized club on a
state college campus that consisted of Hmong students. The researcher was grateful to
have been invited and welcomed by the club’s administrators who were male and female.
At the data collection site, the researcher presented in a panel to explain the study and
requested interested participants to stay after the meeting. To the researcher’s surprise,
the warm welcome from the male members had stopped at the administrators. Eye
contact with male members had ceased by the end of the panel and nonexistent by the end
of the meeting. As discussed earlier, women are considered subordinate to men and the
presence of women are ignored in the Hmong culture. It was the researcher’s assumption
that as fellow college students on a college campus, we would treat each other as equals
with similar goals and ambitions. It was not until the researcher discussed this incident
with the principal investigator that her assumption was based on her acculturation level.
The researcher soon realized that she was reaching out from a different platform with
unlike experiences and should not judge others if their platform is different. The
researcher can appreciate these dissimilarities but cannot help but feel that it perpetuates
55
the powerlessness and oppression of Hmong women. The persistence of this treatment in
an abusive relationship can make Hmong women believe they are deserving of their
abuse and lead them to deny help from outside of their families.
The overall finding from this study concludes that the respondents are very open
to mental health services. The shame attached to speaking up and reaching out for help
has discouraged Hmong women from protecting themselves. With the proper training and
education, the paraprofessionals from this study can provide the important factors that are
missing in the service delivery system and agencies. These paraprofessionals can form
the bridge from the Hmong community to the professional services that can save Hmong
women from their abuse and their sentences of silence. In order for the Hmong structure
and ideals of domestic violence to change, Hmong women need to share their stories.
56
Chapter 5
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
Conclusions
This study has surfaced key findings about Hmong women and their help seeking
practices between the Hmong and American cultures. In brief, the key findings are as
follows:
 Knowledge, awareness of domestic violence services, process of receiving
services, and legal rights to services are chronically low in the Sacramento
area.
 Fear of bringing shame on a family clan is the primary cultural value that
deters Hmong women from seeking professional help.
 The most important factors in service delivery were trust, confidentiality, and
knowledgeable of the Hmong culture. Considering service providers
implemented these factors, Hmong women would be somewhat more likely to
utilize or refer someone to the services.
 Paraprofessional Hmong women have valuable knowledge to offer that can
significantly improve the service delivery system but there are not many
skilled Hmong professionals. This deficit indicates a need in training and
education.
 Hmong women are open to mental health services. The shame attached to
speaking up and reaching out for help has discouraged Hmong women from
protecting themselves.
57
Implications for the Hmong Community
Awareness and education is a prevention tactic against abuse and is equally
important for service providers and Hmong women. In a culture where abuse against
women is tolerated, it is difficult to create effective prevention and interventions. The
researcher recognizes this as a challenging mission but she insists that the creation and
practice of new norms is an appropriate approach to destroy the cultural restraints in
accessing professional help. Firstly, when Hmong women can realize and accept that
domestic violence is not a cultural practice specific to the Hmong culture, they can free
themselves. Abuse is not a cultural practice; it is used as a tool by perpetrators to control
people regardless if it occurred in the American, Hmong, Latino, or European cultures.
Education is vital in remedying the misconception that domestic violence is
accepted in the Hmong culture. The researcher suggests that education of domestic
violence be focused towards the younger generations as they seem to be more receptive
to new ideas and conceptualization of the law. Also, it is up to the younger generations to
carry and teach the ideals and traditions to preserve the culture. If they can be educated to
distinguish the difference between cultural value and abuse, the Hmong culture has a
chance to thrive and increase its longevity. Older generations are fearful of losing Hmong
values due to the fast acculturation and assimilation process. It is important to have
foresight and consider the repercussions of practicing abuse as a cultural norm. For
instance, the acculturation progress of Hmong girls is rapidly surpassing Hmong boys. If
Hmong girls witness or experience abuse and are taught that it is normal, they may grow
up to believe that abuse is an undesirable value. This can lead Hmong girls to seek for
58
relationships outside of the Hmong race. This option has presented itself in the United
States in contrast to the limited races in Laos or Thailand.
Implications for Social Work
The aim for this study was to explore the help seeking practices of
paraprofessional Hmong women at this current time because it serves as marker of a
change in ideals and expansion of socialization. The respondents in this study were all
over the age of 18 and acculturated in terms of being well educated and being employed.
The majority of the respondents were born in the United States and the others were born
in Laos or Thailand. All of the respondents who were foreign-born have resided in the
United States for over 11 years. Considering the length of time of foreign-born
respondents has resided in the United States, one can conclude that they have become
skilled in balancing their Hmong and American roles. The mystery is how they are
balancing these roles and how their decisions are being influenced.
The patriarchal structure of the Hmong culture expects Hmong women to abide
by the norms of being subordinate and obeying their husbands and their fathers. Domestic
violence has been an accepted practice in the Hmong culture as a tool for men to maintain
their power and control. Since abuse has been considered an accepted practice, Hmong
women are taught to tolerate that it is the natural order and even expected. But, this
conflicts with the American values that domestic violence is unacceptable and a violation
of women’s rights. In this case, what is the right path of action, honor the traditional
Hmong practice of seeking help from clan leaders or seek professional help from service
agencies?
59
This question is often pondered in the minds of Hmong women whether they are
victims or not. It is vital that service providers are aware of this question in addition to
the consequences of the decisions. In order to do so, service providers should be educated
about the Hmong culture and trained on cultural practices. The expanding Hmong
population in the Sacramento area is evident by the increasing Child Protective Services
(CPS) cases and exposure on television and newspapers and services should follow suit
and expand as well. When service providers work from a multicultural framework, they
can provide Hmong women the safety and trust they need to seek professional help.
A multicultural framework can include service providers who are of Hmong
descent and knowledgeable of the Hmong culture and practices. Having a familiar face in
an alien setting can start a strong connection and rapport that can encourage further
service utilization. In this relationship, the service provider has an insight on the
reservations and fears surrounding seeking professional help. As a social worker, it is
ethical to ensure the safety of clients as well as honoring their self-determinations. With
inside knowledge, the social worker will be aware of the risks the client can face.
It is this researcher’s hope that the existing domestic service and human service
agencies (i.e., WEAVE, My Sister’s House, Hmong Women’s Heritage Association) can
utilize the findings from this study to create, implement, or improve services to better
serve the Hmong and API populations in Sacramento. This researcher recognizes the
amount of time, support, and finances needed to propose and implement such programs
but hopes that the findings can contribute to their development. The Hmong people are
strong and committed to the preservation of their culture and values. Although the
60
misconception that domestic violence is a cultural norm in the Hmong culture, there are
those outliers who believe that it is not a cultural practice and that it can be corrected. It is
up to those few to set aside their reservations and fears to advocate for the voiceless and
finally make the necessary changes to strengthen the Hmong culture.
Recommendations
A challenge the researcher observed was the precision of the questions on the
survey tool. After collecting and analyzing the data, it became clear there were other
questions that may have contributed greatly to the findings of the study. Such questions
that could have further developed the study are: “Do you believe that abuse is a cultural
norm?” or, “What do you think could be done to alter the belief that abuse is part of the
Hmong culture?” or, “Do you feel you have the power to change the perception of abuse
in the Hmong culture?”. The researcher believes the existing tool resulted in useful and
enlightening information but the answers to these questions have the possibility of
generating a clearer picture of Hmong women’s perspectives.
An additional improvement to sharpen the study that can achieve results that are
more significant, the researcher recommends the study to be inclusive of both
paraprofessional Hmong women and men. The present study was able to achieve the goal
of collecting the opinions of paraprofessional Hmong women, and could be enhanced by
the insight of the men who were deemed as the perpetrators. Additional information as to
their opinions and perspectives would shed tremendous light on the trends they forecast
for domestic violence in the Hmong culture. An interesting perspective to explore would
be if paraprofessional Hmong men feel pressure to tolerate domestic violence as part of
61
the culture norm or make changes that reflect American values. The present study notes
that Hmong women have surpassed Hmong men in academics and in employment but
does not discredit the Hmong men who have and are striving for an education and
employment.
The researcher became aware of the valuable knowledge paraprofessional Hmong
men can contribute after she solicited participants on the college campus and found
herself in room full of Hmong women and men students. The researcher speculates that
by excluding the men from the study, it automatically vilified them therefore resulting in
a tense and defensive energy. The inclusion of their opinion would profoundly improve
the outcomes of the study and ultimately contribute towards empowering the Hmong
culture to end the tolerance of abuse. Considering that the Hmong culture is structured by
collectivism, the necessary changes may have an increased probability of happening by
the collective hands and minds of young Hmong women and men.
62
APPENDIX A
Hmong Paraprofessional Women on Domestic Violence:
Knowledge and Practice Survey
Please answer the questions below to the best of your ability. Make note that participating
in this study is on a volunteer basis where you can answer only the questions you choose
to answer and withdraw at any time. Thank you.
Don’t
know
Somewhat
Familiar
Very
Familiar
1. How familiar are you with
domestic violence resources?
2. How familiar are you with the
availability of domestic
violence resources
3. How familiar are you with access
to domestic violence services?
4. How familiar are you with the
process of receiving domestic
violence services?
5. How familiar are you with your
legal rights in receiving
domestic violence services?




















II. Help Seeking Practices among
Hmong women
6. Is she concerned that she may
bring shame to her family if she
received help from
professionals outside of her
family?
7. Is the fear of bringing shame to
the family a major reason for
not seeking help outside of the
Hmong community?
8. Does she feel that if she talk
openly on being a victim of
domestic violence, she will
bring shame to her family?
Don’t
know
No
Somewhat
Yes












I. Knowledge
63
9. Does she feel comfortable and
confident in seeking help from
her clan leaders?
10. Does she feel she has other
options in seeking for help other
than turning to her clan leaders?
11. If she knew that there were
domestic violence services that
understood the Hmong culture,
would she feel comfortable in
seeking their help?
12. If she does not practice
Shamanism, do she feel she has
to honor the practice of seeking
help from clan leaders first if
she is a domestic violence
victim?
13. Does she believe that as a
Hmong woman, she is limited
to seeking help from your clan
leaders only?




















III. Utilization of Professional
Help
14. In the past 12 months, have you
had any contact with these
agencies:
None
Slightly
Often
Very
Often
My Sister’s House




WEAVE




Called the police








Other agencies (Please specify):
15. In the past 12 months, have you
referred anyone to the following
agencies:
My Sister’s House
64
WEAVE




Called the police




Don’t
know
No
Somewhat
Yes












Other agencies (Please specify):
16. In the past 12 months, did you
know a Hmong woman who
wanted to contact professional
help but cultural factors
prevented her to?
17. In the past 12 months, did she
contact professional help
regardless of cultural factors?
18. On average, do Hmong women
seek help outside of their family
in resolving domestic disputes?
IV. Approaches to Domestic Violence
19. Rank the top 3 important factors if you were to seek professional services.
_____ Knowledge about Hmong culture
_____ Confidential
_____ Day Care
20. Please state whether you agree
or not to the following
statements
 If these factors were
available, I would utilize
them or refer someone to
them.
 I will honor my Hmong
practices of turning to my
clan leaders for help no
matter what.
_____ Trust
_____ Accessible
_____ Non-Judgmental
Don’t
Agree
Kind of
Agree
Agree
Strongly
Agree








65



I will honor my Hmong
practices of turning to my
clan leaders for help first
and if that doesn’t work, I
will seek professional help.
My situation is ok. I’m
better off than some people.
I seek professional help first
because it is more effective.












V. Contribute to Well Being
21. Please check off the items below that you believe you are capable of:
_____ Speak the Hmong language
_____ Understanding the Hmong culture
_____ Write the Hmong language
_____ Read the Hmong language
_____ Understand different levels
of acculturation
_____ Balance the roles and
expectations of two cultures
_____ Navigate between two cultures
_____ Translate the Hmong language into
English (vise versa)
Never
Not
Likely
Likely
Very
Likely




22. If you knew that there was
service providers who had your
capabilities, how likely are you
to utilize their services?
Demographics Information
23. What is your age? __________
24. What is your level of education? _____ High School/GED
_____ AA Degree
_____ Some College
_____Bachelors Degree
25. Where you born in the United States?
_____ YES
26. If not, how many years have you lived in the U.S.?
THANK YOU!
_____ NO
_____ years
66
APPENDIX B
Informed Consent Form
Hmong Paraprofessional Women on Domestic Violence: Knowledge and Practice
Your participation is being requested to participate in this study conducted by Mai Her, a
graduate student in Social Work at Sacramento State University, Sacramento. The
purpose of this study is to explore paraprofessional Hmong women’s knowledge of
services addressing domestic violence in their community and their help seeking
practices for support services. The study is based on a series of questions in a survey that
may take up 15-20 minutes of your time. The interview questions will not focus on your
personal experiences with domestic violence rather; it will inquire about your knowledge
of services that assists domestic violence victims and the help seeking practices of
Hmong women. Participating in the interview is on a volunteer basis where you can
answer only the questions you choose to answer and withdraw at any time.
Confidentiality
Any personal identifier will not be requested on the survey and is not an element of this
research. All of the information including personal comments are fully confidential and
cannot be traced. The information gathered throughout the study will be grouped together
and analyzed and presented as a whole. All of the records created in this study will be
stored in a secure location and will be properly destroyed 6 weeks after the thesis is
approved.
Risks
This study is at minimal risk due to the potential discomfort of answering the questions.
If you experience any psychological discomfort as a result from this partaking in this
study, please contact one of the service providers on the resource list provided to you.
Benefits
This study will greatly assist human service providers in developing culturally competent,
sensitive programs and outreach efforts addressing domestic violence that will contribute
to the evolving help seeking practices of Hmong women.
If you have further questions about this study, you can contact the researcher at (916)
812-2117 or mai_her@ymail.com. Your questions can also be directed to the principal
investigator Francis K. Yuen, DSW, Professor at (916) 278-6942. Unfortunately, you will
not be given an incentive or be compensated for your participation.
By signing below, you indicate that you are informed about the study and consent to
participate.
____________________________________
Signature of respondent
______________________
Date
67
APPENDIX C
Domestic Violence Community Resources
Domestic Violence Community Resources
Agency
Address
Contact Phone
Who do they
serve?
Languages
Spoken
Adult Protective Services
4875 Broadway
Sacramento, CA 95820
(916) 874-9377
Dependent
adults 18-59
yrs old and
seniors 60+
Most
languages by
arrangement.
Hmong Women’s Heritage
Association
2251 Florin Road, Suite 104
Sacramento, CA 95822
(916) 394-1405
Hmong
women and
their families
Hmong
My Sister’s House
(916) 868-7820 Business line
(916) 428-3271 Help line
(916) 459-6791 Women to
Work
Women and
children
affected by or
are victims of
domestic
violence
Most
languages by
arrangement.
Victim and Witness
Assistance Program
901 G Street, First Floor
Sacramento, CA 95814
(916) 874-5701
Victims and
witnesses of
crime.
Most
languages by
arrangement.
Service Description
Receives,
investigates and
assess cases of
abuse, neglect and/or
exploitation of
seniors and
dependent adults.
Help preserve and
teach the Hmong
culture, assist
Hmong women and
their families in
adjusting to living in
America, support
groups, translating
and advocacy
services, crisis
intervention and
survival skills for
youth and women
and healthcare info.
Addresses the needs
of Asian and Pacific
Islander victims of
domestic violence,
uses culturally
appropriate
interventions and
consultation.
Provide crisis and
short term
counseling, referral
to private/public
service agencies,
68
Volunteers in Victim
Assistance
(VIVA)
8912 Volunteer Lane, Suite
110A
Sacramento, CA 95826
(916) 368-8482
Any child,
adolescent, or
adult victim
or witness of
crime or
traumatic
injury.
Most
languages by
arrangement.
WEAVE, Inc.
Women Escaping A Violent
Environment
1900 K Street
Sacramento, CA 95814
(916) 448-2321 Business line
(916) 920-2952 Crisis line24hrs
(916) 448-2321 Counseling
line
Victims of
domestic
violence and
sexual
assault, their
children and
significant
others.
Hmong,
Russian,
Spanish,
Tagalog,
Vietnamese –
interpreting
services
available in
15 languages.
orientation to the
criminal justice
system, support and
liaison between
victim and criminal
justice system and
info on victim’s
rights.
Individual and
family counseling
services, crisis
intervention and
support groups,
assistance with
meetings with
detectives and
prosecutors, doctor
appointments,
probation officers
and accompaniment
to court.
Intervention
counseling, advocacy
and referrals,
individual and group
counseling, safe
house for women and
children victims,
24hr emergency
accompaniment,
support with food
and clothing,
assistance in learning
economic
independence.
69
APPENDIX D
70
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