MEDIA AND THE WAR AGAINST CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA: ANY CONSONANCE?
Liad Tella, Snr. Research Fellow, Mass Communication Dept, Faculty of Communication
and Information Sciences. University of Ilorin, Ilorin.
ABSTRACT:
The Nigeria media has fought and won many battles but one battle had been a hard nut to
crack and that is the battle against corruption. Any observers of the role of the media in
Nigeria’s history will give kudos to the high level professionalism displayed by the media
across decades. The Nigerian media also has a global reputation of vibrancy and libertarian
approach modelled after the British press. (Press here, is used interchangeably for the
media). It is also easy for non residence or visiting observer of the Nigerian press to know
everything about the country by just reading the national daily newspapers on line
anywhere on the globe. However recent development is creating room for debate as to
whether or not, the reputation of vibrancy, high level professionalism, discipline and
integrity is being sustained particularly in the battle against corruption and other societal ills
at both political and business arena. The way the media battled through the five Military
Republics and the mismanagement in the country during previous civil Republics has
created a perspective of a culturally rooted media excellence. This paper is therefore aimed
at a critical and analytical appraisal of the weakness of the media in Nigeria in the fight
against corruption from the prism of those who governs politically, the business community,
the organised private sector, social critics and the journalists. In recent times, corruption has
become contagious and destructive to the body polity of the entire nation. The seeming
docility of the media in the battle stop or contain corruption is confounding, baffling and
antithetical to the perceived tradition of the media in Nigeria. This contribution will
therefore examine the course and causes of the weakness of the media in this battle despite
the constitutional provisions and the new Freedom of Information Act.
INTRODUCTION.
Donald Ferguson, Jim Patten and Brandley Wilson (2005) wrote: “A news organisation doing
its job properly will cover in details the activities of government. It will fight attempts by the
government to to do the public business behind closed doors. it will watch for scandals and
wrongdoings it will scrutinize budgets and programmes to see it the public tax money is
being spent properly. This is foremost of the press’s responsibility. Universally therefore the
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media among other duties is expected to hold the government accountable to the people. It
flows from here that the media is globally expected to lead the battle against corruption.
Former governor of Lagos State, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (2005) was apt and direct when he
declared at the first seminar organised organized by the Nigeria Union of Journalist “if we
are talking about June 12th 1993 today and we are celebrating the success of June 12 th as an
idea, what we are doing in fact, is that we are celebrating the mass media because of the
roles they played in the struggle towards actualising the what June 12 th stands for.” The
media apart from political advocacy and struggle for free speech and freedom must hold the
government and those who govern accountable to the people. The constitution of the
federal republic of Nigeria ventilated this in section 22 of the 1999 constitution as amended
gave unconditional responsibility to the media thus: “The press, radio, television and other
agencies of the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objective
contained in this chapter and UPHOLD the responsibility and accountability of the
government to the people.”
Many Nigerians including those who governed at one time or the other have paid tribute to
the role of the median in nation building. But most have equally expressed reservations one
way or the other on the role of the press. While the press is eulogised when it collaborated
or praise the government and those who governs, condemnation comes in torrents when
they try to hold the government accountable to the people. Ex-Nigerian President, Ibrahim
Babangida in a tribute to pioneers of the Nigeria media cited by Oyovbaire and Tunji
Olagunju (1996) said “in the not too distant past, excellence was displayed in abundance by
the likes of Ernest Ikoli, our revered former President Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Herbet Unegbu,
Olabisi Onabanjo, Abubakar Imami and others too numerous to mention.” Erelu Obada,
former Deputy Governor of Osun State, now Minister of State for Defence, in the book,
“Nigeria media and Democracy” (2005) also recalled that
“the history of the media in Nigeria reveals the fundamental, almost
governing the role of patriotic zeal in all major actors of the time------“.
According to her, the patriotic zeal was short lived because of fractionalization of the media
in Nigeria along ethnic and political divide. Towing the line of ex-President Babangida, She
noted that the pioneers of the Nigeria press were guided by the heroic struggle for a
humane and just political system, devoid of oppression, dictatorship and exploitation.
Bisi Akande (2005), also a former Governor of Osun State, South West Nigeria and national
chairman of the Action Congress of Nigeria ACN (a political party controlling western Nigeria
except Ondo State) also acknowledged the historical contributions of the Nigeria media
thus:
“From the beginning, the media has always been a reflection of the mood of
the Nigerian different era.”
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Recent development is however against the backdrop of professional excellence of the
early Nigerian journalist up to middle of the 1980s. The way the media battled through
the five Military Republics and the mismanagement in the country during previous civil
Republics actually created the perception of a culturally rooted media excellence in the
country. This paper is therefore aimed at a critical and analytical appraisal of the cause
and courses of the weakness of the media in Nigeria in the battle against corruption.
There is no dispute that in contemporary time, corruption has become contagious and
destructive to the body polity of the entire Nigeria nation. The seeming docility of the
media in the battle against corruption is confounding, baffling and antithetical to the
tradition of vibrancy and patriotic zeal that had aided the Nigerian press to earn global
respect and acknowledgement. This contribution will therefore examine the course and
causes of the not too salutary posture of the media today in the fight against corruption
despite the constitutional provisions and the new Freedom of Information Act.
If so much tributes and accolades could be splashed on the media in the not too distant
past, why is the media today under the critical periscope of many observers? Is it a case of
misjudgement or misperception? Or is the media completely sliding into the era of
American yellow journalism.
The perceptions of the press as the indispensable watch dog of the people by political
leaders, was also recognised by ex-American President Thomas Jefferson was and is still the
perception of most Nigerians, but government after government, like Jefferson, back
tracked on the concept of unfettered freedom of the press. The feeling or the proposition
also did not last in Nigeria as it didn’t in Jefferson’s America. Since then there have been
conflicts of opinion on the role of the media by the leaders of government and the
organised private sector on one hand and the expectation of the ordinary man in the society
on the other.
There are also professional critics whose persistent activities have been severally referred to
as the tyranny of the vocal minority. But without them and the media, as stated by former
Governor of Kano state (North West Nigeria) Ibrahim Shekarau (2005)
“Politicians will get away with bad or no governance at all, abuse or misuse
power, financial recklessness, human right abuse or misallocation of
resources if there is no institution watching over their conduct.”
Many people will agree that the Nigeria media, across decades, as stated earlier, have
played the watch-dog role satisfactorily until the society was dragged into hydra headed
corruption in a magnitude never known in the history of the country, the level of which is
astounding and almost intractable till today.
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THE BEGINING OF THE PROBLEM
It is very important to situate the point of departure of the Nigeria media from the
perceived tradition of vibrancy and high level professionalism. Selectiveness in government
approach to information disclosure and reaction to media publications, the root of media
corruption, is as aged long as the history of Nigeria. A. D Olaniyan (1998) observed that the
British Colonist gave early Nigerians “the type of education that will make them faithful and
loyal servants, citing Abdou Moumini (1968), the British colonists gave Nigerians the type of
education that would CORRUPT their thinking and sensibilities and fill all of them with
abnormal complexes.” Education is the foundation of thought; the ability of man to
understand and engage in correct behaviour professionally depends on the level of
education in any field. A poorly educated or uneducated person will never be able to rise up
to meet or be able to overcome the challenges of professions that require sound education
for effective and efficient performance. Journalism is one of such profession. The level of
education of a journalist must not be inversely proportional to good and efficient
performance. Good education should rather be a coefficient of good performance,
efficiency and good ethical conduct. There were several ordinances promulgated by the
British colonist to contain press criticism and ability to hold government accountable to the
people Rodney Ciboh (2007).
However, the conflict of perception on the role of the media by all actors, public or private
at elite levels, in a democratic society is based on two irreconcilable conflicts of interest or
interpretation of national interest. The government and leaders of the organised private
sector wanted and still want a pacific press with greater emphasis on social harmony, social
mobilisation and promotion of government programs and activity. This is what is often
taunted as responsible journalism. However according to John C. Merill (1986, pg52) cited
by Reuben Abati (1999)
“What is one person’s responsible journalism may well be another’s
irresponsible journalism.”
The other is rested on the plank of the responsibility of the press to hold government
accountable at all times and at all levels of governance. According to Reuben Abati (ibid)
“media could be characterized as the inspector–General of the society over
those who govern. Said he: the media “In fulfilling its function as the
Inspector-General of the society, must remain true to its own ethics....”
Notwithstanding all this, it is natural to expect better performance today than ever before
from the Nigerian press because the media is now peopled mostly by graduates of either
the universities or the polytechnics while the percentage of highly educated journalist was
lower than 25 percent before 1980, today the percentage has risen above 60 percent. The
nostalgia about ethical and professional excellence of pressmen in the not too distant past,
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therefore, calls to question the role being played by contemporary journalist. recent
criticism may have been borne out of the desire of political leaders to control the mind of
the people and keep them perpetually toeing the government positions on all issue but it
cannot be dismissed as completely self serving or as the frustration of those who governs
who are quick to accuse the press, whenever journalists are out of tune with their school of
thought. The government and the organized private sector leaders are quick to paint the
media as unreliable partner in the quest for national development, they do so to cow the
press or induce them into collaboration. And where Journalists refused to be cowed or
collaborate they are accused of sensationalism, belligerency, and adversary journalism. They
often accused journalists of attitudinal negativism and arrogant posturing.
This is not peculiar to Nigeria. The first American newspaper published by Benjamin Harris
“Publick Occurrence”, was summarily shut down in 1690 for what Ferguson et al (2005)
characterised as unfriendly printing against the interest of the British colonialist
administration. The British government up to the turn of the 20th century introduced several
containment laws to gag or muscle the press. A long litany of such occurrences across the
globe are too numerous to list here.
Ibrahim Babangida (ibid) in 1992 argued that “despite the historic liberalism of his and
administration in relation to press freedom, the press (media) did not fulfil its own side of
the obligation”. He said: “in promising to restore the Nigeria media the freedom which had
been deprived it by Decree: 4 of 1984. I did, however, urge that the onus of demonstrating
corresponding maturity rest squarely on the press itself.” Babangida clearly advocated press
freedom within the context of “Nation building”. For him, media has the “freedom to
criticise and not to incite. He deposed further:
“those who think otherwise are those who have converted press freedom
into press flames. This position may be seen as self serving but it is not far
from the universally acceptable norms. Ferguson (ibid), agreed with
Babangida “that press freedom always come with certain
responsibilities......... the press must cover government activities in details”
He was however quick to add that:
“the press must fight attempts by the government to do public business
behind closed doors. It must watch over scandals, wrong doings scrutinise
budgets and programmes to see if the people’s tax money is being spent
properly”. Has the press met its obligations in Nigeria today?
The people, the private sector, the civil society, professional critics and government have
different positions. Ibrahim Babangida (ibid), apparently not satisfied with contemporary
role of the media, said “today there is a crying need for sober reflection on the state of the
Nigeria Media”.
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For President Goodluck Jonathan, the media has been compromised. Cited by Neta Nwosu
(The SUN Newspaper Wednesday, August 29), on August22, he said: “the media had been
politicised and compromised. Therefore its assessment of government activities is biased
and no longer reliable.....before, the media used to be the voice of the ordinary people but
now, media is the voice of those who own media houses, and those who own the media
houses now own private jets and those who own private jets are not ordinary people”.
Erelu Obada in the same tone also deposed: “unfortunately.......the mass media have been
afflicted by a leprous plague; some self afflicted others organisationally inflicted, the rest
Political,” Dipo Onabanjo, ex-Editor of The Punch and Monitor Newspapers in Nigeria in his
review of the book “The Nigeria Media and the Challenges of Democracy-2” also harped on
the need for sober reflection, according to him, ”Generally, there seems to be a consensus
on the need to reform both the media and the polity.
This draconic muscling of the media by the government across decades is not however
sufficient to justify the weakness of the Nigerian media in the war against corruption but is a
good lacuna. But it is not good enough that the media did not learn from the past pitfalls of
the American and European meda, and had to pass through avoidable bad historical
moment similar to the American yellow journalism era.
Gbenga Adefaye, ex-President Nigeria Guild of Editors agreed with President Jonathan on
his lamentations and other calling for reformation of the seeming compromised state of the
media but did not see anything extra ordinary that has happened to the composition of the
media in recent times in Nigeria. The media according to him “is as plural as the society and
that is our strength”. This is a very contentious position that is far from the reality. Many
things have changed in the structure, content and practise of journalism in Nigeria today
even though some dominant factors remained constant.
MEDIA POLITICISATION AND CORRUPTION
The ownership structure of the media has shifted from the dominance of public spirited
people and professional journalist investors to the dominance of political actors most of
whom have acquired their money through looting of the national treasury or were agents of
military looters who have captured political power through the ballot boxes at the
commencement of the Fourth Republic. These newspapers were employed as instrument of
blackmail against opponents. Facts universally considered as sacred in global practice of
journalism were sacrificed for politics. This is in conformity with Stephen Wards(2005)
submission that ownership to a large extent determines the outlook of a newspaper.
Most importantly, neutral or independent or opposition media are denied patronage and
access to information. Like “Publick Occurrence”, many were summarily shut down. The
General Sanni Abacha’s regime 1994-98 in Nigeria exemplifies. As recalled by Rodney Ciboh
(ibid) In 1994 The Concord, Guardian, Punch, Tribune newspapers, The Tell, The News, The
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Week, The Newswatch magazines and others were also closed to punish them for
antagonising the Abacha Junta or stampede him to recognize the June 12, 1993 presidential
elections won by Bashorun MKO Abiola and hand over power to him. The elections were
described by both local and international observers as the freest, fairest, and most peaceful
and most credible elections in Nigeria’s history.
The military leaders and politicians not satisfied with vibrancy of the Nigerian press decided
to either muscle the press or drag it into collaboration the ingenious way was to bastardize
the media through tips popularly called brown envelopes and other means. The governors
under the military began the era of collaboration between the media and state
governments. Editors became internal goal keepers against incisive reports filed by
correspondents from the outstations. Many times senior editors were invited by State
Governments for a guided tour of the states to show case areas here they have made some
impact and avoid areas begging for government attention. Besides, plots of land were
allocated to editors in Government reservation areas and choice places nationwide. In
exchange governor enjoys media blitz, peace and insulation against critics and media
insurgents who most often don’t see anything good in government and those who govern.
Can the media in these circumstances and environment lead the battle against corruption?
THE INSTITUTIONAL CHALLENGE.
Many observers of the media in Nigeria are almost unanimous in their position on the
institutional challenges that has placed the media in a very weak position to lead the
vanguard against corruption. These include ownership, unfriendly economic environment,
conflict the status of the Nigeria Union of journalist as a professional union or labour union,
multiplication of centre of control for practising journalists and lack of basic law to regulate
the practise of journalism in the country. Anybody at all can own and run a media house,
print or electronic, in Nigeria without having to meet any basic obligation to the State, the
journalists and other encouraged the mushrooming of media houses with substandard
publications and engagement of quarks as journalist. Many unaccredited person appear at
press conferences.
In a situation of no insurance policy for journalists to hang on during closures, journalists
were left to fend for themselves. This situation it became easy for politicians and business
men to use and dump journalists at will. Media owners also exploited same to employ and
sack journalist or refuse to pay them as at when due. This has been a big challenge for
journalists operating in a professional market that is yet to be professionalised. Such a fluid
market can provide a veritable ground for the germination and entrenchment of corruption.
Unlike other professional bodies in Nigeria, there is no entry standard and qualification for
the practice of journalism. There is no regulatory body or agency to control entry into the
profession. The Nigeria Union of Journalists NUJ remains essentially a labour union rather
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than a professional body. The Union (NUJ) has not been able to establish a professional
mechanism such as that of the institutes of Chartered Accountants, Surveyors, Secretaries,
Nigerian Medical Association, Nigeria Society of Engineers NSE and Nurses Council Nigeria
etc for this purpose. Therefore, there is no institution for the control and discipline of
members. There is no standard entry qualification for new entrants into the profession. The
Union is turn between the status of a labour union and professional regulatory body. For
reasons not clearly articulated, journalists for fear of possible manipulation have constantly
frustrated every attempt to establish a regulatory agency such as the Nigeria Press Council is
not on the same plane and footing with the Nigeria Medical Council, or the Nursing Council
of Nigeria thus leaving journalism as a craft that can be learnt in four days by all comers in
line with the submission of Richard Keeble(2005) or the notion of Donald Ferguson (2005):
“that you can learn journalism by doing journalism and develop the skill that
can make your writing clear and concise and make you a better journalist”.
The Nigeria Guild of Editors NGE could not also provide the check and balances needed to
contain the excesses of journalists because it is not recognised in law. It is just a voluntary
association with moral suasion only. The Editors could not rise against the newspaper
owners in a fluid labour market where jobs are lost quicker than they were secured. Even
when some members of the Guild compromised the editorial chair, no member has been
expelled or punished for wrong doing. The legal dictum, that “where there is society there
must be rule/law and where there is rule/law, there must be remedy does not apply here.
There is no universally acceptable rule of engagement for media practitioners in Nigeria
today. Is this not a recipe or licence for misconduct and possible corruption?
If the Guild of Editors cannot enforce discipline, the Newspaper proprietors Association of
Nigeria (NPAN) should do it. Unfortunately membership of the NPAN is voluntary. Many
newspaper and magazine owners are not members and do not attend meetings. There is
also no force of law to compel membership by media investors as condition precedent for
the establishment of a newspaper or magazine. This has left discipline in Nigeria journalism
profession to just moral persuasion. It is only a few media houses like The Punch and
Complete Sports that carry ethical banner in every issue stating their position on
gratification of all kind. Anybody caught napping in Punch gets summary dismissal or
suspension depending on the gravity of the unethical behaviour. This clear exception put
the papers ahead of others on ethical issue and standard. Other newspapers could not do so
because of institutional failure to meet salary and other remunerations obligation to
journalists and worker in their establishment.
The Nigeria Press Organisation (NPO) which encompasses the NUJ, NGE and NPAN, had a
code of ethics that has been forgotten and there is no record of NPO’s meeting in the last
two decades. It was very functional in eras of ex-Governor Lateef Jakande and Alade
Odunewu when both at different times served as chairman of both NAPAN and the NPO.
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The ownership of the media today is pluralised along ethnic, regional divides as well as
political party cleavages which has rendered both the NPAN and NPO ineffective and weak.
It is therefore not too difficult to understand the weakness of the media in resisting
corruption or standing up to fight corruption. The Nigerian media council has been on the
bloc for over a decade. It is however not empowered to act as a regulatory agency for entry
and exit in to the profession it also do not control the establishment of any newspaper,
radio or television stations. Other agencies were charged with radio and television licensing.
Another serious dilemma of the press is that there is also no equivalent of the workman Act
or law to advance the course and protect practising journalists from undue exploitation,
oppression, and dehumanisation by the employers of journalists. Media practice in the
country is characterised by Poor remuneration and wages even below national minimum
wage even for graduates from the university or the polytechnics. Casualisation of workers
and unbridled exploitation under the cover or trial employment without pay or
remunerations for months if not years are common practices. Many media houses that
lawfully give employment do not pay salaries as at when due some have backlog for several
months. Under these circumstances, can ethics be of any value? Can gratification be resisted
by weak minded journalists struggling for survival? All these and other poor conditions of
service made journalists vulnerable to manipulations by politicians, the government and the
leaders of some organised private sector who collaborated in looting public treasury and
made gratifications too tempting to resist for the average reporter.
It was difficult to penetrate the journalists under colonial rule because of the common
denominator to all which was the struggle for Self- Government and independence with
Britain and her crown as the common enemy, there is no such common denominator today.
National interest which should be the common denominator lacks centrality of definition.
It is as plural as the Nigerian society. Those who owned the media determines who is an
enemy or friend or denominator, particularly the political class and the limit the paper could
go in social or political crusade. Investigative journalism became limited to human eight
abuses with blind eyes on looting at both public and private levels. It was also difficult to
corrupt the media widely as it is now because there was cultural stigma against graft, theft
and self aggrandisement. There was dignity in service to the country and sanity in
governance
. As stated earlier the British government began the era of selective patronage and
inducement to corrupt the media. Regionalisation of the press in the first republic began the
political fractionalisation and corruption of the media. The military era widened the
tendency towards corruption particularly the Military Governors who in the bid to impress
the Head of State or Military President or cover up their misrule. They invited media men
from the newspapers head offices in Lagos to visit and assess government programmes and
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activities as if there were no resident correspondents in the states to file such reports. The
editors usually leave the states with bags of adverts plus thank you for coming gifts.
The civilian governors of the second and the aborted third Republic played the same card
and consolidated the foundation of “cooperation and collaboration” between the press and
the Governors. This fixed into the actualisation of the fusion of the authoritarian theory of
the press and the social responsibility theory of the press espoused by ex-Governor of Kano
state, Nigeria Ibrahim Shekarau (2005) when he said:
“Let politicians show the way through competent and prudent state
administration and let media practitioners crystallize their conviction
of a better society through unembellished journalism”.
He advocated cooperation and collaboration between the media and the government for
national development. He argued that Nigeria as a developing country cannot afford the
luxury of the Western media. Good as this position may be, it is important to point out that
cooperation between the two tiers may be essential; collaboration may be abused and has
been abused in the past to the disadvantage of the society globally. In fact that
collaboration is the source of the current flanks against the press.
The state Governors in the past collaborated and are still collaborating with the media in
Nigeria, the result is the political corruption of the media. Other tiers of government
particularly the National Assembly followed. Media mangers were allocated lands in choice
areas of Lagos and Abuja at no costs or cost paid for by proxies of the big wig politicians. The
behavioural pattern became what is called “sharing part of the national cake”. Therefore the
media lost steam in the race against corruption and could not focus on mismanagement in
the states. Governors or Government, Commissioners or Ministers with effective
propaganda team or machinery got away with no governance. As a result of this
development, some journalists sold the media for personal political or economic gains.
Chapter II, section 22 of the 1999 constitution stated in clear terms the obligation of the
media to hold the government accountable to the people. It states:
“The press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media should at
all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this
chapter and uphold the accountability of the government to the people”.
This section in the spirit and letters of the constitution did not envisage collaboration
between government and the media, The emphasis here is UPHOLD the ACCOUNTABILITY
of the GOVERNMRNT to the PEOPLE. And this is where the press drew flanks from the
public and other professional bodies. Can the press under the above circumstances play the
lead role of the war against corruption? A Yoruba proverb said: “If a luggage on the head of
man is dangling a good observer must look at his legs if they are wobbling. If he has a ‘K’ leg
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his plight will be understandable, if not there must be another reason. All that were stated
above was to provide a periscopes view of the media to understand the wobbling legs and
the dangling luggage on its head at the critical and historical moment in Nigeria.
The course of the Nigerian media on the road to the present state of public discontent
could also be traced to the commercialisation of the media, and this must be examined in
other to appreciate another point of departure from the recognised tradition of the media
in the country.
COMMERCILISATION OF THE MEDIA
The collapse of the Nigeria economy between mid-1980 and 1990 occasioned by the drastic
fall in the international market price of crude oil created an imbalance in the management
of the economy. A barrel of crude oil sold for as low as nine Naira US Dollars per barrel. The
government was forced to seek foreign loan from the IMF. This was resisted by the public
with the media as the popular platform for the rejection. The consequence was the
devaluation of the Naira in quick succession. In 1987 one dollar was exchanged for N3.5 the
slide continued progressively to the current level which is above N150 to one USD. This led
to huge capital flight, brain drain and closure of several manufacturing industries which
hitherto provided employment for many Nigerians. Newspapers were first casualty of the
economic crisis. Newspaper circulation plummeted. The middle class, the core of newspaper
readership, was wiped out and this affected newspapers revenue. The collapse of the
manufacturing sector also led to the closure of many industries this consequently crashed
the advertisement market for newspapers. Many newspapers went under.
The media resorted to “ingenious” way to survive the crises. One of such was the
commercialisation of the pages of newspapers. Many products tagged “special focus”,
“special project” or “special report” on virtually all subjects under the sun took the centre
stage of newspapering in Nigeria. Many specialised pages directed at specific sectors of the
economy were also introduced all targeted at the shrinking advertisement market. The
patrons of these products were oligopolistic multinationals, emerging local oil companies
and beverage manufacturers. Another aspect of recourse to survival tactics was the
acceptance of advertorials by all the newspapers. What ordinarily will not be giving editorial
space became acceptable as advertorials using unprintable languages with many resulting in
label or criminal defamation. According to Iain Stevenson (2005), advertorials “masquerade
as editorial copies but in reality are simply to promote products” with all the trappings of
and editorial copies. In the United Kingdom advertorials are common with consumer based
publications but in Nigerian it is common occurrence in quality national and regional
newspapers. Many journalists became advertorial consultants while still serving as editors.
Many of these advertorials carry by-lines without carrying advertorial notices
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Journalists became hunters for adverts, special reports and other “projects” on their beats
from where they derived ten percent commissions both ways to survive the economic crisis.
The ingenious politicians and the organised private sector managers attached condition for
patronage, only those papers with friendly disposition got adverts and placement on ‘special
report’ or ‘focus.’ Thus the foundation for monumental cover up of fraud which led to the
collapse of many second generation banks in the early 1990s was also laid.
Those in government got away with no governance at all levels while the private sector
manipulated annual reports and stocks performance recklessly. Budget allocations for
projects vanished into the tin air. The media could hardly stand up to fight the perpetrators
because of the struggle to meet financial obligations to workers and capital regeneration.
Only the Concord, the Guardian, Tribune and New Nigeria could survive the category B
economic hurricane. Vanguard and The Punch also waded through the storm with pains.
THE EMERGENCE OF JUNK JOURNALISM
Many journalists who lost their jobs formed coalition for junk publications called “soft sell”
magazine or newspapers to user in the Nigeria version of American Yellow journalism.
Blackmail barefaced lies and falsehood, sensationalism and under the table negotiations
became a common phenomenon. Sanctity of ethics and professional no longer mattered..
Sexisms, pub-rumour, slander topped the table in the junk media houses. The bigger the
falsehood peddled by some journalists, the bigger the settlement. The word “settlement”
became an all pervading slogan. And the media lost public trust. Recourse to the court of
law for libel and defamation did not help. Most of the junk publications had mobile or
portfolio offices with only desk and type writers in some of the rented offices. The Printing
of the junk magazine was warehoused and printers change as chameleon that changes
colour with its immediate environment.
If the junk papers and magazines were bad, the National Dailies were not completely
innocent. The specials reports or special focuses or special projects provided avenue for the
germination of veritable corruption. Both the political and business community elites used
the situation to maximum advantage. Money, advertisement and special reports ruled the
media. From the front page solos adverts advanced to half page and later to wrapped-up
advert with mast head at the front and back pages in virtually all newspapers became the
norms. The GSM years brought commercialisation of the press to full cycle. The editorial
content plummeted and the character of the Nigeria Newspaper changed. The journalists
joined the rat race for the good things of life. Settlement became the game for all classes of
journalist.
THE WAY FORWARD
However, the level of corruption in Nigerian media cannot wait for self cleansing of the
American yellow journalism era. The pioneers of the American yellow journalism have
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become legendary reformers and contributors to the development of the noble profession
of the pen. Donald Ferguson, J. Patten and Brandly Wilson (2005) listed Joseph Pulitzer and
William Dandolph Hearts as pioneer of yellow journalism. Both of whom, they recalled, are
the icon of modern global journalism today. Pulitzer established the Great Colombia School
of Journalist. He also instituted annual international awards in all field of journalism for
practising journalists globally while Hearts established foundations for training and
retraining of journalist in American universities.
The Daily Times Group which pioneered Journalism training in Nigeria was killed technically
by the government like the protagonist of Babatunde Jose must go posted in 1976, Daily
Times group was too big and powerful to be left in the hands of a professionally courageous
and business minded people of mode of Jose. From privatisation to reprivatisation, the Daily
times remained in comatose. The Nigeria Institute of Journalism NIJ founded by the NPAN
and NPO remains good legacy and the only monotechnics in Nigeria for journalist education.
However, there are many universities and polytechnics offering mass communication all
over Nigeria, which has raised the scale of performance expectations from Nigeria
journalist. Therefore:
1. It will be rewarding and productive to make journalism ethics a core subject in all the
schools of journalism nationwide.
2. The universities and polytechnics should adopt the British model of attracting
veteran journalist to the academic to join in the new ethical rebirth in Nigeria
journalism. All impediment or academic regulation that could hold back the veterans
in coming into the academic arena should be waved.
3. It is also important, not minding objection by journalists for the government to
reintroduced media council bill to follow up the freedom of information Act or in the
alternative.
4. The Freedom of Information Act should be amended to accommodate a journalism
regulatory body or commission to take charge of, and be responsible for:
i.
Journalism training standard for all universities and polytechnics in Nigeria offering
course in journalism and mass communication.
ii.
Establishment entry qualification for would be journalist in Nigeria without which
nobody will be admitted to the practice of journalism.
iii.
Establishment of penalty for violators of the media on Freedom of Information Act as
may be amended with regards for discipline decorum and professional ethnics.
iv.
A clearly spelt out code of ethics devoid of ambiguity or caveats that may be
employed to oppress or suppress the media and media practitioners.
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v.
Annual rating standard for magazine and newspapers or mass circulating journals,
news letter or the likes in Nigeria.
vi.
Journalists Workman Protection Act (WPA) against exploitation and ban on
casualization on employment trial in all media houses nationwide or an amendment
of the Freedom of Information Act to accommodate this point.
vii.
A scale of service similar to that of other professional bodies should be established
for journalists and minimum wage should be enforced under the law
viii.
An oath of service to be taken by all journalists on the point of employment similar
to that of the NMA may also be introduced.
ix.
The Nigeria Union of Journalist should be completely professionalised and made to
play key roles in the established commission or body for journalism practice Nigeria.
This nine point agenda or rule of engagement for media and media men may be resisted by
journalist and some media owners for the fear of unknown and the known tendency for
absolute power to corrupt absolutely. But the fear of possible abuse is not a sufficient
reason to shy away from a productive rewarding regulatory agency that will bring sanity and
respectability back to the Nigeria media. The current level of bad eggs in the media
demands resolute courage and affirmative action no matter the challenges of misgivings or
criticism from any quarters. Journalist, veteran, and contemporary are all united for change,
positive change that will enthrone professional efficiency, ethics, responsibility, dignity and
discipline.
CONCLUSION.
Every profession has challenging moments that may be institutional or environmental or
professional. There must also be moments of reflection to engage in self appraisal with the
objective changing with changing times for greater productivity and professional efficiency.
The challenge facing the Nigeria media is multi-pasted and only a multiple or combination of
multiple therapy can address the situation. The government, the practitioners, the academic
community with media specialisation and media patrons should join hands together for a
new beginning in media and journalism in Nigeria. The suggestions above may be a good
starting point. No profession should be left to the whims and caprices of the practitioners as
it is with journalism in Nigeria.
REFFRENCES
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1. Richard Keeble: Print Journalism,
London and New York.(2005)
A
Critical
Introduction
Routeledge,
2. Iain Stevenson: Profit, Public Interest: The Business of Newspapers.2005 IN Print
Journalism A Critical Introduction.(Ibid)
3. Negrime. R. : Politics and Mass Media in Britain 1994 Routeledge. London and Ney
York
4. Koss. J. : The Rise and Fall of Political Press in Britain 1998 Sweets and Maxwell
5. Donald L. Ferguson, Jim Patten and Brandley Wilson: Journalism Today, McGrawHill
Glencoe Company Incorporated 2005
6. Oyovbaire, Sam and Tunji Olagunju: Crisis of Democratization in Nigeria; Selected
Speeches of IBB Volume III (1996) Malthouse Press Ltd.
7. Tunji Olagunju, Adele Jinadu, Sam Oyovbaire: Transition to Democracy In
Nigeria(1985-1993) Safari Books Export Limited (1993).
8. Dipo Onabanjo: NUJ Seminar Report on “Nigeria Media and the Challenge of
Democracy (2), Telltab Communications Lagos. (2005)
9. Afolayan A.O :Life-Long Education, Libraries and Underdevelopment; The Case in
Nigeria Vol I No. I (1998).
10. B. J Dudley (1972): Instability and political Order in Nigerai; university of Ibadan
Press Ibadan.
15
s
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