Al-Fikr
No. 11
June, 1990.
JARIR'S PANECYRICS ON AL-HAJJAJ IBN YUSUF
AL-THAQAFX (66l - 714: C.E.)
Z. I. Oseni
This paper aims at highlighting and evaluating- the . panegyrics which
Jarir composed on al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi. The importance of such
a topic in Arabic literary history and criticism is manifold,. In the study of
classical Arabic poetry in schools and Universities too much attention is
given to the C.aliphs and Sultans, thereby relegating the poems on
viceroys like- Ziyad ibn_Abih, al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, Khalid alQasri, and Yasid ibn al-Muhallab, to the periphery.
Furthermore, the role
played by al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf in consolidating the Umayyad hegemony, his
honesty, incorruptibility, insight, intelligence and generosity have been blurred
by' most Aral:
historians ' constant portrayal of the viceroy as a heartless,
blood—thirty tyrant who relished in destroying human souls. .If al-Hajjaj 's
name is mentioned the image often conjured up to 'an average student of
Arabic is that of a wicked governor and a demoniac orator.
It is our
attempt in this paper
therefore, to present the viceroy to the reader as
Jarir,..-one of the greatest of the classical Arabic poets, who happened to
have be012 the viceroy's contemporary, had portrayed him in his poetry.
Jarir's poems give the reader the benefit of seeing al-Hajjaj from a different
perspective, a phenomenon which further enriches our knowledge of alHajjaj and his milieu.
The paper is divided in t o four p art s .
The first p art gives a
brief history of al-Hajjaj, while the second part deals with the life of Jarir
and his contact with the viceroy.
The largest part of the paper is the
third section which' presents^ two panegyrics by Jarir. on al-Hajjaji and adetailed criticism of the poems..
Each of the poems is presented in its
Arabic original,, and English translation before the critical evaluation.
The
last section cons is t s of a few remarks which form
the conclusion.
Al-Hajjaj was born, in al-Taif of poor parents about the year 661
C.E.
He. grew up as. a student of the Qur'an under his father,. As a
small boy he worked for a while in a tannery in- al-Ta'if and later joined
his father in teaching little children in his home town 2. During the
turbulent years which greeted the death of Mu'awiyah I the founder of the
Umayyad Dynasty, al-H.ajjaj joined the army as a young man. His fame
rested on his absolute loyalty to the Umayyad house and his devotion to
the service of ' Abd al-Malik in particular.3 The latter had succeeded his
1
65
father in 685 C.E. at a tine when a large part of the Arab empire -was
under the rule of Abd- Allah ibn al-Zubayr. After the reconquest of Iraq by
the Umayyad's which "culminated in the murder of Mucab ibn al-Zubayr,
the Cailph4 sent al-Hajjaj to Mecca to liquidate Ibn al-Zubayr in 692. With
an unprecedented sense of seriousness and ferocity, al-Kajjaj bombarded the
Ka bah in which Ibn. al-Zubayr sought refuze with stones, from Mountain.
Abu5 Qubays, and eventually
annihilated Ibn al-Zubayr. By this action, al-Hajjaj removed the greatest threat
to Umayyad rule.
As a reward, al-Hajjaj was made governor of the Hijaz, Yemen and
Yamamah.
After a two year rule, he was sent to govern Iraq and the
East, an area which are the most turbulent in the empire.
in early 695
the thirty- three year old man stormed Kufah and began his reign of. terror
which, when viewed against the Iraqis hatred of the Umayyads , their
belligerence and fickle - mindedness as demonstrated
since the reign of Uthnan b. Affan, wan better' than
anarchy and lawlessness.6
Some of the instructions he had to include those
of the Kharijitcs . Ibh Jorud and Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Ash ath7.
AlHajjaji descended heavily on the Iraqi malcontents and massacred them, thanks
to the constant reinforcements which he received from Syria when necessary.
The viceroy’s last ten years on earth were spent in carrying out farreaching reforms.
He carried out agricultural reforms, dug. canals and
evolved new land policies, all of which were beneficial to the Government
and the masses at large.
These re- forms were however, at the expense- of
the -non-. Arab -Muslims (Mawali) . whom he burdened
extortionate taxation not sectioned by Islam.10
The fear of ceaseless uprisings in Basrah. and Kufah
made the governor build a new capital called Wasit .at a cost of about
43, 000,000 dirhamas.11 Though the city is now in ruins, some excavation
works were initiated at the site in the fourth decade of this century. 12
Al-Hajjaji 's most lasting contribution to Arab civilisation in general was
his. reform of Arabic .orthography meant -to facilitate the reading of the :
Qur'an . He ordered two scholars named Nasr ibn al-°Asim al-Laythi and: .
Yahya ibn Ya nur to. supply dots and vowels for the Qur'an so that
people (especially the non-Arabs and Arabs born and brought up in nonArab environment) would be able to read the sacred text with relative case 13 . It was
through this effort that we now distinguish easily between pairs of letter like
66
As part of the Arabization policy of the Umayyad empire, the Caliph
‘Abd al-Malik and his 'lieutenant al-Hajjaj minted the first purely Arab
coins. 15 The viceroy personally supervised his mints in Kufah and later in Wasit..
Throughout his life as an Umayyad stalwart , al-Hajjaj served Abd all-Malik and his successor, al-Walid I faithfully and oven defied public outcry
against his extreme severity in handling" his subjects. When he died in
1614 the people of Iraq jubilated openly in the streets. When al-Hasan alBasrl the ascetic heard of the news he thanked God and said “O God, it is
You who killed him; put an end to his habitual practices." The reaction of
Umar ibn Abd al- Asis was prostration and gratitude to God for removing
"the tyrant 18 who had .consolidated the Umayyad throne for the Marwanids,
a throne which he ( Umar) was to ascend three years later. Al-Hajjaj ' s.
name has come down in history as one of the most dynamic
administrators and one of the fiercest rulers the Arabs ,;have ever known.
Furthermore, his speeches are among the most often quoted in classical
literature.
II
Abu Hazrah' Jarir ibn Atiyyah ibn Hudhayfah_ al-Khatafa ibn kulayb of
Yarbu clan of Banu Tamim was born in al~Yamamah about the year 33
A.H./653C,E. of a miserly and poor father.19 His mother wasUmm Qays
Kulay b clan also 20 Born a premature baby in the seventh month of his
mother's pregnancy .21 Jarir grew up a poor nomad, rearing his father's
sheep. in his youth, he was very eloquent arid showed his inclination to
poetry from an early age.
He defended his tribe with his fine compositions
and thereby became famous among his people, Banu Yar-bu.
To further enhance this facie Jarir thought it wise to leave his base
in al- Yamamah and move to Syria, al-Hijaz, and Iraq which .were the great
Centres of Umayyad culture. 23 consequently, he travelled about, soliciting
the help of rulers, in those places. Yazid ibn Mu'awiyah' was the first ruler he
visited his court 24 .Yazid listened to his panegyric and rewarded him richly.
He also visited the court, of Bishr .ibn Marwan, governor of Iraq. Bishr had
poetic tastes and revelled in kindling the fire of antagonism between poets in
order to make them compose satires against' each other, and is perhaps one of
those .who influenced al-Akhtal to change has opinion about the superiority of
Jarir to al-Farazdag in their satires against each other.
The poet praised the. Caliph- Abd al-Malik and his brother,
Abd al26
Aziz , governor of Egypt to deliver his eulogy to him in person.
Jarir also
composed panegyrics .on al-Walid I and obtained valuable gifts from him
though the Caliph preferred his .personal poet Ba C di ibn Uuqqa to Jarir. 27
Other -Caliphs whom Jarir eulogised were Su layman, . Utnar ibn Abd .alAziz, Yazid II, and Hisham ibn Abd' al-Malik
67
In his old age, Jarir had a .large family of about eighty-eight people. 28
He had to travel about to make a living of his poetic creativity. He married
many wives of whom ho mentioned three in .this poetry. They are Khalidah,.
Zurrah, and. Umamah.29. .His children were many. Of them mention must be
made of .Hazrah, (his first son), Nuh, Bilal,
Ikrimah, Suwadah,. and
30
Zaynab. His most, if not .all, of his children were poets.
His father, cAtiyyah
and his grandfather. al-Khatafa, were poets.
Most of his grandchildren were
also poets. This is why Jarir's family is regarded, as one. of. the Arab
families of poets Known in history.31
Jarir was a pious man. He was once confronted and insulted by alFarasdaq at Mina in Mecca during the holy pilgrimage. People gathered -round
them and expected him to reply his rival. To the people's astonishment, he
simply ignored him and continued lauding the name of God.32
But when
he was asked why he insulted innocent women he said .that it was the other
poots who first insulted him and his tribe and that he merely retaliated. 33
On the seamy side, however, the poet in his youth was rascally.
He often quarrelled with him miserly and
mean father. The poet's own children often disobeyed him too.
Furthermore, the poet was said to be a miser, though he often . talked of
generosity and advised his son, Harrah to emulate him in liborality Al-Jahiz
mentioned him in his story book on misers (Kitab al-Bukhala ' ) as a miser. 35
perhaps, literary historians had merely extended . Jarir’s father 's niggardiness to
him, for it is on record that the poet rebuked, his father for his miserliness. 36
When he became old and unable to travel about as before, Jarir
retired to his home in al-Yamamah whore he -.had some property in
Uthayfiyyah.37 He died about the year 114/733 shortly after the death of
al-Farazdaq.38
A collection of Jarir ' s extant poems has been published in Cairo
(1313/1934) and Beirut (1.379/1960) by al-Sawi and__Karam al-Bustani
respectively.
The satires between Jarir on the one hand and al-Farasdaq
on the other have been published too .39
Al-Hajjaj had learnt of the - numerous poets whom Jarir satirised long
before the poet went to Iraq from his1 "homo in al- Yamanah.40
But the
first- time the two men met, according to Abu "al-Faraj al-Isbahani , was
through the instrumentality of al-Hakam ibn Ayyub , a.
prefect who ruled Basrah under al-Hajjaj.41 Jarir visited a1- Hakam and,
praised him in a poem.
The sub-governor was so moved that he wanted his
master to have .a taste of the poet’s encomia, and wrote a letter to al-Hajjaj
to inform him that a Bedouin Arab named Jarir, one of the poetic demons
of the Arabs, had visited in Sasrah0
Al-Hakam was asked to send down
42
the poet to Wasit.
68
Armed with a panegyric which ho composed on al-Hajjaj, Jarir went
to Wasit and put up with Anbasah ibn Sa id, a friend of al-Hajjaj, who told
the viceroy on the following day when he was in a good mood that ibn -Khatafa
was in Wasit with him The viceroy immediately ordered that the poet be
brought to him by soldiers . He asked, Jarir why he entered Wasit without
permission. The poet said that he had a panegyric in his mind which he-wanted
to deliver to the governor and that he had to come down to Wasit urgently
because he could no longer bear the burden of the poem 43 The governor
allowed him to recite the encomium and rewarded him abundantly. To- test the poet's skill further, the governor called for a slave girl brought to him
from al- Yamamah and asked the poet to describe .her in verse. Jarir
asked , for. her name and told that she was called Umamah. He then recited a
love poem extemporaneously. The .governor was so impressed that he gave
him the. girl and she and she thereafter became one of the poet’s wive.44
Jarir stayed in the capital for some days. One night the governor sent
soldiers to bring Jarir to his chamber after or the latter had slept.
The boys
took him to the governor who discussed at length with the poet about his
career, particularly in respect of the satiries that went on between him and
many other poets.
Jarir proved to the governor that he. was a genial
discussant apart from being a skilled bard. He was able to keep the viceroy
awoke throughout the night. Al-Hajjaj asked him why he formed the habit of
satirizing people, The poet narrated to him his story about each poet whom he
satirised, how such a poet offended him either by insulting him or his clan
first. He told the governor that he was never the first to satirise a man
or clan. The poets whom Jarir satiried as at that time
were twenty. 46 He gave their names to the viceroy.
The discussion between the poet and the governor went on till dawn.
The viceroy was no doubt highly impressed at the end of it all.47
From that time, on Jarir became a good friend of al-Hajjaji
While al-Farazdaq eulogised the governor, paid him occasional visits and
kept some distance for his safety on account of his uncontrollable tongue
Jarir was a respected and welcome guest at the governor's court, in fact
it was the governor who introduced him to the Caliph 'Abd al-Malik.
He
went to the extent of sending Jarir in the company of his son,
Muhammad ibn al-Hajjaj to Damascus to eulogise the Caliph, a man who
was not ready to receive Jarir because of the support which Mudar poets
like Ubayd - Allah ibn Qays al-Ruqayyat and Jarir gave to the cause of
Ibn al-Subayr against the Umayyad house. Muhammad pleaded passionately
and persistently with the Caliph after delivering his father’s letter to Abd alKalik.
In the message, al-Hajjaj told the Caliph that Jarir was not one of
the poets of Ibn al-Zubayr and did not support the Meccan Pretender either
by his hand or by his tongue48
Another issue raised by the Caliph was:
After Jarir had composed his encomium which rhymes in "J" on al-Hajjaj,
what else was he to say of the Caliph who was the governor's
69
benefactor. ?49 He could not hide his jealousy in respect of the
magnificence of the poet's eulogy for the governor.
Thus he wanted Jarir
to remain as the governor's personal poet in the same manner as he had
appointed al-.Akthtal as the poet of Banu Umayyah, 50
In the end, however, the Caliph granted Jarir audience and the poet sang his Hrhymed eulogy. When he got to the verse
“Are you not best of those who ride on camels and the most liberal of mankind in
generosity”
the caliph set up and showed his satisfaction with the poet by saying “let us be like
this or in silence.”52
III
In jarir’s diwan as we have it today, there are seven panegyrics on al-Hajjaj ibn
Yusuf; the poem depict al-Hajjaj’s bravery, honesty, severity to hypocrites, good
government and liberty to people.53 Below are two of the poems and we hope
that the two-examples are truly representative of the seven eulogies, Incidentally
the two encomia were the ones: which Jarir presented to al-wasit
70
Al-Hajjaj is its most Penetrating Flame
I am tired of blames coming from continuance;
And grey hair has taken place of youthful
Ness.
The tornado of Riyab began to give glad tidings
To a piece of land on which rain clouds
Descended.
You have confirmed our absence (as told) by a tale
Bearer. But we have not confirmed that we are
Absent.
A calm fellow, not a tale-bearer she is,
And she docs not reveal abuses to her neighbor.
A land is pleasant when she settles on the land,
And it is' watered by white clouds when she puts
up there:
As if musk is mixed, with the taste of her mouth,
With rain water which flows in the right course.
Won't you offer me a reward when my life's anxieties
Have acquired a prolonged distress on account of
your memory?
71
You wore endowed with rain water when you kept
far away from us; (Know that) we yearn for no
one's nearness but yours.
Is it this miserliness that has increased the
remoteness.
Of your abode? Would that love can
bring you near!
10. The bachelor is asleep and my night is rendered long
By your love, and I have not refused to lament it
I can see separation causing reproach everyday
To my mind when I forsake you.
Many a friend I have in the valleys who would
consider Himself affiliated when .1 am afflicted:
And one who would be happy at our return to him
Whale there is another who does not wish
our coming back.
Al-Hiajjaj prayed like Noah and made, the Possessor
Of the places of ascent, hear, and he accepted the
prayer.
15. Son of Abu Aqil, .you charged the Soul with patience While safeguarding, it ; but
how did you see the reward?
If your Lord were not pleased, He Would not
Have sent down furious angels alongside victory.
When the Caliph kindles the fire of war,
He sees al—Hajjaj as its most penetrating flame.
You regarded helping the Imam as abounding duty on you, When they confused their
faith with doubt.
You were resolute -and did not lie on the day of marching when agonies shook even
the eagles.
20.
You were relieved of the demons of Iraq
And they eventually submitted themselves to you.
They had said, -a ruler who executes the law
And follows the Book cannot rule over, us in
unity.
72
If they begin to plot in one way and their
design . is .weak - you open another gate.
As for the grey haired fellow who hesitates in
his blindness, You apply dye on his grey beard.
Whenever your ropes get entwined with a rebel’s
rope,
The rebel foresees the nearness of his
death.
25.
.
And that the sword has no return
When it cuts the veil (which shields ) the lung.
It was as if you saw glad tidings in China
they had raised the dome-shaped edifices.
You stationed in every feared post
Columns of armoured men and long lances.
This, poem is a B-rhymed piece in the metre
called Bahr al-Wafir in its complete form The pattern of the metre is
"Mufa alatun, Mufa alatun, fa ulun. "
Mufa alatun.v mufa alatun, fa ulun.”
The poem consistently retains an alision called al-aql in the first feet of lines 2 16, and a few other feet. Similarly the majority of the first feet in the second hemistich
( ajuz) have the game elision. By this, mufa alatun becomes
Mufa al-tun thus dropping the /a/ between .the /L/ and /t/. Originally, .the last
foot in each hemistich which is given as fa-ulun was mufaC alat un, but it
is never used like that. The poet has conscientiously put it into its
traditional form in Arabic pastry in the second hemistich of verse 8, we have
mafa ilun which is a doubly ‘trimmed’ foot instead of mufa alatun. This is
technically called ma sub wa maqbud.56
The poem is divided into two parts.
Of the twenty-seven verses,
thirteen constitute the nasib while the remaining fourteen verses form the
body of the eulogy.
The nasib is the amatory prelude with which the
classical Arabic poets whetted the appetite of their audiences.
Although a
nasib has , erotic verses, it conveys reminiscences of lamentations of the
bard!s lost beloved one and the ruins of her home. Pre-lslamic poets like
Imru1 al-Qays, Tarafah ibn al- Abd al-Bakri and Zuhayr ibn Abi Sulma are
some of the known pioneers of this erotic and elegiac
introduction to an ode.57 After the nasib, the typical pre-Islamic poet would
then go on to boast of his chivalrous., exploits and to describe his camel,
horse, and the general background to the incidents.
All this was to arouse
the attention of the audience and it was after, the preliminaries that the poet
went to the main theme of his poem which may be a-panegyric, satire, an
73
erotic verse or self-glorification.58
nasib was threnody (ritha ) 59
The only theme which did not require a
The Umayyad era was very, close to the pre-Islamic timers, and so
the traditional mode of composition remained to a great extent unchanged.
In this particular poem Jarir begins by complaining of reproach and grey hair
which have overcome him and then, discusses about his lover whose name is
not given in the poem. He reproaches, her lightly, flatters nor and appeals
to her passionately to reward him for all, the anxieties he had suffered.
He
confesses his irresistible love for her and does not fail to mention the
talebearers who in their usual cynicism, calumniate them.
Talebearers, do
not wish lovers well and their negative acts further enhance the love
depressed.
From the l4 line on, one sees the real theme of the poem and that
is a praise of the indomitable al-Hajjaj
The poem is loaded with pious
Islamic ideas such as the prayer for al-Hajjaj directed to God; the
viceroy's personal discipline; the rewards which the poet hoped for and the
descent of fierce and angry angels from heavens who were sent by God to
help the governor as God did before in 62k in aid of the Prophet Muhammad
and his followers at the battle of Badr. 60
The poem also dwells on the victory which the viceroy achieved over the
"Iraqi demons. " To reinforce his calling them "demons," Jarir quotes them
as saying that they would never bow their heads to any ruler who rules on
the basis of the Qur'an.
in other words, they were infidels who resisted
the rulership of a viceroy of "the Imasi, " the Caliph of God. The Iraqis
are seriously castigated in this poem for inflicting pains on themselves by not
submitting themselves to a valorous brilliant and righteous leader.
The last two verses refer to two different things. Verse 26 talks of
the conquest of China that was being expected to be performed by either
Qutaybah ibn Muslim or Muhammad ibn al-Qasim.
On the other hand the
last verse summarises the governor’s ability to restore law and. order, "
The poets idea of love is rather platonic.
His lover is so great
and wonderful that a land 'is pleasant when she settles on it and is
consequently watered by white rain-clous, the glad tidings of which the
tornado of Rayah would not fail to herald.
Thus ho is idealistic in his
portrayal of his beloved woman.
Jarir’s comparison between the Prophet Nun (Noah) and al-Hajjaj who
both prayed to God to destroy the evil-doers, against whom they worked and
God's acceptance of their prayers (line 14) is significant.
For one to
really grasp the essence of this imagery, one should be acquainted with the
story of Noah in. the Qur!an.62
74
Lines 17 and 18 are true to life especially if they are to be
considered alongside the viceroy's absolute loyalty to the Caliph ' Abd alMalik and al-Walid. Al-Hajjaj was firm and undaunted on a day when oven
the eagle shivered with fear.
The eagle hero is a symbol of intrepidity.
The ungovernable demons of Iraq who had always proved hostile to
constituted authority right from the assassination of cuthmian in 656 C E. were
subdued by al-Hajjaj, a man who excelled them in power, ferocity and
intelligence.
Most of the verses are addressed to the governor in the second person
singular, and this gives the -poem more pungency and immediacy.
The
poem is smooth and coherent; it vividly conveys the truth about the
.viceroy's mission in Iraq as he himself would regard it. One should pay
especial attention to the mention of instruments and acts of bloodshed in
lines 17, 19, 23, 24, 25, and 27.
He Overcomes Hardship
Passion rose in your impatient mind;
Look at Tudih (women’s ) letters which travel
early.
This is the passion that painfully prevails on
the heart,
And the destination; you move fast
without any shade of doubt..
75
The crow, though you dislike it is fond of love;
Between distant lovers and always caws.
Would that the crow crows in the early morning on
account of the distance;
The crow’s neck veins would have been broken.
5.
You know too well that your secret is (safe) with
us;
Between the ribs with a firm cord..
When they were departing they cast at you languid
eyes ,
which looked from between the curtains
And uttered a statement which overcame the mind,
As if it is undiluted honey which they doled
Out.
Tell the coward whose saddle is suspended;
‘can you escape from the trap of death?
They were either attached to the Seven Starts of
Ursa, fleeing,
or by sea when the waves were violent.
Who blocked the entrance of hypocrisy for them
Or who has the authority like al~Hajjaj's authority?
Or who protects the women jealously;
When they no longer trust in their husbands’ protection?
You should know and be certain that Yusuf's son;
Has foresight and a clear plan of action.
He overcomes hardships and carries out his
resolution
While the night is pitch dark all the way.
He prohibited bribery and showed you the right
way;
He punished the robbers and prevented them
from their noctural exploits.
15. So, be obedient arid get the (true) way right, And forsake, the confidant , for he is
of no use.
76
Many a one who breaks two oaths of fealty you’ve
dealt with, His beard dyed with the blood
of his jugular veins.
When the opponents hit you; you strike them
At the peaks of 'Amayah or Suwaj hill.
When you see the hypocrite who chose the path of subterfuge,
You put all the falsehood straight.
You tendered and healed them from,
A vicious, fiery, and dust stirring strife.
20.
I am anticipating that which you frightened me
your favour,
O son of Yusuf.
with, And hope for the gift of
You have indeed broken the spears of every hypocrite And have protected the
baggage of the pilgrime.
The above J-rhymed poem is in the Kamil metre whose pattern is
"Mutafa ilun, Mutafa ilun, mutafa ilun
Mutafa ilun mutafa ilun Mutafa ilun."
Most of the first feet in the first and second half-lines are affected by al-qat a type of
elision. So also are the last foot in most of the second hemistiches.In addition to these
traditionally ' recognised variations, the poem as a whole is megtuc in the sense that
the last foot of each line is in the form, of mutf a il instead, of mutafa ilun
This contraction is known as idmar; lines 10 and 11
however, contain an enjambment (al-tadmin or al – tatmim)
This twenty one verse poem is similar in content to the preceding
one. Its first nine lines constitute the nasib. In this particular mournful
prelude, Jarjr addresses a man who has been treated unfairly by the
ubiquitous damsel, and does not fail to mention the cawing of a crow in sympathy
with the frustrated man. Perhaps, he is indirectly referring to himself in the second
person hero.
The remaining twelve verses form the body of the eulogy for al-Hajjaj. Beside.
valour, 'arid generosity, Jarir gives us important information about al-Hajjaj's
government, namely his resentment of corruption. He says that the viceroy
forbade bribery, a feat that was very unique in the Umayyad era.
The poet
also tells us how severely the viceroy dealt with brigands.
As in the viceroy's first address to the Iraqis in Kufah, Jarir, urges the
people of Iraq to submit themselves humbly to the governor. Furthermore; he warns
77
them about a terrible .punishment which awaits any rebel, malcontent or traitor whose
beard the viceroy would certainly dye with blood emanating from the slit neck of
such a rebel. In the manner' of al-Hajjaj too, the poet refers to the malcontents of
Iraq as "hypocrites” (lines 10, 18 and 21) whose rebellion the governor was ever
ready to crush in order to ensure peace and security in the region he governed.
As in the preceding eulogy, the poet uses terms connected with war and
bloodshed. Al-Hajja’s a vigorous Urnayyab stalwart ready even in the dark of the
night to overcome cry hardship (line 13), and dye the rebels' beard with blood.
It is interesting to note that this statement is a reflection on the first address
which the viceroy delivered in the mosque of Kufah in 695 when he said that
he could see heads that were ripe for harvest and that he was the one to do
the cutting, and that he could see blood glittering between turbans and beards.
The poet portrays the governor as a physician who came to Iraq to cure the
Iraqi hypocrites of their malady. After all the praise showered on the viceroy, Jarir
cleverly begs for a favour in the penultimate verse, and quickly rounds off with the
last verse which is a continuation of the encomium which begins from line 10.
To Jarir, the viceroy is so great that he is more jealous than anyone else in
protecting innocent women folk at a time of insecurity when they lose hope in their husband ‘
ability to protect them. This is evidently a hyperbole meant to depict the ability of the
governor to protect the citizens in his domain. This protective capability is reinforced
in all the subsequent verses, and is finally hammered on in the Last, verse. To the
poet al-Hajjaj was not only a fearless warrier; he was also an intelligent man
who had foresight (line 12).
He prohibited bribery and showed the people the right way of probity and
uprightness (line 15).
The poem is pungent and truly expressive of al-Hajjaj's severity and
authority in Iraq. This poem and the preceding one were the two pieces which Jarir
recited to the viceroy in Wasit. According to al-Isbahani, the Caliph 'Abd al-Malik
was jealous of the viceroy over this magnificent encomium.64
IV
In f he forgoing discussion we have attempted to present Jarir's encomia to
al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf to the reader. Jarir saw al-Hajjaj as a physician sent to cure
the Iraqis of their malady of rebellion,. The people he governed were hot different
from the unbelievers in the opinion of Jarir. It therefore follows that al-Hajjaj was
right in persecuting them ruthlessly.
As a sincere friend of the viceroy’ Jarir did not
see anything wrong with the actions of al-Hajjaj. Conversely, :the scholars and laymen
of Iraq who had formed an opposition against the Umayyad rule, saw nothing, good,
in al-Hajjaj's reforms which, to him, were meant for their benefit. Their hatred
of him was total; one can therefore understand why they were so rebellious to his
authority and why ho could hardly spare any offender among them.
One of the greatest weaknesses of the Umayyad period was that poets who
were the spokesmen of the people cither over adored the rulers and closed their
eyes to their faults or satirised the rulers whom they hated, seeing nothing good in
78
them.
The two situations were detrimental to the true realisation of rulers
strengths and weaknesses.
A ruler thus denied the benefit of a balanced criticism
of his actions can hardly be on his toes to modify his style of ruling and give his
very best to the people. Perhaps the absoluteness of the rulers authority and the truism
that absolute power intoxicates absolutely scared away people of goodwill who would
have offered such rulers the benefit of their dispassionate and objective criticism. The
only possible exception to this rule in the Umayyad era was
Umar b. CAbd al-CAziz, (reigned 717 - 19) f Caliph who surrounded himself with
pious advisers.65 Those who succeeded him did not follow his example. They
consequently plunged the empire into a series of turmoil which eventually led to the
collapse of the regime in 750 C.E.
1.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
A.
Diotrich,
Al-Hadjdjadj ibn Yusuf in The Encyclopedia of
Islam. Now Edition, Vol.III, (Loydcn E.J. Brill, 1970) p. 4O.
Henceforth this work will be referred to as E.I.
2.
Abd al-Latif Shararah Al - Hajjaj T aghiyat a 1 - Ar.ab . ( Beirut ,
Daral-Kakshuf , 1950), p 81 cAmr ibh Babr, al-Jahiz-l Al-Bayanwa
al-Tabyin Vol.I Third Edition.
( Cairo , Maktabat al-Khaniji and
Beirut, Molctabat al-Hilat,. 1968), p. 202.
3.
Shararah, op . cit. cp.87; Mahmud Taymur, Ibn Jala, (Cairo, Dar al-Ma
arif, 1965) pp. 13 - 25.
Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk ed. by
Muhammad Abu al-Fadi Ibrahim. (Cairo, Dar.al-Ma arif , 1964) , p.
174
4.
5
Al-Tabari gives detail of al-Hajjaj’s march on
Mecca and the various incidents which toot place.
Ibid, pp. 187 - 92.
.
6.
See al-Hajjaj’s speeches on this in. Ibn .' Abd-Rabbihi, Al- ind Farid
ed. by Karam. al-Dustani, Vol.XV. (Beirut, Matba ‘at al-Kanahil, ,1953)
Pp. 129 - 32.
7.
See Diotrich, op,cit. p.40; P.K. Hitti, History of the Arabs.
10th
Edition.
(London, Macmillan , 1970) p. 208; Valieri, L.V., CAbc a1Rahman ibn al-Ash'ath, " E.I New. Edition.
Vol. I, pp. 715-9.
8.
Vaglieri, op. cit , p. 7 17
9.
Diet rich,
1.0...
op. cit., p. 4l.
Rueben Levy, The social Structure of Islam.
79
(London, Cambridge University Press,
1969) p. 58 •
11.
Shararah, op. :cit. , p.180; Naji Ma ruf Al-Madkhal fi – Ta’rikh
al-Hadarat al-Arabiyyah.
5th Edition, (Baghdad, Natba'at Wizarat
al-Tarbiyah, 1965), pp. 220 - 21.
12.
Naji Macruf, Madaris Wasit,
26 - 31.
(Baghad MatbaC at al-Irshad, 1966), pp.
.13.
Sab ah 'Abbas al-Salim, Isa ibn Umar al-Thawafi: Nahwuhu min
Khilal Qira’atihi. 1st Edition. (Baghdad, Dar al-Tarbiyah,1973) p.20.
l4.
See R.A, Nicholson, A. ..Literary History of the Arabs. Paper back
Edition (London: Cambridge University, Press, 1969), p.20l, M.O.A.
Abdul, Abdul, The Classic al Caliphate .
(Lagos , Islamic Publication
Bureau, 1976) p.82
15. Dietrich, op.cit., p. 41; Levy, op.cit., p.304.
16. Shararah, op.cit., p. 196.
17. Taha al-Hajiri (ed.)
Alr.Bukhala.’1i. al-Jahiz, Dhakha'ir al-C Arab 23.
(Cairo, Par al-Ma arif, n.d.)
"Notes," p. 273.
18
Shararah, op,cit., p.20O
19. Hanna al-Fakhuri,. Tarikh al-Adab, al-Arabi
2nd Edition.
(.Beirut Matbacat al-Bulis, 1953) p. 298.
20.
Jamil Sultan, Jarir,
3rd Edition.
21
Fu'ad .Ifram .al-Bustan, Al-Rawa’I No. 39 p.ii
22.
Al-Fakhuri, op. cit. p. -298
23
Ibid., p. 298.
24.
F. I. Al-Bustani, op. cit., No., 39 p.iii.
25.
Ibid. , p. vii
26.
Ibid., p. vi
27
Ibid., p. viii
28.
Sultan, op cit., p. 69.
80
(Beirut, Dar al-Anwar, 1967) p.8
29. F. I. Al-Bustani, op.cit., No. 39, p.ii
30
Ibid., pp.ii-iii
31
Muhammad Ibrahim JumuCah, Nawabigh al-Fikr al- Arabi, No. 19 Jarir.
(Cairo, Dar al-Macaritr n.d) p . 33.
32.
F. 1. Al-Bustani, op.cit., No.40, p.i
33
Ibid., pp. i - ii .
34.
Ibid., p. ii .
35.
Ibid., p. iii
36.
JumuCah, op cit p. 59.
37.
A. Schaacle H. Gatje, "Djarir" in E . I . , Vol.11, p.480
38.
Ai-F"akhuri, op.cit., p. 299; E.I., Vol. II, p. 480
says 110/728-9; F.I. al-Bustani op cit No. 39. p. XIV says ll4/733; jumu ah op. cit., p.37
says 110_ A.H while Sultan op . c it p .44 gives almost all the dates mentioned, above. The truth
is that Jarir died at an old age not earlier than 110/728 and perhaps not later than
116/735.
39.
4l.
Schaade - H. Gatje, op. cit., p.480
Abu, al-Faraj al-Isbahani, Al-Aghani, Vol. VIII, ed. by Ibrahim al-Abyari.
Edition. : (Cairo, Dar al-Sha b, 1960 -7l) pp. 2759-60
42.
Ibid., p. 2760
43
Sultan, op. cit., pp 19-20.
Special
44.
Al-Isbahani, op cit, Vol. VIII, p.277. The poem is in Djwan Jarir ed, by. Karam alBustani. (Beirut, Dar . Sadir-Dar Bayrut, 1960).pp 370 - 9. Henceforth this book wilt be
referred to as D. J.
45.
Sultan, op o cit. , p76
46.
Al-Ishahani op.cit., Vol VIII, pp. 2761-74. In the long discussion in these pages,
Jarir reviews the quarrel he had with each of the poets mentioned and supports
his discussion :with poetic illustrations, Sec also Iliya Hawi.
Fann al-Hija was
Tatawwuruh
ind al- Arab
(Beirut, Dar al-Thaqafah, n.d,) pp 285 - 437 for more details on
Jarir's satires against the numerous poets with whom be quarrelled.
47.
48.
sultan, op. cit., p. 90
Al-Isbahani, op. cit., Vol. VIII, p 2842; F.I. al-Bustani, op cit, No . 39 p.v.
81
49.
Sultan, op. cit. p 24. The poem is quoted below.
50.
Ibid p. -25
51.
D.J., p. 77
52.
Al-lsbahani, op. cit, , Vol. VIII, p.28l3; Nicholson op. cit. , pp.244 - 5.
53.
See D.J., pp. 20 - 22, 22 - 23, 73 - 74, 95 - 96, 146, 315 - 16, and
353 - 6.
54.
Ibid pp. 20 - 22.
55.
Ahmad al-Hashimi Mizant al-Dhahab fi_ .Sina at Shi r
al- Arab.
(AI-Bushiriyyah, Mu’assasah Khalifah li ,al-Tiba'ah, n.d.)
p.46.
56.
Ibid., p. 46.
57. A.J. Arberry, Arabic Poetry; A primer for students. (London, Cambridge
University Press',1965), pp. 4-5.
58. Ibid., pp. 5-6.
59.
Z. I. Oseni, "Al-Khansa’ Bint CAmr:
The Ancient Arabian Mistress
of Elegy." Unpublished long Essay for the Award of the B.A.
Hons. Degree, (Ibadan, Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies,
University of Ibadan, 1977) p 44.
60.
The Qur'an 3;13 and 8:5 - 19, 42 - 40.
See also Muhammad
Rida, Muhammad Rasul Allah 4th Edition. (Cairo, Dar Ihy'a' alKutub al-cArabiyyah, 1961) pp. l6l - 78.
61.
The Qur'an, 71:1 - 28; 6:84; 7:59-64; 10:71-3; 11:25-49; 21:76-7;
23:3O; 25:37; 26: 105-22; 29:14-5; 37: 75-82; 51:46;54:9-11; and
69;11-2.
62v
J. J. Saunders, A History of Modieva.l Islam
London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), pp.89-90.
63.
D.J, pp. 73 - 4
64.
See section II above.
65.
C
Uniar Abu '1-Nasr, Al-Ayyam al-Akhirah li 'I-Paul at al-Umawiyyah
(Beirut, Al-Malctabat al-Ahliyyah, 1962). p. 110.
82